1941 - Restarting Persia #1-60
Author: 可乐不加冰块
Date: 2025-12-28T07:39:09+00:00

Chapter 1: Prologue

January 1, 1941. Reza Shah’s reforms had brought Western holidays to Iran, and the streets of Tehran were adorned with exquisite silk banners to celebrate the arrival of New Year’s Day.

Passersby, to varying degrees, felt a touch of joy at the New Year’s arrival. Now, only in this small Middle Eastern nation, far from the European continent, could one find a semblance of peace and tranquility.

Since Reza Shah’s reforms began, Iran, once a closed-off country, had started to actively embrace modernization. Although the vast rural areas and border provinces remained much as they had been, the imperial capital of Tehran had begun to take on the form of a modern city.

The beautiful silk decorations stretched from Tehran’s central avenue all the way to the Golestan Palace, where Reza Shah and his family resided. Unlike the festive atmosphere outside the palace, the air inside was heavy with tension.

In a room within the Golestan Palace, two men with similar features were engaged in a heated argument.

“Father, we must make sacrifices now! Those Germans cannot stay in our country any longer!” Pahlavi stared intently at his father, Reza Shah, his voice low but fierce.

Seeing Reza Shah unmoved, Pahlavi continued, “I know Germany is invincible on the European continent. Last June, France even surrendered to them. But no matter how powerful Germany is in Europe, it has nothing to do with us. Because we are in the Middle East! We are surrounded by Britain, India, and the Soviet Union!”

Reza Shah’s eyes flickered slightly. After hearing Pahlavi’s words, his resolve wavered, but then he shook his head. Looking at his son, he advised, “Child, we don’t have to side with Germany or Britain. Neutrality is our choice.”

Hearing Reza Shah’s words, Pahlavi thought to himself: Neutrality? Impossible! In his past life, following Reza Shah’s policy of neutrality, Britain and the Soviet Union would invade Tehran within a few months!

That’s right, Pahlavi was a transmigrator. In his past life, he had been an enthusiast of Iranian history and an orphan. After a long internal struggle, he had quit his job and was preparing to travel alone to Iran by plane. However, the plane crashed, and when he woke up, he had become the newly born Pahlavi.

Born into the Pahlavi family, Pahlavi was fortunate. After transmigrating, he had a wealthy family and a loving household. Unlike traditional royal families, Pahlavi’s father, Reza Shah, was born a farmer, so the family bonds were deeper. Additionally, Pahlavi had shown intelligence from a young age, and Reza Shah had seen him as his successor early on.

For this reason, Pahlavi was desperate to change his father’s fate, not wanting Reza Shah to be exiled by the British and Soviet forces as he had been in his past life, dying in a foreign land.

Pahlavi decided to try once more to persuade his father. “Father, neutrality is impossible. Keeping those Germans here may seem like a way to develop our country, but in the eyes of the British, it is a sign that we are siding with the Germans.” Pahlavi paused slightly, looking at Reza Shah before continuing, “Moreover, the British and Italians are locked in a fierce battle in North Africa. Iran is the necessary route connecting British India and North Africa. For the safety of the North African front and British India, the British will surely take action against us.”

Seeing Reza Shah’s hesitation, Pahlavi pressed on, “Father, please trust me this time! You know I have never been wrong in my judgments!” With that, Pahlavi looked at Reza Shah anxiously, saying no more.

After listening to Pahlavi, Reza Shah furrowed his brows tightly, his mind in turmoil for a long time. Then, his entire body relaxed, as if he had made a decision.

“Child, I agree with your idea,” Reza Shah said slowly.

Seeing Reza Shah’s agreement, Pahlavi’s expression relaxed. Then he heard Reza Shah say, “But I hope you understand that as a king, every action we take affects the fate of the entire nation.”

“Yes, Father. I will always remember that!” Pahlavi replied sincerely.

Seeing Pahlavi’s sincere attitude, Reza Shah decided to entrust Iran to Pahlavi ahead of time. He said to Pahlavi, “I will go to Isfahan to rest for a while. The affairs of the country will be left to you for now. I have faith in you, child.”

Hearing this, Pahlavi solemnly promised, “Father, I will not disappoint you!”

Then Pahlavi turned and left the room.

As soon as Pahlavi stepped out of the room, Hossein Fardust, who had been waiting outside, immediately approached him. “Your Highness, did His Majesty agree to your request?”

“Father agreed to my request and decided to let me manage the country temporarily!” Pahlavi replied calmly.

“Congratulations, Your Highness! Now you can fully realize your ambitions!” Fardust enthusiastically congratulated.

Facing Fardust’s congratulations, Pahlavi couldn’t help but smile. Then he said to Fardust, “Tomorrow I will meet with Prime Minister Ali Mansur. I hope everything goes smoothly! Let’s go back to the palace!”

“Yes, Your Highness!”

Chapter 2: Domestic Situation

As night fell, Pahlavi returned to his chambers.

Today, Reza Shah had temporarily entrusted Iran to Pahlavi, who was eager to transform the nation. Seated at his desk, Pahlavi began to meticulously review Iran’s current state.

Since Reza Shah’s coup and the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, Iran had been advancing toward secularization and modernization.

Pahlavi’s father, Reza Shah, saw himself as Iran’s Atatürk. However, due to Iran’s unique circumstances, the country remained a monarchy rather than becoming a republic.

Before Pahlavi took charge, Reza Shah had already implemented nearly twenty years of reforms, encompassing every aspect of Iranian society—religion, law, industry, military, education, and ethnicity.

Given that Reza Shah’s reforms had achieved some success in the original timeline, Pahlavi did not interfere excessively. He only offered suggestions on certain reforms, particularly emphasizing the need for a heavy-handed approach against the Yellow Moon Sect in religious reforms.

Leveraging his absolute control over the military, Reza Shah stripped the Yellow Moon Sect of its influence in administration, education, and law.

Yet, Pahlavi remained unsatisfied. In the future, he intended to further suppress the sect’s power. In his vision for Iran, clerics should remain nothing more than clerics.

Regarding population, under Pahlavi’s advice, Reza Shah had implemented policies encouraging childbirth. By 1941, Iran’s population had reached seventeen million and two hundred thousand—two million and two hundred thousand more than the original timeline’s fifteen million.

Ethnic policies followed Reza Shah’s original reforms, promoting assimilation. Minorities in Iran were subjected to Persianization, with all schools required to use Persian, banning other languages.

Additionally, Iran introduced identity cards. Pahlavi had suggested to Reza Shah that if any Azerbaijani had a Persian relative within three generations, they could register as Persian.

Reza Shah found this proposal feasible and adopted it.

The harsh ethnic policies were primarily due to the large Azerbaijani population in Iran, accounting for twenty to thirty percent of the total. Assimilating them would strengthen the regime.

Azerbaijanis were also susceptible to assimilation, often referred to as “Turkified Persians.” Long-term coexistence had led to many mixed families.

Under these policies, many Azerbaijanis chose to register as Persians to avoid discrimination. Though they might not immediately identify as Persians, their children would grow up as true Persians. Over time, the false would become real.

By the population census, Persians made up seventy-eight percent, Azerbaijanis twelve percent, Kurds five percent, and other groups like Turkmens, Bedouins, and Balochs accounted for the remaining five percent.

Economically, Iran’s GNP in 1940 was two billion dollars. Compared to major powers—America at one hundred and twenty billion, the Soviet Union at thirty billion, Britain at forty billion, Germany at sixty billion, Japan at twenty billion, and even Italy at ten billion—Iran’s economy was far behind, on par with second-tier nations like Yugoslavia and Romania.

This was understandable. Pahlavi was still satisfied with Iran’s economic progress, considering its late development and smaller population. Increasing the population was a top priority—only then could Iran advance further.

In industry and infrastructure, Iran had nearly two thousand enterprises by 1941, covering textiles, agricultural processing, steel mills, and arms factories. Both light and heavy industries had seen development.

Iran had also built fourteen thousand kilometers of roads and a trans-Iranian railway from Bandar in the Persian Gulf to Shahpur by the Caspian Sea, spanning approximately one thousand four hundred kilometers.

Militarily, Reza Shah had modernized Iran’s forces, conscripting nomadic tribesmen into the army. Through military culture, these soldiers were molded into loyalists, further weakening the southern nomadic tribes.

After organizing all the domestic data, Pahlavi rubbed his temples, easing the headache from prolonged thought.

After a while, he stood and walked to his bed, lying down without changing. The ornate crystal chandelier above him cast a brilliant glow, yet sleep eluded him for a long time.

Chapter 3: Morning Meeting

The next day, Pahlavi rose early and made his way to the dining hall of Golestan Palace.

Reza Shah was preparing to depart for Isfahan the following day. To ensure Pahlavi could hold sway over the various factions in Tehran, Reza Shah decided to lend his support by summoning representatives from all major factions within Iran to Golestan Palace for a meal.

Guided by a palace attendant, Pahlavi walked down a long corridor before entering the dining hall where Reza Shah was meeting with the faction representatives.

As the attendant quietly pushed open the door, Pahlavi, accompanied by Fardoust, stepped into the hall.

The long table in the center of the hall was already filled with people dressed in various styles, though the head seat and the seat beside it remained empty—reserved for Reza Shah and Pahlavi.

Upon seeing Pahlavi enter, the attendees rose and bowed in greeting: “Your Highness, may Allah grant you peace.”

Pahlavi nodded slightly in acknowledgment before taking his seat beside the head of the table. Fardoust stood respectfully behind him.

Once Pahlavi was seated, murmurs began to spread among the attendees.

“Do you know why His Majesty summoned us this morning?” asked Maryam Ahmad, the Minister of Education, to her neighbor, Foreign Minister Strong Sabbah.

Instead of answering directly, Sabbah glanced at Pahlavi before replying, “It might have something to do with His Highness Pahlavi.”

“His Majesty arrives!” The guard at the entrance announced, interrupting the whispers.

Reza Shah entered the hall, surrounded by his attendants. The ministers, who had been murmuring moments before, stood and bowed deeply in greeting: “Your Majesty, may Allah grant you peace!”

Reza Shah waved his hand dismissively before taking his seat at the head of the table.

“Be seated,” he said, noticing the ministers still standing in deference.

“Thank you, Your Majesty,” they replied before carefully sitting down.

“I have called you all here today to inform you of an important matter. I have decided to depart for Isfahan tomorrow to inspect the southern regions of the empire. During my absence from Tehran, all matters—great and small—will be entrusted to Pahlavi, who will make the final decisions.”

As soon as Reza Shah finished speaking, the previously quiet hall erupted into noise. The attendees exchanged hurried whispers, struggling to process the shocking news.

“Silence!” The chief guard behind Reza Shah shouted, restoring order.

Prime Minister Ali Mansour, who had remained silent until now, stood up. He first bowed to Reza Shah and Pahlavi before speaking: “Your Majesty, Prince Pahlavi is blessed by Allah and has been wise since childhood. However, he is still young and inexperienced. You should reconsider this decision.”

Pahlavi had anticipated opposition to Reza Shah’s announcement, but he hadn’t expected the first to object would be the highest-ranking civil official, Prime Minister Mansour.

Though Reza Shah held absolute authority in Iran, Mansour, as Prime Minister, still wielded considerable influence.

Sure enough, after Mansour’s objection, Minister of Agriculture Mervin Alfaro followed suit: “Your Majesty, it is not that we distrust Prince Pahlavi. It is just that the world situation is extremely precarious, and Iran still needs your leadership!”

One by one, the ministers voiced their objections, urging Reza Shah to continue governing.

As Minister Alfaro had said, Mansour and the others were not against Pahlavi himself—they simply lacked confidence in him. Pahlavi was still too young.

“Silence!” Reza Shah raised his hand, stopping the ministers from continuing their pleas.

Once the hall had quieted, he continued: “I understand your doubts about Pahlavi’s abilities. How about this—while I am inspecting the south, you may send me copies of all matters. If I find any decisions unsatisfactory, I will correct them in time.”

Hearing this, Mansour and the others, who had initially opposed the arrangement, weighed the proposal and agreed.

Seeing no further objections, Reza Shah smiled and said, “Since no one opposes, Pahlavi, share your thoughts.”

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Pahlavi, who had been sitting beside Reza Shah, quickly stood up in response.

He surveyed the ministers at the table. The Prime Minister stared at him expressionlessly, while the others regarded him with indifference, suspicion, or solemnity.

Facing them, Pahlavi began to speak slowly.

Chapter 4: The Discussion’s Outcome

“Iran must join the Allied Nations as soon as possible!” Pahlavi surveyed the ministers seated around the dining table, his expression resolute.

The moment he finished speaking, the hall erupted into noise once more.

Not giving the ministers time to react, Pahlavi continued, “We must not only join the Allied Nations but also hand over the Germans in our country to the British!”

With that, Pahlavi calmly observed the seated ministers, waiting for their counterarguments.

As expected, Prime Minister Mansour was the first to stand in opposition. “Your Highness, why should we abandon our neutrality and join the Allied Nations? The British will only continue to exploit us. Cooperating with them is like making a deal with a tiger for its skin!”

Pahlavi had no fear of the British. Once World War II ended, the British Empire would crumble.

But Mansour and the others were unaware of Britain’s current weakness, still believing it to be the mighty empire it once was.

However, with so many eyes and ears in the meeting, there might be foreign agents among them.

Pahlavi chose not to elaborate further, simply stating, “Joining the Allied Nations isn’t about gaining anything. It’s about self-preservation.”

Self-preservation? Mansour and the others exchanged puzzled glances.

Pahlavi then repeated to Mansour and the others the same argument he had used to convince Reza Shah the day before.

After hearing Pahlavi’s explanation, the ministers began to seriously consider his words.

Those who had risen to the position of minister were political veterans. Pahlavi’s words struck a chord with them.

“If we continue our current relationship with Germany, the British are indeed likely to attack us!” Foreign Minister Strong Sabbah, who had remained silent until now, suddenly spoke up.

“Sabbah! Have you taken British money?” Industrial Minister Jakeli Tangna stood up, glaring at Sabbah.

Sabbah retaliated, “I think it’s you who’s taken German money! As the Industrial Minister, you’ve had plenty of dealings with the Germans!”

“Enough!” Reza Shah, who had been stopping the Foreign Minister and the Industrial Minister from continuing their argument, finally put an end to the discussion about joining the Allied Nations. “I have already agreed to join the Allied Nations.”

“Your Majesty! We cannot join the Allied Nations!” Industrial Minister Tangna tried to salvage the situation.

“Nonsense!”

Reza Shah gave Industrial Minister Tangna no further chance to persuade him and left with his entourage of guards.

Seeing that he could not convince Reza Shah, Industrial Minister Tangna decided to try persuading Pahlavi, who was still in the hall.

“Your Highness.”

But Pahlavi gave him no such opportunity, taking Fardoust with him as he followed Reza Shah’s group out of the hall.

(AdProvider = window.AdProvider || []).push({“serve”: {}}); Leaving only the ministers in the hall, exchanging uncertain glances.

After leaving the hall, Pahlavi turned to Fardoust behind him and instructed, “Hussein, keep an eye on these ministers. After they leave, bring Foreign Minister Sabbah to my study alone.”

“Yes, Your Highness.” Fardoust responded seriously.

After giving his instructions, Pahlavi strode back to his chambers.

…………

The ministers in the hall, after their initial exchange of uncertain glances, began conversing with each other again. Unable to reach a conclusion, they left the hall one by one.

As Foreign Minister Sabbah stepped out of the hall, Fardoust, who had been waiting outside for some time, immediately approached him.

“Minister Sabbah, His Highness is waiting for you in his study. Please follow me.” Fardoust said respectfully.

Sabbah recognized Fardoust as Pahlavi’s confidant and dared not delay.

“Very well, thank you.”

With that, Sabbah followed Fardoust away.

The other ministers, seeing Sabbah leave with Fardoust, regretted not speaking up earlier in support of His Highness. Perhaps then, they too would have received such favor.

The ministers’ guesses were correct. Pahlavi was indeed impressed with Sabbah, not only because he had supported him earlier but also because of his position as Foreign Minister and his understanding of international affairs.

A country’s Foreign Minister must correctly assess their nation’s international situation and geopolitical standing; otherwise, the country’s diplomacy would be in peril.

“Knock, knock, knock.”

“Come in.”

Fardoust opened the door and led Sabbah into Pahlavi’s study. After Sabbah entered, Fardoust gently closed the study door and stood behind Pahlavi, quietly waiting.

This was the unspoken understanding between Fardoust and Pahlavi. Pahlavi was meeting a minister he wasn’t familiar with alone in his study, and Fardoust wasn’t at ease. Fardoust was not only Pahlavi’s companion and brother but also his personal attendant, always responsible for Pahlavi’s safety.

Pahlavi gestured to the sofa across from him and said to Sabbah, “Please, have a seat, Minister Sabbah.”

“Thank you, Your Highness.” Sabbah couldn’t very well refuse and sat on the sofa across from Pahlavi.

Sabbah looked at Pahlavi, who was smiling at him, and asked with a hint of confusion, “I wonder why Your Highness has summoned me.”

“It’s nothing major. I just wanted to ask Minister Sabbah to personally handle the matter of our country joining the Allied Nations.” Pahlavi straightforwardly revealed the reason he had invited Sabbah to his study.

Chapter 5: The British Embassy

“This…” Foreign Minister Sabah pondered for a moment. If he pushed Iran to join the Allied Nations and the war ended in failure, he would undoubtedly be branded a traitor to the nation as the one who had personally orchestrated it all.

But he had just stood in the hall in support of His Highness Pahlavi’s push for Iran to join the Allied Nations. This was also a golden opportunity for him. If he succeeded, his standing with His Highness Pahlavi would rise, and who knew—perhaps he might even ascend to the position of Prime Minister one day!

After weighing the pros and cons, Sabah decisively accepted the task assigned by Pahlavi. “As you command, Your Highness!”

Seeing his objective achieved, Pahlavi smiled warmly and struck up a conversation with Sabah, using the opportunity to strengthen their bond.

Noticing Pahlavi’s goodwill, Sabah understood the unspoken message and took the initiative to brief him on Iran’s political landscape.

By the time Sabah emerged from Pahlavi’s study, it was already noon.

Instead of lingering in Golestan Palace, Sabah headed straight for the palace’s parking lot.

Golestan Palace was the largest palace complex in Iran. In the original timeline, both Reza Shah and Pahlavi had been crowned there. Additionally, Reza Shah had used the palace as his office and reception hall for ministers and foreign envoys during spring and winter.

To facilitate better communication with his officials, Reza Shah had designated a section of Golestan Palace as a parking area.

Before long, Sabah reached his official car.

Mandi, the driver who had been waiting near the vehicle, hurried over as soon as he saw Sabah emerge. He opened the car door and shielded the top of the frame with one hand to prevent Sabah from bumping his head.

Once Sabah was seated, Mandi took his place behind the wheel.

“Sir, shall we return to the residence directly?” Mandi asked softly, turning his head slightly toward Sabah.

“No, take me to the British Embassy first,” Sabah decided. He needed to complete the task assigned by His Highness Pahlavi.

With the destination confirmed, Mandi slowly started the car and drove toward the British Embassy.

Inside the car, Sabah began contemplating how to negotiate with the British ambassador to secure Iran’s interests.

He felt that Iran was being too hasty in joining the Allied Nations. The situation in Britain itself was already dire. If they waited a little longer, perhaps the British would come knocking on Iran’s door with an invitation.

Saba’s reasoning was sound. Soon enough, the British would indeed come calling—but not with an invitation letter. They would arrive with cannons and tanks.

“Sir, we’ve arrived,” Mandi whispered, reminding Sabah, who was still deep in thought.

“Mmm.”

After stepping out of the car, Sabah headed straight for the British Embassy in Iran.

The two British soldiers guarding the embassy entrance stopped him when they saw him approaching, as they did not recognize him.

“I am Sabah, the Foreign Minister of Iran. I have urgent business with the British Ambassador!” Sabah stated calmly, despite being halted.

The two embassy guards, upon hearing his declaration, dared not detain him further.

“Please wait here for a moment. I’ll go inform them,” one of the guards said before turning and entering the guard post to make a call.

Saba stood expressionless at the embassy gate while the other guard watched him warily. Though Sabah appeared composed, he was seething inside.

As the Foreign Minister of a sovereign nation, being treated like a suspect and made to wait outside the embassy was infuriating. If not for the task assigned by His Highness Pahlavi, Sabah would have turned on his heel and left immediately.

Soon, the guard who had gone to make the call returned to the gate and whispered something into the other guard’s ear.

“Please wait a little longer. Someone will be out to receive you shortly,” one of the guards said to Sabah.

Saba had no choice but to continue waiting.

“Minister Sabah, thank you for your patience. Please follow me. The ambassador is waiting for you inside.”

After what felt like an eternity, Sabah looked toward the source of the voice—the embassy. A British man in a traditional English tailcoat emerged from the building.

“Your embassy certainly has a lot of nerve, making the Foreign Minister of a nation wait at the door for so long!” Sabah couldn’t help but sneer when he saw that the man was Fon Berry, the British Minister to Iran.

Minister Berry was unfazed. He smiled and replied, “Minister Sabah, we are truly honored by your visit. However, due to the current crisis on the front lines, many of our guards have been redeployed. The new recruits haven’t had the chance to familiarize themselves with all the ministers. Please bear with us. I will certainly ensure they are properly briefed.”

“Hmph!” Sabah let out a cold snort, seeing his jab effortlessly deflected.

“Lead the way!” He didn’t want to waste any more time on this matter. Completing His Highness Pahlavi’s task was far more important.

“Of course, Minister Sabah,” Minister Berry replied, still smiling.

With that, Minister Berry turned and entered the embassy, with Sabah following closely behind.

Chapter 6: Anglo-Iranian Cooperation

The British Embassy in Iran was a traditional Persian-style building, with a long corridor stretching from the entrance all the way to the innermost room of the embassy.

As Saba walked along the corridor, he took in the embassy’s interior. The diplomatic staff bustled through the hallway, but each one paused to greet Beri as they passed. Some recognized Saba as well, offering greetings after acknowledging Beri, to which Saba responded warmly.

Envoy Beri led Saba to the door of the innermost room. “We’ve arrived, Lord Saba. The ambassador is waiting for you inside,” Beri said, opening the door and turning to address Saba, who had been following closely behind.

Saba nodded slightly and entered the room.

Inside, he saw the British Ambassador to Iran, Elias Wilkinson, sitting at a desk piled high with documents, writing something. As Saba observed him, Wilkinson set down his pen, rose from his chair, and approached Saba, leading him to the reception area where they sat face to face.

After a brief exchange of pleasantries, Wilkinson got straight to the point. “Lord Saba, what brings you here today?”

Saba was equally direct. “Ambassador, I come on the orders of His Highness Pahlavi to discuss an alliance between our two nations.”

“What!”

Wilkinson stared at Saba in disbelief. He couldn’t fathom that the Iranians, who had always leaned toward Germany, would abandon the Germans and align themselves with the United Kingdom instead.

Wilkinson had never even considered the possibility of bringing Iran into the Allied Nations. As long as Iran maintained its neutrality, he would have been grateful.

After a moment of shock, Wilkinson regained his composure as a seasoned diplomat.

His Highness Pahlavi’s orders? Wilkinson quickly seized on the key point in Saba’s statement.

“Lord Saba, you mentioned you are acting on His Highness Pahlavi’s orders. What has happened to His Majesty Reza Shah?” Wilkinson asked.

Only then did Saba remember that Reza Shah had just announced that morning that Pahlavi would serve as regent. Apart from the ministers present at the meeting, few others were likely aware of the news.

Realizing this, Saba explained to Wilkinson, “That’s correct—it is His Highness Pahlavi. This morning, His Majesty Reza Shah announced that His Highness Pahlavi would serve as regent. His Majesty will be inspecting the southern regions of the empire!”

After hearing Saba’s explanation, Wilkinson suddenly understood why Iran wanted to join the Allied Nations.

Reza Shah was a pro-German monarch. If he were still in power, Iran would never suddenly abandon Germany to side with Britain.

Now that Reza Shah had handed over power to his heir, Pahlavi, Wilkinson speculated that Pahlavi’s political leanings might be more favorable toward Britain. That would explain why Pahlavi was abandoning his father’s long-standing pro-German policy!

Of course, this was all just Wilkinson’s speculation. But regardless of Pahlavi’s true political inclinations, since Iran had expressed an interest in forming an alliance, Wilkinson was determined to make it happen.

This wasn’t just about securing the United Kingdom’s interests in the Middle East—it was also a major achievement that could advance his career!

The war between the United Kingdom and Germany was at a critical juncture. Europe had already fallen entirely, and the German air force’s attacks on the British Isles had been delayed due to poor weather. Meanwhile, British forces in North Africa had begun counterattacks against the Italians. Everything was stabilizing.

If he could now bring a strategically located, pro-German country—Iran—into the United Kingdom’s camp, it would be a tremendous morale boost for the British people!

And he, the one who made it all happen, would be hailed as a hero of the United Kingdom!

The thought brought an uncontrollable smile to Wilkinson’s lips.

Looking at Saba again, Wilkinson felt an unexpected warmth toward the Iranian minister.

“Dear Lord Saba, the United Kingdom welcomes any civilized nation to join us in our fight against the barbaric Germans!” Wilkinson declared, enthusiastically welcoming Iran’s proposal.

Civilized nation? Saba felt a surge of disdain at Wilkinson’s words. So, standing with the British made one civilized, and opposing them made one barbaric?

Though Saba scoffed inwardly at Wilkinson’s statement, he maintained a warm exterior as he responded, “Indeed, Iran has always been a civilized nation. We deeply condemn Germany’s barbaric aggression in Europe. To uphold world peace, Iran will stand with the United Kingdom against German invasion!”

With the pleasantries out of the way, the two nations began negotiating their interests.

“Iran must be given control of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company upon joining the Allied Nations!”

“Impossible! The United Kingdom is a democratic nation. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company is the private property of British citizens. The United Kingdom will never violate the private property of any citizen!”

…

Chapter 7: The Tehran Treaty

After a heated exchange between Saba and Wilkinson, the two parties finally reached an agreement.

The United Kingdom and Iran signed the Tehran Treaty, which stipulated:

1. Iran and the United Kingdom shall mutually respect each other’s territorial integrity.

2. Iran shall dismiss all personnel dispatched by Germany and its allies, handing them over to the United Kingdom for custody. (Scientists and technical personnel are exempt.)

3. Iran shall declare war on Germany and join the Allied Nations.

4. Allied soldiers shall be permitted to pass through Iranian territory until the end of the war, but they shall not enter within three hundred kilometers of the capital, Tehran.

5. Iran’s share in the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company shall increase from twenty percent to thirty-five percent, with all other terms remaining unchanged.

6. The United Kingdom shall provide technical support for Iran’s industrial and military upgrades.

…

The remaining clauses are omitted.

With the matter settled, a pleased Wilkinson extended his hand to Saba and said, “A pleasure doing business with you, Saba.”

“A pleasure indeed!” Saba responded with a smile, allowing Wilkinson to shake his hand. After all, the treaty they had signed was exactly what he had hoped for.

Saba then added, “Mr. Wilkinson, now that the treaty is signed, I must return to report to His Highness Pahlavi. I won’t stay any longer.”

With that, Saba left the embassy. As soon as he got into the car, he instructed the driver, Mandi, “To Golestan Palace!”

Without a word, Mandi drove the car back to Golestan Palace.

Upon arriving at Golestan Palace, Saba approached the guards at the inner palace entrance and requested an audience with Pahlavi.

As Iran’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Saba frequently entered and exited Golestan Palace, so the guards at the inner palace entrance all recognized him.

“Yes, Minister Saba, I will inform His Highness at once,” the guard replied, quickly relaying Saba’s request to see Pahlavi.

Before long, a maid emerged from the inner palace and approached Saba. She bowed slightly and said, “Minister Saba, please follow me. His Highness Pahlavi awaits you in the inner palace garden.”

Saba acknowledged with a soft sound and followed the maid through the winding palace corridors until they reached the inner palace garden.

The garden was not large, covering about twenty acres, with a lifelike stone fountain at its center. (The author couldn’t find Iranian agricultural units, so if anyone knows, please inform the author.)

Although it was January and Tehran had entered winter, the garden remained lush with various rare and precious plants collected by Reza Shah from around the world, specifically to adorn this royal garden.

Upon entering the garden, Saba soon spotted Pahlavi.

At that moment, Pahlavi was seated in a pavilion by the rectangular pool in front of the fountain, admiring the trees and enjoying nature. Fardoust remained by his side, as always.

Seeing the maid bring Saba, Pahlavi shifted his gaze from the plants to Saba.

Saba quickly approached Pahlavi, bowed with his hand over his chest, and reported the results of his negotiations with the British ambassador, Wilkinson.

“Your Highness, I have just concluded negotiations with the British ambassador to Iran, Wilkinson, regarding Iran’s entry into the Allied Nations. Here are the details of the treaty. Please review them.”

Pahlavi took the document from Saba and began flipping through the pages. Upon seeing that Iran’s share in the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company had increased from twenty percent to thirty-five percent, he was already satisfied.

After briefly reviewing all the clauses, Pahlavi said with satisfaction, “Minister Saba, you have done an excellent job in these negotiations! From now on, all diplomatic matters with the Allied Nations will be under your responsibility. I hope you continue to serve diligently.”

“Yes, Your Highness! I will fulfill my duties to the best of my ability and serve you faithfully!” Saba replied excitedly, not just because of Pahlavi’s praise but also because of the promise that all diplomatic affairs with the Allied Nations would be entrusted to him. This not only meant an increase in his authority but also an opportunity to further enhance his political achievements.

Of course, with greater power came greater risk. If any diplomatic incident went awry, he would undoubtedly bear the blame.

After Saba finished his report, Pahlavi dismissed him, remaining in the garden with Fardoust.

Fardoust, who had been standing behind Pahlavi the entire time, looked at him with some confusion, unable to understand why Pahlavi was willing to plunge Iran into the depths of war just for a slight increase in shares of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and the promise of British technical support!

However, due to his usual restraint, Fardoust did not question Pahlavi.

The perceptive Pahlavi met Fardoust’s gaze and noticed his doubts.

He began to explain, “You must be wondering why I would take such a great risk for such meager gains?”

Fardoust nodded slightly.

Pahlavi continued, “Actually, joining the Allied Nations poses little risk to Iran. To the north, the vast Soviet Union separates us from Germany, and beyond that lie the Armenian Highlands and the Caucasus Mountains—two natural barriers that make Germany no threat to us.

To the west, the Mediterranean Sea and endless deserts stand in the way. The British control the Mediterranean, and crossing the desert would be logistically impossible for the Germans.”

After finishing his analysis, Pahlavi paused for a moment before continuing, “In truth, the technical support and increased shares in the treaty are just icing on the cake.

The real prize hasn’t even been revealed yet!”

Chapter 8: Iran Joins the Alliance

Pahlavi’s true purpose in joining the Allied Nations was, of course, not just for these meager benefits. His real goal was to seize the Kirkuk region of Iraq!

The Kirkuk region is located in the northeastern mountains of Iraq, roughly encompassing the provinces of Erbil, Tamim, Sulaymaniyah, as well as the Tuz Khurmatu district of Salahuddin and the Kifri and Khanaqin districts of Diyala.

At present, no oil has been discovered in the Kirkuk region, and its mountainous terrain has left the local economy impoverished. The population is predominantly Kurdish, which has led to long-standing tensions with the central government in Baghdad.

While the local-central divide provides a favorable condition for Pahlavi to seize Kirkuk, the real opportunity for him to act will come with the uprising led by Iraqi Prime Minister Rashid Ali!

In Pahlavi’s original timeline, in May 1941, Germany, seeking to disrupt British forces in the Middle East, incited Rashid Ali to lead a rebellion, attacking Basra, Habbaniya, and other areas. This threatened Britain’s oil supply, essential for continuing the war.

When Ali attacks Britain, it would be natural for Iran, as Britain’s ally, to send troops! And after sending troops, it would be natural to demand provisions and fees!

Moreover, once Iran occupies Kirkuk, Iran and Iraq will surely become enemies. As the world’s troublemaker, Britain will definitely get involved.

However, these are all Pahlavi’s speculations. He worries that his actions after crossing over might cause a butterfly effect—what if Ali doesn’t launch the uprising?

Thus, Pahlavi does not explain too much to Fardoust. It is enough for him to know that Pahlavi has deeper motives.

…

The next day, on the streets of London, England.

“Extra! Extra! Today’s headline: Iran announces joining the Allied Nations!” A group of children, around twelve or thirteen years old, shout through the war-torn streets of London.

Passing gentlemen generously open their wallets, each eager to get the latest newspaper to learn the details.

After some time, the news of Iran joining the Allied Nations spreads instantly across the British Isles and even the Commonwealth nations. The long-tensed mood of the British people finally relaxes.

This even sparks an “Iran fever” in Britain. Even the noble ladies who usually adore jewelry and ornaments begin to inquire about Iran.

After learning about Iran’s history, Iranian luxury goods become even more sought after by these noble ladies. Some even go so far as to inquire about Pahlavi. When Pahlavi’s photo appears in the private salons of London’s high society, he becomes the frequent guest of many noble ladies’ dreams.

Not only does the British public rejoice over Iran joining the Allied Nations, but the atmosphere in London’s bunkers also lightens. Winston Churchill, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, who usually never parts with his cigar, rarely does not smoke today.

Since Britain declared war on Germany, Churchill’s cigar has only been put down once.

That was when the British Meteorological Office reported that Britain was about to face three months of severe weather, causing Germany to ease its attacks on Britain. Today is the second time!

Yesterday, after receiving the Tehran Treaty from Wilkinson, Churchill signed it without hesitation.

“Prime Minister, with Iran joining the Allied Nations, apart from Iraq, the Allied Nations’ influence now stretches uninterrupted from North Africa to the Strait of Malacca,” says General John Greer Dill, the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, to Churchill, who sits in his chair.

“Iraq has always been under the Empire’s control and is now surrounded by the Allied Nations. I believe it will continue to maintain neutrality.

With Iran joining the Allied Nations, the Empire’s supplies and troops in India and Southeast Asia can be transported directly through Iran by land to Egypt.

The threat from German submarines in the Indian Ocean to the Empire will be greatly reduced. However, Iran’s domestic transportation is poor. Large-scale transport of supplies will likely require rebuilding roads and railways.”

After finishing his analysis, John Greer Dill silently looks at Churchill, who sits with his eyes closed in thought.

After a moment of contemplation, Churchill opens his eyes and says in his distinctive accent, “Build them roads. Compared to losing the war, what is this amount of funding?

Have the War Cabinet Committee draft a document on building a highway through Iran, then contact the Iranian side. We will provide the funds and technology!”

“Yes.”

Germany, East Prussia.

The enraged Führer is raging in the underground bunker of the Wolf’s Lair.

“Damn it! That Iranian scum!” With a furious roar, the Führer slams his steel pen onto the table and stands up from his chair in anger.

Reich Minister of Propaganda Joseph Goebbels stands behind the Führer with his hands behind his back, expressionless. In front of the Führer, Himmler, Meyer, and Abwehr Chief Admiral Wilhelm Franz Canaris do not dare to breathe.

Leaning on the table for a moment, the Führer slowly says, “Canaris, have our people in Iran assassinate Reza Shah and his son! This is an order! Make that ungrateful father and son pay the price!”

Admiral Canaris tightly presses his lips together before speaking, “My Führer, most of our institutions in Iran have lost contact. The few small stations that remain… I think we cannot carry out an assassination in Iran!”

“Damn it!”

Chapter 9: Domestic Reactions

Meanwhile, the Iranian people had mixed reactions to Iran’s entry into the war.

Pahlavi had long anticipated the public’s aversion to war. Therefore, after the signing of the Tehran Treaty, he ordered state-owned media outlets, including the Tehran Daily, to vigorously promote the benefits of the war.

Additionally, Reza Shah’s series of reforms had garnered support from certain segments of the population, particularly the native military forces, nationalists, and feminists.

As Reza Shah’s successor, Pahlavi directly inherited his political influence!

Reza Shah’s reforms in Iran had vigorously promoted nationalism, extolling the superiority of the Persian race. Thus, the nationalists in Iran were naturally Pahlavi’s supporters!

The feminists supported Pahlavi because of Reza Shah’s decree allowing women to go without veils!

In the original timeline, Reza Shah had issued a decree banning women from wearing veils.

This measure not only failed to alleviate the traditionalist oppression faced by Iranian women at the time but also subjected them to dual oppression from both the government and society.

For Iranian women at the time: wearing a veil would result in police forcibly removing it and imposing a hefty fine; not wearing a veil would lead to discrimination or even physical abuse from family and societal members.

The veil ban not only failed to bring the intended benefits to Iranian women, as Reza Shah had hoped, but instead led to a tragedy!

Therefore, the fifteen-year-old Pahlavi persuaded Reza Shah to change the ban on women wearing veils to allowing women to go without veils.

In Pahlavi’s view, freedom imposed by force was not true freedom; granting them the right to choose freely was the essence of freedom!

Of course, merely legislating to allow women to go without veils was insufficient to change Iran’s extremely conservative social landscape at the time. Thus, Reza Shah also decreed that women from the royal family, nobility, and government officials were prohibited from wearing veils in public.

Pahlavi’s sister, Princess Ashraf, often rode in a carriage without a veil, parading through the streets of Tehran to inspire Iranian feminists.

As for the military’s support for Pahlavi’s entry into the war, it was inevitable!

While soldiers in the Iranian military might resent war, the officers were undoubtedly fervent warmongers. Moreover, since the military was essentially controlled by the officers, the powerless soldiers, even if they opposed, had no voice.

Where there were supporters, there were naturally opponents.

First, the largest opposition faction in Iran was the clerical group! Reza Shah’s reforms had severely weakened the clerical group’s power, but even a dying camel is larger than a horse.

Even after enduring a series of suppressions from Reza Shah’s reforms, Iran’s religious forces could still permeate every aspect of society.

Second, the second-largest opposition faction in Iran was the southern tribal forces. Once war broke out, the Tehran authorities would undoubtedly conscript soldiers from the various tribes in southern Iran, further weakening the tribal forces.

However, the tribal forces were primarily located in the deserts, mountains, and wastelands of southern Iran, far from Tehran—the political center of the Empire—so they could only stir up trouble locally, at most inciting a rebellion.

But Pahlavi estimated they wouldn’t dare. After all, they couldn’t even defeat Tehran’s central forces one-on-one, and now with the entire alliance behind them. If they rebelled, it would be like lighting a lantern in a toilet—seeking death.

The streets of Tehran were now in chaos. Religious factions incited their followers to take to the streets in protest, while nationalists gathered to physically confront them. The entire city was in turmoil.

In the end, the nationalists prevailed, dispersing the protesting crowds.

…

The towering and thick walls of Golestan Palace isolated the noisy and chaotic atmosphere of Tehran.

The Rose Palace (an alias for Golestan Palace) remained as quiet and peaceful as ever, though tinged with a hint of sorrowful farewell.

A family banquet of the Pahlavi family was held in Golestan Palace, attended by only four people: Reza Shah, Pahlavi, Pahlavi’s wife, Egyptian Princess Fawzia Fuad, and Pahlavi’s sister, Princess Ashraf.

This was the farewell banquet hosted by Reza Shah before his departure. The table was laden with exquisite dishes, including traditional Persian cuisine and delicacies from Europe and other regions.

Each of them had a Persian crystal glass before them, filled with aged fermented grape juice.

Reza Shah drained his glass of fermented grape juice and then admonished Pahlavi:

“Mohammad, after I leave, you must be cautious. The situation in Tehran is chaotic. I will leave the Cossack Brigade to guard Tehran. If there is a riot, you can summon them to defend Golestan Palace. Your safety is the priority. Do you understand?”

“I understand, Father.”

Then, Reza Shah turned to Pahlavi’s sister, Princess Ashraf, and instructed:

“Ashraf, don’t cause trouble for your brother. Stay away from those people who send you money. Don’t let a little money interfere with your brother’s decisions.”

“I know, Father,” Ashraf muttered, displeased.

“Good, you’ve come to me often enough in the past, begging for help with this and that!” Reza Shah chided with a laugh.

For the rest of the banquet, Reza Shah continued to impart his advice to Pahlavi and the others. That night, Reza Shah set aside his role as the King of Iran and spoke to his children solely as a father, sharing his wisdom.

Chapter 10: Political System

The next morning, in the heavily guarded Tehran railway station.

Amidst the farewell from Pahlavi and a group of ministers, Reza Shah’s special train slowly departed the station, disappearing from everyone’s sight.

Reza Shah’s departure meant that for a long time to come, Tehran would belong to its new master—Pahlavi!

After seeing off Reza Shah, the ministers on the platform gathered around Pahlavi, each trying to impress their new superior.

Pahlavi was pleased with this, knowing that building good relationships with the ministers would benefit his upcoming rule.

Prime Minister Mansour also abandoned his previous opposition to Pahlavi and came forward to exchange pleasantries.

Mansour’s change in attitude was not only because Pahlavi’s rule was now inevitable but also likely due to Reza Shah summoning him to Golestan Palace for a private discussion the day before.

When Pahlavi returned to Golestan Palace, the room where Reza Shah had handled government affairs had already been cleared out, left for Pahlavi’s use.

The desk, once piled high with items, had been emptied by Reza Shah, leaving only a stack of documents requiring Pahlavi’s signature.

These documents were administrative and foreign policy proposals drafted by Mansour’s cabinet.

Speaking of this, it’s worth discussing Iran’s current political system. Reza Shah’s reforms had divided Iran’s powers among the king, the cabinet, the Supreme Court, and the National Assembly.

According to the Iranian constitution, the king was the head of state and the supreme commander of the Iranian military, directly leading the General Staff. The king had the authority to appoint and dismiss the prime minister and could dissolve the assembly, calling for new elections.

The cabinet exercised powers in administration, foreign affairs, education, and other areas. The prime minister was elected by the assembly and appointed by the king, while cabinet ministers were appointed by the prime minister.

The Supreme Court was led by the Chief Justice, directly appointed by the king, and exercised judicial power.

The National Assembly was divided into upper and lower houses. The upper house had fifty-eight seats, with twenty-nine members elected by the provinces and twenty-nine appointed by the king. The lower house currently had one hundred and eighty-seven seats, elected by the provinces, with one seat per one hundred thousand people, rounded up or down for populations under one hundred thousand.

The lower house was responsible for legislation, financial management, and overseeing the government, while the upper house reviewed or delayed the enactment of laws passed by the lower house.

However, Iran’s National Assembly was currently dissolved. In 1937, Reza Shah had dissolved the assembly, declaring a five-year period of military rule.

Originally, Iran was supposed to lift martial law next year and resume elections, but due to Iran’s declaration of war against Germany, the elections had been postponed indefinitely until the war’s end.

Pahlavi sat at his desk, casually flipping through the documents submitted by the cabinet for his signature.

Knock, knock, knock.

“Come in.”

The door was gently pushed open, and Fardoust led in a middle-aged man in a military uniform, neat and efficient.

“Your Highness, General Bentley Dawuti has arrived,” Fardoust said as he approached Pahlavi’s desk.

Bentley Dawuti, a general, was currently the Deputy Chief of Staff of the Iranian General Staff. At fifty-one years old, he came from a noble family in Tehran and had followed Reza Shah in launching a coup, overthrowing the Qajar Dynasty, and establishing the Pahlavi Dynasty.

Dawuti’s rise to his current position was not only due to his noble lineage but also his outstanding military expertise, which secured his role as Deputy Chief of Staff.

Upon entering, Dawuti saw Pahlavi sitting at the desk and quickly approached, respectfully greeting him. “Good day, Your Highness. May Allah bless you!”

“No need for formalities, General Dawuti,” Pahlavi said.

“General Dawuti, I asked Fardoust to summon you because I wanted to ask—if the Empire were to attack Iraq, how many troops would need to be deployed on the western border?” Pahlavi asked seriously.

“Your Highness, allow me a moment to think,” Dawuti requested, unable to answer immediately.

After about half an hour, Dawuti, who had been deep in thought, suddenly spoke:

“Your Highness, based on my rough calculations, without considering interference from other nations, if the Empire wishes to occupy all of Iraq, it would likely require twenty-four divisions deployed on the border.

If other nations intervene, the required forces would far exceed twenty-four divisions. Your Highness, if you intend to attack Iraq, you must think carefully.

Although we have joined the Allies, if we recklessly start a war, Britain might dissolve our alliance or even declare war on us!”

Dawuti spoke without pause, sharing all his insights at once.

“General Dawuti, rest assured, I will not initiate an attack on Iraq,” Pahlavi assured him.

Seeing Pahlavi’s promise not to attack Iraq, Dawuti’s suspended heart settled.

Then, he heard Pahlavi continue, “If we don’t need to occupy all of Iraq, but only the capital and the northeastern region of Kirkuk, with the British also restraining the Iraqis, how quickly could we achieve this strategic goal?”

Dawuti thought for a moment before replying, “With twelve divisions, it would take twenty days.”

After hearing Dawuti’s answer, Pahlavi pondered:

Twenty days—if he remembered correctly, in the original timeline, Ali’s coup had been on April 30th, and the British had entered Baghdad on May 30th, roughly a month later.

According to Dawuti’s analysis, if the Iranian army could occupy Baghdad in twenty days, they could seize control of the Iraqi capital before the British arrived.

At the negotiating table, Iran would then hold a significant advantage, allowing them to better secure their interests.

Having thought it through, Pahlavi immediately ordered Dawuti, “I want the General Staff to conduct a military exercise simulating an invasion of Iraq soon. I will observe it in person.”

Seeing Pahlavi’s resolute attitude, Dawuti could not refuse and respectfully replied, “As you command, Your Highness!”

Chapter 11: Military Exercise

February 7, 1941.

Pahlavi, as usual, was handling government affairs at his desk.

Since Reza Shah had left Tehran, Pahlavi had been in charge of Iran’s government for over a month.

With the assistance of Prime Minister Mansour, Pahlavi had handled Iran’s domestic affairs exceptionally well. Even Mansour, who had initially doubted Pahlavi’s abilities, was surprised by his talent for governance.

Within this month, Pahlavi had successfully quelled the unrest in Tehran.

For the clerics who had instigated the conflict between the government and the people, Pahlavi had taken a hardline approach, arresting them forcefully. For the misled citizens, he had implemented a policy of division.

Those deeply misled were arrested alongside the clerics and sent to the southern Empire to build roads. Those less misled were criticized, educated, and then sent home.

Pahlavi had also personally met with a select group of followers who were willing to abandon their old ways and join the government, rewarding them with a sum of money. This had earned Pahlavi a group of loyal supporters.

Through Pahlavi’s series of actions, the clerics’ plans to oppose the government had been thwarted.

Of course, the clerical class would not give up so easily. Behind Pahlavi’s back, they were brewing an even greater conspiracy!

“Knock-knock-”

Accompanied by two knocks on the door, Fardoust pushed open the door and entered the room.

Fardoust now served as Pahlavi’s personal secretary and was also responsible for his security. Pahlavi trusted Fardoust with these confidential and important tasks.

“Your Highness, General Dawuti has sent word. They are ready for the exercise, and you can go to observe at any time,” Fardoust reported to Pahlavi.

“Good, Hussein, arrange it. We’ll go this afternoon!”

“Yes, Your Highness.”

Soon, a convoy of cars left Golestan Palace in an orderly and swift manner, heading towards the Iranian General Staff Headquarters located in the suburbs of Tehran.

Upon arriving at the Iranian General Staff Headquarters, the convoy, led by the General Staff’s military vehicles, proceeded to their destination—the exercise command center.

About an hour later, Pahlavi safely arrived at the exercise headquarters. Along the way, the officers they encountered stopped in their tracks and saluted Pahlavi.

Pahlavi returned each salute. Today, Pahlavi was dressed in a military uniform, or rather, he usually wore a military uniform.

Reza Shah’s reforms had taken Germany as a model, bringing German military culture to Iran. In current Iranian society, the status of military personnel was quite high.

At noble banquets in Iran, men generally wore military uniforms and the “Pahlavi hat,” a Western-style hat modified by Reza Shah.

Entering the command room, officers of various ranks from the General Staff were present. Seeing Pahlavi enter, they all stood up and saluted. Pahlavi returned a standard military salute.

“Your Highness, welcome to this exercise command center!” Marshal Hassan Afa, the Chief of the General Staff who had not appeared until now, said respectfully.

The reason Marshal Afa had not appeared was not because he disrespected Pahlavi. As a man in his seventies, Afa no longer had the desire to participate in politics.

It was simply because Marshal Afa was too old, and most of his time was spent idly at home, leaving the affairs of the General Staff to General Dawuti.

Pahlavi was aware of this, so he had not called Marshal Afa to Golestan Palace to analyze the military deployment for the attack on Iraq. Instead, he had summoned General Dawuti.

“Marshal Afa, please sit down.”

Seeing Marshal Afa stand up to welcome him personally, Pahlavi quickly helped Marshal Afa sit down, fearing he might have an accident.

Marshal Afa waved his hand and said slowly, with the unique bearing of a military man: “Haha, Your Highness, there’s no need to worry. Although I am old, I am not yet at the point where I can’t stand up!

Today, I came to see you, Your Highness. It’s embarrassing to say, but during this month of your regency, I, as the Chief of the General Staff, have not yet paid my respects to you.”

“You’re too kind, Marshal Afa. You are my father’s close friend. If anyone should pay respects, it should be me visiting you. However, as this is my first time as regent, I have been busy with affairs and haven’t been able to visit. Please forgive me,” Pahlavi said.

Marshal Afa looked serious and said: “The ruler is the ruler, and the minister is the minister. As the ruler, how can you pay respects to a minister?”

After a pause, Marshal Afa continued: “This is also the last time I will pay my respects to you as the Chief of the General Staff. I am old, and my mind is not as sharp as it used to be. I fear I can no longer serve as the Chief of the General Staff. After this exercise, I request to resign from my position as Chief of the General Staff. I hope you will approve.”

Pahlavi wanted to persuade Marshal Afa further, but seeing his resolute attitude, he had no choice but to agree.

“Marshal Afa, your resignation as Chief of the General Staff is a significant matter. I will report it to Reza Shah and let him decide,” Pahlavi responded.

Marshal Afa nodded in satisfaction and then said to General Dawuti, who was standing behind him: “Dawuti, now it’s your turn to brief His Highness on the details of this exercise.”

“Yes, Marshal.”

Then, Dawuti walked to the battlefield sand table in the exercise command room and began to introduce the exercise to Pahlavi and the others:

“Your Highness, in this exercise, we will simulate an attack on a city located on a river plain. The two sides participating in the exercise are the Black Army as the defending force, with five infantry divisions, and the White Army as the attacking force, with two cavalry divisions and four infantry divisions.

The Black Army will deploy four infantry divisions on the outer defenses and one infantry division to guard the city. The White Army’s four infantry divisions will be responsible for engaging the Black Army’s four infantry divisions deployed on the outer defenses, creating opportunities for the White Army’s two cavalry divisions to penetrate the Black Army’s infantry divisions.

After surrounding and annihilating the Black Army’s outer forces, the two cavalry divisions and four infantry divisions will launch a joint attack on the city defended by the Black Army!”

An Iranian infantry division had a strength of 17,000 men, consisting of three regiments. Each regiment had three infantry battalions and one support battalion. The infantry battalions were divided into three companies of 140 men each and one heavy weapons company of 200 men, along with service detachments.

The support weapons for an infantry regiment included: 12 heavy machine guns, 56 light machine guns, 200 submachine guns, 8 120mm mortars, 8 81mm mortars, 2 75mm infantry guns, 2 37mm anti-tank guns, and 36 light anti-tank weapons.

Additionally, the division headquarters had a direct artillery battalion with 18 120mm howitzers.

An Iranian cavalry division had a strength of 22,000 men, consisting of three cavalry regiments and one armored regiment. Apart from the armored regiment, they were generally not equipped with heavy weapons.

The armored regiment was equipped with 72 German-produced Panzer II tanks and 36 French-produced Panhard 165 armored cars.

However, due to financial issues, infantry divisions were often understrength.

Chapter 12: The 261st Infantry Division

The White Army’s four infantry divisions and two cavalry divisions participating in this exercise were all at full strength. These six divisions were the key land forces developed during Reza Shah’s military reforms and served as Iran’s standing defense forces.

The White Army divisions taking part in the exercise would later serve as the main force in the invasion of Iraq.

The Black Army’s five infantry divisions were fully staffed, but they lacked heavy weaponry and were essentially light infantry divisions.

However, as the defensive force in the exercise, they were sufficient. The directing department would assign them invisible heavy weapons.

Once all parties in the exercise reached their designated positions, General Dawuti gave the order, and a grand exercise began.

Honestly, for Pahlavi, staying in the exercise command center was quite boring.

Before coming, Pahlavi had imagined military exercises as soldier confrontations and cavalry charges. But in the command center, Pahlavi could only see the military simulation on the sand table in the middle of the room.

Watching it made Pahlavi drowsy. General Dawuti, sitting next to Pahlavi, seemed to notice Pahlavi’s lack of interest in the sand table.

So, he said to Pahlavi, “Your Highness, would you like to go to the front to see the might of the Empire’s soldiers?”

“Yes, let’s go!” Pahlavi replied excitedly.

Thus, General Dawuti, along with Pahlavi and a group of officers, took a car to inspect one of the White Army’s infantry divisions.

Since the exercise location was in the mountains, Pahlavi gave up his small sedan and switched to a military jeep from the command center.

Inside the military jeep, Dawuti was introducing the situation of the infantry division they were about to inspect. General Dawuti explained:

The infantry division Pahlavi was visiting was officially known as the 261st Infantry Division of the Iranian Defense Forces. The first two digits, 26, represented the year 1926 when the division was reorganized and established. The last digit, 1, indicated that it was the first division formed in 1926. As the name suggested, it was an infantry division.

Other Iranian land divisions were also numbered in this way.

The 261st Infantry Division could be considered one of the first modernized Iranian forces established by Reza Shah. Therefore, in terms of both equipment and training, the 261st Infantry Division was currently the strongest land division in Iran.

After crossing a mountain, a battlefield filled with trenches and barbed wire appeared before Pahlavi. Without Dawuti’s reminder, Pahlavi knew they had arrived at the 261st Infantry Division!

Since Pahlavi and his party had decided to inspect on a whim, they had not notified the 261st Infantry Division headquarters.

As Pahlavi’s convoy drove toward the field command post, they were stopped by a squad of soldiers.

“What are you doing here? There’s a military exercise ahead. Unrelated personnel, leave immediately!” the leading second lieutenant said sternly.

As soon as he finished speaking, Dawuti and several generals who had come with Pahlavi to inspect got out of the car.

The second lieutenant, who had been about to say more, saw several generals with stars on their shoulders getting out of the car, along with soldiers jumping out of the truck behind with submachine guns. He was so frightened that he trembled and saluted.

Dawuti walked up to the second lieutenant and said, “I am Lieutenant General Dawuti, Deputy Chief of the General Staff. We are here to inspect your division headquarters. Please let us pass quickly.”

The second lieutenant struggled internally over whether to let them pass directly but decided to fulfill his duty.

“Sir, I need to verify with the headquarters.”

“Hey, can’t you see His Highness is waiting? I order you to let us pass immediately!” Major General Emile Asim, who had come with Pahlavi, reprimanded the second lieutenant.

After reprimanding the leading second lieutenant, he turned to look at Pahlavi in the car with a flattering expression.

The second lieutenant looked at Dawuti with a troubled expression, unsure whether to let them pass or continue reporting to the headquarters.

“Let him report first!”

Pahlavi, who had not intervened until now, broke the stalemate.

“Yes!” The second lieutenant immediately felt relieved and quickly agreed.

After saying that, he quickly ran to the sentry post, rapidly turned the telephone crank, and called the 261st Infantry Division headquarters to report that Dawuti and others were coming to inspect.

Since Dawuti had not notified the 261st Infantry Division headquarters in advance, they were unaware. The headquarters then verified with the exercise command center and, after receiving an affirmative answer, conveyed the message to the second lieutenant.

The second lieutenant, having confirmed, did not dare to delay any longer. He quickly ordered the soldiers to let them pass and then maintained his salute, watching the convoy head to the 261st Infantry Division headquarters.

When it was time for the jeep carrying Pahlavi to pass, it did not go directly but stopped in front of the second lieutenant.

“What’s your name?” Pahlavi asked, looking at the slightly inexperienced second lieutenant.

Pahlavi was satisfied with the second lieutenant’s military rank, but the second lieutenant did not know how to address Pahlavi.

General Dawuti kindly intervened, “This is His Highness Pahlavi.”

“Your Highness, my name is Belam Albert.”

Knowing Pahlavi’s identity, Albert said excitedly.

“I’ll remember your name. Your performance today was excellent! I will praise you in front of Master Torga Zambrano.”

Pahlavi said.

Torga Zambrano was the commander of the 261st Infantry Division, whom Dawuti had introduced to Pahlavi on the way to the 261st Infantry Division.

After Pahlavi finished speaking, the jeep started again and headed toward the headquarters!

The recent small episode gave Pahlavi some insight into the situation of the Iranian military.

Like Major General Emile Asim, who was skilled at using his authority to pressure others, Pahlavi suspected that bureaucratic tendencies were rampant in the Iranian military.

Considering that Iran was a monarchical dictatorship, Pahlavi thought some bureaucratic tendencies were normal.

But Pahlavi would never tolerate bureaucratic tendencies running rampant in the military. Those who needed to be struck down would be struck down!

There were also officers like Second Lieutenant Belam Albert, who could carry out their duties without fear of their superiors. This pleased Pahlavi.

At least there were officers who could uphold principles. The soldiers who followed Second Lieutenant Belam Albert also obeyed his orders, indicating that the relationship between soldiers and officers was acceptable.

Having discovered so much during his first grassroots inspection, Pahlavi decided to conduct more incognito visits in the future!

Not long after, Pahlavi and his party arrived at the 261st Infantry Division headquarters.

A staff officer of Commander Zambrano had been waiting at the door for a long time.

When Pahlavi got out of the car, the staff officer respectfully walked up to Pahlavi and his party, saluted, and said, “Your Highness, Commander Zambrano is still guiding at the front. Knowing you were coming, he sent me to receive you first.”

“It’s fine, the exercise is more important!”

Pahlavi said indifferently.

This visit to the 261st Infantry Division left Pahlavi very satisfied. The officers at all levels could fulfill their duties. Such an army was what satisfied Pahlavi.

If all the officers were like Major General Emile Asim, Pahlavi would doubt whether the Iranian military’s combat effectiveness could really capture Baghdad in twenty days, as Dawuti had said.

“You take us to see your division’s positions first.”

Dawuti said to the staff officer.

“Yes, sir!”

The staff officer immediately agreed.

Then he turned and directly led Pahlavi to start inspecting the positions of the 261st Infantry Division.

Chapter 13: Zambrano

The trenches dug by the soldiers of the 261st Infantry Division were flawless—even the seasoned General Dawuti couldn’t find fault with them.

The staff officer leading the way proudly introduced, “Under the guidance of General Zambrano, every soldier in our division receives professional trench-digging training. Beyond these interconnected trench networks, we also train in individual and multi-person foxholes. Our general always says that on the battlefield, trenches are a soldier’s lifeline. Whether attacking or defending, the first thing to do is dig a trench! The deeper the trench, the safer the soldier!”

After listening to the staff officer, Pahlavi formed a preliminary impression of General Zambrano: a strict disciplinarian, yet stubbornly conservative when it came to military tactics.

The staff officer continued leading Pahlavi’s group through the trenches of the 261st Infantry Division.

As they inspected the area, Pahlavi immersed himself among the rank-and-file soldiers, gaining insight into the current state of Iran’s military.

The military was the backbone of the Pahlavi Dynasty’s rule over Iran. No matter how the political landscape shifted, as long as the military remained firmly in their grasp, the Pahlavi family could continue ruling Iran with confidence.

The officers and soldiers of the 261st Infantry Division were deeply loyal to the crown, and Pahlavi’s sudden arrival sent waves of excitement through the ranks.

At one point, Pahlavi warmly engaged with several soldiers.

“Where are you all from?” Pahlavi asked.

“Hajjiabad,” “Bijar,” “Takab,” “Dizful.”

Through their conversation, Pahlavi learned that most of these soldiers came from regions outside Tehran Province, while the majority of officers hailed from Tehran itself.

This disparity revealed the severe imbalance in Iran’s development.

Reza Shah’s reforms had modernized Tehran, not Iran. The vast rural areas had seen little benefit from these changes.

These rural regions would be the focus of Pahlavi’s future reforms and development efforts.

Among them was a soldier—or rather, a non-commissioned officer—from Hajjiabad named Amar Khala. Originally a herdsman from a southern Iranian tribe, he had been conscripted by Reza Shah’s forces after his chieftain was ordered to provide soldiers.

Amar Khala had now served in the military for twelve years.

When Pahlavi asked if he wanted to return home, Amar Khala shook his head. “What’s the point of going back? I’d just be a slave to the chieftain again. I’m grateful to His Majesty. Over the years, I’ve saved a good amount of money. When I can’t serve anymore, I’ll withdraw it and open a shop in Tehran.”

To prevent officers from embezzling soldiers’ wages, Reza Shah had ensured every Iranian soldier had an account at the National Bank of Iran. The General Staff’s financial department directly deposited their monthly salaries, eliminating the possibility of officers pocketing their pay. However, officers still occasionally withheld supplies like food and clothing.

But Reza Shah was a king who stood up for his soldiers. Any officer caught deducting from their pay was severely punished.

Through these interactions, Pahlavi understood that the rights of soldiers in Iran’s military were, to some extent, protected.

Ensuring soldiers’ welfare was also Pahlavi’s duty. Only then would they remain loyal to him.

As they moved forward, Pahlavi finally met General Zambrano, commander of the 261st Infantry Division.

Contrary to Pahlavi’s expectations of a hardened military man, General Zambrano had a refined, scholarly demeanor—more like a staff officer than a division commander.

At that moment, Zambrano was instructing a group of recruits on trench-digging techniques. The atmosphere was relaxed, and the soldiers showed no fear of their commander, indicating Zambrano’s usual friendliness toward his men.

Noticing Pahlavi’s arrival, Zambrano paused his instruction and saluted. “Your Highness.”

Pahlavi returned the salute before discussing his observations with Zambrano.

After some conversation, Pahlavi voiced his concern: “General Zambrano, last year the Germans used blitzkrieg tactics to easily break through the French trench defenses. Earlier, your staff officer mentioned that the 261st Infantry Division still relies on trench warfare. Won’t that make us outdated?”

Zambrano patiently explained, “Your Highness, the 261st is an infantry division—our tactics are limited to trench warfare. Moreover, Iran’s terrain is mostly mountainous, and our strategic focus is defense. Tanks can’t operate effectively here on a large scale; they’re only useful in limited assaults. Trench warfare is sufficient for our needs.”

Pahlavi felt a pang of embarrassment. He had only heard of the Germans’ blitzkrieg success without considering Iran’s actual conditions.

“You’ve taught me well,” Pahlavi admitted.

Noticing Pahlavi’s interest in blitzkrieg, Zambrano suggested, “If Your Highness is keen on blitzkrieg tactics, we could try separating the armored regiments from the two cavalry divisions to form an armored brigade as an experimental unit.”

Pahlavi turned to General Dawuti for his opinion.

“Your Highness should give it a try,” Dawuti advised. “His Majesty Reza Shah once intended to form an armored division, but due to limited military funds, he settled for integrating armored regiments into the cavalry divisions, gradually expanding them. Now that both armored regiments are fully staffed and funds are slightly more available, forming an armored brigade is worth attempting.”

Pahlavi nodded in satisfaction. “Then I’ll leave this to the General Staff. Coordinate with the two cavalry divisions, and if we’re short on equipment, ask the British and Americans for support!”

Chapter 14: The End of the First Day of Exercises

The formation of Iran’s first armored unit was decided in the conversation between Pahlavi and the others!

According to the exercise regulations, it was now the turn of the 261st Infantry Division to launch an attack on the defending Black Army’s 352nd Infantry Division.

To avoid disrupting the exercise, General Zambrano led Pahlavi and his group back to the 261st Infantry Division’s command post to observe the attack.

Thus, the group entered General Zambrano’s command post in a grand procession. One of the staff officers inside, disturbed by the noise of Pahlavi and the others entering, thought it was soldiers from outside and was about to reprimand them. But seeing generals entering one after another, he wisely closed his mouth.

The 261st Infantry Division’s trench positions were built against the mountain, with the divisional command post located on the mountainside, offering a clear view of the entire layout. Using binoculars, one could even see the positions and troop deployments of the opposing 352nd Infantry Division.

As the saying goes: “Know yourself and know your enemy, and you will never be defeated.” In this war, General Zambrano had already achieved knowing his enemy, which could be considered a victory before the battle even began.

Soon, the attack began. The soldiers of the 261st Infantry Division climbed out of their trenches one by one using ladders.

After exiting the trenches, the soldiers of the 261st Infantry Division, organized into squads, systematically advanced toward the enemy positions.

Simultaneously, the artillery of the 261st Division did not stop, simulating the firing of shells and subjecting the 352nd Infantry Division’s positions to a barrage, covering the advance of the 261st Infantry Division’s infantry.

Only after the directorate notified the 352nd Division that the barrage had ended did the soldiers emerge from the air-raid shelters in the trenches and redeploy to the frontline trenches.

But by the time they reappeared from the trenches, they found that the soldiers of the 261st Division had already advanced to within thirty meters of their trenches.

The battle was imminent. Relying on superior equipment, training, and morale, the 261st Division quickly breached the 352nd Division’s first line of defense and successfully captured the 352nd Division’s positions. However, General Zambrano did not choose to pursue the advantage but instead ordered the soldiers of the 261st Division to use the trenches dug by the 352nd Division to construct defensive fortifications, preparing to defend against a counterattack from the 352nd Division.

Pahlavi, puzzled, asked General Zambrano, “Since we already have the advantage, why not continue the offensive?”

“Your Highness, the command has given me orders to attack and contain the enemy. Changing the battle plan on my own might achieve a small-scale victory, but it could be detrimental to the overall situation!” General Zambrano carefully explained to Pahlavi.

The first phase of the 261st Infantry Division’s exercise was completed. With nothing more to see, Pahlavi and his group decided to leave the 261st Infantry Division and inspect other exercise units.

Before leaving, Pahlavi specifically mentioned to General Zambrano the incident where he was stopped by Lieutenant Belam Albert upon arriving at the 261st Division.

“Oh? There was such a thing! I’ll go find him myself and give him a good scolding for daring to stop Your Highness’s convoy!” General Zambrano joked.

“There’s no need for a scolding, but for a responsible young officer like him, General Zambrano, you could give him more responsibilities!” Pahlavi said.

“Since Your Highness has personally spoken, I will certainly follow your orders.” General Zambrano continued, responding to Pahlavi.

In a warm and friendly atmosphere, Pahlavi concluded his inspection of the 261st Infantry Division.

Leaving the 261st Infantry Division, Pahlavi, led by Dawuti, went to another Black Army unit, the 361st Infantry Division.

Compared to the 261st Infantry Division, the 361st Infantry Division that Pahlavi visited later was riddled with problems. Indeed, in the current Iranian army, the earlier a division was formed, the stronger it was.

By seven in the evening, after a day of inspections, Pahlavi returned to the exercise’s general command post. Considering the remaining days of exercises and the risk of German spy attacks while driving at night outside the city, Pahlavi chose not to return to Golestan Palace but to stay at the general command post.

The perspective shifts back to the 261st Infantry Division. Belam Albert, relieved by a friendly unit, led his subordinates back to the camp.

As soon as he arrived at the barracks, he heard his company commander calling for him. Without time to rest, Albert was taken by his company commander to the regimental headquarters.

“Haha, indeed a handsome young man!”

Albert, still in a daze, was awakened by the regimental commander’s laughter. Seeing Albert’s confused expression, the regimental commander continued to explain, “This afternoon at the meeting, the general heavily praised you, saying that you were silently noticed by His Highness Pahlavi. You’ve really brought honor to our regiment!

I called you here today to praise you. Perform well in the upcoming exercises. After the exercises are over, it will be time for you to move up!”

Hearing this, Albert recalled that His Highness Pahlavi had told him that afternoon that he would praise him in front of the general. Albert had thought that Pahlavi was just saying it casually, but now it seemed that His Highness Pahlavi had indeed praised him to the general.

Looking at the regimental commander’s current attitude, it seemed that His Highness Pahlavi had done more than just mention him to the general.

“Yes! Regimental Commander! I will not disappoint His Highness Pahlavi’s expectations, nor will I forget the general’s and your cultivation!” Albert stood at attention and saluted.

Albert did not yet know that this one interception of Pahlavi would provide great convenience for his future military career!

Chapter 15: The Ali Coup

“Ahhoo”

After four days of sleeping on a campaign bed, Pahlavi once again lay sprawled across the grand bed in his room within Golestan Palace.

The military exercises had lasted five days, and Pahlavi had not missed a single one, watching the entire event unfold. The final result was exactly as the exercise command had predicted—the White Army successfully captured the city defended by the Black Army!

While the exercise results might have been somewhat inflated, they still demonstrated the combat capabilities of the Iranian military to a certain extent.

After the exercises concluded, Pahlavi once again immersed himself in the endless stream of government affairs.

Most of these matters held little interest for him—either some provincial official pleading poverty or cabinet documents awaiting his signature.

However, one document from London caught his attention—a request for cooperation. The British wanted to construct a highway from British India to Abadan, allowing them to transport supplies and personnel from India to the battlefields of North and East Africa.

Pahlavi was pleased to see the British taking the initiative to build roads for him before the Americans even arrived. He agreed without hesitation.

Time flowed on, and before long, it was April 30th.

In Baghdad, the capital of Iraq, a gunshot shattered the tranquility of this ancient Arab city nestled between two rivers. Prime Minister Ali had launched an anti-British coup, and the flames of war quickly spread across Iraq.

The Regent, Prince Ilah, who had been indulging in luxury within the palace, fled Baghdad in haste with former Prime Minister Nuri al-Said upon hearing the news of Ali’s coup, seeking refuge in Transjordan.

With Ali’s rebel forces seizing the palace in Baghdad, the British-backed puppet government in Iraq collapsed!

Iraq, which the British had always believed would remain stable, had finally fallen into chaos.

The moment the coup began, Iranian intelligence agents stationed in Baghdad sent word to Tehran.

Fardoust, the director of Iran’s Secret Police, received the news and immediately rushed to Golestan Palace to report to Pahlavi.

The Iranian Secret Police was an organization Pahlavi had established during his reign, primarily responsible for intelligence gathering and monitoring domestic political factions and religious groups.

Due to the sensitive nature of their work, Pahlavi had personally appointed his trusted confidant, Fardoust, as the head of the agency.

With no obstacles in his path, Fardoust arrived directly at Pahlavi’s office. Inside, Pahlavi was in conversation with Prime Minister Mansour.

Fardoust glanced at Mansour before turning his gaze to Pahlavi, remaining silent.

Pahlavi understood Fardoust’s meaning and said, “Prime Minister Mansour is not an outsider. You may speak freely.”

“Yes, Your Highness,” Fardoust replied.

He then proceeded to report the news of Ali’s coup: “Your Highness, our intelligence agents in Iraq have just sent word. A rebellion has broken out in Baghdad, the capital of Iraq. The rebel forces have already seized the Iraqi palace, and the whereabouts of Regent Ilah are currently unknown!”

“What!” Pahlavi exclaimed in shock, rising to his feet.

Prime Minister Mansour was also taken aback.

“The situation in Iraq has changed. The British strategic position from the Strait of Malacca to Cairo has been broken. It seems likely that the Germans are behind this,” Mansour, with his keen political instincts, quickly deduced the mastermind behind the Iraqi coup.

However, Pahlavi knew the truth might differ slightly from Mansour’s speculation. While Ali’s forces were indeed supported by the Germans, the coup itself was not part of their plans. By the time the Germans learned of the anti-British uprising in the Middle East and prepared to intervene, the Ali regime had already been crushed by the British.

“Indeed, the Germans are involved. Prime Minister Mansour, return to your office and organize the government. War is about to begin!” Pahlavi said to Mansour.

“Understood, Your Highness!” Mansour replied before leaving Pahlavi’s office.

Only Pahlavi and Fardoust remained in the room.

“Your Highness, is this the greater interest you mentioned earlier?” Fardoust asked.

“Yes! This war is the greatest opportunity, and it marks the beginning of Iran’s path to becoming a great power! Iran will one day stand alongside Britain, France, and America, determining its own destiny!” Pahlavi revealed his ambitions without reservation in front of Fardoust.

Seeing Pahlavi’s burning determination, Fardoust firmly declared, “I will always follow you, Your Highness, and help you achieve your ideals!”

“Good, let us work together!” Pahlavi smiled at Fardoust.

In this room within Golestan Palace, Pahlavi revealed his ambitions to the world for the first time.

…

“Good morning, Your Highness!” General Dawuti greeted Pahlavi respectfully.

About half an hour earlier, while handling military affairs, Dawuti had been summoned from the Iranian General Staff Headquarters to Pahlavi’s office by the palace guards.

Dawuti was puzzled as to why Pahlavi had suddenly called him to the office and asked, “Your Highness, what orders do you have for me?”

“General Dawuti, our intelligence agents in Iraq have just reported that a coup has taken place in Baghdad, the capital of Iraq. The British-backed government of Regent Ilah has been overthrown,” Pahlavi explained.

“Is the intelligence accurate?” Dawuti was so shocked by the news that he forgot to use honorifics.

The situation had indeed unfolded as Pahlavi had predicted—Iraq was in trouble!

“The intelligence is accurate. It comes from the special intelligence agency I established. They have already built a preliminary intelligence network in the Middle East,” Pahlavi said.

Pahlavi continued, “General Dawuti, the General Staff Headquarters must now order the troops stationed on the Iraqi border to increase their vigilance to prepare for possible surprise attacks from Iraq. They must also be ready to launch an offensive at any moment and strike the Iraqi border forces as soon as the opportunity arises!”

“Yes, Your Highness!” Dawuti replied.

Dawuti then returned to his office at the General Staff Headquarters.

The first thing he did upon returning was to carry out Pahlavi’s orders, notifying the troops on the Iraqi border to prepare for war.

The second thing he did was to summon the head of the intelligence department under the Iranian General Staff Headquarters and give him a stern reprimand.

“How could your intelligence department have missed this? You didn’t even know about the coup in Iraq! If His Highness hadn’t called me to Golestan Palace today to tell me about this, you lot of good-for-nothings would have taken until the year of the monkey before figuring it out!”

The summoned intelligence chief stood with his head lowered, silently enduring Dawuti’s anger.

Chapter 16: On the Brink of War

“Give you three months. I don’t care about other places, but you must establish the intelligence network in the Middle East for me. If you can’t do it, pack your things and leave the military camp.” Dawuti issued an ultimatum to the intelligence chief of the General Staff.

“Yes, General!” the intelligence chief quickly agreed.

“Get out!” Dawuti, having vented his frustration, said to the intelligence chief with a mix of anger and disappointment.

The intelligence chief left with a sense of relief. Once back in his office, he immediately summoned his subordinates and reprimanded them just as Dawuti had reprimanded him. Finally, he conveyed Dawuti’s demands to them.

Meanwhile, news of Ali’s coup reached London.

In the London bunker, Prime Minister Churchill urgently convened a meeting of the War Cabinet’s Defense Committee to discuss how to respond to Ali’s uprising in Iraq.

“Gentlemen, I believe you are all aware of the situation in Iraq. How should the Empire respond to the changes in the Middle East?” Churchill slowly began, a cigar in his mouth.

“Let the military in the Middle East exercise restraint. If we push the Iraqis too hard, they might turn to the Germans. Don’t forget, Vichy France is still in Syria! Those annoying French are in bed with the Germans!” suggested Lord Chamberlain, the Lord President of the Council.

It had to be said that Chamberlain was true to form—his first words were those of an old appeaser.

For a moment, the basement fell silent.

Fortunately, General John Greer Dill, the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, broke the silence: “Lord Chamberlain’s suggestion is indeed worth considering. Since the Germans landed in North Africa, the front line has been pushed back to the Egyptian border. Rommel’s Afrika Korps has inflicted heavy losses on the Nile Army. Now, the Nile Army can barely defend against the German forces in Libya. If Iraq sides with Germany and, together with the French forces in Syria, launches an attack on Egypt, the British forces in Egypt could face a devastating blow!”

“General John Greer Dill, what do you think we should do?” Churchill asked.

General John Greer Dill continued: “My suggestion is to first have the British forces in Basra exercise restraint. The Foreign Office should contact Ali’s regime to stabilize them and understand their intentions. Meanwhile, the Army should dispatch the 2nd Brigade of the 10th Indian Division to land in Baghdad. The Royal Navy should send the HMS Hermes aircraft carrier and two cruisers to the Persian Gulf, ready for any breakdown in negotiations. If negotiations fail, we will immediately launch an attack on Iraq! Also, contact Iran and have them prepare to attack Iraq at any moment. They have been part of the Allies for some time now and have not taken any action. Recently, they contacted us and requested a batch of armored equipment. Now is the time for them to step up!”

“Agreed.” “Agreed.” “Agreed.”

Churchill took a deep puff of his cigar and said, “Agreed.”

Thus, the British War Cabinet unanimously approved General John Greer Dill’s proposal.

Upon receiving the instructions, the British Foreign Office immediately sent orders to the British ambassador in Basra, demanding that he actively contact Ali’s government and release friendly messages.

But Ali’s government seemed to have closed its doors to the outside world, and the messages sent by the British Foreign Office vanished without a trace.

Ninety-seven kilometers from Baghdad, there was a small town called Habbaniya.

A Royal Air Force base was located here. Although it was called an air base, it was actually an air training base.

The entire base had over a thousand air force personnel, but only thirty-five instructors were capable of flying, and only three of them had actual combat experience.

In addition, the base’s defense was handled by the First Battalion of the King’s Guard and about twelve hundred Iraqi mercenaries.

Of the twelve hundred Iraqi mercenaries, only the three hundred and fifty men of the First Battalion of the King’s Guard were truly capable of fighting!

The Habbaniya Air Base also had about eighty aircraft, but they were all old-fashioned fighters and trainers.

If faced with German pilots and advanced fighters, the British air force at Habbaniya would only serve as target practice for the Germans. However, against the Iraqi air force, they could still put up a fight!

When the coup occurred in Baghdad, the aircraft from the Habbaniya Air Base were training over Baghdad. Upon noticing the unusual situation in Baghdad, they immediately returned to the base and reported to General Wavell, the commander of the Middle East Command, who then reported to London.

After the Defense Committee came up with a plan, they replied to General Wavell, instructing him to increase vigilance and exercise restraint!

General Wavell, having received the response, conveyed London’s orders to General Smart, the commander of the Habbaniya Air Base.

Upon receiving the orders, General Smart immediately began establishing defensive positions at the Habbaniya Air Base and sent out aircraft to closely monitor the Iraqi forces in Baghdad.

At 1 a.m. on May 1, 1941.

General Smart, still asleep, was awakened by his orderly.

“What’s going on? Are the Iraqis making any moves?” General Smart asked groggily.

“Sir, the Iraqis have surrounded our base,” the orderly who had woken him replied.

Hearing that the Iraqi forces had surrounded his base, General Smart, who had been half-asleep, instantly became wide awake.

“Come on, let’s go take a look!”

General Smart quickly put on his belt and boots and led the orderly to the defensive line of the air base to observe the Iraqi forces.

When General Smart arrived at the defensive line, Major Cory Martell, the commander of the First Battalion of the King’s Guard, had already been observing the Iraqis for some time.

“Major Martell, what’s the situation?”

“Sir, the Iraqis surrounding us number about a thousand and are still increasing.” With that, Major Martell pointed to the cars approaching from the distance with their headlights on.

General Smart looked in the direction Major Martell pointed and indeed saw a convoy of cars heading towards the base. Through his binoculars, he could faintly see a large number of Iraqi infantry marching around the cars.

“It looks like the Iraqis are up to no good! Major Martell, notify your men to take turns on alert. Hand over all the Iraqi mercenaries to you as well. Make sure to increase vigilance!” General Smart ordered.

“Yes, sir!”

This night would undoubtedly be a sleepless one for everyone at the Habbaniya Air Base.

The relationship between Iraq and Britain rapidly deteriorated, and war was imminent!

Chapter 17: The War Begins

The next morning.

After a brief rest, General Smart returned to the defensive positions of Habbaniya Air Base to observe the movements of the Iraqi forces.

Just as he had woken up, the pilots he had sent out for reconnaissance returned and reported the aerial intelligence: the number of Iraqis surrounding Habbaniya Air Base had increased from over a thousand the previous night to nearly ten thousand now.

Standing on the defensive positions, General Smart raised the military binoculars hanging from his chest and looked toward the Iraqi army’s positions.

“Oh, God! These damned Iraqis have even brought in heavy artillery!” he exclaimed in shock upon seeing the howitzers already set up in the Iraqi positions.

Realizing the severity of the situation, General Smart hurried down from the defensive positions and rushed to the air base command center to contact Commander Wavell of the Middle East Command, reporting the matter.

Before long, the news that the Iraqis had deployed heavy artillery to surround the British air base reached Churchill’s desk. The British military’s complex command system had, for once, operated efficiently!

“Tell Commander Wavell to strike first and launch an attack on the Iraqis! Also, inform the Iranians to launch an attack on the Iraqis as well!” Churchill, seeing that the Iraqis intended to fully side with the Axis, decisively ordered a preemptive strike to catch the Iraqis off guard.

Upon receiving the order, General Smart immediately began preparations to attack the Iraqis. He commanded the flight instructors to pilot the trainers, armed with bombs, to strike the Iraqi artillery positions first!

Thirty-five trainers, fully loaded with aerial bombs, flew toward the Iraqi artillery positions under the pilots’ control, ready to destroy the Iraqi artillery in one fell swoop.

Soon, the formation of trainers reached the Iraqi positions. Amid the curious gazes of the Iraqi soldiers, the trainers dropped bombs weighing one hundred kilograms each onto the Iraqi positions.

“Enemy attack! Scatter!” an Iraqi officer, whose eyes reflected the falling bombs, shouted in terror.

Half-aware, the Iraqi soldiers began searching for cover to avoid the airstrike, but it was too late. The aerial bombs exploded among the crowd, and chaos and death filled the Iraqi positions.

The war had begun!

Meanwhile, Iran, which had long been prepared, finally bared its claws at its neighbor, Iraq.

As soon as the telegram from London requesting Iran to attack simultaneously reached Pahlavi’s hands, Pahlavi notified the Iranian General Staff Headquarters.

With a single command from General Dawuti, the eleven Iranian divisions and one armored brigade stationed at the Iraqi border, like tigers descending the mountain, charged into Iraqi territory.

According to the Iranian General Staff’s plan, the Iranian forces would be divided into two parts: the Southern Front Army, tasked with capturing Baghdad, consisting of the 261st Infantry Division, 352nd Infantry Division, 411st Armored Brigade, 241st Cavalry Division, and 242nd Cavalry Division; and the Northern Front Army, tasked with capturing the Kirkuk region, consisting of the 271st Infantry Division, 351st Infantry Division, 361st Infantry Division, 362nd Infantry Division, 381st Infantry Division, 391st Infantry Division, and 401st Infantry Division.

The Southern Front Army faced a battlefield primarily composed of plains, so the Iranian General Staff assigned the newly formed armored brigade and cavalry divisions to the Southern Front Army.

In contrast, the Northern Front Army’s battlefield was mainly mountainous, so all its subordinate units were infantry divisions.

As soon as the war began, the Southern Front Army, leveraging its speed advantage, surrounded the Iraqi border defense forces in Ruz and Shahrabad.

The 411st Armored Brigade, with its armored and speed advantages, destroyed small Iraqi military outposts along the route from the Iraqi border to Baghdad. These outposts were mostly manned by hastily conscripted Iraqi soldiers who lacked anti-tank weapons and could not penetrate the 411st Brigade’s defenses.

Facing the “steel flood” of the 411st Brigade, these conscripted Iraqi soldiers often fired a few shots into the air before surrendering to the 411st Brigade.

With no time to guard the prisoners, the 411st Brigade simply disarmed these Iraqi soldiers and left them at the recently destroyed outposts, waiting for subsequent Iranian forces to take over. This Iranian offensive against Iraq was akin to the Battle of France.

Unlike the Southern Front Army, the Northern Front Army encountered fierce resistance from local Kurdish forces as soon as it entered the Kirkuk region.

The Kurdish armed groups, long entangled in physical conflict with the Iraqi government, were no strangers to combat. Leveraging their familiarity with the local terrain, they launched guerrilla tactics against the Iranian forces entering the Kirkuk region.

Occasional attacks on the Iranian forces, though not causing significant damage, kept the Northern Front Army in a constant state of fatigue.

Jeffrey Aziz was a corporal in the 361st Infantry Division. In March 1936, when the 361st Infantry Division was first formed, Aziz joined the division.

Now, Aziz was a veteran with five years of military service. At the start of the war, the 361st Infantry Division’s objective was to capture Sulaymaniyah, the capital of Sulaymaniyah Province.

Aziz’s 2nd Regiment had been marching toward Sulaymaniyah City. After a period of forced marching, the 2nd Regiment arrived and stationed itself near the town of Sikoh, close to Sulaymaniyah City.

To prevent attacks by Kurdish guerrilla forces, Aziz’s company commander dispatched Aziz to lead his squad to investigate the villages near Sikoh Town and determine if the locals were colluding with the Kurdish guerrillas.

Taking the order, Aziz led his squad of seven men to investigate the nearby villages.

“Squad leader, is war scary?” Barak, the youngest soldier in Aziz’s squad, curiously asked Aziz.

“What? Are you afraid?” Aziz did not answer, but another veteran, Shatel, teased from the side.

Barak’s face turned red as he retorted, “No, I think you’re the one who’s afraid!”

“Hahahaha!”

Everyone burst into laughter at Barak’s reaction.

Amid the group’s banter, Aziz’s squad reached their destination—a typical Kurdish village.

Under the watchful eyes of the villagers at the village entrance, Aziz’s squad entered the village.

As soon as they entered, Aziz noticed an eerie atmosphere in the village. The doors of the farmhouses were tightly shut, and there were no villagers on the streets—only a few chickens wandering about.

With three years of experience suppressing rebellions, Aziz immediately sensed something was amiss. The village appeared as if everyone had fled. But if they had fled, how could there be people keeping watch at the entrance and so many chickens left behind?

Aziz exchanged a glance with Shatel. Understanding his intent, Shatel took the rifle off his back and pulled back Barak, who was still walking further into the village.

Barak, suddenly pulled back, turned around in confusion and asked, “What’s wrong?”

A gun barrel extended from the window of a house, aiming at Barak. Quick-eyed and quick-handed, Aziz immediately tackled Shatel and Barak to the ground, shouting, “Enemy attack!”

“Bang~”

A gunshot rang out, and the soldier standing behind Shatel and Barak was instantly hit in the neck artery. Blood splattered onto Barak’s face.

Barak, who had been confused moments before, was stunned by the sudden death of his comrade.

Shatel, who had been tackled, quickly got up, aimed his rifle backward, and shot the villager who had been keeping watch at the entrance, killing him.

“Retreat!” Not knowing the strength of the armed forces in the village, Aziz decided to withdraw first.

With that, he grabbed the still-shocked Barak and said, “If you don’t want to die, run with me!”

Perhaps threatened by death, Barak came to his senses and, stumbling, followed Aziz’s mechanical movements as per the urban combat manual from his basic training, sticking close to the farmhouse walls as they retreated.

Having lost two men, Aziz’s squad successfully withdrew to the village entrance.

Chapter 18: Men in War

“Hey, kid! You asked what war is like, didn’t you? That’s exactly what it is!” Shatel boomed, slapping Barak’s chest hard enough to knock the wind out of him.

Already struggling to breathe, Barak crumpled to the ground after two heavy pats.

“Cut the chatter, stay alert. Watch out for flanking!” Aziz barked, his experience evident in his sharp tone.

“Yes, Sergeant!”

Aziz then crouched low and moved beside Barak, glaring at the young soldier gasping for air on the ground. “Barak, I order you to run back to camp and report the situation to the captain. Request reinforcements to clear out these Kurdish guerrillas.”

“Sergeant… what about you?” Barak panted, barely able to speak.

“The guerrillas in the village could charge out any moment. If we all retreat, we’ll be sitting ducks in the open. Right now, we can hold our ground using the buildings and earthen walls at the village entrance. We’ll draw their fire—you go get help. Understood?”

“Understood, Sergeant!” Barak replied.

“Good. We’ll open fire to cover you. Move when the chaos starts!”

Aziz exchanged a glance with Shatel, and the two, as if reading each other’s minds, leaned out and fired into the village. The other two soldiers followed suit, unleashing a barrage of bullets.

The Kurdish guerrillas inside the village retaliated fiercely, refusing to back down.

Gunfire erupted, and Barak, shielding his head with both hands, bolted from the village as fast as his legs could carry him.

He sprinted toward the nearby forest, stumbling through the trees like a clumsy dancer, barely dodging the trunks in his path. A misstep sent him crashing to the ground as an exposed root tripped him.

Without hesitation, Barak scrambled back to his feet and continued his desperate dash through the woods.

Finally, exhausted and on the verge of collapse, he stumbled into the camp of the 361st Infantry Division’s 2nd Regiment. The sentry at the gate spotted his disheveled state and immediately called for a medic before rushing over to catch Barak as he nearly fainted, helping him lie down.

Nearly unconscious, Barak weakly pointed toward the village where the ambush had taken place and gasped, “There… guerrillas…”

Before he could finish, he blacked out from sheer exhaustion.

When Barak awoke again, he found himself in the field hospital of the 361st Infantry Division.

“Hey, kid. You’re finally up,” Shatel called from the neighboring bed, his arms and legs swathed in thick bandages.

“Shatel! Are you okay? Where are the others?” Barak asked, relieved yet anxious.

“Only me and the sergeant made it. I’m fine. The sergeant took a bullet to the chest. They just finished operating on him—he’s in the ICU now.”

Hearing this, Barak bowed his head and sobbed. “I’m sorry! If I had been faster, maybe none of this would have happened.”

Shatel remained silent for a moment before speaking. “There’s no faster or slower in war. We never know what the next moment will bring. At least we’re still alive, right?”

Barak wiped his tears and sniffled, “Yeah… we’re still alive.”

The slaughter continued to spread across the land. Meanwhile, 180 kilometers away in Shahrabad, a massive battle was brewing.

“Haven’t the Iraqis taken the outer defenses of Shahrabad yet?” Zambrano, commander of the 261st Infantry Division, asked as he studied the city’s layout.

Since the war began, the 261st and 352nd Infantry Divisions, supported by the cavalry and armored brigades, had surrounded seven Iraqi border regiments in Shahrabad and Ruz.

“Sir, not yet. The enemy’s resistance is fierce. Shahrabad is a key defensive stronghold for the Iraqis—they’ve invested heavily in its defenses. Our repeated assaults haven’t breached the outer perimeter,” a staff officer reported.

“The Iraqis are resisting fiercely?” Zambrano questioned.

“Yes, sir. Most of the soldiers trapped in Shahrabad are locals, and the Yellow Moon Sect has been stirring them up. Their morale is high,” the officer explained.

“Order the artillery to intensify the bombardment. Don’t worry about civilian casualties. Fire every shell we have. If the people of Shahrabad want to defend their homeland so badly, I’ll level the entire city!” Zambrano growled.

The 261st Infantry Division was one of the few fully staffed divisions in the Iranian army. Following Zambrano’s orders, the division’s artillery positions assembled all available guns—eighteen 120mm howitzers and six 75mm infantry cannons.

“Ready… fire!”

At the commander’s signal, twenty-four cannons roared in unison, kicking up dust that blanketed the entire artillery position.

After each shot, the gunners swiftly reloaded and fired again, repeating the process relentlessly.

The deafening barrage lasted a full hour before finally ceasing.

Everyone knew what came next—the brutal assault.

Lieutenant Albert crouched in the trench, clutching his submachine gun, waiting for the order to advance. His company would lead the first wave of the attack on Shahrabad.

After that exercise, Albert had been promoted from second lieutenant to lieutenant and now served as the captain of the 3rd Company, 1st Battalion, 1st Regiment of the 261st Infantry Division.

As the cannon fire faded, Albert knew the assault was imminent. He stood up and addressed the soldiers of the 3rd Company. “Men, get ready. We move out soon!”

The resting soldiers scrambled to their feet, checking their weapons and gear.

A sharp whistle pierced the air—three rapid blasts.

“Men, charge!”

With that, Albert was the first to climb out of the trench, leading the charge toward the Iraqi positions.

More and more Iranian soldiers followed, surging forward under their officers’ commands.

“Rat-tat-tat!” The remaining Iraqi heavy machine guns spat out a deadly hail of bullets, mowing down the advancing Iranians.

But the Iraqi machine guns didn’t dominate for long. A mortar shell struck the Iraqi position with pinpoint accuracy. A severed leg flew high into the air, followed by faint screams from the trench.

Chapter 19: The Capture of Shahrabad

Albert, witnessing everything, felt no discomfort. Instead, he gripped his rifle and swiftly approached the Iraqi trenches before vaulting into one. Once inside, he unleashed a barrage of gunfire, clearing out the Iraqi soldiers in that section of the trench.

Seeing the resistance in Albert’s section weaken, the Iranian soldiers following behind surged forward toward him. As more Iranian troops entered the trench, Albert led them in clearing out the remaining Iraqi soldiers from the other trenches.

With increasing numbers of Iranian soldiers infiltrating the Iraqi trenches, the fall of Shahrabad’s outer defenses became inevitable. Trench warfare was brutal. Even after over an hour of artillery bombardment, the Iraqi forces in Shahrabad’s outer defenses still inflicted heavy casualties on the 261st Infantry Division.

Albert’s 3rd Company alone had lost over twenty men. Extrapolating this to the entire 261st Infantry Division, the casualties amounted to over seventeen hundred, nearly ten percent of the division rendered combat ineffective.

After securing Shahrabad’s outer defenses, Albert ordered his subordinates to quickly regroup in the trenches, preparing for the upcoming urban combat.

Whoosh~

The artillery of the 261st Infantry Division resumed their assault, firing shells that whistled overhead before slamming into Shahrabad’s city center.

Boom~

A four-story residential building collapsed under the barrage from the 261st Infantry Division’s artillery. Iraqi soldiers hiding within scrambled to escape, leaving behind a scene of devastation and terrified faces scattered throughout Shahrabad.

Not only was the city under artillery fire, but the Iranian Royal Air Force also dispatched the 3rd Bomber Squadron’s twelve bombers to assist. To the Iraqis, the circling Iranian bombers were like grim reapers. Each dive toward the ground claimed numerous lives.

Once the bombardment ceased, it was time for Albert and the infantry to launch their attack again. Since Albert’s unit had been part of the first wave during the assault on the outer defenses, they were now assigned as the second wave for the city assault, tasked with clearing out any remaining enemy forces in areas already captured by the first wave.

As the second wave, Albert’s troops did not face intense combat. Instead of fierce battles, their duties primarily involved seizing spoils and capturing prisoners.

Shahrabad, a border town near Iran, was relatively affluent. The sudden outbreak of war had left many residents unable to evacuate. Soldiers, fresh from battle, stormed into the tightly shut residential buildings, indulging in the thrill of looting. Albert, witnessing the scene, chose not to intervene in his soldiers’ frenzy.

Although Albert disdained such actions, he refrained from imposing his moral standards on his subordinates. After all, the General Staff’s military regulations did not prohibit looting foreign civilians.

Indeed, the Iranian General Staff permitted and even encouraged soldiers to loot, though only abroad. When accounting for the spoils, soldiers were required to hand over a portion to the General Staff, which would then transfer it to the Iranian Ministry of Finance. During this process, the General Staff could retain a portion of the spoils as military funds.

This arrangement was a win-win for all parties involved—the soldiers gained wealth, the General Staff secured military funds, and the government obtained new revenue. The only losers were the civilians in the occupied territories.

There was one downside to this practice: it intensified the conflict between the occupied civilians and the Iranian military. However, in this war, Iran would only temporarily occupy central Iraq. Once the war ended, the Iranian forces would withdraw from this land.

The battle raged on until sunset. Only a few scattered Iraqi soldiers remained, putting up a desperate resistance, but it was futile. The flag of the Iranian Kingdom was raised over the ruins of Shahrabad’s city hall, signifying the Iranian military’s capture of the city.

After the battle, Commander Zambrano relocated the 261st Infantry Division’s headquarters to a relatively intact courtyard in Shahrabad. The original owner of the courtyard had long since vanished.

Once the casualties were tallied, the staff officer reported without delay: “Sir, the casualty count is complete. Nine hundred ninety-one dead, two thousand seven hundred seventy-three wounded—two thousand one hundred sixty-two lightly wounded and six hundred eleven severely wounded.”

Although Zambrano had anticipated the losses, the actual numbers still exceeded his expectations. After a long silence, he finally spoke: “Report the data to the General Staff. Have the hospitals do their best to treat the severely wounded.”

Faced with the deaths of his soldiers, Zambrano could never remain indifferent, no matter how many times he experienced it. In his eyes, their deaths were always somehow connected to him.

Not long after the battle for Shahrabad ended, Ruz was also captured by the 352nd Infantry Division. However, the 352nd Infantry Division suffered far greater casualties than the 261st, with losses reaching five thousand.

The 352nd Infantry Division was not fully equipped with artillery, possessing only six 75mm infantry cannons and two 120mm howitzers, which were ineffective against the Iraqi forces in Ruz. The swift capture of Ruz by the 352nd Infantry Division was largely due to the continuous aerial bombardments by the Iranian Royal Air Force’s 1st and 2nd Bomber Squadrons and the British Royal Air Force’s 70th Bomber Squadron.

Initially dissatisfied with the 261st Infantry Division’s casualties, the Iranian General Staff, upon receiving the casualty reports from the 352nd Infantry Division, suddenly found the 261st’s losses acceptable.

After this battle, the 352nd Infantry Division temporarily lost its ability to continue the offensive. They requested permission from the General Staff to regroup in Ruz before resuming their advance. After consideration, the General Staff approved the request. The 352nd Infantry Division would no longer participate in the offensive, instead taking on the responsibility of guarding the occupied territories.

Subsequently, the Iranian Southern Front Army, tasked with capturing Baghdad, would consist of only the 411st Armored Brigade, the 241st Cavalry Division, the 242nd Cavalry Division, and the 261st Infantry Division.

Golestan Palace, Tehran

Pahlavi sat in his office chair, listening to General Dawuti’s report on the Iraqi front.

“Currently, our forces have captured Shahrabad and Ruz. The western gate to Baghdad has been breached, and the path from Shahrabad to Baghdad is now clear. The 411st Armored Brigade is already within fifty kilometers of Baghdad. The 241st and 242nd Cavalry Divisions are also moving toward the 411st Armored Brigade’s position. The 261st Infantry Division will continue their advance to Baghdad once they have handed over the defense of Shahrabad to the 352nd Infantry Division. This should not take more than a day!”

“The 261st Infantry Division? Is that Commander Zambrano’s unit?” Pahlavi asked.

“Yes, Your Highness. Is there a problem?” General Dawuti replied.

Pahlavi waved his hand and smiled. “No, I was just thinking about that young lieutenant from the 261st Infantry Division who stopped us. I wonder if he will survive the war.”

“Your Highness, in war, life and death are unpredictable. Even I cannot guarantee who will survive!” General Dawuti said.

“Indeed,” Pahlavi agreed.

Chapter 20: Raid on Baghdad

The next day, the 261st Infantry Division handed over the defense of Shahrabad to the 3rd Regiment of the 352nd Infantry Division, which had arrived in a flurry of dust, and continued their march toward Baghdad.

Albert sat in a jeep belonging to the 3rd Company, which was slowly making its way along the dirt roads of the Iraqi countryside. Beside them, Iranian infantry marched in two columns. Occasionally, a jeep would speed past Albert—he knew these were messengers delivering orders.

As far as the eye could see, the surrounding landscape was vast and flat farmland, an environment the soldiers from Iran’s mountainous regions had never encountered before.

Iran was situated on the Iranian Plateau, where most of the land consisted of mountains, deserts, and wastelands. The country was crisscrossed by mountain ranges such as the Alborz, Kirtar, Zagros, and Makran. Only in the northern provinces of Mazandaran, Gilan, and Alborz, as well as the southwestern province of Khuzestan, were there plains suitable for large-scale agriculture.

Beyond these regions, Iranians were scattered across various valleys. Even the imperial capital, Tehran, was nestled in a valley within the Alborz Mountains! These valleys, dotted among the mountain ranges, sustained countless Iranians and would later allow the country’s population to reach eighty million.

Yet, even with this, Iran’s barren land struggled to support large-scale agriculture. Beyond terrain, climate, and soil fertility, water resources were another limiting factor.

Coincidentally, Iran was also a water-scarce nation. Meanwhile, neighboring Iraq possessed the fertile Mesopotamian Plain, through which the Tigris and Euphrates rivers flowed.

Iran had once owned fertile plains as well—Azerbaijan. But later, it was seized by Russia and had since become a Soviet republic. Pahlavi dared not entertain the thought of reclaiming Azerbaijan.

The Soviet Union’s strength made such dreams impossible. A vast red empire loomed over Iran’s northern border, keeping Pahlavi constantly on edge. A moment’s carelessness could bring about a color revolution.

In Pahlavi’s mind, only a disintegrated Soviet Union would make a good neighbor—but that was a matter for another time.

For now, Pahlavi’s goal was to take advantage of World War II, the last era where territorial expansion was still possible, and carve out a substantial piece of Iraq to feed more Iranians.

While the 261st Infantry Division marched toward Baghdad, the 411st Armored Brigade had already reached the outskirts of the city.

“Sir, the scouts have reported something strange. The defenses inside Baghdad are very weak—likely only a single regiment of regular troops, some police, and the King’s Guard. Could this be an Iraqi trap?” a staff officer beside Major General Sunan Kurman asked.

“Hmph? A trap? Even if it is, I’ll charge right in!” Kurman scoffed.

Major General Sunan Kurman was the commander of the 411st Armored Brigade, newly formed this year under Pahlavi’s orders. Before his transfer, Kurman had been idling in the General Staff due to his aggressive military theories, which were not accepted by the conservative faction.

Iran’s military doctrine was still largely stuck in the late World War I era. Even after Germany’s blitzkrieg had swiftly conquered France, the General Staff had not taken notice. The reason was simple: Iran’s crisscrossing mountain ranges, while limiting its development, also served as its best natural defense.

Pahlavi had chosen Kurman not only for his aggressive military mindset but also for his outstanding record. At forty years old, unlike other officers born into nobility, Kurman came from a humble farming family in Tehran Province. Yet, he had risen to the rank of major general at a young age.

As a child, Kurman had displayed an exceptional talent for problem-solving, earning him a place at Tehran Military Academy through his excellent grades. After graduation, he became a junior officer in the Iranian Army. Soon, his outstanding performance in battle led to further studies at the Saint-Cyr Military Academy in France.

Later, he continued his education at the Berlin Military Academy, where he first encountered the early concepts of blitzkrieg. From then on, he became obsessed with armored tactics.

Upon returning to Iran, Kurman repeatedly petitioned for the formation of an independent armored unit, but the General Staff, citing financial constraints, never adopted his proposals.

Frustrated by Kurman’s persistent suggestions, the General Staff eventually assigned him to a border regiment as its commander.

It was only after Pahlavi’s proposal that the 411st Armored Brigade was formed, and Kurman was transferred to lead it. Pahlavi had shown great favor to Kurman, and in return, Kurman was determined to achieve a major victory to repay that kindness.

Kurman ordered the 411st Armored Brigade to launch a direct assault on Baghdad.

With the roar of engines, over two hundred tanks of the 411st Brigade crushed the nearly ripe wheat fields outside Baghdad, leaving behind trails of steel.

The bold movements of the 411st Armored Brigade quickly caught the attention of the Iraqi defenders inside Baghdad. The city’s defense commander reported the news to President Ali.

After overthrowing Regent Ilah’s rule, Ali had chosen to establish an Iraqi Republic, with himself as its first president.

“What? The Iranians moved this fast?” The report from the Baghdad defense commander shocked Ali.

In his calculations, given the Iranian military’s strength and the time needed to prepare for war, it would take at least a month for them to reach Baghdad.

He only needed to hold out against British pressure for a few days before bringing in the Germans. Then, victory would be effortless!

What Ali didn’t know was that the Iranian military had been preparing for war against Iraq for four months, even conducting a large-scale military exercise.

He also didn’t know that the Germans he was counting on had only sent a few fighter and transport planes.

“Have the troops in Baghdad hold their ground. I will redirect the mechanized forces besieging Habbaniya Air Base to defend Baghdad,” Ali said, regaining his composure.

Ever since declaring war on Britain, Ali had deployed Iraq’s elite forces to besiege the British Royal Air Force’s Habbaniya Air Base. After three days of siege, not only had they failed to capture the base, but now their own stronghold, Baghdad, was under attack by the Iranians!

Ali was already regretting his decision to attack Britain. But no matter how much he regretted it, the war had been started by Iraq, and its end would be determined by Iran!

Chapter 21: The Fall of Baghdad

The 411st Armored Brigade’s assault was a resounding success, as they managed to breach the outskirts of Baghdad.

For Commander Kurman, capturing Baghdad was no easy task. The city had recently undergone a coup, and the entire metropolis was under martial law. To seize Baghdad, chaos had to be sown within its walls.

Kurman’s sudden strike had instilled considerable panic among the Iraqi forces stationed in Baghdad.

After the initial confusion, the Iraqi troops in Baghdad were reorganized by their officers.

With Baghdad’s defenses weakened, reinforcements from Bahaniya would take time to arrive. The city’s defense commander, Fahal, decided to destroy the bridges over the Tigris River, abandoning the right bank entirely and retreating to the east.

Destroying the bridges over the Tigris had been a time-honored strategy for Baghdad’s rulers. As far back as the medieval era, Baghdad’s leaders had blown up the city’s bridges to halt the Mongol hordes. The Tigris would become Baghdad’s natural moat!

May was the flood season for the Tigris, and the river’s waters were at their highest. If Ali and his men were allowed to retreat to the east bank and destroy the bridges, Kurman would be unable to cross the Tigris, and the assault would fail.

“Move faster, you useless lot!” a Baghdad defense officer barked at the police squad trailing behind him.

With Baghdad’s forces stretched thin, the regular troops were needed to slow the 411st Armored Brigade’s advance. Thus, Defense Commander Fahal had no choice but to send these police officers to plant explosives on the bridge.

When they arrived at the river-crossing bridge, they were stunned. A dense crowd of fleeing civilians had clogged the Tigris crossing.

The citizens of Baghdad were no fools. Seeing that the eastern districts were about to fall, those who refused to live under enemy occupation dragged their families westward.

Bang!

The defense officer leading the bomb placement fired his pistol into the air, attempting to disperse the fleeing civilians.

“We have an urgent mission to carry out. The bridge is now closed to further passage,” the officer shouted.

No sooner had he spoken than a defiant voice rang out.

“What gives you the right to stop us?” a well-dressed, pot-bellied middle-aged man demanded.

Someone in the crowd recognized him: “It’s Mayor Bashir!”

With a high-ranking official taking their side, the once-fearful citizens grew bold, their grievances pouring out.

“That’s right! Why should we listen to you?”

“If you soldiers weren’t so incompetent, would we even be fleeing?”

“Things were better under the king!”

The citizens’ discontent erupted all at once.

Seeing the situation spiral out of control, an Iranian intelligence operative hidden in the crowd decided to escalate the chaos. Concealed by the throng, he drew a pistol from his coat, aimed at one of the police officers, and pulled the trigger.

Bang!

The shot shattered the tense standoff. The targeted officer collapsed, dead before he hit the ground.

Enraged by the murder of his subordinate, the defense officer drew his own weapon and opened fire on the crowd. The Baghdad police behind him followed suit, their bullets tearing through the unarmed civilians.

Blood sprayed as the defenseless citizens fell. Those still alive fled in terror, some even leaping from the bridge into the Tigris. The air filled with the shouts of men, the screams of women, and the wails of children.

Witnessing the police open fire, Mayor Bashir’s bodyguards shielded him, returning fire at the defense officer and his men.

Though outnumbered, Bashir’s guards were better equipped. While the police carried bolt-action rifles, the bodyguards wielded pistols and submachine guns—far superior in close combat.

With the plan to destabilize Baghdad complete, the Iranian operative who had instigated the violence slipped away with the fleeing civilians.

Amid the chaos, an explosion rocked another bridge over the Tigris, reducing it to rubble.

The defense officer sent to destroy the bridge realized the battle was lost. With his remaining men, he fled toward the west bank.

The Abass Palace was not far from the Tigris. The gunfire and explosions at the bridge reached Ali’s ears as he packed his office.

“What’s happening? Have the Iranians broken into the city?” Ali asked, summoning the palace steward.

“Mr. President! Disaster has struck—the bridge has been destroyed!” the steward reported in a panic.

“What?!”

“Sir, you must prepare to evacuate at once!” the steward urged.

“There’s no need,” Ali replied, slumping into his chair.

He could hear the chaos engulfing Baghdad. He knew his defeat was inevitable.

Iranian operatives embedded in the city launched coordinated attacks, sowing disorder everywhere. They blocked roads, ambushed isolated defenders, and even organized forces to seal off the remaining bridges.

Some of Baghdad’s thugs, police, and soldiers, realizing Ali’s reign was over, accepted the Iranians’ offers, turning their guns on their former comrades.

The turmoil in Baghdad caught the attention of Commander Kurman, who, though unaware of the specifics, recognized the opportunity to seize the city in one decisive strike.

He ordered the 411st Brigade to intensify their assault.

The 411st Armored Brigade’s tanks rolled through Baghdad’s streets, with infantry following close behind. The poorly armed defenders fired desperately at the Iranian tanks, but their bullets had no effect.

With a metallic crunch, a tank crushed the barbed wire barriers set up by the Iraqis. Then, someone in the Iraqi ranks shouted, “Run for your lives!” The once-steadfast defenders scattered in panic.

Seizing the moment, Iranian soldiers emerged from behind the tanks, firing at the fleeing Iraqis.

Baghdad’s outer defenses collapsed. Not just the soldiers, but everyone in the city was fleeing—nobles, commoners, police, and military alike. Only the foreign diplomats in the embassy district remained, watching the one-sided battle unfold from their high-rise windows.

Chapter 22: The Capture of Baghdad

The Baghdad garrison, having lost their will to fight, swiftly crumbled under the relentless assault of the 411st Armored Brigade. The brigade’s spearhead now pointed directly at the heart of Ali’s government—the Abass Palace!

Unlike the other Iraqi forces in Baghdad who had already surrendered, the presidential guard at Abass Palace chose to stand their ground, vowing to share the fate of Ali’s regime.

As Baghdad fell piece by piece, the 1st Regiment of the 411st Armored Brigade surrounded Abass Palace!

Nearly a hundred menacing tanks encircled the palace, their engines roaring, their dark barrels aimed at the Iraqi stronghold. Poised and ready, they awaited the command to strike their enemies with lethal force.

Inside Abass Palace, Ali’s presidential guard crouched behind newly constructed defensive positions made of sandbags, gripping their weapons tightly as they aimed at the Iranian forces outside.

They knew their strength was no match for the 411st Armored Brigade. Yet, even as their president, Ali, had chosen to remain in the palace, abandoning any hope of escape, they still fought to the death!

Time seemed to stretch endlessly. For the soldiers of the 411st Armored Brigade preparing to attack, only a few minutes had passed. But for the presidential guard, every second felt like an eternity.

Sweat dripped down the faces of the Iraqi soldiers, falling onto the stocks of their rifles.

A single gunshot rang out—battle had begun.

Black smoke billowed from the exhaust pipes of the 411st Armored Brigade’s tanks, a sign of their engines running at full power. The once-stationary armored formation lurched into motion, the sheer force of nearly a hundred tanks moving in unison was overwhelming!

“Mother! I want to go home!” An Iraqi soldier, his psychological endurance shattered, dropped his weapon and fled. His comrades and officers made no move to stop him. This meaningless battle was nothing more than a final test of loyalty.

The tanks closed in on the defensive positions of Abass Palace, with the infantry of the 411st Armored Brigade following closely behind. Under the tense gaze of the Iraqi soldiers, the tanks came to a halt. The barrels adjusted slightly, and in the next moment, a barrage of cannon fire erupted, instantly shattering the once-orderly Iraqi battle line!

“Brothers! Charge!” an Iranian officer shouted.

The tanks remained in place, continuing to shell the Iraqi positions, while the infantry launched their assault. In an instant, Iranian and Iraqi soldiers clashed in brutal hand-to-hand combat before Abass Palace!

With the final Iraqi soldier falling to a bayonet thrust, the defenders of Abass Palace were wiped out.

The 411st Armored Brigade officially took control of Abass Palace, marking the fall of Baghdad into Iranian hands. Pahlavi’s initial objectives had been achieved!

After securing Abass Palace, soldiers of the 411st Armored Brigade climbed to its highest point, tore down the Iraqi flag, and raised the Iranian flag in its place. This moment was captured by a Dutch photographer, Wendel Harleywood, who was visiting Baghdad. Later, Harleywood was handsomely rewarded by Pahlavi for this photograph!

The lone capture of Baghdad was undeniably the greatest achievement of the 411st Armored Brigade in this war against Iraq. And this remarkable victory was inseparable from the command of Brigade Commander Kurman.

Kurman’s bold and masterful tactics had reshaped the Iranian General Staff Headquarters’ views on armored warfare!

After the battle, a staff officer reported the results and casualties to Kurman: “Sir, in this operation, we have eliminated 1,612 enemies, captured 3,556 prisoners, and apprehended key figures of Ali’s government, including the Minister of Finance, the Minister of Education, and the Minister of Agriculture!

However, we have suffered 261 fatalities and 648 injuries, with 433 lightly wounded and 215 severely wounded.”

“Where is Iraq’s President Ali? Did he escape?” Kurman asked, noticing that Ali was not among the prisoners.

“Ali committed suicide in his office. The highest-ranking official in Iraq now is the Minister of Finance, Emmanuel Moen,” the staff officer reported.

“Good. Send the battle report back to the homeland as soon as possible!”

“Yes, sir!”

…

Tehran, Iran

Pahlavi had already learned of the 411st Armored Brigade’s capture of Baghdad and Ali’s suicide. To prepare for the upcoming negotiations, Pahlavi summoned Prime Minister Mansour and Foreign Minister Saba to Golestan Palace.

“Baghdad has fallen to our forces. How should we proceed with the negotiations?” Pahlavi asked.

“It is best to negotiate with the Iraqis as soon as possible, bypassing the British and dealing directly with the Iraqis,” Mansour suggested after hearing Pahlavi’s question.

“Bypassing the British for direct negotiations—will the British agree? I think we should at least inform them,” Saba proposed, differing from Mansour’s suggestion.

“Although we have occupied Iraq, their government is still Ali’s. We can demand the cession of the Kirkuk region. If we inform the British, what if they bring the Iraqi royal government into this? How will we handle that?” Mansour countered.

“This…” Saba was left speechless by Mansour’s argument.

“Let’s proceed as Prime Minister Mansour suggests. However, we cannot completely exclude the British. We will notify them once our negotiation team arrives in Baghdad!” Pahlavi declared.

“The negotiation team heading to Baghdad will be led by Minister Saba.”

“As you command, Your Highness!”

Habbaniya Air Base

The Iraqi forces, which had been fiercely attacking the base, suddenly slowed their advance. General Smart of Habbaniya Air Base found this highly suspicious.

Just as General Smart was pondering this, a messenger rushed into his command post in a panic: “Sir, the Iraqis are retreating!”

“Let’s go!” Smart decided to see for himself what the Iraqis were up to.

Returning to the front-line defensive positions, he saw the landscape scarred by the black craters of exploded shells. The Iraqis were indeed retreating, just as the messenger had reported.

“Send pilots to Baghdad to investigate if there’s trouble there,” Smart immediately thought of Baghdad as the possible cause of the retreat.

About an hour later, the pilots sent to scout Baghdad reported back. They had found signs of battle in the city and numerous tanks stationed in the Baghdad square.

“It seems an armored unit has taken Baghdad!” General Smart deduced.

Uncertain of the exact situation, General Smart decided to report his findings to Commander Wavell of the Middle East Command.

Chapter 23: The British Response

General Smart’s report quickly reached London, and Churchill was quite puzzled by it. He summoned the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, General John Greer Dill, to ask if Britain had dispatched armored units to Iraq.

General Dill replied in confusion, “Prime Minister, we have only deployed one Indian brigade to Iraq. We have never sent armored units there.”

General Dill thought to himself that the British Empire’s tanks were far too precious. They were all sent to the North African battlefield to fight Rommel’s Afrika Korps. How could he possibly have sent any to Iraq?

Thinking of tanks, General Dill recalled that Iran had recently formed an armored unit. At the time, the Iranians had requested equipment aid from Britain. Back then, Britain was soundly defeating Italy in North Africa and was far from the current straits, so they readily provided Iran with a batch of equipment.

“Could it be the Iranian armored unit? A few months ago, the Iranians asked us for a batch of tanks to form their armored unit. The only armored unit that could appear in Baghdad at this time is likely that newly formed Iranian armored unit!” General Dill said to Churchill.

“Iranians? Is their military strength that strong?” Churchill found it hard to believe that the Iranian military could occupy Baghdad so quickly.

“Prime Minister, I think we may have misjudged the Iranian military strength!” General Dill insisted on his judgment that the armored unit was Iranian.

Churchill took a puff of his cigar and, after a moment of thought, said, “Contact the Iranian military directly and ask if they have occupied Baghdad.”

Clearly, General Dill had convinced Churchill, but Churchill’s keen political instincts detected that Iran might be hiding something from Britain. If Iran had occupied Baghdad, why hadn’t they notified London? Instead, they chose to conceal it.

Before long, Pahlavi, who was enjoying breakfast at Golestan Palace, received a call from General Dawuti of the Iranian General Staff Headquarters: “Your Highness, London has sent a telegram asking if we have occupied Baghdad. How should we respond?”

Pahlavi took a bite of the fried dough stick in his hand, chewed it, swallowed, and replied, “Stall for now. Minister Saba has already boarded a plane to Baghdad. Once Saba arrives in Baghdad, we can tell the British the truth.”

Following Pahlavi’s instructions, General Dawuti ordered his subordinates to ignore the British telegram.

Seeing that the Iranian General Staff Headquarters did not respond, the British continued to send telegrams to the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but still received no reply. They reported this to Churchill.

Churchill was now certain that the Iranians were definitely hiding something from him. So, Churchill ordered General Smart to immediately lead the 2nd Brigade of the 10th Indian Division to advance on Baghdad!

Upon receiving the order, General Smart felt confused. Why had London suddenly ordered him to march directly on Baghdad? Shouldn’t they proceed step by step? Although General Smart was puzzled, he did not dare to disobey London’s orders. Recently, due to the defeat in the North African battlefield, Churchill had dismissed many officers of the Nile Army.

General Smart was at the peak of his career and had just repelled the attack of the Iraqis. He had a promising future and could not afford to end his career by disobeying an order. Even if something went wrong along the way, it would be London’s problem, not his.

So, General Smart left only the First Battalion of the King’s Guard to protect the Habbaniya air base and led the 2nd Brigade of the 10th Indian Division and 800 Iraqi mercenaries towards Baghdad.

May 11th, afternoon

The Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs arrived in Baghdad, the capital of Iraq, which had been occupied by the Iranian military.

The plane landed at the former Iraqi air base, which was not far from the Baghdad city center. Currently, the 241st Cavalry Division had taken over this place.

After the 411st Armored Brigade occupied Baghdad, the 241st Cavalry Division arrived to support the 411st Armored Brigade in occupying the surrounding areas of Baghdad. The 242nd Cavalry Division was advancing towards northern Iraq to take over and clear the remaining Iraqi remnants. The 261st Infantry Division was on its way to Baghdad.

As soon as he got off the plane, Minister Saba boarded a jeep sent by the 411st Armored Brigade to pick him up and headed to the Abass Palace in Baghdad to meet the acting President of Iraq, former Minister of Finance, Muin.

The jeep drove along the road built by the Iraqis, which led directly from Baghdad to the Iraqi air base. Along the way, one could faintly see the Baghdad people who had fled the war slowly returning to Baghdad.

Since the Iranian military had just occupied the Baghdad area, one could also see one checkpoint after another set up by the Iranian military along the road. Riding in the 411st Armored Brigade’s jeep, Saba could easily pass through these checkpoints. The soldiers manning the checkpoints would raise the barriers from afar upon seeing Saba’s jeep convoy, allowing Saba’s convoy to pass.

However, the Iraqis were not so fortunate. To pass through the checkpoints set up by the Iranian military, a search was inevitable, followed by the extortion of some money.

Especially the Iraqi women, when passing through the checkpoints, if they encountered a somewhat decent Iranian soldier, they would be verbally harassed; if they encountered some bold and reckless Iranian soldiers, they would be dragged into the guardhouse for humiliation, while their families could only be threatened by the remaining Iranian soldiers with guns, standing outside, daring not to speak out in anger, waiting for the Iranian soldiers inside to finish before they could take the woman, who had been thrown out, and leave in frustration.

Saba saw no less than three such incidents along the way. Believing in peaceful diplomacy, Saba asked the 411st Armored Brigade officer who had come to pick him up, “The soldiers of the Empire are behaving so outrageously. Don’t their superiors know to stop them?”

The captain sitting in the passenger seat first sneered, then, perhaps remembering that the person sitting behind him was the Minister of Foreign Affairs, said in a measured tone, “The military regulations set by the Imperial General Staff do not prohibit the soldiers of the Empire from doing these things, so their superiors will not stop them.”

Of course, there was another sentence that the captain kept hidden in his heart. You bunch of bureaucrats don’t understand anything. You stay safely in Tehran during the war. Now that the war is over, you come to Baghdad to point fingers at us, the warriors who have fought for the Empire.

Seeing that the captain had an opinion of him, Saba did not continue the conversation and sat quietly in the car, waiting to arrive at his destination before sending a message to Tehran.

After driving for who knows how long, the outline of Baghdad finally appeared before Saba’s eyes.

At this time, Baghdad had suffered the devastation of two consecutive wars and was no longer the prosperous and dignified thousand-year-old city it once was. Broken houses were scattered throughout the city, and the roads were covered with traces of gunpowder explosions.

Chapter 24: Negotiations at Abass Palace

The security within Baghdad was even stricter than outside the city. Every time Saba’s jeep passed an intersection, he could see soldiers from the 411st Armored Brigade stationed there.

Saba’s convoy continued weaving through Baghdad. Faint gunfire could still be heard from the residential areas, and Saba glanced toward the source with a puzzled expression.

The captain sitting in the passenger seat turned back to explain, “There are still some Iraqi resistance fighters making their last stand inside the city. We’ve been clearing them out since last night, but their will is surprisingly strong—they’re still holding on.”

Saba, unfamiliar with military matters, merely nodded slightly without speaking.

Before long, the convoy arrived at Abass Palace. In an unprecedented move, Kurman, the commander of the 411st Armored Brigade, personally came to the palace gates to greet Saba.

The relationship between the Iranian military and civil officials was notoriously poor. The reason was simple: the military wanted expansion, while the civil officials opposed it. Often, when civil officials visited, Iranian officers of colonel rank or higher would ignore them—or, if they were enemies, might even make things difficult for them.

But today, Kurman’s welcome had nothing to do with favoring civil officials or any past acquaintance with Saba. It was because Saba had arrived at Abass Palace “bearing the emperor’s decree.” Since Kurman had been personally promoted by Pahlavi, he naturally had to greet Pahlavi’s envoy in person.

“Good day, Minister Saba. I trust His Highness is well in Tehran?” Kurman asked with a smile.

“Good day, General Kurman. His Highness is in good health in Tehran,” Saba replied warmly.

The two then entered Abass Palace, chatting and laughing as if they were old friends. In reality, however, both held nothing but contempt for the other. Kurman inwardly cursed Saba as a meddling bureaucrat, while Saba silently mocked Kurman as a reckless brute.

They led their entourage to a conference hall that had been specially prepared for the day. Upon entering, Kurman took his seat beside Major General Azim Bakhtiar Himenes, the commander of the Southern Front Army, who was already waiting inside.

General Himenes nodded at Kurman before closing his eyes again, completely ignoring Saba and his delegation behind them. Saba, unfazed by such behavior, let out a cold snort and led his group past Kurman and the others to take their seats.

Once everyone was settled, there happened to be an empty seat right between the Iranian civil officials and military officers—a rather convenient coincidence. Of course, nothing in the world was that coincidental. The extra seat had been placed there at General Himenes’ specific request.

As he put it: There must be something to separate men from beasts.

Under the escort of the 411st Armored Brigade soldiers, Iraq’s acting president, Muin, along with the Minister of Education, McKinney, and the Minister of Agriculture, Muwafaqa, entered the hall. Under the watchful eyes of the soldiers, they cautiously took their seats across from Saba and his delegation.

“Now that everyone is here, let’s get straight to the point. President Muin, is that acceptable to you?” Saba asked with a smile.

“It is,” Muin replied, his voice devoid of any emotion.

The once-vibrant acting president was now a shadow of his former self. His usually well-groomed hair was now disheveled. The defeat and capture had dealt a heavy blow to Muin, yet unlike Ali, he had not chosen suicide.

The reason was simple: Muin was afraid to die. And it was precisely because of this fear that the Iranians had chosen him as Iraq’s acting president instead of someone else.

“President Muin, given that Iraq recklessly launched a surprise attack on our ally, the United Kingdom, the full responsibility for this war rests solely with Iraq. Our demands are as follows:

1. All Iraqi soldiers must immediately lay down their arms and surrender to the Iranian military.

2. Iraq must pay Iran twenty million rials in military compensation. (1 USD = 17 rials)

3. Iraq must cede the provinces of Salahuddin, Nineveh, Dahuk, Erbil, Tamim, Sulaymaniyah, and Diyala.

4. Iran shall have exclusive rights to oil exploration and extraction within Iraq.

5. Iraq shall impose no tariffs on Iranian goods.

…

…”

Before Saba could finish, the Iraqi Minister of Education, McKinney, abruptly stood up and shouted, “Impossible! We will never agree to your terms!”

Before he could finish, the soldier standing behind him forced him back into his seat.

The Minister of Agriculture, Muwafaqa, chimed in, “That’s right! Your proposal is completely insincere. Not only will we refuse, but I doubt the British would agree either!”

Muwafaqa had noticed something suspicious about these negotiations—there were no British present. Based on his understanding of the British, they would never let Iraq go so easily. Yet here they were, negotiating without a single British representative, and the Iranian demands made no mention of Britain.

This could only mean one thing: the Iranians were secretly negotiating behind the British’s backs!

Seeing Muwafaqa bring up the British, Saba and his delegation found themselves in a difficult position. It seemed the Iraqis were sharper than expected. They could no longer rely on intimidation.

Now holding a slight advantage, Muin and his delegation began countering Saba’s exorbitant demands.

“First, we accept your terms, but Iran must not mistreat the Iraqi soldiers who surrender,” Muin said, looking at General Himenes of the Southern Front Army.

The general nodded in agreement, indicating that they would not harm the surrendering soldiers.

Muin continued, “Second, we also agree to the twenty million rials. But the third demand—ceding territory—is absolutely out of the question!”

No territory? Impossible! Iran had gone to war with Iraq precisely to seize land.

Saba and Muin argued over the territorial demands for half an hour.

“Very well, let’s compromise,” Saba said, revealing his true intentions. “We won’t demand so much land. We only want the Kirkuk region! It’s all mountains and desert, and it’s where the Kurds live. Losing it won’t be much of a loss for Iraq!”

“This…” Muin hesitated.

“Iraq will never cede its land!” Seeing Muin’s hesitation, McKinney shouted from the side.

Kurman signaled the soldier behind McKinney, who immediately understood. Raising his rifle, he fired a single shot into McKinney’s head.

Bang!

White brain matter splattered onto Muin’s face, leaving him and Muwafaqa stunned by the Iranians’ brutality.

“Refuse, and you die,” Kurman said coldly from across the table.

Chapter 25: The Iran-Iraq Treaty

Muin and Muwafaqa were both startled by Kurman’s ruthlessness. This was supposed to be a negotiation—why had he suddenly resorted to killing?

At that moment, Saba stepped forward to play the good cop. “A bunch of brutes! This is a negotiation table. How can you just kill someone? If you keep interfering like this, I will report everything to His Highness!”

Kurman scoffed and turned away.

After Saba’s words, Muin and Muwafaqa let out a sigh of relief, finally recovering from the shock of McKinney’s death.

“If you two agree to our proposed treaty,” Saba continued, knowing Kurman’s intimidation had worked, “we can allocate fifty percent of the two thousand million rials Iraq owes Iran as an investment in you.”

Sure enough, after hearing this condition, Muin and Muwafaqa showed signs of interest, though they did not immediately agree.

Saba did not press further, giving them time to consider.

Before long, Muin spoke anxiously, “If we agree to your treaty, the nationalists in Iraq will surely kill us!”

“You need not worry about that,” Saba reassured them. “Once you sign, we will take you back to Iran. The British will continue to support the Ilah government. Even if the nationalists don’t kill you, Ilah won’t spare you. But in Iran, we will absolve you of all responsibility for starting the war, give you ten million rials each, and a monthly stipend of ten thousand rials!”

After hearing Saba’s words, Muin and Muwafaqa leaned in and whispered to each other for a moment.

Then, Muin sat up straight and said, “We accept all your conditions!”

Saba and his men were overjoyed when Muin agreed to sign the treaty. They handed over the document prepared by the recorder to Muin.

Muin quickly scanned the terms before passing it to Muwafaqa for review.

After both confirmed the terms were correct, they signed their names one after the other.

Once Iraq had signed, it was Iran’s turn. Saba and his men added their signatures.

Thus, the Iran-Iraq Treaty was signed, with the following terms:

1. All Iraqi soldiers must immediately lay down their arms and surrender to the Iranian military.

2. Iraq shall compensate Iran for military expenses totaling two thousand million rials.

3. Iraq shall cede the provinces of Erbil, Tamim, Sulaymaniyah, and the counties of Kifri, Khanaqin, and Tuz Khurmatu, totaling fifty-one thousand three hundred seventy-four square kilometers.

4. Iraq shall impose no tariffs on Iranian goods.

…

The treaty signed, Saba stood up, delighted, and walked over to shake hands with Muin and Muwafaqa.

Unlike Saba, Muin felt a mix of emotions after signing. He knew he would be remembered as a traitor in Iraqi history.

But he had done his best for Iraq, reducing the land ceded by half! He had fought for his country—what more could he do?

It wasn’t that he hadn’t tried; the Iranians were simply too ruthless. They killed without hesitation. His own life was at stake!

Saba then sent word of the treaty’s signing back to Iran.

In Golestan Palace, Pahlavi, upon reading the treaty sent from Baghdad, lost his usual composure. He jumped up in excitement before quickly regaining his dignified demeanor under the surprised gaze of his attendants.

“You may leave,” he said.

“Yes, Your Highness.”

Once the last attendant had left and closed the door, Pahlavi celebrated once more.

Securing the Kirkuk region was the first step in Pahlavi’s reform plans. The oil fields there would provide substantial funding for his reforms.

Iran’s super oil fields were concentrated near Khuzestan Province, but the oil there belonged to the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. It would take a long time for Pahlavi to reclaim full control.

His reform plans were urgent, so obtaining Kirkuk was crucial.

Of course, the oil fields in Kirkuk still needed exploration. Even after discovery, it would take years to increase production. Pahlavi’s upcoming five-year plan aimed to explore and develop Kirkuk’s oil.

As for funding the five-year plan, Pahlavi had already made arrangements. Transportation infrastructure did not need to be built by Iran itself—Britain and America would handle that.

Other industries and agriculture could be funded through bonds, American aid, and India!

India would not willingly fund Pahlavi’s five-year plan, but Pahlavi intended to take it himself.

The treasure in India’s Padmanabhaswamy Temple—gold jewelry worth nearly seven point two billion dollars, or one hundred twenty-two point four billion rials.

Last year, Iran’s GNP was thirty-four billion rials, meaning the temple’s treasure was worth three point six times Iran’s GNP! And most of it was gold, easy to liquidate.

Once Pahlavi’s expedition team brought the treasure back, Iran’s first five-year plan would be fully funded.

Naturally, such a vast treasure would tempt anyone who saw it, so the expedition team consisted of loyalists raised by the Pahlavi family from childhood, ensuring the gold could be safely transported from India to Iran.

Pahlavi had sent the expedition to India in March, instructing them not to send telegrams until they found the treasure to avoid British detection.

After locating the treasure, they would notify Iran, and the gold would be swiftly transported to an Indian port city. Pahlavi would dispatch an escort fleet to India under the pretense of purchasing weapons, loading the treasure onto the ships during resupply.

However, Pahlavi had yet to receive any telegrams from the expedition.

He had considered the possibility of the loyalists betraying him and keeping the treasure for themselves, but he doubted it. These men had even given up their names for him—they would not betray him over the Padmanabhaswamy Temple’s treasure.

Chapter 26: Meeting the British Ambassador

The news of Iran and Iraq signing the Two-Iran Treaty had not only reached Tehran but had also made its way to the ears of the British. It was said that upon receiving the news of the treaty’s signing, Prime Minister Churchill of the British Empire, far away in London, flew into a rage.

Beri, the newly appointed Ambassador of the United Kingdom to Iran, who had been leisurely enjoying life in Tehran, received instructions from London and immediately hurried to Golestan Palace to seek an audience with Pahlavi.

The former Ambassador of the United Kingdom to Iran, Wilkinson, had been promoted to Ambassador to Spain due to his achievement of bringing Iran into the Allied Nations. Although both positions were ambassadorships, the status of the ambassador was higher in more prosperous countries.

Beri, the former minister, had also risen to the position of Ambassador to Iran thanks to this achievement!

Pahlavi did not make things difficult for the newly appointed British ambassador. When the attendant of Golestan Palace announced Beri’s request for an audience, Pahlavi immediately agreed to meet him.

Led by the palace attendant, Beri arrived at Pahlavi’s office. Pushing open the door, Beri saw Pahlavi leaning over his desk, intently reading documents spread across it.

“Your Highness Pahlavi,” Beri called out, rousing the engrossed Pahlavi.

“Oh! Ambassador Beri, to what do I owe the pleasure of your visit?” Pahlavi feigned ignorance.

Beri, seeing through Pahlavi’s act but choosing not to expose it, followed diplomatic protocol and said, “Your Highness, I have come to discuss an important matter with you. Does Iran intend to sever its alliance with the British Empire?”

“Oh, Ambassador Beri, why would you ask that? My country has no intention of breaking our alliance with yours!” Pahlavi continued to play dumb.

Seeing that Pahlavi was still feigning ignorance, Beri had no choice but to be direct: “Iran abandoned the British Empire and signed a treaty with Iraq alone. Isn’t this a betrayal of the alliance with the British Empire?”

“How could this be a betrayal of our alliance with your country? Iran is an independent sovereign state with the right to sign treaties with Iraq! As for why we signed the treaty without your country, it was out of necessity!

Our government’s finances can no longer support this war. We had no choice but to negotiate peace with Iraq ahead of time. However, we did not intend to abandon your country and negotiate peace alone.

The situation was urgent, and we did not have time to notify your country. Our military will soon withdraw from Iraq due to financial issues. I hope your country can quickly send troops to take over the occupied areas.

Since we were unaware of your country’s demands regarding Iraq, we only signed a treaty between our country and Iraq. If your country has any demands regarding Iraq, after your troops take over Baghdad, you can sign a separate treaty with Iraq!” Pahlavi said in one breath.

Pahlavi’s words were not merely an explanation to Beri but an offer to engage in a mutual exchange of interests with Britain.

Pahlavi’s meaning was simple: The treaty has already been signed, and we will not renegotiate it. If the British are unwilling, we will hand over the occupied Iraqi territory to you, and you can sign a new treaty with Iraq!

After listening to Pahlavi, Beri lowered his head in thought for a moment before looking up and saying, “Your Highness, may I see the treaty your country signed with Iraq?”

Pahlavi readily agreed to Beri’s request.

“Bring it to the ambassador,” Pahlavi instructed, handing the treaty sent by Saba to his attendant, who then passed it to Beri.

Beri eagerly opened the treaty and carefully examined the Persian-written clauses.

After a long while, having read every word of the treaty, Beri closed the document and spoke with dissatisfaction: “Your Highness, the treaty your country signed with Iraq is irregular!

Iraq is a sovereign state. Even if it has been defeated, we should respect its territorial integrity! Your country’s demand for the Kirkuk region is a violation of international law.

Furthermore, the treaty’s requirement that Iraq not impose tariffs on your country is an infringement on Iraq’s sovereignty!”

Hearing Beri’s words, Pahlavi could only respond with a smirk. He hadn’t expected the British to suddenly care about respecting other countries’ territorial integrity and national sovereignty!

When you were establishing colonies everywhere and using warships for free trade, you didn’t say that!

Pahlavi decided to fight fire with fire: “Iran absolutely respects Iraq’s national sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Kirkuk region we are demanding is inhabited by Kurds.

As a minority in Iraq, the Kurds have always lived under the discrimination of the Bedouins and have been constantly harassed by the Iraqi government. As a civilized nation, we have an obligation to save them.

We are not taking the Kirkuk region to occupy Iraqi land but to rescue the local Kurds! When the conditions for independence are met, we will immediately agree to the independence of the Kirkuk region!

As for the tariff issue with Iraq, it is because the Iraqis want to establish a free trade relationship with our country. It is absolutely not because we are infringing on Iraq’s sovereignty!”

Pahlavi planned to dismiss the British first. Independent nationhood? Impossible! The Kurds in the Kirkuk region would be partially driven to Mosul, some Kurdish guerrillas would be eliminated, some of those who provided assistance to the guerrillas would be sent to work on domestic roads, and some would be conscripted to fight the Germans head-on.

After this combination of measures, the Kurds in the Kirkuk region would become a minority. Once Persians were migrated there, the Kirkuk region would become Iran’s ancient land!

Listening to Pahlavi, Beri felt a sense of familiarity. Civilized nation? Rescue? Free trade? Aren’t these the words our British diplomats should be saying?

Beri couldn’t refute Pahlavi’s point about the ethnic issues in the Kirkuk region. After all, after World War I, the principle of national self-determination was used to dismantle the Austro-Hungarian and Hungarian empires.

However, Beri still argued about the free trade mentioned by Pahlavi: “Your Highness, Iraq’s free trade with Iran alone is not free trade!”

“It can also be free trade with Britain!” Pahlavi immediately cut off Beri’s next words.

For Pahlavi, whether Iraq imposed tariffs on Iran or not was irrelevant.

This time, it was Beri who was left speechless. This Iranian prince was not playing by the rules!

“This… well, but I think your country should establish a tariff committee with my country to jointly manage Iraq’s tariffs,” Beri suggested.

Pahlavi inwardly mocked Beri. Just now, he was saying that Iran was infringing on Iraq’s sovereignty, and now he was inviting Iran to jointly control Iraq’s tariffs. The British were truly shameless!

However, Pahlavi wasn’t one to refuse free offers. He readily agreed to Beri’s proposal!

Chapter 27: Desert Farms

Beri, having reached an agreement with Pahlavi, relayed the information back to London. Churchill could only helplessly acquiesce to Iran’s actions.

Churchill had no choice but to agree. In North Africa, Rommel’s forces were advancing straight toward Cairo, while Meyer’s air fleet, having weathered the extreme conditions over the British Isles, had resumed its rampage across the skies. However, the intensity of the German air force’s attacks had noticeably diminished—a welcome relief for Churchill.

At this juncture, Iran could be considered the lifeline of Britain’s North African campaign. To evade German submarines hunting in the Indian Ocean, vast quantities of resources from British India were being transported through Iran to the North African front.

Thus, severing ties with Iran over a minor and insignificant country like Iraq would be an unwise move for Churchill. Fully aware of this, Churchill decided to swallow this bitter pill.

How had the once-great British Empire fallen to such a state? Unable to defeat the Germans on the battlefield, selling off domestic enterprises and overseas naval bases for resources from the upstart Americans, and now subjected to diplomatic blackmail from a nation it once looked down upon—Iran.

Helpless, Prime Minister Churchill could only sigh in silence, cursing the Labor Party for ruining the nation.

Finally, Churchill specifically instructed Beri that while Britain could provide military funding to Iran, Iran must organize an expeditionary force to support the North African campaign.

The next day, General Smart, leading the 10th Indian Division’s 2nd Brigade, took over the already looted city of Baghdad from the 411st Armored Brigade.

Since receiving Churchill’s orders, General Smart had been advancing toward Baghdad, though not at full speed. He maintained vigilance along the way, accepting the surrender of numerous Iraqi troops.

It wasn’t until this morning, upon receiving notification from Middle East Command that the Iraqis had surrendered, that General Smart hastened to Baghdad to take over defensive duties from the Iranian forces.

The handover proceeded smoothly. The Iranian troops had completed their mission, and their soldiers, having profited handsomely, were eager for the British to take over so they could return home and reunite with their families.

The British forces were equally pleased to take control of Baghdad—stationing there meant they wouldn’t have to face the Germans head-on in Egypt for the time being.

By 2:00 PM that afternoon, all Iranian troops had withdrawn from the Baghdad area. The most meritorious 411st Armored Brigade and the hardest-hit 352nd Infantry Division were the first to return home for rest and reorganization.

The 241st Cavalry Division, 242nd Cavalry Division, and 261st Infantry Division would continue northward to suppress Kurdish resistance organizations in the Kirkuk region.

Unlike the smooth progress of Iran’s Southern Front Army, the Northern Front Army faced significant obstacles. The Kurdish guerrilla forces in the Kirkuk region were proving to be an exceedingly stubborn adversary.

The Northern Front Army had easily crushed the Iraqi forces defending the cities. Later, after the Iraqi government announced its surrender, the city garrisons wisely laid down their arms and surrendered to the Iranian forces, relinquishing control of the cities.

However, the Kurdish guerrilla forces scattered across the vast rural areas were far more difficult to deal with. Relying on the mountainous terrain of the Kirkuk region, they launched attacks on Iranian supply convoys and patrol units.

Some Kurds from Iran’s Kurdistan Province, West Azerbaijan Province, and Kermanshah Province even crossed the border into Kirkuk, joining local Kurdish guerrilla groups or providing them with weapons and supplies.

Of course, the Kurds’ actions didn’t stop there. Kurds living within Iran also staged protests and demonstrations in major Iranian cities to support their brethren fighting in Kirkuk.

Pahlavi condemned these protesting Kurds, calling them “nothing but traitors through and through!” He urged Iranian patriots to attack those participating in the demonstrations and ordered local police stations to violently disperse the Kurdish protesters. Those deemed severe offenders were sent to the south to build roads.

Since Pahlavi became regent, numerous concentration camps had been established in southern Iran to imprison those exiled there. These camps provided ample labor for the British to construct railways and highways across Iran.

Naturally, Pahlavi didn’t provide this labor to the British for free. Each month, the British had to pay the Iranian government one hundred rials per prisoner. If a prisoner died, the British were required to compensate the Iranian government with one thousand rials. (In 1941, the average annual income in Iran was approximately fifteen hundred rials.)

The British weren’t responsible for housing or feeding these prisoners; their livelihood was entirely the responsibility of the Iranian government.

This arrangement was a win-win for both the British and Iranian governments. The British obtained cheap labor without the burden of management, while the Iranian government didn’t have to support these prisoners for free and could earn a substantial income.

These profitable concentration camps in the southern deserts were mockingly dubbed “desert farms” by the Iranian populace at the time.

Local police arrested many Kurdish protesters and sent them to these “desert farms,” where they would contribute their labor to Iran’s development.

Bang!

Barak effortlessly executed a Kurdish guerrilla with his rifle.

Today was May 15, 1941. Barak had been in the Kirkuk region for fifteen days.

The once youthful Barak was no longer the same. A coarse black beard grew haphazardly across his face, and his pale green eyes revealed endless fatigue.

War had transformed this young recruit who once froze at the sight of his comrades’ deaths into a soldier capable of executing enemies without hesitation.

“Hey, kid. Don’t go around looking so gloomy. How many have you killed? You’re not even close to qualifying yet!” Shatel said, trying to cheer Barak up.

After the village attack, Sergeant Aziz had been severely wounded and transported to a hospital in Iran. Though he survived, he would likely be unable to remain in the military. Upon leaving the service, Aziz could pursue his dream of opening a shop in Tehran. As a wounded veteran, the military would provide him with a substantial one-time compensation.

With Aziz gone, Shatel was promoted to sergeant. Along with Barak and five other new recruits, they reformed Aziz’s squad.

Since both he and Barak were fortunate survivors, Shatel had taken care of Barak in subsequent battles until Barak could kill enemies without emotion.

Shatel wasn’t sure if this was good or bad for Barak. Now, Barak could survive battles well, but he would undoubtedly suffer from severe post-war trauma.

Thus, Shatel continued to talk to Barak after battles, just as before, to alleviate the psychological fatigue from frequent combat.

Chapter 28: Eliminating the Guerrilla Forces

With a cold expression, Barak glanced at Shatel before ignoring him and turning to inspect his rifle.

“Tsk…” Shatel shook his head.

The squad fell into silence—some sorted their gear, others closed their eyes to rest.

“Beep—beep—beep—”

The assembly call reached Shatel’s unit, and everyone immediately gathered their belongings and rushed toward the sound.

By the time Shatel and the others arrived, the square was already filled with Iranian soldiers. The platoon leaders and sergeants were organizing the troops into formation.

More soldiers trickled in from farther away, having rushed from distant posts.

Once everyone was assembled, Shatel’s captain stood before the troops to deliver a pre-battle speech.

Shatel knew another battle was coming. According to the captain, the Northern Front Command had located the largest Kurdish guerrilla base in the Kirkuk region. Shatel’s division would be responsible for eliminating this guerrilla force.

“That’s the situation. In the upcoming battle, I expect you to fight with your lives for His Majesty, for the Empire!”

As the captain finished, the newly recruited soldiers—those who had never seen battle—cheered loudly.

The base of the Kurdish guerrilla force that the 361st Infantry Division was about to eliminate was located in the northern mountains of Diyana, near the border where Iraq, Iran, and Turkey met.

The area was predominantly Kurdish, with the northern region being Turkey’s Kurdish zone. Due to Turkey’s aggressive nationalist policies, the area was also home to many Kurdish guerrilla groups. Thus, the guerrillas in both regions could support each other.

The Kurdish issue was widespread in Iran, Iraq, and Turkey. At its core, the Kurds sought to establish an independent Kurdistan.

This was unacceptable to Iran, Turkey, and Iraq! All three nations occupied traditional Kurdish lands, and if the Kurds in any one country gained independence, it would inevitably lead the Kurds in the other two to seek the same.

Therefore, Iran, Turkey, and Iraq had always maintained a united front in suppressing Kurdish independence.

Among them, the Kurdish issue was most severe in Turkey! Both Iran and Turkey enforced strict nationalist policies, with Turkey even refusing to acknowledge the existence of a Kurdish ethnicity, instead calling them “Mountain Turks.”

However, Turkey’s Kurdish population lived in the southeastern border regions, far from the capital and in mountainous terrain, making them numerous and difficult to control.

Turkey’s nationalist policies naturally provoked dissatisfaction among the local Kurds, leading to the spontaneous formation of guerrilla groups that engaged in fierce clashes with the Turkish military!

While Iran also enforced aggressive nationalist policies, the situation was quite different from Turkey’s.

First, Kurds made up a small percentage of Iran’s population. Second, most Iranian Kurds lived in towns, lacking the conditions for guerrilla warfare.

Thus, Iranian Kurds could only stage protests or flee to the Kirkuk region to join guerrilla groups.

The Kurdish guerrilla force in Diyana consisted of Kurds from all three nations and received substantial financial and military support, making it the largest Kurdish guerrilla group in the Kirkuk region.

Iran’s intelligence agency had sent several bought-off Kurdish traitors, disguised as Iranian Kurds, to infiltrate the base and obtain its exact location.

Upon receiving orders from the General Staff, the commander of the 361st Infantry Division quickly mobilized the troops toward Diyana. To avoid alerting the enemy, the division split into smaller units as they moved.

Additionally, Iran’s border regiment in West Azerbaijan was deployed to the Kirkuk region near the Turkish border to prevent the Diyana guerrillas from fleeing into Turkey.

Shatel’s unit was a reconnaissance platoon. Before the operation began, Shatel and his men had already taken cover at the foot of the mountain where the Kurdish guerrilla base was located.

The base was situated halfway up the mountain, hidden in a ravine, making it nearly impossible to spot from the outside.

Shatel looked up and could clearly see the entire layout of the guerrilla base.

The base wasn’t large—it could hold around a thousand people. Besides the guerrillas, there were also children and women moving about inside.

Shatel guessed they were likely family members of the guerrillas.

As night fell, under the cover of darkness, the 361st Infantry Division’s troops arrived at the battle site. They surrounded the guerrilla base in multiple layers, leaving the guerrillas with no escape.

Shatel raised his wrist, checking his watch under the moonlight. There was one minute left before the attack. He quietly instructed those behind him, “Time’s almost up. Prepare for battle.”

Barak mechanically checked his weapon, while the other soldiers readied themselves.

As flares lit up the sky, tearing away the veil of night, the battle began!

The once-peaceful base was now filled with explosions as the 361st Infantry Division’s mortars unleashed their firepower. In moments, the entire base was blanketed in a dense barrage of shells.

The guerrilla fighters, who had been sleeping undressed, were caught completely off guard. Many were killed in their sleep by the mortar explosions.

The surviving guerrillas quickly organized to resist the 361st Infantry Division’s assault while searching for a way to break out.

Shatel and his men, serving as the vanguard, had already stormed the base. The Kurdish guerrillas, along with their families, were moving toward the edge of the base.

The base’s edge led into the mountains—if they reached the forest, they could escape the 361st Infantry Division’s pursuit. However, the division had already stationed a large number of troops at the base’s perimeter.

As the guerrillas approached the forest, the hidden Iranian soldiers opened fire. The heavy machine guns of the 361st Infantry Division unleashed a storm of metal, effortlessly cutting down the Kurdish fighters in front of them.

After leaving behind over thirty corpses, the guerrillas retreated back into the base. There, they were met by Shatel and his pursuing men.

Barak was the first to react, firing his rifle before quickly taking cover behind a wall. The other soldiers followed suit, finding cover and exchanging fire with the Kurdish guerrillas.

With Shatel’s men pressing forward and the hidden Iranian soldiers blocking their escape into the forest, the Kurdish guerrillas realized they had no way out.

The remaining determined guerrillas organized one last charge before the rest, along with their families, surrendered to the Iranian forces!

Chapter 29: Tribal Issues

A cigarette after battle is better than an immortal.

After the fight ended, Barak also lit up the cigarettes issued by the logistics department.

The raid on the Kurdish guerrilla base had gone very smoothly. Thanks to the element of surprise, the 361st Infantry Division suffered only 131 casualties.

But they had killed over 300 Kurdish guerrillas and captured more than 800 guerrillas and their families.

Unfortunately, someone in Barak’s infantry squad had been killed. Every time he saw a comrade die, even though Barak had grown accustomed to it, a strange feeling still welled up in his heart.

Barak could only rely on cigarettes to numb his nerves and restore his calm!

Just as Barak sat alone under the crumbling eaves, smoking, Shatel walked over and sat down beside him.

Shatel casually draped his arm over Barak’s shoulder, but Barak frowned and shook it off. Undeterred, Shatel put his arm back.

“Captain just told me to go to a meeting. The higher-ups say our division will be called back to the country to participate in the victory parade. The war is over.”

“Mmm,” Barak replied softly.

“When we get to Tehran, we can go see Aziz.” Shatel continued, talking to himself. Barak chose to be a silent listener.

Finally, Shatel suddenly said, “I’ve already signed up for the expeditionary force. After the parade, I’ll be heading to Egypt!”

Barak turned his head, looking at Shatel in confusion. Shatel explained, “The General Staff is organizing an expeditionary force to help the British defend Egypt against the Germans.”

“Can’t you not go?” Barak, who had been silent all along, asked.

Shatel smiled. “I’ve already signed up.”

“I’m going too.” Barak met Shatel’s gaze.

Shatel’s smile faded, and he looked seriously at Barak. “Leave the rest of the fighting to us old soldiers! Besides, I don’t think you’re suited to stay on the battlefield anymore.”

Shatel continued to persuade Barak earnestly, and Barak finally nodded, seemingly agreeing with Shatel’s words.

In the distance, the cheers of other soldiers could be heard as they gathered around the bonfire to celebrate the end of the war.

The telephone line from Tehran to Isfahan had been completed in mid-April.

After its completion, Pahlavi often spoke with Reza Shah, who was far away in Isfahan. After the war with Iraq ended, Pahlavi made a special call to Reza Shah to discuss holding a victory parade.

Reza Shah agreed to Pahlavi’s proposal without hesitation.

Over the past few months, Reza Shah had been watching Pahlavi’s performance. He believed Pahlavi now had the ability to stand on his own.

During his time in Isfahan, Reza Shah had more than once considered directly passing the throne to Pahlavi, but Pahlavi had refused each time.

Born in 1878, Reza Shah was now 63 years old. As a political figure, 63 was still a young age, but Reza Shah had aged too quickly.

In his youth, Reza Shah had lived in poverty. Later, he joined the military, undergoing intense daily training without sufficient energy to recover, prematurely depleting his vitality. Even after becoming king, he could not make up for the damage he had suffered.

Coincidentally, Pahlavi was preparing to hold a victory parade. Reza Shah decided to take this opportunity to return to Tehran and announce during the parade that he would pass the throne to Pahlavi!

While Pahlavi was in control of Iran in Tehran, Reza Shah had not been idle in Isfahan.

Tribalism in southern Iran had always existed. Previously, Reza Shah had relied on strong military power to conquer the tribal chiefs, forcing them to submit to the central government in Tehran.

But this was all based on military intimidation. The southern provinces had not yet formed an effective administrative system.

The cities were controlled by officials appointed by Tehran, but the countryside was controlled by tribal chiefs. The southern provinces were far from Tehran, filled with mountains and deserts.

Previously, because the roads were impassable and there was no valuable resources to exploit, Reza Shah had turned a blind eye to the loose governance of the southern provinces.

With the discovery of oil and natural gas resources in the southern provinces, coupled with the British expanding the port in Abbas and building a transportation route across southern Iran, the value of the southern provinces began to rise. Moreover, with the British improving roads and ports, the transportation issues in the southern provinces had greatly improved.

This provided Reza Shah with favorable conditions to control the southern provinces.

Upon arriving in Isfahan, Reza Shah immediately summoned the tribal chiefs. Intimidated by Reza Shah’s tyranny, these chiefs had no choice but to travel through mountains and rivers to Isfahan. The tribal chiefs did not want to invite an Iranian military crackdown just for missing a meeting.

In the previous Iranian civil war, the chiefs who had defied Reza Shah had been wiped out by his army. Although it had been about ten years, the memory of the ‘genocide’ still haunted these chiefs.

Once all the chiefs had gathered in Isfahan, Reza Shah bared his fangs.

At the meeting, Reza Shah demanded that the chiefs disband their private tribal armies. At the same time, he abolished the tribal system, replacing it with administrative personnel appointed by the local government.

Of course, Reza Shah understood the principle of giving a carrot after the stick. The Iranian royal family would grant the tribal chiefs hereditary titles based on the size of their tribes, and the chiefs could retain their personal property, excluding land.

Chiefs who received titles could be appointed by the Iranian king as members of the upper house of parliament or hereditary provincial council members. At the same time, the Iranian royal family would allocate a piece of land as the chiefs’ fiefdom.

To be honest, the compensation conditions Reza Shah proposed were very generous. The chiefs would go from local strongmen to Iranian nobles, even participating in provincial and national political meetings.

Therefore, after Reza Shah stated his conditions, 12 out of the 14 chiefs present immediately agreed.

The remaining two chiefs disagreed because oil had been discovered on their tribal lands. On the verge of becoming wealthy from oil, they were naturally unwilling to give up their land.

Reza Shah did not force the issue, as such matters required mutual consent.

So, the magnanimous Reza Shah had the two dissenting chiefs hanged at the gates of Isfahan. At the same time, he sent the military to their tribes to implicate their families.

Using a combination of force and incentives, Reza Shah successfully resolved the tribal issues in the southern provinces of Iran. Of course, all of this was based on strong military power.

Chapter 30: Preparations for the Military Parade

Tehran, Iran

Unlike the war-torn capital of Iraq, Baghdad, Tehran was filled with a festive atmosphere. Newspapers of all sizes in the city were reporting the news of the war’s victory.

To demonstrate the royal family’s benevolence, Reza Shah Pahlavi announced a three-day national holiday with a wave of his hand.

Additionally, five million rials were allocated from the Royal Affairs Bureau to decorate Tehran’s streets and distribute supplies to the city’s residents.

The Royal Affairs Bureau was a department established by Reza Shah specifically to manage the royal family’s assets.

The units participating in the parade included the 411st Armored Brigade, the 361st Infantry Division, and the 261st Infantry Division. Apart from these, other units that had participated in the war each sent a regiment to join the parade.

The decision not to have all military units participate in the parade was made after Mansour discussed it with Reza Shah Pahlavi.

Initially, Reza Shah Pahlavi wanted all military units to participate. Upon learning of Reza Shah Pahlavi’s idea, Mansour brought a thick stack of documents and personally went to Reza Shah Pahlavi’s office in Golestan Palace.

In the midst of Reza Shah Pahlavi’s confused gaze, Mansour flipped through the documents one by one for him to see.

“Your Highness, this document is about the military’s logistical expenses; this one is about the compensation for the families of fallen soldiers; this one is about the bonuses for soldiers awarded medals…”

“Prime Minister Mansour, is there a problem with these?” Reza Shah Pahlavi asked, slightly puzzled.

Prime Minister Mansour looked at Reza Shah Pahlavi and said, “Your Highness, these military expenses have already exhausted the government’s finances for this year!”

“Prime Minister Mansour, there’s no need to worry about the government’s financial pressure. I have already obtained detailed information about an ancient treasure and have sent an expedition team to excavate it. Once they bring the treasure back to Iran, the government will have money!” Reza Shah Pahlavi dismissed Mansour’s words.

Mansour continued to speak to Reza Shah Pahlavi, “Your Highness, what if the expedition team doesn’t find the treasure, or if something happens to the treasure on its way back to the country?”

The question Mansour raised instantly awakened Reza Shah Pahlavi.

Indeed, what if something went wrong during the expedition?

Mansour seized the opportunity to advise Reza Shah Pahlavi, “Your Highness, now that you govern the entire Iran, how can you pin your hopes on things that haven’t happened yet?”

“Prime Minister Mansour, I accept your advice.” Reza Shah Pahlavi chose to humbly accept Mansour’s advice.

This sudden visit from Mansour served as a wake-up call for Reza Shah Pahlavi. The success of the Iraq war had made Reza Shah Pahlavi a bit dizzy with pride, and he had started to become arrogant.

Fortunately, Mansour’s reminder had just come in time, otherwise, if things had gone as Mansour predicted, the Iranian government’s finances would have been in trouble. Financial problems would have led to problems throughout the entire country.

The overthrow of the Pahlavi Dynasty in the previous life was related to the financial problems of the government at that time. However, the biggest problem was Iran’s economic issues!

After this battle, Reza Shah Pahlavi decided that he must consult Mansour more often in the future. When it came to governing the country, it was necessary to find professional and competent people.

May 16th

The 411st Armored Brigade, the 261st Infantry Division, and some scattered infantry regiments had arrived in Tehran and were stationed in the military camps on the outskirts of the city.

On the streets of Tehran, soldiers in uniform gradually increased in number. As the number of soldiers grew, the security situation in Tehran became more severe.

Although Tehran was the capital of Iran and the location of the king’s palace, the Tehran Police Department chose to increase patrols in the face of these soldiers who had just come off the battlefield.

At the same time, the General Staff also dispatched military police to patrol the city of Tehran and strictly ordered the commanders of the units stationed around Tehran participating in the parade to prohibit soldiers from carrying weapons outside the military camp and to return to the camp by 6 PM!

After all, if some reckless soldiers caused trouble in Tehran and ruined the parade, both the General Staff and the Police Department would be in big trouble.

The parade would be held on Nasser Khosrow Avenue in front of Golestan Palace. The soldiers participating in the parade would form a square and march past the gate of Golestan Palace.

Because the 411st Armored Brigade’s tank units were participating in the parade, to prevent the street surface of Nasser Khosrow Avenue from being unable to withstand the tank tracks, the Tehran Municipal Department worked overnight to reinforce the street surface.

In addition to showcasing the Iranian military’s image, this parade also included a ceremony where Reza Shah and Reza Shah Pahlavi would jointly award medals to soldiers and officers.

Of course, there was also a ceremony where Reza Shah would announce his abdication, but Reza Shah decided to announce it temporarily and did not intend to inform anyone in advance.

In this war, a total of 527 officers and soldiers were awarded medals. The list of awardees was reported from the lower-level companies to the division headquarters, and then the division headquarters uniformly reported it to the General Staff.

After the General Staff’s selection and certification of the medal levels, it was submitted to Reza Shah Pahlavi for approval.

The commanders of the various combat units were all on the list of awardees. Even the commander of the 352nd Infantry Division, which had suffered heavy losses during the attack on the town of Ruz, was on the list.

While reviewing the list of awardees, Reza Shah Pahlavi discovered that Albert, whom he had previously stopped, was also among them.

Reza Shah Pahlavi sighed that he was indeed good at judging people. The commander of the 411st Armored Brigade, Kurman, whom he had personally appointed, had penetrated deep into enemy territory and captured the Iraqi capital, Baghdad. Even the small officer he had casually praised had made meritorious deeds in the war!

Reza Shah Pahlavi set the parade for June 1st. At this time, June 1st was not yet Children’s Day.

The establishment of Children’s Day was to commemorate the Lidice massacre on June 10, 1942, and all children who died in wars around the world, to oppose the killing and poisoning of children, and to protect children’s rights.

There was still about a year left before the Lidice massacre occurred. The reason Reza Shah Pahlavi chose this time to hold the parade was, first, because some units had not yet arrived in Tehran, and after all units arrived, rehearsals would take time. Second, Reza Shah Pahlavi wanted to satisfy his own whims.

Although the parade rehearsals had not yet begun, Zambrano, the commander who had always been strict with his subordinates, had already ordered the entire 261st Infantry Division to practice formations.

To make the parade visually appealing, Reza Shah Pahlavi specifically requested that the participating military units use the Prussian goose step to march down Nasser Khosrow Avenue.

Fortunately, Reza Shah had chosen German instructors to train the soldiers, so the soldiers of the 261st Infantry Division did not find it difficult to practice the Prussian goose step. The challenge was maintaining the formation’s alignment while moving.

The 411st Armored Brigade was stationed next to the 261st Infantry Division. Seeing Zambrano organizing the soldiers for early rehearsals, Commander Kurman was not to be outdone. He had the armored troops drive the tanks out and arrange them neatly in the open fields on the outskirts of Tehran.

Seeing the 411st Armored Brigade and the 261st Infantry Division rehearsing early, the other units that had arrived in Tehran for the parade also started training!

Chapter 31: Reza Shah Returns

May 21, 1941

Tehran Railway Station was once again filled with armed soldiers. Government officials, rarely seen at the station, were present in full force, with Pahlavi among them.

Reza Shah’s train was arriving in Tehran today, which was why Pahlavi and the ministers had gathered at the station.

After about an hour, the train carrying Reza Shah pulled into Tehran Railway Station.

Once the train came to a stop, the door of a lavishly decorated carriage slowly opened. A group of soldiers in resplendent uniforms stepped out, standing imposingly at the entrance.

Then, as usual, Reza Shah emerged from the carriage, dressed in a Western-style military uniform and wearing the ‘Pahlavi cap.’

Pahlavi and the ministers waiting on the platform rushed forward as soon as they saw Reza Shah step out of the carriage.

“Father, you must be exhausted from the journey!”

Reza Shah patted the now grown and capable Pahlavi on the shoulder, smiling. “Mohammad, you’ve done an excellent job in my absence!”

After praising Pahlavi, Reza Shah began conversing with the ministers gathered around him, including Prime Minister Mansour and Minister Saba.

Once Reza Shah had spoken with each of the ministers, he and Pahlavi boarded a car together and returned to Golestan Palace.

Upon their return to Golestan Palace, the office that Reza Shah had left for Pahlavi had already been tidied up by the attendants Pahlavi had arranged.

The attendants who had accompanied Reza Shah began to return the items he had taken from the office to their original places.

However, Reza Shah stopped them midway, instructing them to take his belongings to the Saadabad Palace instead.

Saadabad Palace was located on the northernmost mountain of Tehran and had been completed in 1939. Reza Shah had initially built this palace to serve as his office and residence during the summer.

But now, the only function Saadabad Palace served in Reza Shah’s mind was as a summer residence.

“Father, are you moving to Saadabad Palace to live?” Pahlavi asked, confused.

“That’s right, Mohammad. The summer heat in Tehran is too much for me. I don’t think my body can handle it.” Reza Shah’s eyes gleamed with cunning. “As for you, Mohammad, you’re still young. The heat in Tehran is nothing to you. You can continue to stay at Golestan Palace and handle the affairs of state for me!”

Reza Shah’s words left Pahlavi somewhat stunned. From his father’s words, Pahlavi could tell that Reza Shah intended to hand over all power to him. Even if Reza Shah remained in Tehran, he had chosen to leave all political matters in Pahlavi’s hands.

“Father, I’m afraid I can’t handle all the affairs of state alone. Iran still needs you to take charge.” Pahlavi quickly declined.

Reza Shah pretended to be angry. “How could you not handle it? Didn’t you do a great job while I was away? Besides, you have Mansour to assist you. This matter is settled!”

Seeing that Pahlavi still seemed to want to decline, Reza Shah put on a tired expression. “Mohammad, I’ve been working hard for decades. I’m already in my sixties. It’s time for me to rest.”

Pahlavi, seeing his father’s tired appearance, nodded in agreement. “I understand, Father. I will handle everything!”

Reza Shah was finally satisfied.

…

Outside Tehran

All the troops required to participate in the military parade had arrived at the military camp on the outskirts of Tehran. The soldiers were being drilled by their officers at their respective stations.

Shatel and Barak decided to take leave today to visit Aziz at the hospital. After showing their leave passes to the military police at the camp entrance and undergoing inspection, Shatel and Barak successfully left the camp.

To reach the city center of Tehran, Shatel and Barak needed to go to the bus stop near the camp. This bus route was specially set up by the Tehran Public Transport Service Company to meet the needs of soldiers stationed outside the city who wanted to travel to the city center.

When the two arrived at the bus stop, the platform was filled with soldiers like them who had taken leave to go to Tehran. Some soldiers were from Tehran and were going home to visit their families; some simply wanted to see the prosperity of the imperial capital; and of course, some, like Shatel and Barak, were going to visit their comrades.

They didn’t have to wait long before a British-made Milne-Daimler double-decker bus pulled into the station.

Shatel and Barak lined up and boarded the bus. To better enjoy the scenery along the way, they chose to sit on the second floor of the bus.

Once the bus was full, it slowly started moving. The scenery outside the window began to recede as the bus advanced.

The first thing that came into Shatel and Barak’s view was a desert. As the bus gradually approached the city center of Tehran, the desert gave way to flat fields, and houses began to appear more frequently.

The bus continued forward, and the fields disappeared, replaced by rows of low, white houses with Persian architectural styles.

After passing these houses, the bus entered the city center of Tehran.

The wide roads were lined with rows of plane trees. Next to the trees were buildings about five or six stories high.

The outer walls of the buildings were adorned with exquisite stone carvings. The ground floor was occupied by shops, with wooden signs fixed to the outer walls of the buildings so that passersby could know what the shops sold.

The streets in front of the shops were paved with unknown stones. People came and went, some dressed in Western clothes, others in traditional attire.

There were also groups of noble ladies wearing hats, tea dresses, and carrying expensive leather bags, strolling down the streets.

In the distance, one could see some completed or still under construction skyscrapers. Iran’s emerging financial elites were enjoying the beauty of wealth in these completed skyscrapers.

This was Tehran, the capital of Iran at the time—a city where tradition and modernity coexisted, and a city of abundance!

Shatel and Barak, who had always lived in the rural areas of Iran, had never seen such a scene. Shatel even pressed his face against the bus window to look at the scenery outside.

Of course, it wasn’t just Shatel who did this; most of the soldiers on the bus did the same. Coming from the rural areas or even tribes of Iran, they had never seen the appearance of a modern city!

The bus continued to drive, and after making a turn, it reached the terminal.

Shatel and Barak, urged by the conductor, got off the bus. The two officially set foot in the city they had longed for—the imperial capital, Tehran!

Chapter 32: A Day in Tehran

“Barak, Tehran is so prosperous. Once I leave the military, I plan to open a shop here like Aziz and bring my family over,” Shatel remarked, gazing at the bustling scene before him.

Barak, rarely in agreement, nodded. The prosperity of Tehran truly astonished these soldiers from Iran’s impoverished regions.

“Speaking of which, Barak, you’re still unmarried, right? Once I open my shop in Tehran, I’ll introduce you to a Tehran girl,” Shatel teased Barak as usual.

Barak turned his head away, seemingly ignoring Shatel or perhaps embarrassed by the teasing.

As Shatel continued to tease Barak, the two reached their destination. New to Tehran, they had forgotten one crucial thing—they didn’t know the way to the hospital.

At a loss, they decided to hail a carriage. Shatel stopped one, only to find the fare was fifty rials—nearly a third of his monthly salary. They chose not to take the carriage to the hospital.

The Iranian military operated on a conscription system. An ordinary soldier earned eighty rials a month, including board and lodging, along with occasional supplies like toothbrushes, washbasins, and cigarettes.

Shatel, a corporal, earned one hundred thirty rials a month; a sergeant earned one hundred eighty rials; and Aziz, a staff sergeant, earned two hundred thirty rials.

These were the wages for soldiers and non-commissioned officers. Officers earned significantly more, with a monthly allowance of special cigarettes produced by the Royal Affairs Bureau’s tobacco company in Khuzestan Province, exclusively for military officers. Besides combat uniforms, the Iranian military also provided officers with four formal suits.

For wages, the lowest-ranking officer, a second lieutenant, earned one thousand rials a month; a first lieutenant earned one thousand two hundred rials; and a captain earned one thousand five hundred rials.

For field-grade officers and above, a major earned two thousand rials a month; a lieutenant colonel earned two thousand five hundred rials; a colonel earned three thousand rials; a major general earned three thousand five hundred rials; a lieutenant general earned four thousand rials; and a general earned four thousand five hundred rials.

The salary for the rank of marshal was determined separately by the General Staff.

Having given up on the carriage, Shatel and Barak had to ask passersby for directions repeatedly. After much stumbling, they found someone heading to the same hospital.

Under the stranger’s guidance, Shatel and Barak finally arrived at Aziz’s hospital.

Standing at the hospital entrance, Shatel couldn’t help but sigh, “Finding this hospital was harder than fighting guerrillas in Kirkuk.”

With that, Shatel pulled Barak inside. After explaining their visit to a nurse, she warmly directed them.

Notably, none of the female nurses in the hospital wore veils. It was the first time Shatel and Barak had seen so many Iranian women without them.

Earlier on the streets, they had only glimpsed a few wealthy women without headscarves. But inside the hospital, every busy nurse they saw was unveiled.

This was due to Reza Shah’s decree prohibiting medical staff from wearing veils in hospitals. His reasons were twofold: to set an example of not wearing veils and because veils hindered the nurses’ work.

Following the nurse’s directions, Shatel and Barak reached Aziz’s ward.

Aziz’s ward had six beds, but the spacious, well-lit room didn’t feel crowded. Besides Aziz, the other five beds were also occupied.

As they pushed the door open, Shatel and Barak saw Aziz lying in bed, chatting with the patient next to him.

The quiet room made the sound of the door opening noticeable, drawing the attention of the other patients. Seeing Shatel and Barak, Aziz’s face lit up with joy.

“I didn’t expect you two to come visit me!” Aziz said happily, looking at the two standing by his bed.

“Hmph, we came to see if you’re dead. If you had died in that bed, Barak would have run for help for nothing,” Shatel said, feigning indifference.

Barak, usually stoic on the battlefield, showed a hint of his former spirit in Aziz’s presence.

“Aziz, who are they? Introduce us,” the patient in the next bed asked Aziz.

Aziz smiled and replied, “Haha, they’re my old subordinates. They came to visit me in the hospital.”

“Then I won’t disturb your reunion.”

With that, the neighbor turned away and went to sleep.

Aziz pretended to be helpless, shaking his head, then started chatting with Shatel and Barak about what had happened. After hearing Shatel recount Barak’s deeds, Aziz was shocked by Barak’s transformation.

The three comrades-in-arms talked for a long time until a nurse entered with a tray of medicine to change Aziz’s bandages. Only then did Shatel and Barak prepare to leave.

Before leaving, Shatel suddenly said to Aziz, “Barak and I have signed up for the expeditionary force. After the military parade, we’ll be sent to Egypt. We won’t be able to visit you then.”

Aziz fell silent for a moment, hesitating several times before finally saying, “Come back alive.”

Shatel nodded, then led Barak out of the hospital.

By the time they left the hospital, it was already four in the afternoon, with two hours left before they had to return to camp. Though they had wanted to explore Tehran, they didn’t have enough time and had to rush to the bus station heading to the suburban military camp.

Shatel and Barak weren’t directionally challenged; in fact, their long-term combat experience had honed their sense of direction. Even though they had only walked the route from the station to the hospital once, Shatel’s keen sense of direction helped him remember the way back.

They arrived at the bus station without incident and boarded the bus back to camp. The bus carried them out of Tehran.

Watching the cityscape fade through the window, both knew they didn’t belong in Tehran.

Creak

The bus’s automatic doors opened with a mechanical groan.

Shatel and Barak stepped off the bus, their feet touching the desert outskirts of Tehran. Seeing the imposing military camp in the distance, a sudden sense of calm washed over them, dispelling the confusion they had felt in the city.

Shatel and Barak understood—they belonged on the battlefield!

Chapter 33: The Aid Route to the Soviet Union

In the blink of an eye, it was June 1st.

Today was the day Pahlavi held a victory military parade in Tehran, and the time until the outbreak of the Soviet-German war was drawing nearer.

Once the Soviet-German war began, the steady stream of supplies from the United States to the Soviet Union would traverse all of Iran, entering the Soviet Union from the southern Soviet republic of Azerbaijan, crossing the Caucasus Mountains, and then being transported by train or ships on the Volga River to cities in the Soviet interior.

Throughout World War II, the United States established five supply routes to the Soviet Union:

The Arctic Route, departing from northern British ports, passing through Iceland, and crossing the Arctic Ocean to reach the Soviet northern ports of Arkhangelsk and Murmansk. This route was opened in 1942, but due to the freezing of Soviet northern ports in winter, it was only operational during the warmer summer months.

The Black Sea Route, starting from Egypt in Africa, crossing the Mediterranean and Black Seas to reach Soviet ports on the Black Sea. This was the shortest route, but since Soviet Black Sea ports were under German control before 1945, it was not opened until after 1945.

The Arctic Ocean Route, departing from eastern U.S. ports, crossing the northern Scandinavian Peninsula to reach the Soviet Arctic port city of Murmansk. This route was opened in 1941.

The Pacific Route, departing from western U.S. ports, passing through the Sea of Japan to reach Soviet Far Eastern ports, then transported via the Trans-Siberian Railway to the European part of the Soviet Union. This route was opened in 1941.

The Iranian Route, departing from western U.S. ports, crossing the Pacific and Indian Oceans, entering the Persian Gulf, unloading at Iranian ports, and then transported overland through Iran to the Soviet Union.

In the original timeline, this route was opened in 1942 because Reza Shah was inclined toward Germany. In 1941, the United States could not open a route through Iran.

It was only after British and Soviet forces jointly invaded Tehran and deposed Reza Shah that the Iranian route was opened.

However, in this timeline, Pahlavi had already led Iran to join the Allied Nations, so after the Soviet-German war began, American supplies could be directly transported through Iran to the Soviet Union. This was beneficial for Iran, the United States, and the Soviet Union!

According to later historical records, from 1941 to 1945, the United States provided the Soviet Union with a total of $10.9 billion worth of various supplies under the Lend-Lease Act. However, the Soviet Union, as the recipient, only acknowledged receiving $9.8 billion worth of supplies!

Pahlavi believed both sides had their reasons. The United States calculated based on the supplies sent, while the Soviet Union calculated based on the supplies received.

From the American perspective, supplies sent were naturally counted as aid. From the Soviet perspective, if the supplies hadn’t reached their hands, how could they be considered aid?

This was a matter of perspective—some saw it one way, others another.

But one thing was certain: American material aid played a decisive role in the victory of World War II. Without the United States supplying anti-fascist nations like Britain, the Soviet Union, and the Republic of China, the casualties on the anti-fascist side would likely have doubled!

Nasser Khosrow Avenue in front of Golestan Palace had been temporarily cordoned off, with viewing stands set up on both sides of the road. Some early-arriving Tehran citizens had already passed through the strict external security checks and entered Nasser Khosrow Avenue.

As time passed, the number of people in the stands gradually increased. At exactly 10 a.m., Reza Shah and Pahlavi, dressed in regal royal attire, walked toward the front stage accompanied by a group of cabinet ministers and generals from the General Staff.

The citizens across from them, seeing the appearance of the Pahlavi father and son, greeted them with enthusiastic applause. The cheers of Tehran’s citizens echoed through Golestan Palace at that moment.

Reza Shah’s decades-long nationalist policies had cultivated a large number of fervent Persian nationalists within Iran. Nothing could stir public support more than a victorious war and territorial expansion.

The Pahlavi father and son, who had led Iran to victory over Iraq and seized Iraqi territory, undoubtedly gained the support of these Iranian nationals. The wave of nationalism within Iran also reached its peak at this moment!

Pahlavi looked at the citizens cheering for him below but did not lose himself in their applause.

Pahlavi was well aware of the dangers of nationalism. For rulers, nationalism was a double-edged sword. It could consolidate their rule, but if not handled carefully, it could be hijacked by nationalism, leading to an abyss with no bottom!

Mossadegh’s Iranian National Front rose to power on the wave of nationalism. After becoming prime minister, he acted recklessly, and with the support of Iranian nationalists, he boldly announced the nationalization of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company.

Subsequently, Britain imposed a blockade on Iran, and British oil companies, along with other international oil companies, reached a consensus, causing Iran’s oil industry to come to a standstill.

At the same time, British oil companies and Saudi Arabian national oil companies increased oil production in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Iraq to compensate for the reduction in Iranian oil, so Britain was not greatly affected.

Then came the coup by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency in Iran, which overthrew Mossadegh’s rule. The previously nationalized Anglo-Iranian Oil Company was then divided among American and other European oil companies.

From 1951 to 1953, Mossadegh’s vigorous oil nationalization movement in Iran turned the original situation where Britain held 80% and Iran held 20% into one where American and other European oil companies held 80% and Iran held 20%.

Not only did they fail to reclaim Britain’s share, but they also introduced the United States and other European countries, making Iran’s path to oil nationalization even more difficult!

Looking at the citizens still cheering below, Pahlavi knew he needed to cool down the nationalist atmosphere in the country.

Unlike Pahlavi, Reza Shah thoroughly enjoyed the feeling of being adored by the people.

At this time, Germany was still sweeping across the European battlefield, and the tragic conditions of Germany’s later war defeat had not yet emerged.

Including Reza Shah, most people of this era had not yet realized the dangers of nationalism.

Reza Shah raised his hand, politely greeting the Tehran citizens cheering for him below. Then, Reza Shah leaned toward the microphone in front of him and cleared his throat.

The cheering crowd below also quieted down, followed by Reza Shah’s long speech. He first explained the justice of this war, then praised the Iranian army’s performance in the war, and finally explained the significance of this war for Iran.

After Reza Shah finished speaking, he handed the microphone to Prime Minister Mansour to host.

With Mansour taking over, the military parade officially began!

Chapter 34: German Spy Attack

“The military parade begins!”

The order to start the parade was given by Prime Minister Mansour from the viewing platform.

As Mansour’s voice fell, the Iranian military band on the opposite side of the platform began to play the Iranian national anthem, “Salute to the Iranian Empire.” (Those who want to listen can search on Bilibili: Iranian national anthem during the Pahlavi era, 1 minute and 53 seconds, it’s quite nice.)

The tanks of the 411st Armored Brigade, accompanied by the rhythm of “Salute to the Iranian Empire” played by the military band, formed three neat columns and slowly advanced from the end of Nasser Khosrow Avenue toward the platform where Pahlavi was located.

To ensure the 411st Armored Brigade performed well in this parade, Brigade Commander Kurman personally participated in the ceremony. On the leading tank of the 411st Armored Brigade, Kurman stood with his upper body straight as an arrow, saluting in the direction of Pahlavi.

Pahlavi and Reza Shah also returned the salute to Kurman.

After all the tanks of the 411st Armored Brigade had passed the avenue in front of the Golestan Palace gate, the infantry formation of the 261st Infantry Division followed closely behind.

The infantry formation of the 261st Infantry Division marched with the Prussian goose step, displaying a magnificent momentum as they passed in front of Pahlavi.

The onlooking citizens were stunned by the heroic bearing of the 261st Infantry Division’s formation, and then burst into cheers. The soldiers of the 261st Infantry Division fulfilled the fantasies of the people of Tehran about the imperial army.

The ministers and generals on the platform were also very satisfied with the soldiers of the 261st Infantry Division. With this good performance, in future parades, even without Pahlavi’s specific instructions, the generals of the General Staff would choose the Prussian goose step as the marching step for the soldiers.

Pahlavi was also very satisfied with the performance of his soldiers. In his view, the Prussian goose step was the proper march for parades. What about the British, American, or French marches? Those were just strolls! Oh, the French one is a prisoner parade (today’s French milk).

After the infantry of the 261st Infantry Division displayed their qualities as imperial soldiers, the artillery formation, pulled by cars and pack horses, passed in front of the Golestan Palace gate, showcasing the military power of the empire.

Row after row of dark gun barrels passed before the eyes of the people of Tehran. The shells fired from them would clear away the enemies standing in front of the empire!

Finally, the cavalry unit appeared. Groups of cavalrymen dressed in Cossack uniforms, riding tall horses, passed proudly in front of the Golestan Palace.

With this, the first phase of the parade came to an end.

Next was the segment where Pahlavi and Reza Shah, father and son, would award medals to the officers and soldiers who had bravely fought on the front lines.

It is worth mentioning that for this parade, Pahlavi had invited ambassadors from various countries stationed in Tehran to attend. Among them, the British Ambassador Beri, who had suffered greatly, claimed to be ill and did not come to watch.

However, whether Ambassador Beri was truly ill or just pretending, Pahlavi did not know.

Soon, the officers and soldiers who needed to receive medals came to the platform where Pahlavi and the others were located. They lined up, preparing to receive the awards from the king and the crown prince one by one.

The first to come forward was Brigade Commander Kurman of the 411st Armored Brigade. Having made outstanding contributions in this war, Kurman was naturally placed first.

After stepping onto the platform, Kurman solemnly saluted Reza Shah and Pahlavi.

Reza Shah smiled and patted Kurman on the shoulder, saying, “I have heard of your achievements. Very good. Being able to occupy Baghdad alone, the empire needs military geniuses like you!”

With that, Reza Shah took the Second Class Order of the Sun and Lion from Pahlavi and pinned it on Kurman’s chest. Kurman stood straight throughout until Reza Shah had secured the medal.

After Reza Shah was done, Kurman saluted Reza Shah and Pahlavi again. Then, Kurman turned and walked down the platform from the other side.

For each soldier who came forward afterward, Reza Shah could accurately state their achievements. Pahlavi could not help but admire his father Reza Shah for being able to do this.

Reza Shah’s actions immediately paid off. The officers and soldiers who came to receive the awards already held loyalty and reverence for the king in their hearts.

Hearing the king accurately state their achievements, the officers and soldiers were very moved. Reza Shah only needed to memorize the materials submitted by the General Staff and recite them today to easily win a person’s loyalty.

This was a lesson Reza Shah gave Pahlavi today: learn how to buy people’s hearts.

The Pahlavi family’s rule over Iran relied on the support of the Iranian people and the military. As long as they could ensure the Iranian people’s hearts were with the royal family and the Iranian military was loyal to the royal family, the Pahlavi family could rule Iran for a long time!

The medal-awarding process continued. Suddenly, an explosion broke the order of the parade.

The ministers on the platform, who had been calm and composed, were startled by the sudden explosion and quickly bent down to find cover. The generals on the platform rushed toward Reza Shah and Pahlavi, surrounding them in the middle.

After the explosion, the royal guards scattered around the platform quickly reacted. Some moved outward to establish a defensive line to prevent anyone from rushing the platform where Pahlavi was located, while others rushed onto the platform to protect Pahlavi and Reza Shah.

For a moment, the scene was in chaos. Amidst the confusion, General Dawuti walked to the microphone and commanded the soldiers to maintain order on the scene.

“I am General Dawuti, Chief of the Imperial General Staff. I now order the royal guards to expel anyone attempting to rush the platform. Officers participating in the parade, immediately organize your respective soldiers to protect the citizens. All citizens watching the parade are now prohibited from moving freely. Any violation will be considered an attempt to assassinate the king!”

After Dawuti’s command was issued, the Iranian soldiers below began to execute it. The originally panicked crowd was strictly controlled in the audience area by the soldiers participating in the parade.

Soon, the chaotic scene returned to calm.

A royal guard officer jogged to the ear of the royal guard commander, Colonel Matola Nasiri, and said something. After finishing, he ran back down the platform.

“Nasiri, what was that explosion just now?” Reza Shah shook off the hands of the generals supporting him and angrily asked Nasiri.

“Your Majesty, the explosion just now was because a group of German spies tried to attack the parade with bombs, but they were discovered in advance by our patrol team on the outskirts. Knowing they couldn’t escape, the German spies chose to detonate the bombs and perish together with our patrol team!” Colonel Nasiri answered nervously.

Reza Shah coldly snorted, “Regardless, this parade was disrupted by German spies. As the security chief of this parade, you are not blameless. After this is over, go to the General Staff and have your rank changed to lieutenant colonel!”

Nasiri, who had escaped disaster, felt relieved and did not dare to disagree, nodding repeatedly in agreement.

“Your Majesty, should the ceremony continue?” Mansour stepped forward and asked Reza Shah.

“Continue! What is there to fear from a little attack by German spies!” Reza Shah said straightforwardly.

This attack by the German spies turned Reza Shah’s goodwill toward Germany directly to zero. Originally, he had planned to advise Pahlavi not to be too harsh on the Germans, but now he wanted to send troops to North Africa to fight those Germans!

Chapter 35: Passing the Throne to Pahlavi

Following Reza Shah’s instructions, Dawuti explained to the startled citizens of Tehran, “The explosion just now was caused by a group of German spies attempting to assassinate our wise king. Fortunately, His Majesty foresaw this and had the royal guards stationed outside the venue discover them as they approached. The brave royal guards annihilated the German spies!”

As Dawuti finished speaking, the crowd first cheered for the king’s wisdom, then cursed the Germans with the most vicious words for their shameless attempt to assassinate their beloved king.

Dawuti continued to convey Reza Shah’s instructions, “The danger has been eliminated. His Majesty announces that the ceremony will continue!”

As the words fell, the Iranian military band on the opposite side resumed playing lively military music. This small incident did not dampen the enthusiasm of the Tehran citizens, who continued to cheer enthusiastically for the Iranian heroes being honored!

The Iranian officers and soldiers waiting to receive the king’s medals lined up again below the stands.

“Lieutenant Belam Albert!” the master of ceremonies called out Albert’s name and rank.

Albert, waiting below the stands, quickly walked up to the platform and saluted Reza Shah and Pahlavi excitedly.

Since there were too many people to be honored and Reza Shah was already advanced in years, the subsequent officers and soldiers were honored by Pahlavi.

Pahlavi personally pinned the Order of the Sun and Lion, Fourth Class, on Albert’s chest, saying, “You performed exceptionally well in this war. I will keep an eye on you in the future. I hope you continue to work hard!”

“Yes, Your Highness! I will die for Your Highness!” Albert replied, looking firmly at Pahlavi.

Pahlavi nodded in satisfaction and patted Albert on the shoulder.

Then, Pahlavi continued to honor the Iranian officers and soldiers waiting in line. By noon, Pahlavi had finished honoring all the officers and soldiers who needed to be honored.

With the honoring ceremony concluded, all stages of the ceremony had been completed according to the arrangements of the Victory Parade Celebration Committee.

Next, Reza Shah would deliver a closing speech to conclude the Victory Parade Celebration.

“My subjects, sixteen years ago, I led the Cossack cavalry to Tehran and overthrew the corrupt Qajar dynasty. Thanks to the support of my loyal subjects—you—I was crowned the King of Kings of Iran!”

Reza Shah paused, and the Iranian subjects below cheered enthusiastically for their beloved king.

Reza Shah continued, “Under my leadership, Iran has transformed from an agricultural country to one that has begun industrialization, with various factories established across the land. The skyscrapers in Tehran are monuments to my achievements!

Just recently, we defeated Iraq to the west and occupied a large amount of territory. The Persians have once again defeated the Arabs, marking the first step in reviving the great Persian Empire!”

The enthusiasm of the Tehran citizens was pushed to a climax by Reza Shah’s speech. Looking out from the stands, Reza Shah saw the people below wildly chanting his surname.

“Pahlavi! Pahlavi! Pahlavi!”

“Long live! Long live! Long live!”

Reza Shah raised his hand, signaling the cheering crowd to quiet down. Due to their overwhelming enthusiasm, it took several minutes for them to settle.

“Unknowingly, I have reached the age of sixty-three, and my body can no longer allow me to continue leading Iran. Therefore, today I have decided to pass the throne of the King of Kings of Iran to my heir, Pahlavi!”

As Reza Shah’s words fell, the scene instantly fell silent, then erupted with a bang as the crowd below began to discuss fervently.

“Father, I am not yet ready to take on this responsibility!”

“Your Majesty, the matter of passing the throne is significant and cannot be done so lightly!”

Pahlavi and the ministers and generals surrounding Reza Shah all advised him to retract his words about passing the throne to Pahlavi.

“This matter has already been decided by me. I am getting older and need to rest properly!” Reza Shah stopped Pahlavi and the ministers and generals from advising him.

Then, two attendants, whom Reza Shah had arranged in advance, brought the Pahlavi Crown and the Pahlavi Scepter, stored in Golestan Palace, to Reza Shah.

The Pahlavi Crown was designed and made in 1925 under the supervision of jeweler Haji Serajeddin. Inspired by the style of the Persian Sassanid dynasty, the crown was made of gold and silver, covered in red velvet, and embedded with stunning gemstones.

It used a total of 3,380 diamonds, five emeralds cut in the cabochon style, two sapphires, and 368 perfectly matched natural pearls from the Persian Gulf.

This crown was specially crafted for Reza Shah’s coronation ceremony!

“Mohammad, come here!” Reza Shah commanded Pahlavi, who was standing beside him.

Pahlavi did not hesitate and walked to Reza Shah.

“Bow your head!” Reza Shah continued to command.

Pahlavi followed Reza Shah’s words and lowered his head.

Seeing Pahlavi lower his head as instructed, Reza Shah showed a satisfied smile. Then, Reza Shah held the Pahlavi Crown with both hands and placed it on Pahlavi’s head. He then took the Pahlavi Scepter, symbolizing the Pahlavi family’s rule over Iran, and handed it to Pahlavi.

After doing all this, Reza Shah pushed Pahlavi to the front and shouted, “Subjects of Pahlavi, cheer for your new king!”

“Long live Pahlavi!”

“Long live His Majesty Mohammad!”

Pahlavi officially received the scepter symbolizing the highest power in Iran from Reza Shah’s hands. From this moment on, Pahlavi was officially crowned the King of Kings of Iran!

Wearing the crown and holding the scepter, Pahlavi indulged in the cheers of the Tehran citizens for himself!

Reza Shah silently watched Pahlavi accept the blessings of the people. This sudden act of passing the throne to Pahlavi was very successful.

In fact, Reza Shah had already planned to pass the throne to Pahlavi early when he handed over the Iranian regime to Pahlavi.

The reason was simple. First, as Reza Shah mentioned in his speech, he felt his body gradually aging and could no longer bear the responsibility of being the King of Iran!

To wear the crown, one must bear its weight! Reza Shah believed he could no longer bear the weight of the crown on his head and chose to have his son Mohammad replace him!

Second, Reza Shah wanted to exclude the Yellow Moon Sect from the succession of the Iranian throne. Pahlavi’s crown was placed on his head by the previous King of Iran, Reza Shah, not by the Grand Ayatollah of the Yellow Moon Sect!

The Grand Ayatollah is the highest title of the Mujtahid (religious title) of the Yellow Moon Sect!

After Reza Shah set this precedent, future Kings of Iran could choose to directly pass the throne to their chosen heir when they were old.

Thus, the legitimacy of future Kings of Iran would be determined by bloodline, and the legitimacy of the next king would come from the previous king, fundamentally separating the succession of the throne from religion!

Chapter 36: Palace Banquet

Gazing at the Iranian citizens cheering for him below, it was impossible for Pahlavi, who had just inherited the throne of Iran, not to feel joy.

Pahlavi had long anticipated Reza Shah’s desire to abdicate early in his favor. During his inspection of Isfahan, Reza Shah had mentioned this intention to him more than once.

Yet, Pahlavi had tactfully declined Reza Shah’s proposals each time—until today, when he was unexpectedly crowned King of Iran in a sudden ceremony!

Everyone present rejoiced at Pahlavi’s ascension, except for the Ayatollahs of the sect.

Indeed, Pahlavi had invited senior clergy of the Yellow Moon Sect to this victory celebration parade.

Though Reza Shah’s secularization efforts had severely undermined the clergy’s interests, both sides maintained a superficial relationship.

However, after Reza Shah personally crowned Pahlavi today, the struggle between Iran’s religious forces and the Pahlavi monarchy would now be out in the open.

A severe challenge awaited Pahlavi upon his ascension to the throne!

As the citizens of Tehran shouted their final “Long live the King,” this less-than-peaceful victory parade concluded with Reza Shah passing the crown to Pahlavi!

That evening, Reza Shah and Pahlavi returned to Golestan Palace to host a banquet. Members of the Pahlavi family, Iranian government officials of all ranks, and foreign ambassadors stationed in Tehran were all on the guest list.

“Mr. Beri, weren’t you unwell today? How did you manage to attend tonight’s banquet?” Franz de Fletcher, the Vichy French ambassador to Tehran, remarked sarcastically.

Vichy France was a puppet government established in France after the German blitzkrieg, led by French Army Marshal Pétain.

Since its administrative center was in the small town of Vichy in central France, it was called Vichy France to distinguish it from General Charles de Gaulle’s Free France.

Though Vichy France was essentially a German puppet, it inherited the previous French government’s authority, and France’s overseas colonies chose to obey Vichy France’s commands.

Countries like the United States, the Soviet Union, and China recognized Vichy France—except for Britain, which supported de Gaulle’s Free France. Thus, Vichy France and Britain were at odds.

“It’s been a long time, Mr. Fletcher, the German ambassador to Tehran,” Beri retorted without hesitation.

Beri had been comfortably resting in the embassy when he deliberately skipped Pahlavi’s victory parade, which pleased him greatly.

But in the afternoon, an embassy staff member informed Beri that Reza Shah had passed the throne to Pahlavi during the ceremony. Beri immediately sensed trouble—such a crucial event, and he had missed it just to spite Pahlavi.

Beri cursed the Pahlavi father and son inwardly. How could they not give any prior notice before announcing such an important matter at the victory parade?

If London found out, Beri feared his career as ambassador to Iran might be over.

Thus, Beri attended Reza Shah’s banquet at Golestan Palace that evening, even if it meant losing face!

In the opulent banquet hall, elegantly dressed socialites flitted among the elite. Tonight’s guests were Tehran’s most influential figures—securing a connection with any of them would ensure a comfortable future.

Well-dressed dignitaries gathered in small groups, engaged in conversation, while servants circulated, serving exquisite dishes and fine wine. (Never mind that Iran is an Islamic country where alcohol is forbidden—Pahlavi’s era even saw open-air bars on Tehran’s streets.)

As the guests mingled, the evening’s host, Pahlavi, entered the banquet hall with his queen, Egyptian Princess Fawzia.

Reza Shah had chosen to let Pahlavi preside over the banquet, so he did not attend.

The guests paused their conversations to greet Pahlavi and Fawzia, and the servants stopped to pay their respects.

“May you all enjoy a wonderful evening at Golestan Palace,” Pahlavi declared.

With that, he led Fawzia into the hall. Some of the elite gathered around Pahlavi, eager to converse with him.

Pahlavi, in high spirits, did not refuse their company. Instead, he engaged warmly with them.

Suddenly, Pahlavi noticed Beri, the British ambassador who had claimed illness earlier that day.

On impulse, Pahlavi approached Beri and asked, “Ambassador Beri, are you feeling better?”

“Thank you for your concern, Your Majesty. I am much improved,” Beri replied stiffly.

“Your Majesty, why wasn’t your loyal ally, the British Empire, informed in advance about Reza Shah’s intention to abdicate in your favor?” Beri asked with a hint of resentment.

“Reza Shah proposed the abdication to me today on the spot. I had no prior notice of his intention to pass the throne to me,” Pahlavi replied honestly. There was no need to deceive Beri about such matters.

However, Beri seemed unconvinced.

As a diplomat, he refused to believe the situation was so straightforward. There must be some hidden diplomatic signal he had missed. Unable to decipher it, Beri decided to report the matter to London and let the officials there ponder it.

While Pahlavi hosted the banquet at Golestan Palace, in a secret chamber elsewhere in Tehran, the Grand Ayatollah and Ayatollahs of Iran’s Yellow Moon Sect were discussing Reza Shah’s actions that day.

“We must take action against the Pahlavi father and son! They are defying the will of the Lord on His land. Today, Reza Shah even crowned his own son!” Ayatollah Kashani rose in fury.

Ayatollah Borujerdi also stood, condemning the Pahlavi’s actions: “We must rally the Lord’s followers to assassinate this father and son who have offended His glory!”

Kashani and Borujerdi were radicals within the Yellow Moon Sect, advocating direct confrontation with the Iranian government’s secularization.

However, the current situation favored the Iranian government, as public sentiment still leaned toward the Pahlavi family. The sect could only passively resist the government’s encroachments.

Thus, within the Yellow Moon Sect, the conservative and conciliatory factions, which favored reconciliation with the government, held the upper hand.

The Iranian government’s ability to suppress the church was closely tied to the sect’s internal divisions!

Chapter 37: The Imperial Surveillance Bureau

At this time, the Yellow Moon Sect in Iran did not yet possess the revolutionary attributes it would later develop. The sect’s clergy were preoccupied with metaphysical questions and mystical rituals, intertwined with Iran’s bourgeoisie.

One of the proponents of the Iranian Islamic Revolution theory, Ali Shariati, expressed his most radical views in his final work, Class Bias in Islam:

“Islam has entered into an unholy marriage with the petty bourgeoisie. In this union, the clergy provide religious justification for the bourgeoisie, while the bourgeoisie supplies the clergy with wealth. Just as Islam once defended the power of landlords in feudal times, it now defends the power of the petty bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie in the capitalist era.”

In truth, his views were too radical, outright rejecting all Iranian clergy. Yet, they revealed a critical issue: the clergy had been significantly corrupted by the bourgeoisie.

The Yellow Moon Sect’s clergy, in their alliance with the bourgeoisie, had inevitably contracted the bourgeoisie’s ailment—compromise.

Pahlavi was not afraid of these clergy. Entangled with the bourgeoisie, they feared losing their current status and could not threaten the Pahlavi family’s rule.

In the original timeline, Pahlavi established the secret police—the Imperial Surveillance Bureau—and the intelligence organization SAVAK to control Iran’s communist elements and prevent coups.

However, Pahlavi never anticipated that the clergy would turn revolutionary, relying on their grassroots support among the lower classes to overthrow his regime.

The secret meeting in Tehran ended in discord. The compromisers within the Yellow Moon Sect overwhelmingly rejected the proposals of Kashani and Borujerdi.

Ayatollah Hamid, his face etched with worry, stepped out of the secret chamber. Suddenly, two burly men appeared in the alley, blocking his path.

“Are you Ayatollah Hamid?” one of them asked.

“I am Ayatollah Hamid. What do you want with me?” he replied calmly.

After confirming his identity, the two men approached him with ill intent.

Ayatollah Hamid sensed danger and turned to flee, but the elderly cleric was no match for the two strong men.

Laghuha dashed forward, covering Hamid’s mouth to stifle his cries for help. Once he had a free hand, he pulled out a gag from his belt and stuffed it into Hamid’s mouth.

Jabar, standing behind, pulled out a rope and bound the restrained Ayatollah Hamid before shoving him into a sack.

“Done!” Jabar said with satisfaction, watching the struggling figure inside the sack.

“Hurry! Don’t let anyone see us,” Laghuha urged the self-satisfied Jabar.

“I know.”

Under the cover of night, the two men navigated Tehran’s deserted alleys, arriving at a heavily guarded secret base.

Laghuha and Jabar, after showing their Imperial Surveillance Bureau credentials to the guards, entered the base.

Indeed, Laghuha and Jabar were operatives of the Imperial Surveillance Bureau, led by Fardoust. Pahlavi had reorganized this surveillance agency, originally established under Reza Shah.

As a representative of the reactionary bourgeoisie, how could Pahlavi lack a secret police force? Without one, how could he claim to be a proper reactionary?

Since its establishment, the Imperial Surveillance Bureau had two missions: first, to build an intelligence network in Iraq, allowing Pahlavi to monitor Iraq’s situation and prepare for war.

Second, to establish a comprehensive surveillance network in Tehran to monitor the activities of various factions, with special focus on the high-ranking clergy of the Yellow Moon Sect.

Today’s secret meeting of the Grand Ayatollahs and Ayatollahs was conducted under the watchful eye of the Imperial Surveillance Bureau.

The Bureau’s precise detection of the Ayatollahs’ movements was not only due to their tight control over Tehran but also because there was an Imperial Surveillance Bureau mole among the Ayatollahs present at the meeting.

Thus, the Bureau’s operatives could accurately identify the names of the captured Ayatollahs. Besides Ayatollah Hamid, three other Ayatollahs were also brought to the Bureau’s secret base.

The Imperial Surveillance Bureau did not capture these Ayatollahs to eliminate dissent. Even though the Iranian government was stronger than the clergy, Pahlavi was not yet in a position to casually kill an Ayatollah.

Currently, there were only fifteen Grand Ayatollahs and Ayatollahs in all of Iran. Each Ayatollah stood at the pinnacle of power within the Yellow Moon Sect.

If Pahlavi killed any of them, it would push the relationship between the Iranian government and the clergy into a life-and-death struggle.

Pahlavi had a clear understanding of the situation. The Iranian people leaned slightly more toward the Pahlavi family than the clergy.

If Pahlavi struck first against the clergy, the clergy could gain the people’s sympathy as victims, which would be unfavorable for Pahlavi.

The reason the Imperial Surveillance Bureau operatives kidnapped these Ayatollahs today was simple: Pahlavi wanted to bring them into his own camp.

The Ayatollahs targeted by the Bureau’s operatives were named by the Bureau’s mole within the Ayatollahs.

The captured Ayatollahs shared a common trait—they were compromisers within the clergy.

They had deeper ties with the Iranian government than other Ayatollahs and were heavily corrupted by the bourgeoisie. Yet, they held significant influence within the Yellow Moon Sect.

These Ayatollahs were natural political allies for Pahlavi. They favored the ruling class and the bourgeoisie while distancing themselves from the lower classes.

Obsessed with fame and wealth, these clergy members were exactly what Pahlavi wanted. They would destroy the sacred image of religion in the people’s hearts, which was Pahlavi’s ultimate goal.

Pahlavi needed the sacred image of the Yellow Moon Sect in the hearts of the Iranian people to be shattered. Only then could Iran be completely secularized!

Chapter 38: The Diocesan System

“Get inside, now!”

Laghuha shoved Ayatollah Hamid into a room within the Imperial Surveillance Bureau’s base, removing the sack over his head and the ropes binding him.

“Who are you? On what grounds do you detain me? I am an Ayatollah!” Ayatollah Hamid roared at Laghuha as the gag was removed, finally able to speak.

“Oh, you dare shout at me? You clearly don’t know your place!” Laghuha sneered arrogantly.

With that, Laghuha made a show of preparing to teach the Ayatollah a lesson.

“Stop!”

Fardoust, watching from outside the door, saw the act had gone on long enough. He strode into the room, hands clasped behind his back, halting Laghuha’s advance.

Laghuha, seeing his superior enter, ceased his threatening posture.

“Ayatollah Hamid, my apologies for bringing you here in such a manner,” Fardoust said, feigning sincerity as he addressed the furious Ayatollah seated in the room.

(Ayatollah Hamid: “Ayatollah” is a title, so it should technically be Hamid Ayatollah

, but according to the Yellow Moon Sect’s convention, the title “Ayatollah” is placed first.)

Ayatollah Hamid scrutinized Fardoust, then recalled who stood before him. “You’re Fardoust, aren’t you? A guard close to His Highness Pahlavi. Whatever your purpose, today you’ve used such brutal means to bind a devout Ayatollah and bring him here. I swear by the Almighty, you will pay for this!”

“Ayatollah Hamid, don’t you want to know why I took such a risk to bring you here today?” Fardoust didn’t take offense at the Ayatollah’s words. Instead, he smiled and countered with a question.

“I don’t want to know!” Ayatollah Hamid replied firmly.

Fardoust maintained his smile, ignoring the Ayatollah’s refusal, and continued, “Actually, it wasn’t my idea to bring you here. It was His Highness—no, His Majesty now—who specifically sent me to invite you here.”

“You call this an invitation? Having two brutes tie me up with ropes and a sack?” Ayatollah Hamid retorted sarcastically, cutting off Fardoust.

“Haha, but you’re here, aren’t you?” Fardoust resumed, undeterred by the interruption. “His Majesty Pahlavi has sent me to invite you here to discuss a matter of great importance!”

“What matter?” Ayatollah Hamid was drawn in by Fardoust’s words.

“His Majesty Pahlavi wishes to appoint you as the Bishop of Fars Province!”

“Bishop?” Ayatollah Hamid looked at Fardoust in confusion.

Fardoust then began to explain in detail what this new “Bishop” position entailed.

In Pahlavi’s view, the reason the Yellow Moon Sect held such significant influence in Iran was that the religious community operated as a unified body.

Pahlavi’s current plan was to fracture the church and bring the sect under government control!

In Pahlavi’s vision, each province in Iran would become a diocese, with the heads of each diocese holding equal status. This way, the Yellow Moon Sect would lack a unified leader.

Moreover, since the Yellow Moon Sect favored the Mujtahid system with its hierarchical structure, Pahlavi decided to fully implement it. Grand Ayatollahs and Ayatollahs would serve as bishops of provincial dioceses, Hojats as bishops of county-level dioceses, and Mullahs as bishops of district and township-level dioceses!

Thus, the church’s hierarchical system would be perfected!

Of course, Pahlavi believed this alone was insufficient. He also planned to establish a Religious Affairs Management Department responsible for appointing bishops to various dioceses and overseeing theological seminaries.

For clergy to receive appointments from the Religious Affairs Management Department, they would have to graduate from seminaries managed by the department!

Seminaries like Najaf and Qom would, in Pahlavi’s vision, all fall under the Religious Affairs Management Bureau.

Religion must be placed under the management of the Iranian government. This was something Pahlavi had to do to secularize Iran. But for now, these were just Pahlavi’s ideas.

To make these Ayatollahs follow his vision, Pahlavi needed to first win over some Ayatollahs and then suppress others.

The Ayatollah Hamid before Fardoust’s eyes was one of those Pahlavi intended to win over!

“This is impossible! If we follow your demands, the government will be able to interfere arbitrarily in the appointment of clergy,” Ayatollah Hamid said, having understood the implications of Fardoust’s words. If he complied with Pahlavi, the church would never recover.

“Ayatollah Hamid, the government won’t interfere arbitrarily in church appointments. The Religious Affairs Management Department is merely a bridge between the government and the church. The bishops of subordinate dioceses in each province will be nominated by the provincial bishop and then appointed by the Religious Affairs Management Department. The department won’t interfere in your church affairs!” Fardoust coaxed Hamid.

In Fardoust’s view, he could first agree to some of the Ayatollahs’ conditions. Once the diocesan system was established, he could consider reclaiming these rights.

“Moreover, under this new system, each provincial diocese can levy a certain amount of religious tax to maintain the diocese’s operations!” Seeing Ayatollah Hamid’s mood soften slightly, Fardoust pulled out the trump card of taxation rights.

“This…” Ayatollah Hamid wavered at Fardoust’s words.

“Additionally, the outgoing provincial bishop can nominate the next provincial bishop!” Fardoust pressed his advantage, bringing up the bishop’s right of succession.

“Ayatollah Hamid, His Majesty’s proposal is already very generous. Once you become the Bishop of Fars Province, no one in the church will hold a higher position than you!” Fardoust delivered the final blow!

Under the temptation of status and wealth from Fardoust, Ayatollah Hamid finally relented: “Alright, I am willing to serve as the Bishop of Fars Province. I hope you can fulfill what you’ve promised today!”

Fardoust, seeing Ayatollah Hamid finally agree to his conditions, quickly assured him: “Ayatollah Hamid, rest assured! We will certainly fulfill today’s promises!”

Ayatollah Hamid nodded, then said, “Can I leave now?”

“Of course, our agents will drive you back.”

Chapter 39: The Iranian Expeditionary Force

Ayatollah Hamid, accompanied by Laghuha, stepped out of the Imperial Surveillance Bureau’s headquarters. Laghuha, who had previously been arrogant, now groveled along the way, repeatedly apologizing to Ayatollah Hamid.

Ayatollah Hamid had no interest in dealing with Laghuha’s trivial matters.

After getting into the car, Ayatollah Hamid could clearly see through the window another Ayatollah—Ayatollah Karaman—sitting in the car beside his own.

The two, who should have greeted each other, silently pulled down the window shades in unspoken agreement.

Even without communication, Ayatollah Hamid knew Ayatollah Karaman had made the same choice as him.

After all, Ayatollah Karaman was one of the few Ayatollahs with whom he had the deepest relationship!

The banquet at Golestan Palace concluded, and the guests invited by Pahlavi gradually departed.

There was an exception, however. General Dawuti, the Chief of the General Staff, had to report to Pahlavi that evening regarding the Iranian Expeditionary Force.

Tomorrow marked the first day after the conclusion of Iran’s victory military parade and the day the Expeditionary Force would set out. Pahlavi’s move was also a deliberate imitation of Stalin’s 1941 Red Square Parade.

Knock knock knock!

“Come in!”

General Dawuti pushed open the door and swiftly approached Pahlavi. “Good evening, Your Majesty!”

Pahlavi, seated on the sofa, gestured toward the sofa opposite him, signaling General Dawuti to sit.

General Dawuti complied with Pahlavi’s instruction and took a seat. “Your Majesty, I apologize for disturbing you so late.”

“There’s no need for that. I was supposed to hear your report this afternoon, but the sudden abdication of Reza Shah in my favor caused the delay. Proceed with your report on the Expeditionary Force!” Pahlavi cut off General Dawuti’s apology.

“Yes, Your Majesty!” General Dawuti ceased his apologies and got straight to the point. “Your Majesty, at the request of the British, the General Staff has reorganized five infantry divisions and one armored division.

The five reorganized infantry divisions in the Expeditionary Force are the First Persian Division, the First Azerbaijani Division, the First Turkmen Division, the First Lur Division, and the First Kurdish Division!

The armored division is the 411st Armored Division, expanded from the 411st Armored Brigade, still under the command of Kurman.”

“Have the weapons promised by the British arrived?” Pahlavi asked the critical question regarding the formation of the Expeditionary Force after hearing General Dawuti’s report on the troop configuration.

General Dawuti answered Pahlavi’s question without hesitation. “The weapons promised by the British have arrived in Abadan, including thirty thousand rifles, three hundred sixty artillery pieces of various types, one hundred eight tanks, five hundred vehicles, and a corresponding number of light and heavy machine guns.”

After answering Pahlavi’s question, General Dawuti continued to brief him on the Expeditionary Force.

“Our Expeditionary Force soldiers will first go to Abadan to equip themselves with the British-provided gear before proceeding to the Egyptian front to help the British resist the German attack!

During the fighting in Egypt, the Expeditionary Force’s supplies will be handled by the British. Additionally, we will establish a joint operational command with the British forces in Egypt to coordinate the cooperation between the two nations’ armies!”

Pahlavi nodded in satisfaction. The situation with the Expeditionary Force pleased him.

“The soldiers of the Expeditionary Force are going abroad to fight for their country; we must not mistreat them! While the British are providing supplies, we will also establish a dedicated supply line from the homeland to Egypt to provide the soldiers with additional resources!”

“Your Majesty, the soldiers of the Expeditionary Force will surely take pride in their kind and generous king!” General Dawuti took the opportunity to flatter Pahlavi.

To thrive in a monarchical state, one must inevitably please the monarch, and even General Dawuti, the Chief of the General Staff, was no exception!

“Hahaha!” Pahlavi was delighted by General Dawuti’s flattery, laughing heartily before continuing to inquire about the Expeditionary Force. “How is the recruitment for the Lur, Kurdish, and Turkmen Divisions proceeding?”

“The Turkmen and Lur Divisions are doing well, but the recruitment for the Kurdish Division has been very problematic!” General Dawuti did not hide the actual recruitment situation from Pahlavi.

The naming of the Persian, Azerbaijani, Lur, Kurdish, and Turkmen Divisions in the Expeditionary Force was not merely symbolic.

For example, the Persian Division was composed entirely of ethnic Persians, and the Azerbaijani Division was made up of ethnic Azerbaijanis.

Persians were the dominant ethnic group in Iran, making up seventy-eight percent of the country’s total population. Coupled with the rising nationalist sentiment among Persians, the formation of the Persian Division was straightforward.

The Azerbaijani people, since Ismail I rose from Azerbaijan to unify Persia and establish the Safavid Empire, had been a primary source of soldiers for the Persian army.

During the Qajar dynasty, the royal guards were exclusively Azerbaijanis tasked with protecting the king.

Although Iran was currently experiencing a wave of nationalism that discriminated against Azerbaijanis, the long-standing military tradition of the Azerbaijanis meant that many Azerbaijanis still served in Iran’s military.

Azerbaijani civilians were also eager to join the army, so the formation of the Azerbaijani Division was also smooth.

However, the formation of the Kurdish, Lur, and Turkmen Divisions was not as easy as that of the Persian and Azerbaijani Divisions!

The Kurds, Lurs, and Turkmens were minority ethnic groups living on Iran’s borders, totaling about two million two hundred thousand people in Iran, including the Kurds from the newly occupied Kirkuk region.

Before the war, the Kurdish population in the Kirkuk region was eight hundred thousand, but after the war, the population had decreased by nearly forty percent.

A significant portion of this decline was due to refugees fleeing to Mosul.

Mosul was the capital of Nineveh Province, a major city in northern Iraq, located on the banks of the Tigris River, and a gathering place for Kurds.

Pahlavi’s decision to abandon claims to Mosul was purely to provide an outlet for the Kurds in the Kirkuk region, giving them a destination to escape the area.

This achieved Pahlavi’s goal of reducing the Kurdish population in the Kirkuk region!

Another reason for the decrease in the Kurdish population in the Kirkuk region was the misconduct of the Iranian military.

The Iranian forces occupying the Kirkuk region, in retaliation for Kurdish guerrilla attacks on Iranian troops and to suppress the Kurdish guerrillas’ activities, had rampantly destroyed Kurdish villages and abducted captives to be sent to the ‘Desert Farms’ in the southern provinces.

The small population size became a problem in forming these minority divisions. Although the Turkmen and Lur populations were small, after long-term Iranian rule, the local residents were still willing to respond to the Tehran government’s conscription orders.

The Kurds were different. During the occupation of the Kirkuk region, the Iranian government not only offended the Kurds in Kirkuk but also those living within Iran.

It could be said that the Iranian military’s hands were stained with the blood of these Kurds’ relatives!

Chapter 40: The Book of Kings

Thus, when the General Staff began forming the Kurdish Division for the expeditionary force, they faced strong resistance from the local Kurds.

The recruitment stations set up by the Iranian General Staff Headquarters in Kurdish cities were ignored, and the recruitment officers sent to Kurdish villages were forcibly expelled by angry villagers.

Seeing that voluntary recruitment was ineffective, the recruitment bureau, in order to complete their task, directly contacted the garrison troops in the Kurdish provinces. Thus, the recruitment officers, accompanied by armed soldiers, began forcibly conscripting men from each household.

This was merely the recruitment method in the Kurdish provinces within Iran itself.

In the newly occupied Kirkuk region, the Cossack cavalry stationed there, living up to their fine traditions, stirred up another storm in the area.

Though the process was far from glorious, the recruitment bureau successfully completed the task assigned by the General Staff Headquarters, and the Kurdish Division was formed!

“Your Majesty, why are we forming these Kurdish, Lur, and Turkmen divisions? The Persian and Azerbaijani people within our borders are clearly more suited for the military. These forcibly formed Kurdish, Lur, and Turkmen divisions have low morale and are not fit for battle!

Moreover, once these soldiers return home after the war, if they rebel, their battlefield experience will cause unnecessary trouble for our troops!”

General Dawuti voiced his doubts to Pahlavi.

Pahlavi couldn’t help but smile upon hearing Dawuti’s question. “General Dawuti, you are only considering the military aspect of the expeditionary force. This matter must also be considered from a political perspective!

These expeditionary troops are going to fight for the British and defend Egyptian territory. Why should we let our loyal subjects make sacrifices for the British?

The Persian and Azerbaijani divisions in the expeditionary force are merely to show our sincerity to the British. The real fighting will be done by the Kurdish, Lur, and Turkmen divisions! The Persian and Azerbaijani divisions can be kept in the second line as reserves!

As for the issue of Kurdish, Lur, and Turkmen soldiers returning home, there is no need to worry. The brutality of the North African battlefield will not give them that chance!”

From Pahlavi’s attitude toward the various divisions in the expeditionary force, one could clearly see the distinction between those favored and those not.

The Persian Division, Azerbaijani Division, and 411th Armored Division set off from Tehran, personally seen off by Pahlavi. The remaining three divisions departed from their respective formation sites to Abadan.

Of course, Pahlavi had another intention that he did not share with Dawuti.

That was to reduce the number of young and middle-aged Kurds, Turkmens, and Lurs within Iran!

The formation of the expeditionary force directly conscripted nearly fifty thousand Kurds, Turkmens, and Lurs. Close to 2.5% of the population was conscripted, all of them young and middle-aged men.

After the war, the proportion of Persians in Iran would return to what it was before the annexation of the Kirkuk region. Under Pahlavi’s high-pressure policies, it might even reach 80%!

The idea of forming ethnic divisions was first proposed by Fardoust to Pahlavi. Before this, Pahlavi’s original intention was to form an expeditionary force composed entirely of Persians.

During a private moment between Pahlavi and Fardoust, Pahlavi complained to Fardoust about not knowing how to increase the proportion of Persians in the country.

Fardoust suddenly proposed this poisonous plan to Pahlavi.

Fardoust told Pahlavi that since it was difficult to increase the number of Persians, why not reduce the number of Kurds, Lurs, and Turkmens instead?

The current war with the Germans was the perfect opportunity! A method to reduce the number of Kurds, Turkmens, and Lurs without being condemned by the international mainstream society!

Historically, apart from the English and Americans committing genocide without much condemnation, if any other country dared to be slightly harsh on their domestic minorities, the so-called ‘civilized’ representatives of the English and Americans would immediately jump out to condemn them.

Fardoust’s proposal was an eye-opener for Pahlavi, and the two immediately began planning how to take advantage of this war against the Germans.

After their planning, the plan to form ethnic divisions in the expeditionary force was established!

“Your Majesty, the report on the expeditionary force is complete.”

Dawuti had finished his report to Pahlavi for the evening and bid him farewell.

After Dawuti left, Pahlavi stood up and straightened his appearance, calling for an attendant from Golestan Palace. “Where is Reza Shah now?”

An attendant approached Pahlavi with small steps and a lowered head, softly saying, “Reza Shah is waiting for Your Majesty in the study.”

Knowing Reza Shah’s location, Pahlavi, followed by two guards, headed toward the study where Reza Shah was.

At the study door, Pahlavi pushed the door open and entered without hesitation.

The room no longer had the usual piles of documents; those were now stacked in Pahlavi’s office, waiting for him to handle.

Reza Shah was comfortably seated in a chair behind the desk, holding a copy of The Book of Kings in his hand.

“Is the work done?” Reza Shah asked, looking at Pahlavi who had just entered.

“Yes, Father.”

“Now that you are the King of Kings of Iran, you must prioritize the national interest!”

“I understand, Father.”

…

Pahlavi’s current conversation with Reza Shah was like that of an ordinary father and son, with the father imparting years of accumulated experience to his soon-to-be independent son.

“Mohammad, have you read The Book of Kings?” Reza Shah raised the book in his hand.

“Father, I have already read it.” Pahlavi replied honestly.

The Book of Kings was a hymn to the Iranian national spirit, written by the Iranian historian Ferdowsi in 999 AD.

The kings of the Ghurid Dynasty, Ala al-Din Ghuri, and the Seljuk Dynasty, Toghrul Arslan, both had The Book of Kings read aloud before battles to boost morale. The rhythmic epic served as a war drum here, igniting the soldiers’ national sentiments and making them more courageous and fearless.

The Book of Kings was not only a must-read for the Iranian upper class, but its melodious tone also made it widely popular among the common people of Iran!

“Now I give you this copy of The Book of Kings, which I have carried with me since becoming king. Mohammad, I hope you can lead Iran to restore the former glory of Persia!”

Reza Shah stood up from his chair and walked to Pahlavi, solemnly handing him the copy of The Book of Kings.

Pahlavi took the book from Reza Shah. “Father, rest assured. I will become the Cyrus the Great of the present-day Iranians!”

In Reza Shah’s study, Pahlavi formally took over Reza Shah’s grand ambition to revive Persia!

Chapter 41: The Expeditionary Force Departs

The next day, Pahlavi appeared at the military camp outside Tehran to bid farewell to the Iranian soldiers about to depart for the North African battlefield.

“May you fight valiantly on the front lines and uphold our nation’s prestige!”

Pahlavi delivered the final line of the speech his secretary had prepared for him the night before with great fervor.

“For Your Majesty, we will fight to the death!”

After Pahlavi’s speech, the soldiers of the expeditionary force erupted in enthusiastic cheers.

With the speech concluded, the soldiers in the camp began packing up and marching toward Tehran’s train station under the command of their officers.

To transport the troops from Tehran to Abadan, the General Staff had coordinated with the Iranian Railway Authority to redirect approximately twenty-five trains to Tehran.

To accommodate the expeditionary force, the Railway Authority had even requisitioned a number of civilian trains.

This left Tehran’s civilian rail capacity insufficient to meet the city’s needs for the next few days.

Most of the soldiers traveled light, boarding the trains at Tehran Station without delay.

The heavy equipment had already been secured on transport trains the night before, allowing the troops to board so quickly.

The train cars were somewhat crowded. Shatel and Barak, riding in a civilian train requisitioned by the Railway Authority, enjoyed the relative comfort of seated accommodations.

The soldiers aboard the military trains were not so fortunate.

The military cars, designed as enclosed freight cars to maximize capacity for troops and supplies, offered little comfort. Soldiers had to stand for the entire journey or sit on the floor. The only ventilation came from a narrow window, leaving the interior stifling and oppressive.

Most of these soldiers belonged to the 411th Armored Division. Since their tanks could only be transported by military trains, they traveled alongside their equipment.

The officers of the expeditionary force, however, enjoyed far better conditions.

The luxury cars of the civilian trains were reserved for officers, who could relax on sofas, sip tea prepared by orderlies, and retire to private compartments when tired.

With a jolt, the trains carrying the expeditionary force began to move.

Barak marveled at everything inside the train—this was his first time riding one. Shatel, on the other hand, was already accustomed to it.

He had taken a train to southern Iran to suppress a tribal rebellion, though back then, it had been a military train, far less comfortable than the civilian one they rode now.

“Barak, have you ever seen a desert?” Shatel pulled Barak, who was curiously examining the train’s interior, toward him.

“No, why?” Barak replied innocently.

Away from the battlefield, Barak had regained some of his usual liveliness, though the lingering effects of combat still haunted him—he often woke in the night, startled.

“This time, we’re heading into a vast desert. My hometown in Khorasan Province is full of them. Want me to tell you what to watch out for in the desert?” Shatel boasted proudly.

Barak scoffed. “The soldier’s manual already covers how to survive in the desert.”

Iran was home to many deserts, so training soldiers in desert warfare and survival was a major focus of the Iranian military.

Barak, however, had only received theoretical training and had never actually trained in a desert.

During the fighting in Kirkuk, though there had been some sandy terrain, it was too small to be called a true desert.

Seeing Barak dismiss his expertise, Shatel fumed. “Just wait! Don’t come crying to me later!”

Barak let out a cold snort and turned away, leaving Shatel grinding his teeth in frustration.

Unlike the noisy, chaotic soldier cars, the officers’ car at the rear of the train was calm and serene. A phonograph played popular music, filling the air with a soothing female voice.

On steam trains, the position of the luxury cars changed with the seasons.

In winter, they were placed just behind the engine so the heat from the burning coal could warm the cars.

In summer, they were moved to the rear to avoid the engine’s heat and the soot that might dirty the passengers’ faces.

Albert sat in one such luxury car at the end of the train. In just four months, he had risen from a second lieutenant platoon leader in the 261st Infantry Division to a captain in the Persian Division of the Iranian Expeditionary Force!

This rapid promotion was due to Pahlavi’s favor and his own distinguished service in battle.

When the General Staff issued the call for the Iranian Expeditionary Force, Albert had volunteered without hesitation.

Beyond seeking military glory, he also wanted to repay Pahlavi for his patronage.

Iranian officers were generally more ideologically disciplined than the rank-and-file soldiers, as many had received military academy education. Iranian military schools placed great emphasis on ideological training.

Students underwent daily instruction in loyalty to the king and patriotism. To foster closer ties with the cadets, the Iranian king personally served as the president of Tehran Military Academy, the Army Officer Academy, Abbas Naval Academy, and the Naval Officer Academy.

Graduates of these four institutions were considered the king’s protégés, and the king would personally preside over graduation ceremonies for outstanding students each year.

The idea of the king serving as the head of military academies had been proposed by Pahlavi, inspired by Chiang Kai-shek. This measure was highly effective in maintaining control over the military, and Reza Shah had readily accepted Pahlavi’s suggestion.

The soldiers of the expeditionary force each had their own thoughts, but nothing could change the fact that they had willingly left behind the safety of home to march toward an unknown battlefield.

Only after all the trains had departed did Pahlavi, escorted by the Royal Guard, return to Golestan Palace.

Having seen off the expeditionary force, Pahlavi still had much to attend to. While his soldiers were bound for North Africa to fight the Germans, he had his own battle to wage—against the remnants of Iran’s old regime!

Chapter 42: The Grand Ayatollah’s Mole

“Your Majesty! Four Ayatollahs have already agreed to accept our appointments as Bishops of the Empire’s provincial dioceses!”

Pahlavi had just settled into his office in Golestan Palace, barely warming his seat, when Fardoust burst into the room, reporting the Imperial Surveillance Bureau’s achievements from the previous day.

“So smooth? Did the Ayatollahs not resist at all?” The Imperial Surveillance Bureau’s success caught Pahlavi off guard.

In Pahlavi’s eyes, no matter how corrupt those high-ranking clergy were, there should still be some loyal to their faith!

“Your Majesty, the Ayatollahs we approached were all provided by Grand Ayatollah Akadula. They were very cooperative. As soon as we mentioned the conditions for becoming provincial Bishops, they agreed immediately!” Fardoust explained.

After hearing Fardoust’s report, Pahlavi’s opinion of Grand Ayatollah Akadula soared.

Grand Ayatollah Akadula was the mole the Imperial Surveillance Bureau had planted within the Iranian Church. By all rights, his relationship with Pahlavi should have been one of bitter enmity.

Grand Ayatollah Akadula was already among the highest-ranking figures in the Iranian Church.

For him to side with Pahlavi now was akin to two nations at war, with one king suddenly surrendering to the other.

If the other clergy in the Iranian Church discovered Grand Ayatollah Akadula’s defection, they would surely cry out in despair, “Your Majesty, why surrender first?”

Pahlavi had managed to win over Grand Ayatollah Akadula through sheer material temptation. Pahlavi firmly believed that no one was beyond temptation—people only refused because the offer wasn’t rich enough!

Grand Ayatollah Akadula had taken four wives, but unfortunately, all four were his cousins.

After marrying his first wife, Grand Ayatollah Akadula remained childless. His uncle, feeling guilty, married off another daughter to him.

The second wife also failed to conceive, so his uncle continued to marry off his daughters.

It wasn’t until the fourth daughter was wed to Grand Ayatollah Akadula that she finally bore him his only child.

Tragically, due to their consanguineous marriage, the boy was born disabled, with a withered right arm.

By then, Grand Ayatollah Akadula was already sixty years old and had no hope of fathering more children. He had no choice but to accept reality. Though the boy was born disabled, Grand Ayatollah Akadula showered him with all his love.

Now, Grand Ayatollah Akadula was nearing seventy. Feeling his time was short, he resolved to cooperate with Pahlavi for the sake of his only child’s future.

Pahlavi proposed granting Grand Ayatollah Akadula’s son a dukedom after his death in exchange for his assistance in reforming the religious system!

Offering a dukedom was the greatest sincerity Pahlavi could extend.

Under Pahlavi’s proposal, Reza Shah had reformed Iran’s noble system, replacing the original chaotic titles with a unified Western-style hierarchy.

Reza Shah divided the nobility into five ranks: Prince, Duke, Earl, Viscount, and Baron, with the title of Prince reserved exclusively for royal family members.

After restructuring the nobility, Reza Shah bestowed new titles upon tribal leaders, prominent local families, and high-ranking officials in Tehran’s central government.

For example, the chief of the Ashtiyani family in Sultanabad and West Mazandaran was granted a dukedom, while the chief of the Vali Khan Sepadar family in East Mazandaran was made an earl.

Reza Shah determined the rank based on the size of the land held, the number of family members, and the official’s position. During the entire reform, he ennobled a total of two hundred and seven individuals.

The newly appointed nobles received land grants from the king and a generous monthly stipend.

Moreover, they were granted the right to participate in local and central governance. However, since the upper house was currently dissolved, nobles could only attend local councils.

The Iranian upper house had fifty-eight seats, twenty-nine of which were held by nobles appointed by the king. Thus, while nobles had the right to participate in national politics, they could only exercise it with the king’s approval.

Later, as time passed, Reza Shah introduced the concepts of life peerages and hereditary peerages.

Life peers and hereditary peers held the same powers, with the sole difference being that hereditary titles could be passed down to descendants, while life peerages could not.

The introduction of life peerages was Reza Shah’s solution to the financial burden of granting too many hereditary titles, while still rewarding those who had served the nation.

By referencing the British system, Reza Shah satisfied the ambitions of meritorious individuals without imposing a heavy financial strain on the state.

Pahlavi’s promise to grant Grand Ayatollah Akadula’s son a hereditary dukedom was his way of ensuring the horse would run—by feeding it well.

After all, one more hereditary duke was a burden Pahlavi believed he could still afford!

Chapter 43: The Debate

The first census in Tehran was conducted during the Qajar dynasty in 1885. At that time, the census records showed Tehran had a population of 147,201. By 1930, the population had only grown to 250,000, an increase of just 100,000 people.

However, between 1930 and 1940, Tehran’s population surged from 250,000 to 540,000, more than doubling. The primary reason for this rapid growth was Reza Shah’s modernization reforms, which attracted people from other parts of Iran to Tehran.

To accommodate the influx of new residents, Reza Shah demolished Tehran’s old city and rebuilt it on the original foundations. The city’s administrative divisions expanded from five districts to eight.

Yet, the core of Tehran remained the original five districts: Agh District, Grand Bazaar District, Oudlajan District, Chaleh Meydan District, and Sangalaj District. Each of these districts had once had its own walls and defensive structures, but under Reza Shah’s orders, construction crews demolished the ancient walls and built wide Haussmann-style boulevards in their place.

Agh District, also known as the Government District or Royal Mahalle, housed the Golestan Palace, the Royal Theater, the National Assembly Building, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Education, and many other government departments.

The Grand Bazaar District was the commercial heart of Tehran, where traditional Iranian bazaar merchants gathered, forming the city’s busiest marketplace.

A few days later, the Iranian Religious Affairs Administration, long prepared, officially opened its offices in Tehran’s Agh District.

The Ayatollahs who had been “invited” by the Imperial Surveillance Bureau’s field agents to the bureau’s headquarters had all chosen to accept the Religious Affairs Administration’s appointments, traveling to their assigned provinces to serve as diocesan bishops.

They were appointed as bishops of Fars Province, Qom Province, Lorestan Province, and East Azerbaijan Province.

Following the principle of “buying the bones of a horse for a thousand gold pieces,” Pahlavi assigned these four Ayatollahs, the first to pledge allegiance to him, to relatively prosperous provinces.

Of course, Pahlavi was not foolish enough to entrust critical provinces to these newly allied Ayatollahs. Provinces vital to the Empire, such as Tehran Province, Isfahan Province, and Khuzestan Province, Pahlavi chose to leave vacant for the time being, waiting for the right moment to appoint trustworthy Ayatollahs.

News of Ayatollah Hamid and others accepting the Religious Affairs Administration’s appointments quickly spread among the other Ayatollahs.

Reactions varied. Some Ayatollahs condemned them as traitors to the church, accusing them of being bought by Pahlavi and becoming puppets of the Tehran government.

Others saw this as a path to legitimacy and decided to follow Ayatollah Hamid’s example.

The Tehran government divided Iran into 29 provinces. (Historically, it was divided into 15 provinces, but since no specific administrative map could be found, this is based on modern Iran’s 29 provinces.)

Adding the newly occupied Kirkuk region, the Mansour cabinet had decided to divide Kirkuk into two provinces.

Thus, Iran would have 31 provinces, meaning 31 provincial bishops would be needed.

The Iranian clergy had only 15 Grand Ayatollahs and Ayatollahs combined, leaving 16 provincial bishop positions unfilled.

The Ayatollahs did not need to worry about competition for their positions; the Hojats below them now had room to rise.

Pahlavi naturally hoped all Ayatollahs would accept his religious system. Regardless of their attitude toward him, as long as they accepted the Religious Affairs Administration’s appointments, his new religious system could be smoothly established.

But things did not go as planned. Ayatollah Kashani and Ayatollah Borujerdi publicly condemned Pahlavi’s new religious system, accusing it of defying the divine principles of governance and subjecting the sacred religion to secular control.

As a beneficiary of Pahlavi’s new religious system, Ayatollah Hamid would not allow Ayatollah Kashani and Ayatollah Borujerdi to disrupt his plans.

Ayatollah Hamid conspired with the Ayatollahs who had accepted appointments alongside him and those who leaned toward the new system to hold a large-scale debate in Tehran with Ayatollah Kashani and Ayatollah Borujerdi.

Both sides were evenly matched. Supporters of Pahlavi’s new religious system and its opponents each held firm to their views, neither willing to yield.

The opponents argued that such actions allowed secular authority to taint the sacred religion.

The supporters immediately countered that religion had always relied on cooperation with secular power, and Pahlavi’s new religious system was a product of collaboration between the Iranian church and the Tehran government.

At an impasse, Grand Ayatollah Akadula, already bought by Pahlavi, personally intervened to aid the supporters of the new religious system.

Seeing Grand Ayatollah Akadula enter the fray, Ayatollah Kashani and Ayatollah Borujerdi knew the debate would end in their defeat.

As expected, with the authority of a Grand Ayatollah and his deep understanding of scripture, Grand Ayatollah Akadula swiftly defeated the opponents of Pahlavi’s new religious system.

The debate ended in victory for Ayatollah Hamid and the supporters of the new system.

Ayatollah Kashani and Ayatollah Borujerdi could only leave with their supporters, unwilling to accept defeat. Ayatollah Kashani’s faction also had the support of a Grand Ayatollah, but he had been bedridden for years, confined to the Qom Seminary, teaching scripture.

Pahlavi’s plan to establish a new religious system had finally taken its first step. The victory in this debate laid the theoretical foundation for his subsequent religious reforms.

Seizing the momentum of their debate victory, the Religious Affairs Administration recruited three more Ayatollahs, appointing them as provincial bishops.

Currently, among Iran’s clergy, there were three Grand Ayatollahs: one sided with Pahlavi, one remained neutral, and one was on his deathbed.

Of the twelve Ayatollahs, seven had accepted the Religious Affairs Administration’s appointments, three openly opposed Pahlavi’s new religious system, and two remained undecided.

The religious situation in Iran was now highly favorable. Pahlavi’s next task was to stabilize the current situation and further expand his gains.

At the same time, he had to remain vigilant against potential counterattacks from the opposition within the church.

Chapter 44: The New Religious System Takes Shape

Pahlavi’s new religious system had successfully won this debate. Under the leadership of the Grand Ayatollahs and Ayatollahs, clerics from all over Iran began joining the Iranian Religious Affairs Administration.

But to receive an appointment from the Religious Affairs Administration, one had to obtain both a clerical practice license and a clerical rank certificate!

The clerical practice license was reviewed and issued by the Religious Affairs Administration, while the clerical rank certificate was reviewed and issued by the Clerical Review Committee, composed of Grand Ayatollahs and Ayatollahs.

Clerics who obtained their practice license and engaged in clerical work would receive a stipend from the Religious Affairs Administration based on their rank.

The amount of this stipend would be determined by the religious taxes collected from each province.

For example, Fars Province had submitted five hundred thousand rials in religious taxes this year. Of these five hundred thousand rials, the Tehran government would take half—two hundred fifty thousand rials—and distribute it to the clerics of Fars Province as their stipend.

The Tehran government was essentially profiting without any cost, not only avoiding financial strain but also gaining additional tax revenue.

Pahlavi considered that since the Religious Affairs Administration was newly established and the current situation in Iran did not support requiring all current clerics to retake the clerical practice license exam, he made a compromise with the Iranian Church.

Existing clerics would not need to retake the exam; the Iranian Religious Affairs Administration would directly issue them their practice licenses.

However, future candidates wishing to become clerics would have to obtain the practice license. This included temple abbots, seminary lecturers, and scholars.

Those who worked as clerics without a practice license would face joint enforcement by the Religious Affairs Administration and local police!

As for the ranks of existing clerics, they would be entirely determined by the Clerical Review Committee, composed of Ayatollahs. Additionally, the committee would select fifteen vacant provincial bishops and grant them the title of Ayatollah.

Notably, Ayatollah Kashani, Ayatollah Borujerdi, and another Ayatollah who had opposed Pahlavi’s new religious system all chose to accept appointments from the Iranian Religious Affairs Administration.

Their acceptance was not out of support for Pahlavi’s new religious system but because the situation had already been decided, and they could no longer prevent its establishment.

To preserve their influence within the new system, they had no choice but to reluctantly accept the appointments, becoming provincial bishops in Iran.

Pahlavi was well aware of their intentions but still accepted them. What mattered most to him now was promoting the new religious system!

Having a few provincial bishops oppose him was a situation Pahlavi could tolerate.

Although they were given the titles of provincial bishops, the dioceses they oversaw were among the lowest-ranked provinces in Iran.

Of the fifteen Ayatollahs, fourteen accepted the appointments from the Religious Affairs Administration. The only one who did not was the Grand Ayatollah bedridden in the Qom Seminary.

Knowing his days were numbered, the Grand Ayatollah firmly refused the appointment and any cooperation with the Religious Affairs Administration.

Given his prestige within the Iranian Church, the Religious Affairs Administration could do nothing but let the matter drop!

While Pahlavi’s religious reforms were progressing smoothly, Prime Minister Mansour was fretting over the reconstruction of the Kirkuk region.

After acquiring Kirkuk from Iraq, Mansour’s cabinet had planned to divide the region into two provinces—Tamim Province and Sulaymaniyah Province.

Tamim Province would have Kirkuk as its capital, formed from the former Erbil Province and Tamim Province, covering an area of twenty-four thousand seven hundred ten square kilometers. Sulaymaniyah Province would have Sulaymaniyah as its capital, formed from the former Sulaymaniyah Province and the counties of Kifri, Khanaqin, and Tuz Khurmatu, covering an area of twenty-seven thousand twenty-three square kilometers.

During the war, the Iranian military had wreaked havoc in the Kirkuk region, destroying Kurdish villages, shelling towns, and bombing roads.

Mansour could understand why the Iranian military had destroyed the Kurdish villages—after all, expelling the Kurds from Kirkuk had been a policy of Mansour’s cabinet. Once the Kurds were driven out, the Persian migrants could obtain free land and housing without the government having to purchase it from the Kurds!

But the destruction of roads and towns was something Mansour could not comprehend. Destroyed villages could be quickly rebuilt by the Persian migrants using local materials.

However, destroyed roads and towns required significant government resources to rebuild. And until the towns were restored, the cabinet could not relocate urban populations to Tamim and Sulaymaniyah Provinces. No Persian would want to migrate to a town in ruins!

The bombed roads also hindered the transportation of migrants by cars or donkey carts and affected the supply of provisions to the settlers.

It was precisely because of the destruction of roads and towns that Mansour’s cabinet’s progress in relocating Persians to Tamim and Sulaymaniyah Provinces had been severely hampered.

Upon learning of the situation in Tamim and Sulaymaniyah Provinces, Mansour immediately went to confront the Iranian General Staff Headquarters. However, the General Staff dismissed his concerns, citing the rampant Kurdish guerrillas and psychological issues among local soldiers, refusing to take responsibility for the mess.

The Iranian General Staff Headquarters dumped the entire problem of Tamim and Sulaymaniyah Provinces onto Mansour’s cabinet, infuriating the prime minister. At nine o’clock in the evening, Mansour stormed into Golestan Palace, waking Pahlavi from his sleep to complain about the General Staff’s irresponsibility!

Helpless, Pahlavi had no choice but to summon Dawuti to Golestan Palace as well.

Dawuti was awakened from his sleep by his household servant and, upon learning of the summons from Golestan Palace, dared not delay. He dressed hastily and rushed to the palace.

Originally puzzled as to why His Majesty had called him to Golestan Palace so late, Dawuti instantly understood upon seeing Mansour standing beside Pahlavi.

So, it was you, old fool Mansour, who came to Golestan Palace to tattle!

The moment the two men met, they began a heated argument in front of Pahlavi.

Caught in the middle, Pahlavi could not favor either side and had to play the peacemaker, soothing both parties.

Finally, under Pahlavi’s mediation, Prime Minister Mansour and General Staff Chief Dawuti reached a compromise regarding the issues in Tamim and Sulaymaniyah Provinces.

The General Staff would dispatch engineering troops and some local garrison units to Tamim and Sulaymaniyah Provinces to assist the cabinet in rebuilding the local infrastructure and towns.

Only with this resolution did Mansour leave Golestan Palace satisfied!

Chapter 45: Desert Highway

The war with Germany was draining the British war potential to its limits. The British Empire was barely holding off Hitler’s forces, relying on the lifeline of support from the Americans and its self-governing dominions.

The Indian Army, in coordination with the British in East Africa, had annihilated Mussolini’s East African forces, liberating Eritrea and Ethiopia from Italian control.

The Australian and New Zealand dominions had jointly formed the ANZAC Corps to reinforce Egypt, helping the British resist Rommel’s Afrika Korps.

Canada’s aircraft factories were recruiting female workers, operating around the clock to produce Spitfire fighters for the British Royal Air Force.

The British were leaving no stone unturned in their efforts to win the war, mobilizing every available resource to strengthen their position and strike back at the Germans!

Amidst this all-out struggle by the British Empire against Germany, only two military units could enjoy a peaceful existence.

One was the British garrison in Hong Kong and Singapore, though their days of ease were numbered—the Japanese were lurking nearby, watching with hungry eyes.

The other was the two British engineering regiments stationed in Iran, far removed from any battlefield!

The British planned to construct a highway starting from Karachi in British India, following the Iranian coastline, passing through Abbas Port, Iran’s major trade hub, and finally reaching Abadan.

The two British engineering regiments were deployed from Abadan and Karachi simultaneously to build this coastal highway.

The 1st Regiment of the Royal School of Military Engineering, advancing from Abadan toward Karachi, consisted of officers and soldiers professionally trained at the Royal School of Military Engineering.

In the harsh environment of the southern Iranian coastal desert, they managed to construct the highway at a rate of five kilometers per day.

Today marked Bevin’s thirtieth day in Iran, and he still considered himself fortunate to be stationed there. Though the place was nothing but sand, it was better than being blown to pieces by German shells on the battlefield.

Before arriving in Iran to build the coastal highway, Bevin had mentally prepared himself for days of scorching sun and sandstorms.

However, upon arrival, he and his comrades discovered that the conditions were not as harsh as they had imagined.

The “Desert Farms” established by Pahlavi had taken on much of the labor that would have otherwise fallen to the engineering regiments.

During the day, when temperatures soared, the soldiers of the 1st Regiment of the Royal School of Military Engineering stayed in the shade of their tents, directing the workers from the “Desert Farms.”

Bevin and his comrades could even leisurely enjoy afternoon tea while watching the workers toil under the blazing sun.

Only when the temperature dropped in the evening did Bevin and his comrades begin their work on the construction site.

The desert’s extreme temperature fluctuations meant that Bevin, who might be shirtless during the day, would bundle up in a heavy coat at night.

It was under these alternating day and night work conditions, aided by heavy machinery, that the 1st Regiment of the Royal School of Military Engineering managed to construct five kilometers of highway each day.

Meanwhile, the 2nd Regiment of the Royal School of Military Engineering in Karachi, though lacking the labor from the “Desert Farms,” could conscript local residents of British India to help build the coastal highway.

Since these were conscripted laborers, the 2nd Regiment could not force them to work without rest, so their construction speed was slower than that of the 1st Regiment!

After enduring the scorching day, Bevin finally welcomed the cool evening.

Starting tonight, not only would the engineering regiment be working on the highway, but workers from the “Desert Farms” would also join the construction.

When the Tehran government formed the Expeditionary Force, they arrested another group of Kurds who opposed the conscription order.

Some of these captured Kurds were forcibly conscripted into the Kurdish Division and sent to the North African battlefield to fight the Germans; others were sent to the “Desert Farms” in southern Iran to contribute to the nation’s development!

The arrival of these new Kurds replenished the labor force of the “Desert Farms,” which had been running low. The manager of the “Desert Farms” approached the commander of the 1st Regiment of the Royal School of Military Engineering.

The two quickly reached an agreement: the workers from the “Desert Farms” would also be employed at night.

The manager of the “Desert Farms” could earn extra income, and the commander of the 1st Regiment could complete the tasks assigned by London more quickly!

This was Bevin’s first time working alongside the workers from the “Desert Farms.” Unlike his comrades, who chatted and laughed while they worked, these workers remained silent.

Bevin understood their situation—if he were forced to labor like them, he probably wouldn’t be smiling either!

After that, Bevin paid no more attention to the workers from the “Desert Farms.” Instead, he turned to his friends beside him and engaged in idle chatter.

At night, the 1st Regiment of the Royal School of Military Engineering relied on specially designed high-power floodlights to illuminate the construction site.

Although these floodlights could brighten most of the site, some dark corners remained unlit.

Several former Kurdish guerrillas took advantage of this oversight, silently slipping into the darkness.

Since there had been no previous incidents of workers escaping from the “Desert Farms,” the manager had relaxed supervision, giving them an opportunity to flee or cause trouble.

The four former Kurdish guerrillas who vanished into the darkness did not escape. Instead, they crept toward the weapons storage area of the 1st Regiment of the Royal School of Military Engineering.

During their daily trips to the construction site, they had gradually familiarized themselves with the location of the regiment’s weapons.

Avoiding the sleepy British guards, the four successfully obtained weapons. Their first act was to use bayonets to kill the guards who had their eyes closed.

The soldiers of the 1st Regiment of the Royal School of Military Engineering paid for their negligence with their lives.

After ensuring their safety, the four former Kurdish guerrillas each took four or five rifles and returned to the construction site to rescue more of their comrades.

Back at the site, they distributed the rifles to their former comrades.

“Hey! Are you animals just standing around slacking off? Get back to work!” a supervisor shouted from a distance, noticing the unusual gathering.

Due to the dim lighting and distance, the supervisor did not see the rifles in the hands of the former Kurdish guerrillas. When he approached and realized they were armed, he turned and fled.

It was too late. One of the armed Kurdish guerrillas skillfully raised his rifle and shot the supervisor dead.

The gunshot did not immediately draw attention in the noisy construction site. Bevin, hearing the sound, wondered if a machine had malfunctioned, producing such a loud noise.

Only after several more shots rang out did everyone realize something was wrong!

Bevin and his comrades dropped to the ground, seeking cover to avoid stray bullets. British guards and supervisors from the “Desert Farms” rushed toward the source of the gunfire.

The workers from the “Desert Farms,” who had been diligently working, also took advantage of the chaos. Many dropped their tools and fled.

The situation descended into chaos, and it wasn’t until morning that the supervisors from the “Desert Farms” restored order.

After the incident, the British side suffered six soldiers killed and twelve wounded. The Iranian side had one supervisor killed and three injured. Additionally, forty-one workers had escaped.

Following this event, both the 1st Regiment of the Royal School of Military Engineering and the supervisors of the “Desert Farms” tightened their supervision of the workers!

Chapter 46: Barbarossa!

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Chapter 47: Iran-Soviet Relations

The news of the German-Soviet war reached the London government at the first opportunity.

Since France’s surrender, the Allied Nations had been left with Britain alone, struggling to hold its ground against the Axis powers led by Germany and Italy.

The news of Germany’s attack was a nightmare for the Soviet people, but for Churchill, it was like a sweet rain after a long drought.

With the Soviet Union tying down German forces in the east, the pressure on Britain would be greatly reduced!

The German forces would continuously divert resources and troops to the Eastern Front for the invasion of Soviet territory. This would result in Rommel’s Afrika Korps in the North African desert receiving insufficient supplies.

Meanwhile, the British Nile Army stationed in Egypt could take advantage of this opportunity to receive weapons, equipment, and personnel from British colonies and dominions around the world to bolster their combat strength.

The Iranian Expeditionary Force of over eighty thousand men had already arrived in Egypt. Under the command of the Anglo-Iranian Joint Command, the Iranian Expeditionary Force was deployed along the Egyptian border to resist the continuous probing attacks by Rommel’s Afrika Korps.

Since the arrival of the Iranian Expeditionary Force in Egypt, they had engaged in over a hundred battles with the German-Italian forces. Both sides had conducted probing attacks, but they maintained restraint, accumulating strength to deliver a fatal blow to each other!

June 22nd, Tehran

The news of the German-Soviet war also reached Tehran. The headline of the Tehran Daily read in bold Persian script: “Germany wages war on the Soviet Union without declaration, the evil German war machine targets the arrogant Soviets!”

From the wording of the Tehran Daily headline, it was clear that the Iranians held disdain for both Germany and the Soviet Union. The Iranians’ hatred for the Germans stemmed from the June 1st victory celebration parade, where German spies attempted to create chaos and assassinate the royal family.

The day after the victory parade, news of the failed assassination attempt by German spies made headlines in major Iranian newspapers. For several days afterward, this news dominated the front pages of Iranian newspapers.

Through the influence of the news media, eighty percent of Iranians learned about the German spies’ attempt to assassinate the king.

Reza Shah’s reputation in Iran was mixed, but it was certain that the majority of the Iranian population supported him.

Upon learning that German spies had dared to attempt to assassinate their beloved king, the Iranian people were outraged, and their favorability towards Germany plummeted. The Iranian people went from being friendly towards the Germans to despising them.

The Iranians’ hatred for the Soviet people could be traced back to the Russian-Persian War during the reign of Peter the Great of the Russian Empire.

In 1722, after winning the Second Northern War, Russian Tsar Peter the Great, to prevent Turkish expansion into the Caspian Sea, declared war on Persia and occupied the Persian territories along the Caspian coast.

Subsequently, Russia and Turkey signed the Treaty of Constantinople, dividing the northern territories of Persia between them.

Later, Persia reclaimed the occupied regions of Azerbaijan and Armenia.

Entering the nineteenth century, the Russian Empire also joined the game of dividing the world among the great powers. Unfortunately, Persia was targeted by the Russian Empire, leading to the outbreak of the Russian-Iranian War.

The cause of the Russian-Iranian War was Georgia’s dissatisfaction with the rule of the Qajar dynasty. Georgia seceded from Persian rule and joined the Russian Empire.

At that time, the ruler of the Qajar dynasty, Agha Mohammad Khan, naturally would not allow such a thing to happen, so he sent troops to occupy Georgia.

When the Russian Tsar, Holy King Alexander I, came to power, Russia sent troops to rescue Georgia, which had been occupied by the Qajar dynasty, thus sparking the First Russo-Iranian War.

The First Russo-Iranian War ended with Iran’s defeat.

In 1813, Russia and Iran signed the Treaty of Gulistan, in which Iran ceded Derbent, Baku, Ganja, Quba, Shirvan, Sheki, Karabakh, and northern Talysh to Russia.

Additionally, Iran was prohibited from establishing a navy in the Caspian Sea, and merchants from Iran and Russia were allowed to trade freely with each other.

Originally, the matter ended there, but the Qajar dynasty, in 1826, launched a “holy war” against Russia to reclaim the occupied regions of Gulistan and Gokcha.

War was reignited, but this time, it was Iran that initiated the conflict, leading to the Second Russo-Iranian War!

Although the Iranian army initially reclaimed a large amount of lost territory, as Russian reinforcements gradually arrived, the situation for the initially advantageous Iranian army took a sharp turn for the worse.

When the Russian army captured Yerevan and Tabriz, the Qajar dynasty, realizing that there was no possibility of defeating the Russian army, hastily sent envoys to the Russian capital, St. Petersburg, to sue for peace.

The two sides signed a treaty in Turkmen, dividing Azerbaijan into two parts: North Azerbaijan was annexed to the Russian Empire, while South Azerbaijan remained in Iran.

Additionally, Armenia was ceded to the Russian Empire; the Russian Empire was allowed to establish embassies in major Iranian cities; Russian consuls had the right to trial and consular jurisdiction; the Russian Empire signed a commercial treaty with Iran, imposing only minimal tariffs on Iran.

The grass grows hastily, and the wolf is sealed at Xu, winning a hasty northward glance.

The Qajar dynasty’s absurd “Northern Expedition War” ultimately ended in Iran’s tragic defeat. Iran thus began its miserable semi-colonial and semi-feudal society.

Losing the Second Russo-Iranian War exposed the weakness of the Qajar dynasty, and the great powers, upon hearing the news, rushed to suck the fresh blood of the Iranian people.

The Iranians’ hatred for the Germans was merely dislike, but their hatred for the Soviet people was deep-seated, stemming from Iranian national sentiment!

Originally, the Tehran Daily headline referred to the Soviet people as “stupid Soviets,” but since the Soviet Union was now on the same side as the Allied Nations, fighting against the Germans.

To accommodate Soviet sentiments, the Iranian news censorship department ordered the newspaper to change “stupid Soviets” to “arrogant Soviets.”

The people on the streets of Tehran were indifferent to the news of the German-Soviet war. In their view, the German-Soviet border was still a long way from Iran, and the flames of war would not reach Iranian territory!

Unlike ordinary Iranian citizens, Iranian government officials and generals at the General Staff Headquarters attached great importance to the German-Soviet war.

The Tehran government needed to consider the impact of the Soviet Union’s entry into the war on Iranian politics, while the General Staff needed to prepare for the possibility of Germany advancing all the way to the Soviet-Iranian border.

Although this scenario seemed impossible to the generals at the General Staff Headquarters, out of a sense of duty, they still prepared a response plan.

This scenario, which the Iranian General Staff Headquarters deemed impossible, would soon become a reality!

Chapter 48: News from the Expedition

Pahlavi was not surprised by the news of the Soviet-German war. He had long anticipated the conflict, though he had been uncertain about the exact timing. He feared that the changes he had brought about after his arrival might have altered the timeline too soon. Fortunately, Germany had launched its attack on the Soviet Union on June 22nd, just as it had in the original timeline.

With the war’s timing unchanged, Pahlavi could continue to enjoy the advantages of his foresight.

The news of the Soviet-German war did not concern him as much as the message from the expedition he had sent to British India. The expedition, which had been out of contact for months, had sent a telegram to Iran announcing their successful seizure of the treasure from the Padmanabhaswamy Temple.

Upon receiving the telegram, Pahlavi was overjoyed. If they could successfully transport the treasure back to Iran, he would gain access to 122.4 billion rials! Additionally, the three tons of gold could serve as reserves for the Central Bank of Iran.

With this influx of funds, the financial issues plaguing Pahlavi’s planned five-year development program for Iran would be resolved!

The Iranian government had long struggled with budget deficits. In 1925-1926, shortly after Reza Shah’s coronation as the King of Iran, the government’s revenue and expenditure both stood at 245 million qirans, balancing the budget. By 1940-1941, however, government revenue had risen to 3.613 billion rials, while expenditures had ballooned to 4.333 billion rials, resulting in a deficit of 620 million rials.

The largest expenditures were allocated to the Ministry of Roads and Transportation (1.092 billion rials), the Ministry of Industry (992 million rials), the military (562 million rials), the Ministry of Finance (265 million rials), the Ministry of Education (194 million rials), and the Ministry of Agriculture (121 million rials).

The Ministry of Roads and Transportation and the Ministry of Industry were the biggest spenders. The Tehran government was constructing highways and railways connecting major cities across Iran while also heavily investing in state-owned factories.

The budget deficit had persisted from 1925 to 1941, largely due to Reza Shah’s modernization reforms. He wanted to build factories, construct railways, and even rebuild the entire city of Tehran. All of these initiatives required substantial funding, but the Iranian government’s finances were insufficient to support them. With no money, the Tehran government had no choice but to issue bonds both domestically and internationally.

However, the newly established Reza Shah government lacked credibility on the international stage, and its bonds went unnoticed. Only domestically issued bonds were purchased by patriotic merchants and citizens, but the Iranian people were not wealthy themselves.

Driven by patriotism, the Iranian people could occasionally support government bonds, but their limited means constrained their contributions. With no other options, the Reza Shah government had to use customs as collateral to borrow from foreign powers, accumulating significant debt.

Now, a solution to the financial crisis was within reach. After receiving the telegram from the expedition, Pahlavi immediately called Marshal Dawuti, the Minister of War.

Due to the war, Pahlavi had merged the Army General Staff and the Naval Command into the Ministry of War, consolidating all of Iran’s military forces. Dawuti was appointed as the first Minister of War.

Upon learning that Pahlavi had summoned him, Dawuti hurried from the Ministry of War to Golestan Palace to meet with him.

“Good day, Your Majesty.”

“No need for formalities, come closer!” Pahlavi beckoned Dawuti to his side.

As Dawuti approached, he saw a map of the Indian Ocean region spread out on Pahlavi’s desk.

“Can our navy escort transport ships here?” Pahlavi pointed to Varkala in the British Indian state of Kerala.

“Your Majesty, our navy only has a few gunboats and patrol boats, making it difficult to perform long-distance escort missions,” Dawuti reported honestly.

The Iranian navy’s sole armed presence at sea consisted of two gunboats, four patrol boats, three torpedo boats, and a tugboat docked in the Persian Gulf. None of these vessels were capable of long-range escort or anti-submarine operations.

The most powerful ships in the Iranian navy were two sister patrol boats purchased from Italy. Each had a displacement of 860 tons, a length of 64 meters, and was armed with one 4.7-inch gun, one 4-inch gun, one 12-pound anti-aircraft gun, two 57mm guns, and two Oerlikon anti-aircraft guns, with a speed of 17 knots.

After their return to Iran, the navy named them the Tiger and the Panther. Though they were merely gunboats, the Iranian navy chose these fierce names for them.

The Iranian navy, with its limited fleet, had little presence in the Ministry of War. Although the navy and the army were of equal rank, the navy often served as an auxiliary force to the army. The naval commander held only the rank of brigadier general.

Thus, even though this operation involved the navy, Pahlavi had only summoned Dawuti, without considering calling the naval commander.

“Your Majesty, may I ask why you need to escort transport ships to Varkala in British India?” Dawuti asked cautiously.

“I have a shipment that needs to be transported from Varkala back to the country,” Pahlavi replied, temporarily concealing the nature of the treasure.

Dawuti continued, “How much does the shipment weigh?”

“About four tons.”

“Why not send naval vessels directly to retrieve it?”

“This shipment must not be discovered by the British. Sending naval vessels would attract their attention!” Pahlavi explained.

“Your Majesty, the British are already overwhelmed by German submarine attacks and won’t pay much attention to our two gunboats. We can simply notify the British that our two gunboats are conducting exercises along the Indian Ocean and need to resupply at a British Indian port. Then, we can enter Varkala’s port, load your goods onto the gunboats, and transport them back to Iran!” Dawuti suggested calmly.

Dawuti’s words instantly enlightened Pahlavi. It was a classic case of being too close to see clearly. Pahlavi was being overly cautious because he knew the shipment contained gold and diamonds, but the British had no knowledge of the treasure.

The British, with their vast empire, would hardly care about what two Iranian gunboats were doing in their ports. Pahlavi’s initial plan to send a transport ship to Varkala to retrieve the treasure now seemed like a futile attempt to hide the obvious.

Moreover, sending gunboats to Varkala to transport the treasure would avoid scrutiny from the British Royal Navy and prevent attacks from German submarines. The Iranian navy’s Tiger and Panther had such shallow drafts that German submarine torpedoes could not hit them. Even if German submarines surfaced for a gunfight, they would be no match for these two gunboats!

“Dawuti, proceed with your plan. Also, inform the sailors on the gunboats that they must not open the crates containing the goods!”

“As you command, Your Majesty.”

Chapter 49: The Treasure Secured

Time flew by, and before long, it was July. While waiting for the gunboats Tiger and Leopard to escort the expedition team back to Iran, Pahlavi remained deeply concerned about the developments on the Soviet-German front.

The early stages of the Soviet-German war had proven the Soviet forces to be nothing more than a paper tiger. From the outbreak of war on June 22nd to July 5th, the German forces had broken through the Soviet defenses along the entire border.

On June 30th, Fedor von Bock, leading the German Army Group Center, encircled nearly five hundred thousand soldiers of the Soviet Western Front in Minsk and its surrounding areas, as well as between Bialystok and Minsk in Novogrudok.

On July 2nd, Stalin ordered the Soviet High Command to urgently recall General Pavlov, the commander of the Western Front, to Moscow, replacing him with Marshal Timoshenko.

It wouldn’t be long before General Pavlov, who had lost nearly an entire front within a week, would be executed by Stalin on charges of treason—the highest-ranking Soviet officer to be executed since the war began.

Alongside Pavlov, others executed included Major General V. Ye. Klimovskikh, the Western Front’s chief of staff; Major General A. T. Grigoryev, the head of communications; and Major General A. A. Korobkov, commander of the Fourth Army.

Pavlov’s defeat was the result of multiple factors. As the highest-ranking commander of the front, Pavlov lacked the experience to shoulder such a heavy responsibility. The Soviet Red Army under his command had just endured Stalin’s Great Purge, leaving its officers far inferior in quality to those of the German Army Group Center.

Moreover, Pavlov faced a group of legendary German generals—Bock, Guderian, Model, and others.

In Pahlavi’s eyes, Stalin’s execution of Pavlov on charges of treason was nothing more than a shameless cover-up to shift blame for his own mistakes!

The Great Purge had nearly severed the Soviet Red Army’s high command. Veteran officers who had survived the civil war were purged by Stalin, while the younger generation had yet to mature.

With no one left to rely on, Stalin had no choice but to rapidly promote young officers. Pavlov, barely in his forties, had been elevated to the rank of general and appointed commander of the Western Front.

On July 10th, a steam train, billowing black smoke, slowly pulled into Tehran’s station. Agents of the Imperial Surveillance Bureau had already taken up positions around the station, maintaining a vigilant watch.

Once the train came to a stop, two armed soldiers jumped down, scanning their surroundings warily. The on-site supervisor from the Imperial Surveillance Bureau approached with two agents to take over from the soldiers escorting the train.

After confirming their identities, the people on the train began unloading sealed crates from the train onto trucks parked on the platform by the Imperial Surveillance Bureau.

Once all the crates were loaded onto the trucks, under the escort of the agents, the convoy set off for the Imperial Surveillance Bureau’s base.

With the mission Pahlavi had assigned now complete, expedition leader Shirva, satisfied, made his way to Golestan Palace to report to his master.

Shirva kept his head lowered as he followed a palace attendant through Golestan Palace, behaving more like a servant than the man entrusted with a critical mission by Pahlavi.

“Sir, His Majesty awaits you inside,” the attendant leading the way whispered as he stopped outside Pahlavi’s reception hall.

Shirva returned the gesture to the attendant before gently pushing open the intricately carved wooden door. Bending low, he took small, careful steps toward Pahlavi, who sat in an armchair.

“Supreme Master, your humble servant has completed the task you assigned!” Shirva prostrated himself at Pahlavi’s feet, his voice trembling with excitement.

Shirva was a slave raised by the Pahlavi family from childhood. The other members of the expedition were much like him—orphans taken in by Reza Shah from his hometown of Mazandaran Province.

From a young age, these children had been indoctrinated with absolute loyalty to the Pahlavi family. Years of conditioning had turned them into obedient tools, incapable of disobeying their master’s orders.

Mazandaran Province bordered the Caspian Sea. Moist air from the Black Sea, blocked by the Alborz Mountains behind the province, formed rain clouds over Mazandaran. The same mountains also blocked the hot, dry air from the southern Iranian plateau, keeping the province’s climate humid.

The favorable natural conditions made Mazandaran’s land highly fertile. Yet, rather than benefiting the local population, this fertility brought disaster.

Mazandaran’s land was among the most fertile in Iran, attracting the attention of the nation’s nobles. Combined with the local aristocracy already entrenched there, land consolidation became a severe issue, reducing most residents to tenant farmers.

In Mazandaran, the upper class seized the means of production from the lower class. Families who should have lived in prosperity were reduced to tenant farmers, unable to support their children. Many were forced to send their offspring to the orphanages established by Reza Shah.

Reza Shah was well aware of Mazandaran’s plight, but he had no intention of reforming the province.

He owned two million six hundred thousand acres of land in Mazandaran—nearly seventeen hundred square kilometers—while the province itself spanned only twenty-three thousand seven hundred and one square kilometers.

Reza Shah’s holdings accounted for seven percent of Mazandaran’s total area, making him the province’s largest landowner. As a representative of the upper class, he had no interest in changing the status quo.

The same held true for the later Pahlavi dynasty. They cared only for the interests of Iran’s elite and their own, completely ignoring the plight of the common people. In the end, they were overthrown and fled the country with their families.

“Shirva, you have performed exceptionally well!” Pahlavi praised the man prostrated before him without hesitation. “Bringing back the treasure from India is a great achievement. Name your reward.”

Shirva’s voice quivered as he replied, “Master, your humble servant dares not ask for any reward.”

“Very well! Every member of this mission will receive a bonus of five hundred thousand rials. Afterward, I will assign you to the Imperial Surveillance Bureau, where you will oversee the other personnel.”

Seeing that Shirva was reluctant to ask for a reward, Pahlavi decided to grant the bonuses directly to the operatives involved in the mission. He also arranged for them to join the Imperial Surveillance Bureau, sparing them from future dangerous assignments.

“Thank you for your kindness and generosity, Master!”

“You may leave now.”

After Shirva departed, Fardoust emerged from a hidden chamber in Pahlavi’s reception hall.

“Fardoust, have the Imperial Surveillance Bureau keep a close eye on them. If any of them show signs of leaking information, arrange for them to be silenced,” Pahlavi said coldly.

Pahlavi was not a heartless man. These operatives had risked their lives to retrieve the treasure, and he couldn’t bring himself to eliminate them outright. But neither was he soft-hearted. If they attempted to reveal secrets, he would not hesitate to deal with them.

Assigning these operatives to the Imperial Surveillance Bureau served two purposes: to monitor the Bureau’s activities and to ensure the Bureau’s agents kept watch over the operatives themselves.

Chapter 50: The Five-Year Plan

After securing the treasure, Pahlavi immediately began planning Iran’s first five-year development goals.

Under Pahlavi’s direction, Prime Minister Mansour convened a cabinet meeting at the Prime Minister’s residence, attended by eleven cabinet members, including the Prime Minister himself.

Reza Shah had decreed that no cabinet member, including the Prime Minister, could hold multiple ministerial positions simultaneously. This measure was intended to prevent excessive concentration of power within the Iranian government.

In the nineteenth century, Iran had only four departments: the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Finance, and the Ministry of Justice. Later, Reza Shah gradually added the Ministry of Public Works and Commerce, the Ministry of Posts and Telegraphs, the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Endowments, the Ministry of Industry, the Ministry of Agriculture, and the Ministry of Roads, forming the current eleven departments of Iran.

The Ministry of the Interior, which had the authority to appoint provincial officials, was directly overseen by the Prime Minister, while the ministers of other departments were appointed by the Prime Minister. However, the king often intervened in the Prime Minister’s appointment process, installing his own favorites or confidants as ministers of government departments.

Iran’s military system was separate from the civilian bureaucracy and answered directly to the king!

Once all cabinet members were present, Mansour got straight to the point: “I have called this cabinet meeting at His Majesty’s behest to discuss planning Iran’s first five-year plan with all of you!”

As soon as Prime Minister Mansour finished speaking, Minister of Finance Arthur Millspaugh immediately raised objections: “Prime Minister, I do not believe Iran’s current finances can support a five-year plan. Iran does not have the same social system as the Soviet Union. Forcing a five-year plan without considering government finances will ultimately lead to Iran’s economic collapse!”

Arthur Millspaugh was an American, but in 1922, Reza Shah appointed him as Iran’s Minister of Finance, entrusting him with the task of establishing an effective tax system throughout Iran.

Initially, people predicted of him: ‘He will take three months to understand and learn his task, another three months to attempt to begin his task, and finally three months to collect his pay and leave.’

But in just five years, Arthur Millspaugh had established an effective tax system across Iran, completing the task Reza Shah had given him.

Arthur Millspaugh abolished Iran’s tax farming system, updated tax rates, and increased tax categories. Most importantly, he transformed Iran’s traditional Mustawfi class into civil servants of the tax department.

Arthur Millspaugh could be said to be the person who understood Iran’s financial situation best.

“Mr. Millspaugh, the financial issue has already been resolved by His Majesty.” Pahlavi had already informed Mansour of his substantial funds.

“Oh, I hope His Majesty Pahlavi hasn’t taken loans from other countries’ banks!” Arthur Millspaugh said worriedly.

Having worked in Iran for nearly twenty years, Arthur Millspaugh had developed deep feelings for the country. Especially Iran’s financial system, which was essentially built by Arthur Millspaugh himself.

After Arthur Millspaugh no longer opposed, the other ministers saw the situation and began presenting their own plans to Mansour.

Originally, each department in Iran had a large number of construction and development plans, but due to the poor financial situation of the Tehran government, these plans had to be shelved.

Now, seeing Pahlavi learning from the Soviet Union and wanting to implement a five-year plan in Iran, the ministers eagerly presented their department’s pre-existing plans to Mansour.

The most ambitious was Ishak, the Minister of Roads, whose plan proposed connecting the capitals of Iran’s various provinces with railways.

If Ishak’s plan were realized, Iran’s railway network would reach an astonishing ten thousand kilometers.

After four hours of discussion between Mansour and the ministers, the initial draft of Iran’s first five-year plan was completed.

As soon as the meeting ended, Mansour took the ministers’ draft of Iran’s first five-year plan to Golestan Palace to present to Pahlavi for review.

Pahlavi took the draft of Iran’s five-year plan from Mansour, glanced through it briefly, and then rejected it.

“Prime Minister Mansour, this plan is completely unfeasible! We do not have enough funds to complete the plans outlined in this document. Have your cabinet draft a new list of plans. This time, the five-year plan will not include building weapons factories, railways, or highways!”

“Your Majesty, how can we not build railways and highways?” Prime Minister Mansour did not understand why Pahlavi did not include railways and highways in the five-year plan.

Pahlavi smiled enigmatically and said, “The Soviet performance on the battlefield has already proven the weakness of the Soviet army. It won’t be long before the Soviet Union loses a large amount of territory in the western Soviet Union. If the Soviet Union loses the population, resources, and industry of its western territories, it will certainly be unable to resist Germany, which has integrated Western European industry, on its own.

At that time, the Americans will step in and aid the Soviets, just as they aided the British. There are not many routes the Americans can take to aid the Soviets, and aiding the Soviets through Iran happens to be the best route for American aid to the Soviets!

Aiding the Soviets from the Arctic Ocean will be affected by the seasons, aiding the Soviets from Asia will require transportation via the Trans-Siberian Railway, but aiding the Soviets from Iran can directly depart from the Caspian Sea and travel up the Volga River. Relying on the tributaries of the Volga River, aid supplies can be transported to major cities in the Soviet interior.

Most importantly, the Iranian route is the safest for aiding the Soviets. American ships can depart from the East Coast, sail along the coastline to South America, cross the South Atlantic via the Cape of Good Hope into the Indian Ocean, and finally arrive at the Persian Gulf, perfectly avoiding the North Atlantic, where German submarines are most rampant.

At that time, the Americans and Soviets, to ensure sufficient transport volume on the Iranian route, will come to us themselves to build railways and highways!”

“Your Majesty, I understand!” After hearing Pahlavi’s analysis, Mansour suddenly realized.

With Pahlavi’s guidance, Mansour returned to the Prime Minister’s residence and reconvened the ministers from each department.

After relaying Pahlavi’s requirements, Mansour’s cabinet began planning the goals of Iran’s first five-year plan anew.

With the experience from the first attempt, Mansour’s cabinet quickly completed the design of the five-year plan.

Prime Minister Mansour took the newly revised draft of Iran’s first five-year plan and once again went to Golestan Palace to present it to Pahlavi for review.

Mansour’s cabinet’s newly designed five-year plan, following Pahlavi’s ideas, abandoned the construction of railways and only planned a highway connecting the eastern provinces of Iran.

This draft of Iran’s first five-year plan received Pahlavi’s preliminary approval, and Iran’s first five-year plan officially began!

Chapter 51: Agriculture, Education, and Healthcare

The five-year plan presented by Prime Minister Mansour this time was not as exaggerated as the previous one. These plans were originally the future projections of various Iranian departments.

Coincidentally, since Pahlavi wanted to implement a five-year plan, the ministers of various departments decided to advance the timeline, compressing the plans for the next few decades into just five years.

After the first draft of the plan was rejected by Pahlavi, the ministers reconvened under the leadership of Prime Minister Mansour. This time, they set the goals for the next ten years as the target for the first five-year plan!

Iran’s first five-year plan covered agriculture, education, healthcare, and industry.

Pahlavi specifically designated agriculture as the priority of the first five-year plan, with the primary goal of ensuring food self-sufficiency for Iran!

In 1940, Iran’s domestic cultivation area for major food crops was 1.376 million hectares, with an annual production of 1.504 million tons.

According to the five-year plan, Iran’s major food crop cultivation area needed to increase to 3 million hectares, with annual production reaching 3.33 million tons.

Additionally, the Ministry of Agriculture would guide farmers to cultivate barley and rice to ensure diversity in staple food crops.

Apart from agriculture, the second most important aspect of Iran’s first five-year plan was education.

In terms of basic education, in 1941, the Iranian government managed 2,336 primary schools and 241 high schools. The literacy rate was only 20%, and most literate individuals had only received simple education from Reza Shah’s literacy campaigns, lacking systematic schooling.

Pahlavi aimed to secularize Iranian society, making education a crucial step. If the state failed to educate children, the responsibility would fall to families.

Entrusting Iranian children to family education was highly unfavorable for Pahlavi’s rule.

In this five-year plan, the Minister of Education proposed only doubling the number of schools. Pahlavi found this plan too conservative, believing that improving Iran’s education required at least a fivefold increase in schools! (The issue of insufficient teachers will be addressed later.)

Moreover, compulsory five-year primary education would be enforced in areas with existing schools.

Pahlavi initially intended to implement compulsory five-year education nationwide but, considering Iran’s circumstances, decided to enforce it only in areas with existing schools.

Iranian settlements were too scattered, with many lacking schools entirely.

Regarding higher education, apart from four military academies, Iran had only one university—Tehran University.

In 1925, Iran had six higher education institutions: the School of Law, School of Literature, School of Political Science, School of Medicine, School of Agriculture, and School of Education.

In 1938, the Ministry of Education merged these six institutions into Tehran University. Subsequently, Tehran University added six more schools: Dentistry, Pharmacology, Veterinary Medicine, Fine Arts, Theology, and Science and Technology.

The number of students in Iranian higher education institutions increased from fewer than 600 in 1925 to 3,300 in 1941. Tehran University’s annual enrollment continued to grow. Additionally, Iran sent students abroad each year.

Over five hundred students had returned after completing their studies, while another five hundred were still studying abroad.

The first five-year plan did not include expanding Tehran University but proposed establishing a mining college in Isfahan and a medical vocational college in Abadan.

The Ministry of Education chose to establish the Isfahan Geological Institute in Isfahan for a simple reason: Iran’s mines were primarily concentrated in Isfahan Province, Yazd Province, and Kerman Province.

Establishing the Geological Institute in Isfahan would aid in detecting mineral resources in Isfahan and surrounding provinces and better train students.

The decision to establish a medical college in Abadan was due to its proximity to Abadan, which was akin to Iran’s “Shanghai” at the time. Abadan was Iran’s most important port city and the base of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company.

The British had established hospitals in Abadan, and after the Abadan Medical College was built, students could study at the British-run hospitals in Abadan.

The third most important aspect was healthcare and public health. Iran’s public health and medical system was quite poor. Apart from Tehran and Abadan, where the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company was based, other cities lacked public infrastructure and modern medicine.

When Reza Shah first took power, Tehran had fewer than 40 registered doctors. Over the past decade, Tehran University’s medical school and overseas medical students had somewhat alleviated the severe shortage of doctors in Iran.

However, most of these highly educated medical students were unwilling to return to their hometowns, preferring to stay in Tehran.

A small number who returned to their home provinces were often hired by provincial hospitals with high salaries, preventing high-end medical resources from reaching the grassroots population.

The vocational medical college established by the Ministry of Education in Abadan aimed to address this issue. The college was designed to train a large number of basic doctors to be deployed to various towns across Iran.

The Abadan Medical College differed from Tehran University’s medical school in its teaching philosophy. The Abadan Medical College focused on quantity rather than quality, aiming to produce a large number of basic doctors.

Without resolving the shortage of doctors, Iran’s medical situation could not improve.

Iran’s infant mortality rate was 139 per 1,000, meaning fourteen out of every hundred newborns died. This situation was highly detrimental to Iran’s population growth.

Pahlavi believed that Iran’s population was too small. With 16.98 million square kilometers of territory, Iran had only 17 million people. Increasing the population would increase the labor force and market size.

A larger population would also enhance Iran’s comprehensive national strength and increase the size of its standing army. While a large population was not a panacea, a small population was a significant disadvantage!

Facing Iran’s poor medical conditions, the Ministry of Public Works and Commerce had only planned to increase the number of basic doctors without any further measures.

Iran’s hospitals were primarily private, and outside Tehran, there were no public health facilities or public hospitals. Thus, healthcare responsibilities fell under the Ministry of Public Works and Commerce.

Pahlavi was highly dissatisfied with the Ministry of Public Works and Commerce’s lack of planning for public health facilities and medical care. Establishing a separate health department had become an urgent matter.

However, the Iranian government was already overwhelmed. It had to coordinate with allies, handle various war-related matters, and formulate detailed five-year plans.

The first five-year plan presented by Prime Minister Mansour to Pahlavi today only outlined a general framework.

The various plans within Iran’s first five-year plan required the government’s departments to work out the details for implementation.

Now, if Pahlavi were to task the government with reorganizing a health department, it would only add to the government’s burden, hindering the implementation of the first five-year plan.

Chapter 52: Industry

Pahlavi chose not to split the Ministry of Public Works and Commerce at this time. Instead, he issued a special directive requiring the ministry to increase its investment in public health, addressing its insufficient planning in that area.

Industry was ranked fourth in Iran’s first five-year plan.

The reason industry was placed last was largely due to Iran’s limited potential for industrial development.

Iran’s domestic population was only seventeen million, far from a populous nation. Unlike Britain or France, it did not possess vast colonial territories.

After the Iraq War, according to the agreement between Iran and Britain, Iraq’s tariffs would be managed by a joint customs committee, effectively turning Iraq into a market for Iranian and British goods.

However, Iran struggled to gain an advantage in trade with Iraq, as the market was not exclusively theirs—British goods were also present, making competition difficult.

The ten years of industrial development under Reza Shah had laid the foundation for Iran’s industrial self-sufficiency. By 1941, Iran’s steel production reached thirty-six thousand tons, and its electricity generation reached one hundred million kilowatt-hours.

Iranian industrial goods lacked a competitive edge internationally. Under these circumstances, aggressively developing industry would be a dead end. Iran’s industry only needed to meet domestic demand.

Jakeli Tangna, the Minister of Industry, recognized this. Thus, in the submitted first five-year plan, he did not set overly ambitious production targets for basic industries.

The Ministry of Industry set modest goals for steel production and electricity generation, aiming for one hundred thousand tons of steel and two hundred million kilowatt-hours by 1946.

Additionally, the ministry planned to establish a tractor factory to meet Iran’s agricultural machinery needs.

This target was not particularly difficult for Iran. In Pahlavi’s view, the ministry’s plan was too conservative, possibly due to his rejection of their initial proposal.

However, the ministry’s plans for light industry and petrochemicals were quite promising.

The Ministry of Industry intended to build food processing plants and Persian carpet factories. With the ongoing war, both the military and civilians had a high demand for processed foods.

For the military, processed foods were convenient to carry and consume. For civilians, they were easy to store in case of emergencies.

Since Iran joined the Allied Nations, a wave of Persian influence had swept through the Commonwealth. Among the trends, the elegant and noble Persian-style carpets had become a luxury item coveted by British aristocrats.

Orders from Commonwealth countries poured into Iran, but limited production capacity meant Iran could only watch as pounds slipped away. Thus, the Ministry of Industry included Persian carpet factories in the five-year plan.

In petrochemicals, the ministry’s primary goal was to explore oil in the newly established Tamim and Sulaymaniyah Provinces. Iran’s oil fields were mainly concentrated in Khuzestan Province and the three northern provinces along the Caspian Sea.

The Caspian coastal provinces of Qom, Mazandaran, and Gilan had mostly small oil fields. Iran’s supergiant oil fields were all located in Khuzestan and its neighboring provinces.

However, Khuzestan and its surrounding areas were under the control of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, which held a near-monopoly on Iran’s oil production.

To break this unfavorable situation, the Ministry of Industry decided to search for supergiant oil fields in Tamim and Sulaymaniyah Provinces to challenge the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company’s dominance.

As it happened, Tamim Province had an undiscovered supergiant oil field. This move greatly pleased Pahlavi, who had originally intended to propose exploring the Kirkuk oil fields himself.

Now that the Ministry of Industry had included it in the first five-year plan, Pahlavi no longer needed to bring it up separately.

In the end, Pahlavi noted a special emphasis on Tamim Province. If the Ministry of Industry heeded his advice, it could significantly reduce the difficulty of finding oil fields in Kirkuk.

After a night of review, Pahlavi had finished reading the first five-year plan submitted by Mansour’s cabinet.

Overall, Pahlavi acknowledged the competence of Mansour’s ministers. The plan they had drafted aligned with Iran’s national conditions, though it was somewhat conservative.

In Pahlavi’s view, it was less a five-year plan for industrial development and more a five-year plan for improving welfare. Most of its provisions aimed to enhance the living standards of Iran’s people.

Developing agriculture to address food security, increasing the number of schools to improve education, and investing more in public health and medical care to ensure the population’s well-being.

The emphasis on petrochemicals and light industry in the industrial sector was also meant to address employment and funding for welfare policies.

Iran’s five-year plan differed significantly from the Soviet Union’s. The Soviet plan focused on increasing national strength, while Iran’s prioritized improving livelihoods and self-sufficiency.

Yet both shared a common goal: to strengthen the nation through a five-year plan. However, Iran and the Soviet Union faced different circumstances. As a socialist state, the Soviet Union was inherently opposed to the capitalist bloc led by Britain.

In recent years, the rise of fascist nations had further intensified the Soviet Union’s security concerns, making the enhancement of national power a top priority.

Iran, on the other hand, had seen its security concerns resolved after joining the Allied Nations.

In the absence of external threats, maintaining the stability of the Pahlavi regime became the most critical issue.

Thus, Iran’s first five-year plan focused primarily on improving the people’s livelihoods.

As for funding, the first five-year plan would be financed by the treasures Pahlavi had seized from India.

For subsequent five-year plans, dividends from the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and revenue from the Kirkuk oil fields would be sufficient to support Iran’s government initiatives.

The next day, Pahlavi returned the revised plan to Prime Minister Mansour. After further discussions and adjustments by Mansour and the ministers, the final version of Iran’s first five-year plan was approved.

However, the plan could not be implemented immediately. Detailed schemes still needed to be finalized by various government departments, and issues of interest distribution remained unresolved.

Pahlavi estimated that it would take at least three more months before the five-year plan could officially begin.

Chapter 53: Behind the Scenes

Pahlavi had entrusted Iran’s first five-year plan entirely to Mansour’s cabinet, while he himself retreated to Saadabad Palace, where Reza Shah resided, to escape the summer heat.

In July, the temperature in Tehran soared to over thirty degrees Celsius, but Saadabad Palace, nestled halfway up the mountain, maintained a pleasant twenty-four degrees.

Pahlavi, dressed in loose robes, lounged in the palace garden, gazing down at the sprawling city of Tehran. This was his tenth day at Saadabad Palace.

Freed from the burdens of governance, Pahlavi could finally indulge in the decadent life of a king.

“Mohammad, you’ve been here long enough,” Reza Shah said with a sigh. “The Iranian government still needs you!”

During his stay at Saadabad Palace, Pahlavi had not once attended to the government affairs sent from Tehran, leaving Reza Shah to handle them all.

“Father, aren’t you here to help?” Pahlavi dismissed Reza Shah’s words casually.

Before Reza Shah could retort, Pahlavi, still gazing at Tehran below, continued, “Father, once the war is over, I intend to reinstate the parliament and establish a new constitution.”

The Iranian parliament had existed for a time. Reza Shah’s restoration of the monarchy had been approved by the parliament, allowing him to be crowned Shah of Iran.

Through his control of the military, Reza Shah gradually defeated other factions in the civil war, reducing the parliament to a mere facade for his military dictatorship.

Later, Reza Shah dissolved the parliament entirely, stripping away even that pretense.

Initially, the parliament had been of great help to Reza Shah, but as his rule over Iran solidified, he relied more on personal authority, military control, and a widespread police force.

Reza Shah’s government was essentially an authoritarian police state. He established police stations in every provincial capital to punish political dissidents, building numerous prisons to detain those arrested by the police.

The British described Iran’s police system at the time: “Political suspects, no matter how minor their offenses—whether they had uttered a single offensive word or visited someone politically undesirable—could be imprisoned or exiled to other provinces without trial at any moment.”

In dealing with opponents, Pahlavi was very much his father’s son. His boldness in exiling dissidents to the “Desert Farms” in southern Iran stemmed from Reza Shah’s authoritarian police state.

Pahlavi’s government inherited the repressive policies of Reza Shah’s regime, though its reactionary nature was far less severe.

Under Reza Shah, mere suspicion of opposing the government was enough to land someone in prison. Pahlavi’s government, however, only targeted those who had already engaged in particularly radical acts of resistance, sending them to the “Desert Farms.”

This was indeed the case. Those imprisoned in the “Desert Farms” included leaders who organized followers to oppose the government, Kurdish guerrillas from Kirkuk, and Iranian traitors who supported the Kurdish guerrillas.

There were also some prisoners and civilians captured in Iraq, but since they were not Iranians, the Pahlavi government paid no mind to their fate.

Compared to Reza Shah’s government, Pahlavi’s regime was practically a beacon of democracy and freedom! In a sense, it could be considered progress.

The Shah’s police system was not limited to Iran’s cities; rural areas were also patrolled by village gendarmes—essentially rural police.

Through this police system and military dictatorship, Reza Shah extended his power into every corner of Iranian society.

The advantage of this approach was that regions once loosely controlled under the Qajar dynasty were now firmly under the central government in Tehran, greatly strengthening Iran’s centralized authority.

Of course, there were downsides. Iranian democrats opposed the military dictatorship, and signs of resistance were already emerging in Iranian society.

Recently, the Imperial Surveillance Bureau had raided a rebel stronghold. Through brutal interrogation of captured resistors, they learned that the organization was planning an assassination attempt on Pahlavi and Reza Shah.

Upon discovering the plot, the Imperial Surveillance Bureau and the Royal Guard intensified their protection of Pahlavi and Reza Shah. Meanwhile, a citywide search in Tehran uncovered several abandoned strongholds.

Fardoust speculated that either the bureau’s earlier actions had alerted the secretive resistance group, causing them to abandon their assassination plans and flee Tehran, or there was a traitor within the Imperial Surveillance Bureau itself.

The first scenario was manageable, but the second would introduce significant uncertainty into Fardoust’s future intelligence operations.

After sharing his suspicions with Pahlavi, both agreed that the bureau needed internal purges to remove those with wavering loyalty.

Pahlavi was well aware of his government’s reactionary nature, which was why he wanted to reinstate the parliament and establish a new constitution. This way, the reactionary actions would be attributed to the cabinet government, allowing Pahlavi to play the role of an enlightened Shah deceived by his ministers.

This would not only shield the royal family from the eye of Iran’s political storms but also free Pahlavi from the burdens of governance.

At that point, Pahlavi could hand the government over to an elected parliament while firmly maintaining control of Iran’s military.

If the government became unruly, threatening royal interests or attempting to abolish the monarchy, Pahlavi could secretly instruct military generals to stage a coup, overthrow the elected government, and establish a temporary military regime.

Once stability was restored, Pahlavi could then dissolve the military government, reinstate parliamentary elections, and elect a more compliant government.

This was precisely the political maneuvering employed by the Thai royal family, and it was highly feasible in Iran.

Pahlavi shared his entire plan with Reza Shah, who was pleased with his son’s political acumen. “Mohammad, you have grown into a capable politician.”

“You are now the true Shah of Iran,” Reza Shah continued. “Go ahead and implement your vision!”

Reza Shah’s words reassured Pahlavi, who decided to follow the Thai royal family’s political strategies to secretly manipulate Iran’s political landscape in the future.

Chapter 54: Air Raid on Moscow

The first five-year plan implemented by the Pahlavi government in Iran aimed to awaken the Iranian people’s sense of independence by enhancing their education levels.

Awakening the Iranian people’s sense of independence was exactly what Pahlavi needed. He sought to transform Iran into a nation-state, using the rising nationalism within Iran to counter the religious forces deeply rooted in Iranian society.

Pahlavi wanted to ignite the flames of nationalism among the Iranian people, making the Shah of Iran the representative of the Iranian nation. To achieve this, he had to awaken the consciousness of his people!

In Pahlavi’s vision, nationalism was the mystical bond of love and devotion between the Iranian people and the Shah. To maintain this mystical connection, he had to safeguard the basic civil rights and social security of his subjects.

A monarch’s blind pursuit of absolute monarchy would only provoke rebellion among the people. Nicholas II of Russia was a perfect example.

Both nationalism and religion were extremely dangerous to Pahlavi. If not for the heavy burden of religion pressing down on him, Pahlavi would never have unleashed the fierce tiger of nationalism.

The leisurely days were always limited. Reza Shah saw that Pahlavi remained in Saadabad Palace, resting and leaving all government affairs to him.

Having not enjoyed his retired king life for more than a few days, Reza Shah was displeased. “When I was king, I had to handle government affairs. Now that I’ve abdicated, I still have to handle them. Doesn’t that mean my abdication was for nothing?”

Unwilling to continue handling affairs for Pahlavi, Reza Shah, under the escort of the Royal Guard, boarded his private train in the middle of the night and headed north to the estate of the Royal Affairs Bureau in Mazandaran Province to avoid Pahlavi.

The next morning, when Pahlavi woke up, he saw the desk piled high with documents from the cabinet that needed to be processed. After questioning the attendants of Saadabad Palace, Pahlavi learned that Reza Shah had already left Saadabad Palace.

Confirming that Reza Shah had indeed left, Pahlavi had no choice but to continue handling government affairs himself.

Looking at the pile of documents, Pahlavi thought to himself: As soon as the war is over, I’ll immediately call for elections and hand over these damned government affairs to the members of parliament to bicker over!

While various tasks in Iran were proceeding smoothly, the Soviet Union encountered a small problem—Germany had reached Smolensk.

Smolensk was the gateway to Moscow, only three hundred and sixty kilometers away. If the German forces took Smolensk, they would open the door to Moscow.

At the speed of the German armored divisions, it would take only five days to reach the outskirts of Moscow.

Due to the command errors of General Pavlov in the early stages of the Soviet-German war, the Soviet Red Army’s Western Front lost most of its main forces.

The only correct decision Pavlov made was the timely withdrawal of some Red Army forces prepared to reinforce the Battle of Minsk, avoiding the annihilation of the Western Front by the German forces and preserving some of the Red Army’s combat power.

The Soviet High Command urgently dispatched Marshal Timoshenko to replace Pavlov in command of the Western Front.

Upon arriving at the Western Front headquarters, Timoshenko quickly took over command. Facing the dire situation of the Western Front, he regrouped the Red Army forces shattered by the German Army Group Center.

Timoshenko withdrew the remaining Red Army forces to the Smolensk line to establish new defensive positions. With the support of the reinforcing Central Front, Reserve Front, and Bryansk Front, he successfully stabilized the originally crumbling Soviet defensive line.

Timoshenko’s abilities were widely recognized. In the early stages of the Soviet-German war, he served as the fire brigade chief of the Soviet battlefield. After the failures of the Soviet Red Army in the Battle of Minsk and the Battle of Kiev, he took over the defeated Red Army forces and stabilized the defensive line against the German forces.

Later, due to Zhukov’s victory over the German Army Group B in the Battle of Stalingrad, he gained Stalin’s favor, and Zhukov subsequently took over Timoshenko’s role as the fire brigade chief.

July 22, the Kremlin

In recent days, Stalin had shed the panic he felt at the beginning of the war when he learned that the German forces had attacked without declaration, swiftly destroying the Red Army’s defensive lines. He had also emerged from the anxiety of the war’s setbacks.

Although the Soviet forces were still at a disadvantage, good news had been coming in from both the front lines and diplomatic channels.

On the front lines, the Leningrad Front had successfully defended against the attacks of the German Army Group North. The Leningrad Front had even begun organizing counterattacks against the German forces.

On the Smolensk line, under the command of Marshal Timoshenko, the defensive line had been successfully stabilized against the German offensive. Stalin had considerable trust in Timoshenko, a marshal from the cavalry system who had been with him since the Russian Civil War.

The so-called cavalry system referred to the first cavalry unit formed by the Red Army during the Russian Civil War—the First Cavalry Army. The First Cavalry Army had won the Battle of Tsaritsyn for Stalin.

The Battle of Tsaritsyn was of great significance to Stalin. It marked the beginning of Stalin’s rise in the Soviet political and military circles.

After Stalin became the supreme leader of the Soviet Union, officers from the First Cavalry Army often received his favor. During the first Soviet military ranking in 1935, three of the five marshals of the Red Army—Budyonny, Yegorov, and Voroshilov—were from the First Cavalry Army.

Even more Red Army officers from the First Cavalry Army were promoted to the ranks of general, lieutenant general, and major general by Stalin.

Even during the Great Purge, few Red Army officers from the First Cavalry Army were affected.

The stabilization of the front lines in the Soviet-German war finally relieved Stalin’s urgent concerns. Diplomatically, the signing of the “Agreement on Joint Action in the War Against Germany” between the Soviet Union and Britain was a reassuring pill for Stalin!

Through the treaty, Britain and the Soviet Union determined their alliance to jointly resist the attacks of Nazi Germany. The most important part of the treaty was that Britain would aid the Soviet Union!

The frequent good news filled Stalin with confidence in the war. Stalin firmly believed that it wouldn’t be long before the powerful Red Army could stabilize the front lines, and then the great Red Army would drive the German armored forces out of Soviet territory.

Comrade Stalin was always an optimist.

“Woowoowoo~”

The air raid siren of the Moscow air defense zone blared, the urgent and sharp alarm echoing through every street of Moscow. Under the organization of the police and fire departments, the citizens of Moscow evacuated in an orderly manner to air raid shelters, avoiding the impending German air force attack.

Stalin listened to the piercing air raid siren outside and was about to call his secretary to inquire about the situation when Major General Spiridonov, the commander of the Kremlin guard, hurriedly burst into Stalin’s room.

“Comrade Stalin, German planes are approaching Moscow. For your safety, you need to evacuate the Kremlin immediately!”

“What is the front line air force doing!” Stalin rarely lost his composure in front of his subordinates.

Major General Spiridonov lowered his head, trying to minimize his presence. Marshal Voroshilov also arrived at Stalin’s room.

After venting, Stalin remained silent for a while before saying, “I will not leave here!”

Voroshilov and the others knew Stalin’s stubbornness. Once Stalin made up his mind, no one could persuade him.

The attempt to persuade Stalin to leave the Kremlin failed. Marshal Voroshilov could only request the Moscow air defense commander to strengthen the air defense around the Kremlin.

The German air raid on Moscow ended quickly. The German attack did not cause any damage to the Kremlin. On the first day of the Soviet-German war, Major General Spiridonov had already camouflaged the Kremlin.

The red stars on the Kremlin towers and the crosses on the churches were covered with protective covers by Spiridonov’s order. The entire towers and church domes were painted black.

At the same time, models of Red Square and the Kremlin were fabricated in various parts of Moscow to confuse the German air force.

After the event, statistics showed that the German air raid did not cause effective damage to Moscow. One reason was that this was the first German air raid on Moscow. The other reason was that the air defense firepower of the Moscow air defense zone was too strong, severely disrupting the German air force’s attack!

After the air raid, the furious Stalin ordered the Soviet Red Army air force to launch a retaliatory attack on Berlin. But after Stalin calmed down, he withdrew the order he had just issued.

The bombing of Moscow by the German air force was a great humiliation for Stalin. The capital of one hundred and seventy million Soviet people was trampled by Nazi German planes today.

Stalin’s rationality once again overcame his impulsiveness. He understood that sending the air force to bomb Berlin now would be a dead end. The Germans would continue to carry out air raids on Moscow. What Stalin needed to do now was to reduce the damage caused by the German air raids!

Today’s German air force attack on Moscow once again dealt a heavy blow to Stalin!

Chapter 55: The Atlantic Charter

On August 7th, Smolensk, which Marshal Timoshenko had fortified into an ironclad stronghold, finally fell to the German Army Group Center.

The German forces reaped significant gains from this battle. First, they captured Smolensk, the gateway to Moscow, clearing the path for their subsequent assault on the Soviet capital. Second, during the campaign, the German forces took 310,000 Soviet Red Army soldiers prisoner and seized over 3,000 tanks and 3,000 artillery pieces.

Though the Soviet Red Army suffered a tactical defeat at Smolensk, they achieved a strategic victory by buying precious time. The fierce resistance of the Soviet forces inflicted heavy losses on the German Army Group Center, forcing them to delay their advance on Moscow.

Realizing that a swift capture of Moscow was no longer feasible, Hitler decided to concentrate his forces on eliminating the Soviet threats on the flanks of Army Group Center before launching a full-scale assault on the capital. Under his orders, Guderian’s 2nd Panzer Group moved south to attack Ukraine, aiding the German Army Group South in crushing the Soviet Red Army forces near Kiev.

With its elite units diverted, the German Army Group Center shifted to a defensive stance, giving the Soviet Red Army a much-needed respite. As the German forces pressed southward into Ukraine, the Soviet Red Army mobilized troops from across the country to reinforce the Moscow defense line in preparation for the impending German offensive.

For the German forces, the Battle of Smolensk had concluded, but for the Soviet Red Army, the struggle was far from over.

Hitler ignored the advice of his generals to redirect forces from the Moscow offensive to Leningrad and Ukraine, a decision that would ultimately doom Operation Barbarossa. Meanwhile, Stalin, equally stubborn, refused to heed his generals’ counsel and insisted on ordering the Soviet Red Army to launch a counterattack against the German Army Group Center at Smolensk.

Stalin could not accept that the gateway to Moscow had fallen into German hands. With the elite forces of Army Group Center redeployed by Hitler, Stalin commanded the Soviet Red Army facing the German forces to launch an assault. Stalin obstinately believed this was the perfect moment for a Red Army counteroffensive—even Zhukov’s desperate pleas could not sway him.

Of course, Stalin failed to grasp the current weakness of the Soviet Red Army—their dwindling morale after successive defeats, the shortage of heavy weaponry, and the staggering personnel losses. These factors meant that even with the German Army Group Center’s elite forces largely withdrawn, the entrenched defenders remained beyond the Red Army’s capacity to overcome.

At times, Stalin behaved like a paranoid madman! His obstinacy would inflict heavy losses on the Soviet Union, yet it was this very obstinacy that would ultimately secure the Soviet victory in the Great Patriotic War!

On the 14th, shocking news spread across the globe: Britain and the United States had jointly signed the Atlantic Charter.

The United States formally expressed clear hostility toward the Axis powers, led by Germany. Though America had not yet officially entered the war, it was evident to all that their involvement was only a matter of time. Speculation ran rampant—would the Americans join the war in the same manner as World War I, with British intelligence intercepting a German telegram urging Mexico to invade the United States?

The Atlantic Charter was officially signed on August 13th, but as early as August 9th, U.S. President Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Churchill had convened the Atlantic Conference aboard the battleship Prince of Wales, anchored off Newfoundland. The entire conference was held in secrecy, with only the participants aware of its existence.

After five days of intense discussions between Britain and the United States, the final terms of the Atlantic Charter were established. This declaration held immense significance for both nations. For Britain, it marked the formation of a political alliance with the United States. For America, the principles of “equal opportunity” and “freedom of the seas” outlined in the Charter were crucial to their post-war bid to supplant Britain as the global leader.

In many ways, the Atlantic Charter was a product of British and American interests intersecting. Undeniably, its signing greatly bolstered the morale of the anti-fascist alliance, dealt a heavy blow to the Axis powers, and played a positive role in securing victory in the war against fascism. Additionally, the Charter laid the foundation for the post-war establishment of the United Nations.

Following the signing of the Atlantic Charter, the United States began seizing German assets within its borders. As early as July 26th, when Japan occupied French Indochina, the U.S. had already confiscated Japanese assets in America. Even before entering the war, the Americans were already reaping its rewards.

When news of the British-American joint declaration reached the Soviet Union, Stalin issued a statement in support of the Atlantic Charter’s principles. The anti-fascist nations of the world began to unite!

Chapter 56: The Iranian Route

The Atlantic Charter was not only politically beneficial to the Soviet Union but, more importantly, it promised vital military aid from the Allies!

The threat posed by Fascist forces had united two previously irreconcilable camps—socialism and capitalism—against a common enemy.

Stalin’s swift endorsement of the Atlantic Charter pleased Churchill and Roosevelt greatly. Britain had already pledged support to the Soviet Union in the Agreement on Joint Action in the War Against Germany, signed earlier.

Not long after Stalin’s public statement of approval, the U.S. Ambassador to the Soviet Union, Davies, acting on instructions from the White House, arrived at the Kremlin to discuss American aid with Stalin.

Davies’ car pulled up to the Kremlin’s entrance. This was not his first visit. Since the German-Soviet war began, Stalin had frequently summoned him to gauge American intentions. Yet each time he entered, the oppressive, tense atmosphere weighed on him.

Security at the Kremlin had tightened significantly. Rumors circulated that Soviet forces in Ukraine had been surrounded by the German forces, prompting the Kremlin’s guards to reinforce defenses against potential threats.

Another setback on the front lines had left Stalin deeply insecure. The lack of safety gnawed at him, exacerbating his paranoia. He suspected spies—German agents—lurked among his closest advisors, his staff, even within the Red Army’s ranks.

Stalin feared his previous Great Purge had failed to fully cleanse the Red Army. Had it not been for the ongoing German invasion, he would have launched another sweeping purge without hesitation.

Though he refrained from repeating the Great Purge, any Red Army officer who suffered a defeat on the battlefield was immediately detained by the NKVD for interrogation in isolated facilities.

After passing through multiple security checks, Davies stepped out of his car. A Soviet official approached.

“Ambassador Davies?”

“I am.”

“Greetings, Ambassador Davies. Comrade Stalin has sent me to escort you. Please, follow me.”

The man was Stalin’s secretary, Makarov. With Davies’ consent, he led him to the door of Stalin’s office.

Knock. Knock. Knock.

“Enter,” came Stalin’s weary voice from within.

“Comrade Stalin, Ambassador Davies has arrived,” Makarov announced, ushering Davies inside.

“Ambassador Davies, please, have a seat,” Stalin gestured toward the sofa in his office.

Makarov discreetly exited, closing the door behind him.

Before Stalin could speak, Davies stated his purpose: “Secretary Stalin, I’ve come to discuss matters regarding aid.”

Stalin reached for his ever-present pipe, hesitating mid-lighter before extinguishing the flame. The American’s initiative pleased him—his earlier response to the Atlantic Charter had not been in vain.

A rare smile flickered across Stalin’s face. “The United States is the Soviet Union’s most trusted partner.”

From the Soviet Union’s founding to the outbreak of World War II, U.S.-Soviet relations had been complex. After the Russian Civil War, the U.S., alongside Britain, France, and Japan, had intervened against the Bolsheviks. Even after the war’s end, the U.S. refused to recognize the Soviet Union for sixteen years, maintaining a policy of deliberate ignorance. Though Britain and Japan eventually established diplomatic ties, the U.S. remained unmoved—until 1933, when the rise of Fascist powers forced America to seek an alliance with the Soviets.

During those sixteen years of non-recognition, however, the U.S. did not obstruct Soviet development as Britain and France had. While the latter imposed trade embargoes over ideological differences, American businesses thrived in trade with the Soviets. U.S. merchants purchased timber from the Soviet Union and sold industrial equipment in return. Without official diplomatic ties, there was no ideological conflict—and American traders dominated Soviet commerce.

One Jewish-American businessman even became Lenin’s personal supplier, exporting Soviet grain worldwide and earning crucial foreign exchange for the young state.

“The United States and the Soviet Union have always been the closest of partners,” Davies echoed Stalin’s sentiment. He then retrieved a document from his briefcase and handed it to Stalin.

“Secretary Stalin, these are the two proposed supply routes from Washington.”

Stalin examined the document. The first route would transport goods from the U.S. West Coast across the Pacific to the Soviet port of Vladivostok, then via the Trans-Siberian Railway to European Soviet territory. The second would ship supplies from the U.S. East Coast to Iranian ports, then by rail through Iran to the Soviet Union.

After reviewing the options, Stalin declared, “I prefer the Iranian route.”

The Iranian route was far more efficient. The Trans-Siberian Railway, built as a single-track line to reduce construction difficulties, had limited capacity. It was already strained by troop movements between the Soviet Union’s eastern and western regions.

In contrast, the Iranian route allowed not only rail transport but also the use of Caspian Sea and Volga River vessels, significantly increasing logistical flexibility.

“Secretary Stalin, our ambassador in Iran is already in discussions with His Majesty, the Shah of Iran. If all goes well, American supplies could be shipped to Iran as early as next week!” Davies announced.

Stalin’s face lit up with satisfaction.

Chapter 57: Griffiths

While the Washington administration sent Ambassador Davies to the Soviet Union to negotiate aid with Stalin, they also issued orders to the American Ambassador to Iran, Griffiths, stationed in Tehran.

The orders required Griffiths to persuade the Iranian side to agree to use Iran’s domestic transportation capacity to transport American aid supplies to the Soviet Union.

Upon receiving the orders from Washington, Griffiths immediately took action, requesting an audience with Pahlavi at Saadabad Palace.

Griffiths had long served as the American Ambassador to the Soviet Union, so he was well aware that the Shah was the true power holder in Iran.

Rather than waiting for the Iranian government to report to Pahlavi about America’s desire to borrow Iran’s transportation capacity, it was better to directly persuade the Shah himself.

After Pahlavi agreed to Griffiths’ request for an audience, Griffiths arrived at Saadabad Palace to explain the advantages and disadvantages of the matter to Pahlavi.

Before Griffiths could finish his carefully prepared speech, Pahlavi agreed directly.

“No problem, Ambassador Griffiths.”

Pahlavi agreed with a smile to the American Ambassador to Iran’s request to use Iran’s railway transportation capacity to send aid supplies to the Soviet Union.

Pahlavi’s quick agreement left Griffiths somewhat at a loss, as he had expected it would take a difficult process to persuade the Shah.

“Iran, America, and the Soviet Union are all just nations opposing fascism. Iran is willing to contribute its strength to this war,” Pahlavi continued.

Griffiths was shocked by Pahlavi’s awareness: “Your Majesty, you are truly…”

Pahlavi waved his hand to stop Griffiths from continuing: “Coincidentally, Prime Minister Mansour is also here today. Iran is a democratic country, and the management of the country is entrusted to elected prime ministers like Mansour.

Ambassador Griffiths, you can discuss the specifics with Prime Minister Mansour.”

After Pahlavi finished speaking, Griffiths looked at Mansour beside him, who gave Griffiths a friendly smile.

Griffiths suddenly had an ominous premonition.

Mansour’s presence at Saadabad Palace was certainly not the coincidence Pahlavi had just mentioned to Griffiths. Instead, Pahlavi had specifically called Mansour there that day.

From the moment Griffiths requested an audience with Pahlavi, Pahlavi had already anticipated that Griffiths was coming to discuss the matter of American aid to the Soviet Union.

Pahlavi did not oppose this matter. Strengthening the Soviet Red Army was beneficial to Pahlavi, as it could keep the German forces’ front line as far from Iran’s borders as possible.

If the Soviet Union abandoned the Caucasus region due to insufficient supplies, Iran would have to face the German armored divisions directly.

Pahlavi had called Mansour there to extract as much benefit as possible from the American aid to the Soviet Union.

Thus, Pahlavi had informed Mansour of his judgment in advance. After several days of discussion in Mansour’s cabinet, they reached a final conclusion before Pahlavi agreed to Griffiths’ audience.

“Ambassador Griffiths, my country approves of using Iran’s transportation capacity to transport aid supplies to the Soviet Union. However, Iran’s railway and road transportation capacity is limited and must meet the domestic population’s transportation needs, so it cannot bear too much cargo transportation.

If America wants to use Iran’s domestic transportation capacity to complete the transportation of supplies to the Soviet Union, I hope your country can help Iran expand its transportation capacity!”

Mansour calmly stated the first condition reached after the cabinet’s discussion.

After hearing Mansour’s words, Griffiths understood why Mansour was there: Iran wanted to take advantage of America’s current need for Iran to make a profit!

“America will send engineering teams to help Iran expand its railways and roads.” After some thought, Griffiths agreed to Mansour’s first request.

Although Mansour’s move was taking advantage of America, Griffiths believed that expanding Iran’s transportation capacity would benefit the American aid to the Soviet Union!

The Soviet Union’s transportation capacity on the Iranian route was sufficient, but Iran’s transportation capacity was lacking. After expanding Iran’s transportation capacity, more supplies could be transported from the ports of the Persian Gulf in Iran to the Soviet Union.

Moreover, Griffiths believed that even if Iran did not make this request, America would propose sending engineering teams to Iran to help expand its transportation capacity.

Thus, Griffiths directly agreed to Mansour’s first request.

With the first victory, Mansour pressed on with the second demand: “Building railways and roads in Iran requires a large amount of raw materials. I hope your country can help Iran build some steel plants, cement factories, and other factories.

If possible, your country could also directly build weapons factories in Iran. The weapons produced in Iran can be sent directly to the Soviet Union from Iran!”

This time, Griffiths did not immediately agree to Mansour’s request: “Your country’s request, I need to consult with Washington.”

Seeing that Griffiths did not immediately agree to his request, Mansour was not discouraged and continued to discuss other matters with Griffiths.

By the time Griffiths left Saadabad Palace, it was already dark.

In Pahlavi’s office, Pahlavi and Mansour, this pair of ruler and minister, exchanged smiles. Today, Pahlavi and Mansour had gained a lot. Griffiths had agreed to Mansour’s requests for help in expanding transportation capacity and providing financial assistance to Iran.

As for the other requests, they would have to wait for Griffiths’ reply from Washington.

After returning to the American Embassy in Iran, Griffiths sent Mansour’s requests to the United States.

The next day, Washington sent a telegram to Griffiths, agreeing to most of Mansour’s requests. The only request that Washington did not agree to was Iran’s demand to build weapons factories in Iran.

Producing armaments was a very important matter for America. Military enterprises could accumulate huge amounts of funds by producing armaments, and the government could solve domestic unemployment problems by producing armaments.

Iran’s other requests were just a matter of spending some American dollars for America, but Iran’s request to build weapons factories in Iran to produce aid supplies for the Soviet Union touched on the interests of various forces in America.

Thus, the high officials in Washington did not even think about it and directly rejected the request to build weapons factories in Iran.

After receiving the telegram from Washington, Griffiths went to Saadabad Palace again to meet with Pahlavi and convey Washington’s opinion.

Since America had agreed to most of his requests, Pahlavi did not insist on America building weapons factories in Iran. The United States and Iran thus reached an agreement on the Iranian route.

After taking advantage of the Americans, Pahlavi set his sights on the British. Since the Americans did not want to help Iran build weapons factories, Iran would go to the British for them!

The British had taken advantage of Iran, an ally with a geographically crucial position, so it was impossible for Iran not to get something out of the British.

Chapter 58: Journey to London

September 7th, London

Churchill had convened a meeting of the Allied Nations in London to discuss the Atlantic Charter. The gathering included both resisting and exiled Allied governments.

Among the attendees were representatives from Britain, the Soviet Union, Iran, Belgium, the Netherlands, Czechoslovakia, Luxembourg, Yugoslavia, Poland, Greece, Norway, and General de Gaulle’s Free France.

Pahlavi had initially intended to attend the meeting in person, but Mansour and others had dissuaded him, citing the dangers of the journey.

With the German forces concentrating their efforts on the Soviet Union, the intensity of their air raids on London had significantly decreased. Though the threat to London had lessened, the route from Iran to London remained perilous.

Traveling by sea from the Mediterranean to London carried a high risk of German submarine attacks, while the Atlantic route would take too long. As for flying, Pahlavi harbored doubts about the safety of aircraft in this era.

In the end, Pahlavi’s plan to attend the meeting in person was abandoned.

Since Pahlavi could not go due to safety concerns, the Iranian government dispatched Foreign Minister Saba to London for the conference.

Before his departure, Pahlavi specifically instructed Saba to secure British agreement to establish weapons factories in Iran. The future of Iran’s arms industry now rested on Saba’s shoulders.

Under Pahlavi’s watchful gaze, Saba, burdened with this dual mission, boarded the transport plane bound for London.

To evade the threat of German aircraft, the plane carrying Saba took off from Tehran, detoured through Sudan, crossed French Equatorial Africa and Nigeria, and finally arrived in Takoradi.

From Takoradi, Saba’s transport plane took off again, heading for London. The route was one the British had established specifically to support the North African campaign.

In addition to this air route, the British had opened two sea routes. One began from the British Isles, rounded the Cape of Good Hope in the South African Dominion, and entered the Red Sea to supply British forces in North Africa—a journey of eleven thousand six hundred nautical miles.

The other route departed from the British Isles, passed through the Strait of Gibraltar, and delivered supplies directly through the Mediterranean to British forces in North Africa. This was the most dangerous route but also the shortest, spanning only three thousand ninety-seven nautical miles.

After a long flight, Saba’s plane landed at a camouflaged military airfield on the outskirts of London.

As Saba stepped off the plane, his feet touching the ground, he felt a renewed sense of stability. This was the first time he had traveled such a great distance by air.

After disembarking, the British officials who had come to receive him approached. The lead British man spoke in broken Persian: “Minister Saba, I… welcome your… arrival…”

Hearing the British man’s awkward Persian, Saba responded fluently in English: “No need for formalities. Please take us to the Iranian Embassy in the United Kingdom.”

Saba had studied abroad in Britain in his youth, allowing him to communicate effortlessly in English with the British officials.

He was not the only Iranian official with overseas education—nearly all ministers in Mansour’s cabinet had studied abroad.

To better modernize Iran, Reza Shah had prioritized the appointment of Western-educated individuals to lead various government departments.

In addition to promoting Iranians who had studied abroad, Reza Shah had also spent heavily to hire foreign scholars for key positions in the Iranian government. Arthur Millspaugh, the Minister of Finance, was one such foreign expert.

These foreign officials had not disappointed Reza Shah. Unlike their Iranian counterparts, who were often entangled with conservative factions, they efficiently carried out Reza Shah’s directives.

Even now, many foreign officials remained in the Iranian government, with Americans being the most numerous.

Though these foreign officials had greatly aided Iran’s modernization, their presence in high-ranking positions had severely compromised Iran’s national security. Countries like Britain and the United States could easily obtain classified information from the Iranian government.

Seeing that Saba was speaking English, the British official abandoned his clumsy Persian and switched to English: “Minister Saba, please follow me.”

With that, he led Saba and his delegation to a waiting motorcade. Once everyone was seated, the convoy departed for central London.

The streets of London were scarred by craters from German bombers, and the buildings lining the roads bore the marks of repeated air raids.

Many structures, already damaged by bombs, had been struck again before repairs could be made. Important buildings were fortified with sandbags to defend against further attacks.

Open spaces between buildings had been converted into anti-aircraft positions, where soldiers in gas masks stood ready, vigilant against German air strikes.

“Those damned Germans!” the British official gritted his teeth.

The convoy arrived at the Iranian Embassy in the United Kingdom. After bidding farewell to the British official, Saba and his diplomatic team entered the building.

The embassy, too, was protected by sandbags, though its exterior still showed damage from German air raids.

The Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs had informed Ambassador Marih of Saba’s arrival in advance. Eager to impress his superiors, Marih had prepared accommodations and waited at the embassy’s entrance.

As Saba and his delegation entered, Marih greeted them with enthusiasm, eager to ingratiate himself.

Saba did not mind the flattery, but the long flight had left him exhausted. All he wanted was a quiet room to rest.

After expressing his need for rest, Marih wisely ceased his fawning and personally escorted Saba to the prepared quarters.

Once alone, Saba finally settled onto the bed—only for the shrill wail of an air raid siren to pierce the air.

With a sigh, Saba dragged himself up and headed to the embassy’s basement to take shelter from the German air raid.

Chapter 59: Meeting Churchill

On the second day of the Iranian diplomatic delegation’s arrival in London, the air raid the previous night had left Saba and his entourage, who had never experienced the horrors of war in their sheltered homeland, utterly exhausted.

Throughout the night, the piercing wail of air raid sirens had repeatedly jolted them awake, as German planes relentlessly bombed London day and night.

Though the German aircraft could no longer inflict significant damage on the city, the pilots persisted in their mission to bomb London with unwavering dedication—much like the German navy’s minesweepers during the First World War.

Saba appeared before his companions with heavy dark circles under his eyes, as did the other members of the delegation. Part of it was due to the German air raids, and part was due to jet lag.

Marih, Iran’s ambassador to the United Kingdom, seemed unaffected. Having lived in London for some time, he had grown accustomed to the German air raids. Moreover, he had experienced the Battle of Britain firsthand—last night’s bombing was nothing compared to the relentless assaults of that time.

“Well done!” Saba clapped Marih on the shoulder.

Yesterday, Saba had truly experienced the hardships faced by Iranian diplomats stationed in London.

“Your Excellency, it’s no hardship. Serving His Majesty the Shah is my duty!” Marih’s response pleased Saba, who nodded in satisfaction. “Prepare the cars quickly! We have a busy schedule today.”

“Yes, sir.”

Saba had been granted full authority as a special envoy to Britain by Pahlavi. His diplomatic activities in the UK were entirely autonomous, and over the past half-year, he had successfully earned Pahlavi’s trust.

The first order of business for Saba today was to negotiate with Britain about establishing weapon factories in Iran.

The motorcade carrying Saba arrived at the British Prime Minister’s residence. Today, Prime Minister Churchill was not in the London bunker but had returned to his official residence after a long absence.

After a cursory security check by the guards at the entrance, Saba’s motorcade was allowed to pass. Saba was too exhausted to comment on the British soldiers’ lax security.

In wartime, even the guards were this careless—did the British not fear German spies infiltrating and assassinating the Prime Minister?

Inside the residence, Saba was led by the butler to meet Churchill, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom.

Churchill, with his massive belly, wore an oversized suit and sat on a red sofa, a cigar dangling from his mouth—an almost comical sight.

However, Saba dared not underestimate this somewhat ridiculous-looking fat man. This man had led the British to successfully defend against the German invasion of the British Isles.

“Please, take a seat, Minister Saba,” Churchill said.

Saba walked over and sat down on the sofa.

“I hear you studied in Britain?” Churchill asked casually as Saba settled in.

“Yes, Prime Minister. I studied at King’s College London for a time in my youth.”

“King’s College? If I hadn’t gone to the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, I might have chosen that school myself,” Churchill remarked.

Churchill then engaged Saba in some light conversation, to which Saba responded in kind.

Once the atmosphere had warmed up sufficiently, Churchill got to the point. “You’ve come to see me—is there something important you wish to discuss?”

“Prime Minister, Iran hopes that Britain will relocate some of its weapon factories to Iran for production,” Saba stated, having prepared his words carefully.

Churchill listened, took a puff of his lit cigar, and slowly exhaled a thick cloud of smoke. “Give me a reason that will convince me.”

Upon hearing this, Saba straightened his posture. “First, sir, Iran and Britain are close allies in the fight against the Axis powers. Iran is willing to help its allies defeat the Axis.

Iran has sent over fifty thousand troops to North Africa to assist your soldiers in resisting the German and Italian forces.

His Majesty Shah Pahlavi has always admired the glory of your nation, which is why Iran abandoned its pro-German policy, which had been in place since the time of Reza Shah, and instead formed an alliance with your country when the Allies were at a disadvantage!

Relocating weapon factories to Iran would allow Britain to better utilize Iran’s manpower for production. Transporting weapons produced in Iran to the North African front is far safer and more convenient than shipping them from the British Isles or Canada!”

Saba finished presenting his prepared arguments and silently watched Churchill, awaiting his decision.

Churchill sat expressionless on the sofa, deep in thought. Under Saba’s gaze, he suddenly grinned. “Minister Saba, you have convinced me!”

Truthfully, Saba’s arguments had hit the mark for Churchill. The Iranian Expeditionary Force sent to North Africa had alleviated Britain’s shortage of soldiers.

British troops on the home front were needed to defend the British Isles. Canadian, Australian, and New Zealand forces were partly assigned to defend the British Isles alongside the home troops, while others were sent to the North African front.

For Churchill, the safety of the British Isles was paramount. Britain had deployed a large number of troops there, which had led to a shortage of manpower on other fronts.

British India could provide an abundance of Indian soldiers, but these Indian divisions could only hold their own against the Italians. If they faced the Germans, they would crumble at the first strike, and the fleeing Indian soldiers would disrupt the British lines.

These Indian divisions were more trouble than they were worth.

Thus, the fifty thousand Iranian troops sent to the North African front were of great importance to the British forces there.

Saba’s other two arguments also appealed to Churchill. Transporting supplies from the British Isles to the North African front not only tied up a significant portion of Britain’s transport capacity but also exposed the supply ships to German submarines along the way.

Whether in the Atlantic or the Mediterranean, German submarines lurked beneath the surface, waiting for British transport ships. At the slightest opportunity, they would strike, sending both the ships and their supplies to the bottom of the sea.

If Iran were to produce weapons for the British forces in North Africa, Britain could free up a large number of transport ships from the dangerous supply routes and redirect them to the safer routes from America to the British Isles.

Additionally, Britain could free up a significant amount of manpower. By shifting some weapon production to Iran, the workers previously employed in British weapon factories could be sent to the front lines, greatly alleviating Britain’s manpower shortage.

Not only was Britain suffering from a manpower shortage, but so were Canada, Australia, South Africa, and New Zealand—all Commonwealth dominions.

The British Isles had mobilized every available person—men were conscripted into the military, women worked in factories, and even children were armed, forming youth brigades to assist in firefighting, farming, and watching for German air raids!

Canadian women had also entered factories to support the war effort of their mother country, Britain. Meanwhile, Canada faced resistance from French-Canadians in Quebec against government conscription.

English-speaking Canadians considered themselves subjects of His Majesty the King and were willing to enlist. French-Canadians, however, saw themselves as a conquered people and believed the fate of the British was none of their concern.

Canadian Prime Minister Mackenzie King had been able to declare war on Germany without resistance largely because he had promised not to implement conscription.

It was this promise of no conscription that won Mackenzie King the support of French-Canadians in Quebec during the 1940 election, allowing him to be re-elected as Prime Minister.

Now, if Canada wanted to address its manpower shortage, it would have to conscript Quebec. But doing so would not only go against the wishes of the French-Canadians there but also break Mackenzie King’s election promise!

Canada’s conscription issue seriously troubled the Canadian government, and forcing conscription could plunge Canada into civil war.

Chapter 60: Iran-Dutch Naval Cooperation Plan

Saba’s proposal was acceptable to Churchill. Transferring some weapons factories to Iran would be beneficial to Britain, so Churchill accepted Saba’s suggestion.

Under normal circumstances, Churchill would never have paid attention to such remarks from Saba. How dare little Iran have designs on the British Empire? But now, Churchill wanted to use every possible means to defeat the Axis powers.

Not to mention transferring factories to Iran, previously, to obtain American material aid and destroyers, Churchill had directly sold off a large number of British overseas bases and excellent domestic enterprises to the Americans.

These naval bases that Britain sold to the United States during World War II laid the foundation for the United States to become a world power after the war!

After concluding his meeting with Churchill, Saba left the British Prime Minister’s residence with great satisfaction.

Saba did not yet know which specific weapons factories Britain would transfer to Iran. The details would have to wait for further negotiations between the British and the Iranian government.

After handling the matter of transferring factories to Iran, Saba immediately went to visit other governments in exile. His second stop in London was the Dutch government in exile!

Saba’s visits to these governments in exile were, of course, purposeful. Although these countries had lost their territories, they still possessed something Iran particularly needed: technology.

Iran had 2,815 kilometers of coastline, as well as 740 kilometers of Caspian Sea shoreline. But Iran lacked a navy to defend these coastlines.

During Reza Shah’s reign, due to the Iranian government’s financial constraints and the fact that the coastal areas were mostly desert wastelands, the defense of the few remaining port cities could rely on coastal artillery.

After much consideration, Reza Shah decided to abandon the development of the Iranian Navy, using all military funds to develop the Iranian Army instead!

This led to the extreme weakness of the Iranian Navy. Not a single destroyer protected Iran’s 2,815 kilometers of coastline.

This situation also made the relationship between the Iranian Army and Navy the most harmonious among all countries in the world, because in reality, the Iranian Navy had become a subsidiary of the Iranian Army.

After Pahlavi ascended the throne, he had always wanted to change the impoverished state of the Iranian Navy. One of the important tasks of sending Saba to London was Pahlavi’s hope to establish a naval cooperation with the Netherlands.

Iran’s navy was too late in its development. Even if Pahlavi wanted to cooperate with major naval powers like Britain, France, and the United States, they would not look favorably upon Iran.

In contrast, the Netherlands, with its early naval development and past glory, although now in decline, had shipbuilding capabilities that Iran, just starting its navy, could not match!

Before Germany invaded the Netherlands, Dutch shipyards were still capable of building cruisers.

Moreover, with the Netherlands’ European territories now occupied by Germany, Queen Wilhelmina led the Dutch government into exile in Britain, calling on the Dutch people and the Dutch colony of the Dutch East Indies to continue resisting the Germans.

This was the Netherlands’ weakest period, and the Iranian government could take advantage of the situation to seek benefits.

Saba’s meeting with Queen Wilhelmina was very successful. Following the principle of making use of “waste,” Queen Wilhelmina agreed to Saba’s proposed Iran-Dutch joint naval development plan.

The Iran-Dutch naval cooperation plan was not about who was taking advantage of whom; it was simply a matter of each country taking what it needed!

Iran would provide funding, and the Netherlands would provide technology. Although the Netherlands’ European homeland was occupied by the Germans, some shipyard engineers had followed Queen Wilhelmina to Britain, and the Dutch East Indies also had shipyards built by the Dutch.

Iran would build a shipyard in Abadan, and Dutch engineers would go to Iran to help build the shipyard and, once completed, assist Iran in designing and building ships.

The Dutch engineers would help improve Iran’s shipbuilding level, at least enabling the Iranian shipyard to independently build destroyers!

The Iran-Dutch joint naval development plan was very beneficial to both Iran and the Netherlands. Iran could use this to build a navy, and the Netherlands could rely on Iran’s funding and shipyards to update and iterate their shipbuilding technology, preventing their naval development from stagnating during the war.

After visiting the Dutch government in exile, Saba successively went to the residences of other governments in exile in Britain. The leaders of these governments in exile all warmly received Saba, except for the Polish government.

Today, Saba experienced the so-called “European bandage” of Poland. The Polish government in exile actually had the audacity to reject Saba outright.

The reason given by the Polish government in exile was that Poland was a European country, and if Iran wanted to meet the Polish president, the Shah of Iran, Reza Shah, must come in person. The implication was that they did not consider Saba, the Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to be of sufficient status.

And the Poles did not even know who the Shah of Iran was!

Saba did not understand who had given the Polish government in exile the courage to so blatantly disrespect him and even Iran itself.

Saba did not insist on the rejection by the Poles. After all, Poland did not have anything worth Iran’s attention.

This visit to the Polish government in exile was merely a courtesy call by Saba, considering they were both part of the anti-fascist alliance. Since the Polish government in exile showed no face, Saba simply left in a huff, marking this grievance in his mind!

By the time Saba returned to the Iranian Embassy in London, it was already dark. Throughout the day, Saba had traversed the streets of London, engaging in diplomatic exchanges with many governments in exile.

Fortunately, London had not suffered any air raids by the German Air Force that day. If Saba had encountered a German air raid, he might not have been able to meet all the participating countries before the Atlantic Charter conference.

Today, Saba had already achieved cooperation with the two most important countries, Britain and the Netherlands. The countries he needed to visit daily were mostly insignificant.

In the embassy’s telegraph room, Saba had the telegraph operator send the diplomatic achievements of the day back to Iran. Well-versed in the ways of a minister, Saba understood that to gain the favor of his superiors, he must let them see his efforts and value!

Sure enough, when the news from Saba reached Iran, Pahlavi was very satisfied with Saba’s abilities. Saba’s trip to London had resolved Iran’s issues of domestic weapons production and naval development.

UNTITLED

1. Chapter 1: Prologue
2. Chapter 2: Domestic Situation
3. Chapter 3: Morning Meeting
4. Chapter 4: The Discussion’s Outcome
5. Chapter 5: The British Embassy
6. Chapter 6: Anglo-Iranian Cooperation
7. Chapter 7: The Tehran Treaty
8. Chapter 8: Iran Joins the Alliance
9. Chapter 9: Domestic Reactions
10. Chapter 10: Political System
11. Chapter 11: Military Exercise
12. Chapter 12: The 261st Infantry Division
13. Chapter 13: Zambrano

14. Chapter 14: The End of the First Day of Exercises

15. Chapter 15: The Ali Coup
16. Chapter 16: On the Brink of War
17. Chapter 17: The War Begins
18. Chapter 18: Men in War
19. Chapter 19: The Capture of Shahrabad
20. Chapter 20: Raid on Baghdad
21. Chapter 21: The Fall of Baghdad
22. Chapter 22: The Capture of Baghdad
23. Chapter 23: The British Response
24. Chapter 24: Negotiations at Abass Palace
25. Chapter 25: The Iran-Iraq Treaty

26. Chapter 26: Meeting the British Ambassador

27. Chapter 27: Desert Farms

28. Chapter 28: Eliminating the Guerrilla Forces

29. Chapter 29: Tribal Issues

30. Chapter 30: Preparations for the Military Parade

31. Chapter 31: Reza Shah Returns

32. Chapter 32: A Day in Tehran

33. Chapter 33: The Aid Route to the Soviet Union

34. Chapter 34: German Spy Attack
35. Chapter 35: Passing the Throne to Pahlavi
36. Chapter 36: Palace Banquet

37. Chapter 37: The Imperial Surveillance Bureau

38. Chapter 38: The Diocesan System

39. Chapter 39: The Iranian Expeditionary Force

40. Chapter 40: The Book of Kings

41. Chapter 41: The Expeditionary Force Departs

42. Chapter 42: The Grand Ayatollah’s Mole

43. Chapter 43: The Debate

44. Chapter 44: The New Religious System Takes Shape

45. Chapter 45: Desert Highway
46. Chapter 46: Barbarossa!
47. Chapter 47: Iran-Soviet Relations
48. Chapter 48: News from the Expedition
49. Chapter 49: The Treasure Secured
50. Chapter 50: The Five-Year Plan

51. Chapter 51: Agriculture, Education, and Healthcare

52. Chapter 52: Industry
53. Chapter 53: Behind the Scenes
54. Chapter 54: Air Raid on Moscow
55. Chapter 55: The Atlantic Charter
56. Chapter 56: The Iranian Route
57. Chapter 57: Griffiths
58. Chapter 58: Journey to London
59. Chapter 59: Meeting Churchill

60. Chapter 60: Iran-Dutch Naval Cooperation Plan