Empire Rising - Spain #1-400
Author: 疯艺炯龙
Date: 2025-09-15T19:34:08+00:00

Chapter 1: The Man Who Shouldn’t Be Alive

“Carlo, where are you?”

The shout from a high point in the luxurious palace interrupted Carlo’s thoughts, pulling his soul back to this real world.

“I’m here, Father,” Carlo quickly responded.

“Thank God, my child, are you feeling better?” Only a few minutes later, the voice went from far to near, and the owner of the voice was already behind Carlo.

Carlo turned slightly, still somewhat in disbelief.

The middle-aged man in front of him, dressed in splendid attire, was actually the biological father of this body, the famous Vittorio Emanuele II, the current ruler of the House of Savoy and the first King of a unified Italy.

“I’m feeling better, the medicine the doctor gave me is very effective,” Carlo nodded obediently, but in his heart, he was thinking about how to talk to this unfamiliar father.

Vittorio Emanuele II didn’t pay attention to Carlo’s complicated thoughts, but lovingly touched Carlo’s head, and said earnestly: “It’s okay, child. Although Oddone is gone, you still have us, don’t you?”

Oddone was the third son of Vittorio Emanuele II, and he received the title of Duke of Monferrato at birth.

In Carlo’s memory, this older brother was very kind to Carlo, and their relationship far exceeded that of the two older brothers.

But unfortunately, when Carlo’s soul came to this world, the Duke of Monferrato, Oddone, was terminally ill and soon passed away.

Because of the extremely poor medical standards of this era, the cause of Oddone’s death was never found.

Even a prince died so unclearly, which made Carlo feel a little afraid of this real world.

For an ordinary person who has experienced advanced technology and society, personally experiencing the technology and life of one hundred and sixty years ago is truly a torment.

Even though Carlo was Vittorio Emanuele II’s most beloved son, a prince of the newly established Kingdom of Italy, he couldn’t shake off this terrible feeling.

Seeing Carlo still silent, Vittorio Emanuele II touched Carlo’s head again, forced a smile, and said: “It will be okay, everything will get better, child.

I will not allow anything to take you away from me, not even God. Adelaide and I will protect you, you will be alright, I promise you.”

For Vittorio Emanuele II, who was known for his piety to God, such a promise was obviously heartfelt and sincere.

Carlo naturally knew of Vittorio Emanuele II’s reputation, and he did not feel any repulsion towards this cheap father who cared about him so much.

“I’m much better, Father. Thank you for your concern, I’m fine now,” Carlo said.

“That’s good, child. God bless you, and I will be with you,” Vittorio Emanuele II once again lovingly touched Carlo’s head, and then signaled the maid next to him to help Carlo back to his room.

Historically, Vittorio Emanuele II had six sons (only counting those born to Queen Adelaide), but only two did not die young, so he could be considered to have few blessings despite having many children.

Among them, besides Prince Oddone who died young at nearly twenty years old, the remaining three children who died young all passed away unexpectedly in infancy.

Although this world, because of Carlo’s arrival, caused Vittorio Emanuele II to lose one less son, the continuous loss of sons in middle age also made Vittorio Emanuele II cherish his affection for his family especially.

And Carlo, this youngest son, was most favored by Vittorio Emanuele II, and from birth he was the noble Duke of Chablais, with properties including a large amount of farmland, several castles and manors, and hundreds of servants waiting to serve Carlo at any time.

While Vittorio Emanuele II was lost in thought, Carlo had already been helped into the room by two maids.

Looking at the pure and beautiful one on the left, and the alluring one on the right, Carlo swallowed the words that were about to come out of his mouth.

Although the West is predominantly monogamous, for nobles with high status, mistresses are not an unfamiliar concept.

Especially for the top nobles, as long as Carlo was willing, the girls who wanted to become Carlo’s mistress could line up from Florence, the capital of Italy, to Turin, a city in the northwest.

At least on this point, Carlo was willing to admit that the world of one hundred and sixty years ago still had some fun.

Of course, mistresses are just a tacit enjoyment among the nobles and are generally not made public.

For top nobles, maids are of course a safer choice than mistresses, and they are more trustworthy in terms of loyalty.

Especially for some nobles in their youth, maids are more suitable for enlightenment education and are the first choice for most European nobles to educate their children.

The two maids serving Carlo were Vittorio Emanuele II’s choice for Carlo’s enlightenment, combining the characteristics of pure and lovely with sexy and alluring, and both were very beautiful.

At first, Carlo enjoyed the two women’s massage, but the pleasure in his lower abdomen instantly brought Carlo back to his senses. Turning his head to look, Anna, who looked pure and lovely, had already put her hand into Carlo’s pants and was teasing him quietly.

“Alright, Anna,” Carlo patted Anna’s head, looked at Anna’s little eyes blinking up at him, and finally smiled: “Not there yet.”

“Okay,” Anna nodded slightly disappointedly when she heard this, and her hand also left a certain place.

“I want to be alone for a while.” After enjoying the two maids’ skillful massage, Carlo finally relaxed a little and instructed the two women.

Soon, the two maids left the room, leaving Carlo alone lying in the room, lost in thought.

Carlo barely accepted the fact that he had traveled to this era. At least being a noble meant having many ways to enjoy life, which was much better than the hard life of later generations.

But the problem is that although monarchy is still the mainstream worldwide, it can only last for a few decades.

When the First and Second World Wars break out one after another, it will cause a heavy blow to the monarchy around the world, and monarchical countries will almost disappear from people’s sight.

In later generations, apart from the United Kingdom, a monarchical country where the power of the monarch is almost nominal, people’s understanding of monarchical countries is negligible, and they can’t even think of a few monarchical countries that still exist.

The Kingdom of Italy, where Carlo is located, will not become a republic until after World War II, but during Mussolini’s reign, the power and status of the Italian royal family were already precarious, and it was only a matter of Mussolini’s word to abolish it.

Although he didn’t know how he traveled through time, since he had started a new life and had such a high starting point, Carlo naturally had greater ambitions.

In order to be able to control his future destiny in his own hands, Carlo had new plans.

Chapter 2: A Father’s Love, a Mountain of Wealth

To control one’s own destiny, one had no choice but to climb ever higher, to become a ruler of the nation, an object of the people’s trust and obedience.

And in a country like Italy, there was only one way to do that: become King of Italy.

But clearly, for Carlo, who had two older brothers ahead of him, becoming King of Italy was virtually impossible.

However, that didn’t mean there was no chance at all. According to the course of history, a revolution was about to erupt in Spain, and the Italian House of Savoy was poised to acquire the Spanish crown.

Although this crown would only rest upon the head of the House of Savoy for three years, it was Carlo’s best opportunity to get close to a throne.

He only needed to outcompete his brother, Prince Amedeo, and Carlo would have a chance to obtain the Spanish crown and become King of Spain.

But this was, after all, just a plan. Making it a reality would be fraught with difficulties.

Regardless, it was essential to prepare for the plan in advance, which meant accumulating a certain amount of talent and wealth.

After all, to put it bluntly, without start-up capital, any plan was just empty talk.

In terms of assets, the lands and castles under Carlo’s name were worth at least two to three million lire. (One British pound was about 25 lire, roughly 7.33 grams of gold). In an era before currency devaluation, this was a considerable sum.

Unfortunately, most of these lands and castles could not be sold, as they were royal property.

The only asset Carlo could truly control was his annual royal stipend, which averaged around two hundred sixty thousand lire per year.

However, because Carlo was still a minor, these funds had always been managed by his father, Vittorio Emanuele II. He estimated that it had accumulated to a sum of nearly three million lire.

Carlo’s target was precisely this annuity of two million six hundred thousand lire. If he could gain the right to freely manage his own assets, this sum would be enough for him to accomplish many things.

The good news was, judging by the level of concern his father, Vittorio Emanuele II, showed him, it should be easy for Carlo to gain control over his own property.

After all, Carlo’s mother, Archduchess Adelaide, had passed away more than ten years ago, so there were no longer any obstacles preventing him from gaining the right to manage his own assets.

Although Carlo was not yet of age, this situation was serendipitous, as it would allow him to acquire a reliable subordinate from Vittorio Emanuele II.

Ultimately, the property belonged to Carlo. Vittorio Emanuele II could manage it for him until he came of age, but he couldn’t do it for his entire life.

And for the current Carlo to properly handle and manage his assets, he would need more capable assistants, such as a court steward.

In European courts, a royal steward was an incredibly important figure. The steward was not only a nobleman’s most capable and loyal assistant but also shared in the fortunes and misfortunes of the entire noble family.

Moreover, in most cases, the position of steward often became a kind of hereditary system in itself. For example, Vittorio Emanuele II’s steward, Belis Byrne, whose father had been the steward to the King of Sardinia, Carlo Emanuele III. His son would also likely become the steward for Crown Prince Umberto. The Italian royal family trusted them implicitly; these were the kind of subordinates one could truly rely on.

If a sufficiently loyal and highly capable steward were to help Carlo manage his assets, Vittorio Emanuele II would surely feel at ease granting Carlo the right to control his own property.

And where would such a loyal and capable steward come from? Naturally, Vittorio Emanuele II would select one from among his own trusted subordinates.

A few days later, in the King of Italy’s office, Vittorio Emanuele II looked at his son Carlo with a surprised expression and asked curiously, “Little Carlo, may I know your purpose for wanting to exercise your right to your own property?”

It wasn’t that Vittorio Emanuele II was reluctant to part with the two-million-plus-lire fortune. It was simply that this was a vast sum of money, and he did not want to see his child corrupted by wealth.

“To invest in some businesses,” Carlo replied, looking as if he were telling the simple truth. He explained in detail, “This way, when Brother Umberto and Brother Amedeo get married, I’ll have money to buy them gifts.”

Hearing Carlo’s answer, Vittorio Emanuele II lovingly stroked his son’s head, a look of amused exasperation on his face. “You already have enough money to buy them gifts, Carlo.

Two million-plus lire is enough to build a warship. You can’t be thinking of gifting them an entire fleet, can you, my boy?”

Carlo shook his head, looking quite serious. “That’s not my money, Father. I want to use money I’ve truly earned to give them gifts. Only then will I feel happy.”

“Alright, my boy, you’ve convinced me.” Vittorio Emanuele II smiled and nodded, speaking with a helpless air. “What reason do I have to refuse? This must be the best reason in the world.”

“However, Carlo, I must still remind you. Until you come of age, you will need a capable and loyal steward to help you manage your assets.

Of course, you will have the final say on how it’s spent, but you’ll at least need someone to help you make sense of what this two-million-plus-lire fortune actually consists of, won’t you?” Vittorio Emanuele II added as a reminder.

The value of the Italian lira and the French franc were not far apart, and over two million francs was certainly no small sum in this era.

Even converted into gold, the most valuable precious metal of the time, it would amount to over seven hundred kilograms, nearly a ton in weight.

This was why Vittorio Emanuele II insisted that Carlo must have a sufficiently loyal and capable steward to help manage the assets—the sum was simply too large.

Carlo was naturally pleased with this, as the Italian royal family’s pool of talent was quite substantial.

Although the Kingdom of Italy had only recently been established, its predecessor was the Kingdom of Sardinia. And while the Kingdom of Sardinia had little presence in Europe, there was no shortage of talented individuals who were loyal to the royal family and possessed considerable abilities.

Seeing that Carlo was not opposed to him assigning a loyal person to help manage his assets, Vittorio Emanuele II breathed a sigh of relief.

To demonstrate his fatherly love, Vittorio Emanuele II then added, “To show my support, Carlo, I’ll round it up for you. A full three million lire. You can come and collect it from me anytime.”

Chapter 3: Loren Royat

Vittorio Emanuele II moved quickly.

On the very day Carlo received his three million lira annuity, Vittorio Emanuele II presented him with a carefully selected candidate for the position of steward.

However, the final decision rested with Carlo. After all, a steward is a nobleman’s most trusted subordinate, and Carlo had complete authority to choose.

Using a meeting room in the royal palace, Carlo met with the subordinate recommended by Vittorio Emanuele II.

As Carlo was not very old, the man Vittorio Emanuele II recommended was also young, appearing to be in his early twenties.

However, according to the information Vittorio Emanuele II had provided, this man named Loren was anything but simple.

First, there was his education. Not only had he graduated from a bona fide prestigious university, but he had also studied abroad in England and France for several years.

But because he had been nurtured and sponsored by the royal family since childhood, his loyalty was well-assured.

Moreover, Loren was already managing a portion of the Italian royal family’s assets, and his skills in finance and economics were commendable.

In short, Loren was a talent who had been tested in both knowledge and ability, and his loyalty was also beyond question.

Carlo’s first impression of Loren was quite good.

Having been born in a monarchy, Loren held a favorable view of the system. In particular, since everything he had came from the sponsorship of the Italian royal family, his loyalty to them was undeniable.

“Loren?” Carlo spoke first.

“Yes, Your Highness. I am Loren. It is an honor to serve you.” Loren bowed his head respectfully, adopting a very humble posture.

“Very good.” Carlo nodded with satisfaction, quite approving of Loren’s demeanor.

After all, if his own steward didn’t acknowledge the superior status of the nobility, who would?

“Were you working for my father before this?” Carlo asked.

“Yes, Your Highness.” Loren nodded and replied with great respect, “I previously managed the plantations in the Philippines and also acquired several newspapers in Turin.”

Carlo was rather pleased. Although the plantations Loren had managed were for agricultural crops, that management experience could be extended to future rubber plantations.

It went without saying how profitable rubber plantations were. With such experience, Carlo could easily become a tycoon in the rubber industry when making his future plans.

And his experience in acquiring newspapers made Loren even more impressive. In Carlo’s mind, the power of the press as a force of public opinion was extremely important.

A person or a nation that could control the power of public opinion could easily turn black into white, making what was right seem wrong and what was wrong seem right.

This was crucial for stabilizing the monarchies of Italy or Spain. At the very least, it could influence the choices of the populace, preventing monarchy from exiting the stage in Italy and Spain so prematurely.

Then or in later eras, the masses always had a blind herd mentality.

Regardless of whether a system was good or bad, if enough people said it was bad, then it was bad.

If wielded effectively, the power of public opinion would become a weapon for Carlo second only to the army, capable of achieving unexpected results.

In Carlo’s future plans, whether he became the King of Spain or remained an Italian nobleman, he intended to use his noble status to do tangible good for the people.

And the power of public opinion, led by newspapers, would be Carlo’s primary tool for propaganda. After all, the purpose of doing good deeds was to show the people that not all nobles were cruel rulers who oppressed them, and that monarchy itself was not entirely flawed.

“Tell me your thoughts on newspapers.” Although Carlo was already very satisfied, his assessment of Loren was not yet complete.

If Loren’s vision for future development aligned somewhat with his own, perhaps their collaboration would be even more perfect.

Hearing Carlo’s question, Loren did not answer immediately. He pondered carefully for a moment before speaking. “For now, newspapers are merely a way for the public to obtain information about the outside world.

But in the future, the role of newspapers will be incredibly important. They can even influence their readership.

Although a single newspaper may not have much impact, if we could control dozens or even hundreds of them, and then publish a certain piece of news in all of them simultaneously, that story would instantly be believed by hundreds of thousands, or even millions of people, regardless of its truth.

I believe, given the potential and function of newspapers, it is necessary for you to purchase several to serve as your own weapons of public opinion, thereby influencing the masses.”

Carlo nodded, quite in agreement with Loren’s words.

Although the press had not yet developed into a large-scale force of public opinion, the role of such an institution was indisputable.

That Loren could see this ahead of time proved that he had an excellent eye for strategic development.

With such a talent managing his assets, the probability of Carlo’s wealth growing was far greater than that of it shrinking.

“You’ve successfully convinced me, Loren.” At the end of their conversation, Carlo smiled and nodded at the anxious-looking Loren. “From now on, you are my court steward.”

A steward in a Western court was not like a eunuch in an Eastern one. A steward not only held considerable authority but also faced no discrimination.

Loren was not opposed to becoming Carlo’s steward. After all, under Vittorio Emanuele II, he was just one of many capable talents.

But if he pledged his loyalty to Carlo, Loren would become Carlo’s confidant and key subordinate. The level of importance was completely different.

Besides, Carlo was the Duke of Chablais of Italy. Becoming a duke’s steward was nothing to be ashamed of.

“Your Grace, because I’ve been an orphan since childhood, I only have my given name, Loren, with no surname of my own.

May I request that you grant me a unique surname? I, Loren, am willing to serve Your Grace for the rest of my life.” Towards the end of the conversation, Loren spoke up suddenly, asking Carlo to bestow a surname upon him.

Such things were not unheard of. If a commoner suddenly gained the trust and favor of a monarch, it was not unusual for them to be granted a surname to integrate into the noble class.

Loren’s request for a surname was, in fact, a declaration of his loyalty to Carlo. Once he received a surname from Carlo, Loren would be completely branded as Carlo’s man.

If Loren were to betray Carlo in the future, his reputation among the European nobility would be ruined, and his future would naturally be gone.

Carlo naturally understood this. He looked at Loren’s determined expression, smiled, and said, “Very well, Steward Loren. I think the surname Royat is quite good. Loren Royat—it will surely become a legend worth writing about in Italian history.”

Loren nodded, accepting the surname with a look of reverence.

Royat is derived from the English word “loyalty,” which means faithfulness. The meaning behind the name Carlo gave him was self-evident, and Loren hoped to express his loyalty in this way to gain Carlo’s trust and favor, and thereby showcase his abilities.

Chapter 4: The Italian Sun

The first task Carlo assigned Loren was to acquire a proper newspaper company.

Whether it was by buying an existing one or starting one from scratch, Carlo only wanted results.

To prove his capabilities to Carlo, Loren took this mission very seriously.

In just two days, he investigated the existing newspaper agencies in Italy, filtering out those with potential that were also likely acquisition targets.

Il Sole 24 Ore (The 24-Hour Sun) was the name on the final list Loren presented.

It was a newspaper founded just last year, currently only possessing some recognition within Milan’s business community.

But this newspaper would persist into the modern era, even becoming one of Italy’s top ten media outlets.

Achieving such success meant that the newspaper’s potential was unquestionable.

This also meant that Loren, who had selected it, had an absolutely exceptional and unique eye for opportunity.

After settling on the acquisition target, Carlo’s next task for Loren was to properly acquire this newspaper, called The Sun.

This highlighted the benefits of having subordinates to command. At the very least, Carlo, a prince, wouldn’t have to personally handle such matters.

The acquisition process went rather smoothly.

At this point, The Sun was still just a small paper, and its founder couldn’t possibly resist the temptation of Carlo’s generous offer.

From making the offer to securing all the shares of The Sun, it took Carlo less than four days.

Unfortunately, because The Sun was still a small newspaper, its daily circulation was only around one thousand five hundred copies. This sales volume was barely enough to keep the company afloat.

However, Carlo’s goal was not immediate profitability. The purpose of a newspaper wasn’t to earn a little pocket change; his objective was to fill the streets of Italy with cheaper, more popular papers to increase his control over public opinion.

Whether he remained in Italy or sought the chance to become the King of Spain in the future, experience in the newspaper business would help Carlo lay the foundation for his media empire more smoothly.

Once he controlled public opinion, achieving any goal would become much easier. With the support of the people, at the very least, Carlo would hold the initiative.

That said, compared to other small and medium-sized private newspapers, The Sun under Carlo’s control did have a significant advantage.

At the very least, with his status as an Italian prince, Carlo could publish content that might not easily pass censorship, such as political news that the public cared about.

This wasn’t the future era where newspapers had no market. With good news and content, it was still quite simple for a paper to expand its circulation and become profitable.

As Carlo’s only subordinate at present, Loren naturally took charge of the Italian The Sun and was given full responsibility for its expansion.

Carlo laid out several plans for Loren.

First, within the next two years, The Sun’s daily circulation should increase from one thousand five hundred to at least seven thousand five hundred copies.

Considering The Sun was based in the prosperous northern city of Milan and could also reach the nearby cities of Turin and Genoa, this sales target was not particularly high.

The second requirement was that The Sun must become one of the well-known media outlets in northern Italy and gain a degree of credibility among the populace.

If the content published in the paper could not be trusted by the people, then the newspaper’s existence would be pointless.

After all, the primary goal of manipulating public opinion is to make people believe it. This was one of Carlo’s key expectations for Loren.

Additionally, he was to make The Sun profitable within two years and acquire as many other newspapers as possible.

Although Carlo’s intention was not to make money through the newspaper, since the industry was capable of being self-sustaining, he would certainly prefer to use his capital for more important matters.

As for founding or acquiring more newspapers, that was, of course, to strengthen the power of public opinion in his hands.

In Carlo’s grand plan, The Sun would focus on political news and major international events in the future, while smaller papers could fill the gap for entertainment news and various gossip.

After all, having a reputable newspaper report on scandals and gossip would undoubtedly damage its credibility.

While Loren was diligently carrying out his tasks, Carlo was already deep in thought, studying a map of the current Kingdom of Italy.

Although the fragmented Apennine Peninsula had mostly been unified into the complete Kingdom of Italy, there were still two territories that had not yet returned to its fold.

The northern region of Venetia was still controlled by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Rome, the most important city for Italy, still belonged to the Papal States.

Although the Papal States seemed like the softer target, they were unfortunately backed by France.

France at this time was not the country ridiculed for its surrender in World War Two; it was the French Empire, still basking in the afterglow of Napoleon’s glory.

Because Germany had not yet unified, France at this time could be called the hegemon of Western Europe and the strongest land power on the continent.

With France’s support, the Papal States were able to maintain their hold on Rome, which forced Italy’s capital to be located in Florence.

But Carlo was not worried about this.

Historically, the process of the Kingdom of Sardinia unifying Italy could be described as coasting to victory; they hardly experienced any difficult battles.

The Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, the largest state in southern Italy, was utterly corrupt and was easily eliminated by Garibaldi’s Expedition of the Thousand.

Meanwhile, the states of Central Italy were no match for the Kingdom of Sardinia in terms of size and power; they had no standing to resist the tide of unification.

The two truly tough nuts to crack were taken care of by riding on Prussia’s coattails. During the Austro-Prussian War, they relied on Prussia to divert the Austrian Empire’s attention and reclaimed the region of Venetia.

During the Franco-Prussian War, they capitalized on the French being preoccupied with the Prussian army to smoothly take control of Rome.

The two seemingly difficult bones to chew were thus broken with ease. Although it was the Prussian army that broke them, the one who reaped the benefits was indeed the Kingdom of Italy.

Carlo had a decent understanding of this period of Prussia’s rise.

Coincidentally, this year happened to be 1866, the year the Austro-Prussian War would break out.

If history followed its course, the Austro-Prussian War should begin in six months. Prussia would accelerate the unification of Germany, and Italy would reclaim the northern region of Venetia.

Facing such a crucial historical juncture, Carlo naturally couldn’t let the opportunity slip by. Although he couldn’t directly interfere in the Austro-Prussian War, as Italy was a participant, it wouldn’t be a problem for Carlo to alter the course of history just a little.

Chapter 5: The Persona is Most Important

Now that he had a newspaper as a weapon of public opinion, the next most important step was to create a popular persona for himself.

If a persona was well-crafted, Carlo could be perceived by the public as being on the side of the majority, even without taking any specific action.

And as a member of the royal family, a friendly and benevolent character was bound to be popular.

The people certainly wouldn’t want a royal family that looked down on them from on high. This is why later generations of monarchs, led by the British king, always presented a friendly and kind demeanor.

Whether it was for the Italian public or the European public, a rigid and conservative mindset was destined to be unpopular.

Although there were many conservatives in monarchical countries, for Italy and for Spain, where Carlo wanted to go, the reformists were what the people truly wanted to see.

However, while Carlo wanted to establish a reformist image, he would never offer any opinions on Italy’s reforms.

Reforms were one thing, but who led those reforms was the truly important issue. Supporting and being optimistic about reform was a weapon in Carlo’s hands, but if he actually started dictating how to carry them out, the losses would outweigh the gains.

No government would like a king who meddled in all aspects of state affairs. If Carlo wanted to become the King of Spain, he first had to understand how to be a figurehead and not interfere everywhere.

On February 21, 1866, the Italian newspaper, The 24-Hour Sun, published an article penned by Carlo titled “We Want Bread, Pasta, and Milk,” successfully firing the first shot in establishing an image of a caring prince.

In this purely sentimental article, Carlo repeatedly mentioned the importance of Italy’s lower classes, especially the peasants of Southern Italy.

He also concluded the article by stating: whether in Italy or elsewhere in Europe, the demands of the common people are actually not complex; they are nothing more than having enough to eat and wear.

If the government could pay more attention to the lower classes, perhaps the people’s lives would be happier.

The entire article contained no grand principles; it even painted Carlo as a prince with too much time on his hands and an overflowing heart.

Although many among the lower classes developed a favorable impression of Carlo because of the article, government officials were dismissive of it.

Taking care of the lower classes? Sounds nice, but doesn’t the money still have to come from the government?

Leaving aside how much of the budget would be needed to improve the lives of all of Italy’s lower classes, wouldn’t it be better to invest that money where Italy needs it more, like in military construction and industrial development?

As for those commoners at the bottom of society, ensuring they don’t starve to death is already quite an achievement. Which of the noble lords has the time to care whether the common folk have eaten their fill or are warmly dressed?

Because Carlo truly had no one to work for him, the article only had a limited impact around Milan and didn’t even reach Florence.

But for Carlo’s plan, the first step had been successfully taken. Regardless of what the government and the nobility thought, the first task was to make the people believe that Carlo was a prince who cared for the lower classes, one whose heart was even overflowing with kindness.

Such a character would definitely not be detested by the public. After all, the vast majority of any country’s population consists of the lower classes; this is a fact no political system or ideology can change.

Unfortunately, Carlo was still too young, and many of his plans could not be carried out smoothly. He still needed to spend a great deal of time and energy completing the traditional elite education of the Italian nobility.

Although he was only a prince, his place in the line of succession was third, making it almost impossible for him to inherit the throne.

But Vittorio Emanuele II was still very attentive to Carlo’s education and upbringing. As Vittorio Emanuele II’s youngest son at present, Carlo undoubtedly received the most affection and attention from his father.

This year, Carlo was approaching the age of fifteen and had essentially completed his preliminary elite noble education.

According to Vittorio Emanuele II’s plan for his upbringing, Carlo had two choices. One was to pursue in-depth studies in subjects like management and economics, so that he could properly manage his lands and property in the future.

The other was to attend a military academy and become a glorious Italian officer, dedicating himself to the royal family and the nation.

For Carlo, who already had a plan in mind, the most suitable choice was naturally to attend a military academy and develop his military abilities.

More importantly, at a military academy, he might be able to meet some officers who, while not famous, were militarily competent, thereby building his own network of contacts.

Unfortunately, Carlo was not the first in line to the throne, the crown prince. Otherwise, he could have used the status of crown prince to form a royal guard and build his own armed forces from scratch.

Although a unified Italy now had the qualifications to compete with the great powers, its foundations were still too shallow, and this was also true of its military academies.

In later eras, none of the world’s ten most famous military academies were in Italy. Even now, there were few military academies in Italy worth choosing.

Currently, the most reliable choice was the Military Academy of Turin, located in the former capital of the Kingdom of Sardinia.

This academy was located in Turin, the stronghold of the House of Savoy, and was a key institution for training the military backbone of the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Vittorio Emanuele II was supportive of Carlo’s desire to attend a military academy.

This was quite common in Western monarchies. For the kings of these monarchical states, the ones they could trust most were members of the royal family and the nobility.

The Royal Military Academy of Turin was primarily responsible for training infantry and artillery officers, while the Royal Military Academy of Milan trained cavalry officers.

This was also why Carlo directly chose the Royal Military Academy of Turin. After all, first, he wouldn’t need to lead charges into battle himself, and second, cavalry would become obsolete within a few decades. Moreover, the terrain of both Spain and Italy was unsuitable for large-scale cavalry charges.

In truth, compared to the instructors at the Royal Military Academy of Turin, Carlo had far more admiration for a legendary Italian figure, one of the three great heroes of Italian unification, the “Hero of Two Worlds”—Giuseppe Garibaldi.

In terms of pure military ability, Garibaldi was undoubtedly the most outstanding military commander in modern Italian history.

Even later historians, when describing the unification of Italy, only mentioned three meritorious figures, the so-called “Three Fathers of the Fatherland.”

“The unification of Italy is credited to the ideas of Mazzini, the sword of Garibaldi, and the diplomacy of Cavour.”

This quote alone is enough to show how outstanding Garibaldi’s military talents were.

Unfortunately, among the Three Fathers of the Fatherland, only Prime Minister Cavour belonged to the faction of the Kingdom of Sardinia. Mazzini, who conceived the idea of a unified Italy, was a staunch republican and an enemy of the monarchy.

As for Garibaldi, whom Carlo deeply admired, although he did not overtly oppose the monarchy, he had sided with the republic on several occasions and was not trusted by the monarchists.

Although Garibaldi had been extremely selfless during the process of Italian unification, resolutely handing over the entire territory of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies to the rule of the Kingdom of Sardinia even after conquering it…

…his high prestige within the army and his history of serving the republic still prevented him from entering the upper echelons of the new Italy.

Chapter 6: A Pleasant Surprise

Garibaldi’s greatness was beyond doubt.

The famous French writer Victor Hugo once said, “I do not wish to offend anyone, but I must speak a truth. Of all the generals who fought for France, only Garibaldi was invincible.”

And after the Franco-Prussian War, the Prussian General von Werder also admitted, “If all the French armies had been commanded by Garibaldi, then more than one flag would have been captured in the war of 1870.”

Yet this very general, who elicited such involuntary admiration and praise from his enemies, had not entered the upper echelons of the Italian government for various reasons. Instead, he lived in seclusion on the small island of Caprera.

The good news was that, thanks to his soaring reputation among the Italian people and his contributions to the unification of Italy, Garibaldi was able to live a leisurely life in Italy without fear of arrest by the government.

Naturally, Carlo wanted to meet such a widely revered figure.

An unannounced visit would only be a nuisance, and besides, Carlo was still young, so he was in no hurry.

However, this did not mean Carlo couldn’t contact Garibaldi.

In fact, Garibaldi’s retired life was quite colorful. He had even published a novel, The Thousand, which told the story of how he conquered the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies with an army of only a thousand men.

Leveraging his reputation, the first printing of the book earned him royalties as high as twenty-one thousand lira, or about 840 pounds sterling.

Since Garibaldi had such interests, Carlo certainly didn’t mind inviting him to serialize some stories in Italy’s The 24-Hour Sun.

If they were tales of Garibaldi’s battles, Carlo believed most of the Italian populace would enjoy them.

Carlo’s The 24-Hour Sun could also leverage Garibaldi’s prestige for rapid expansion, and Carlo could use this opportunity to get acquainted with him.

But everything depended on Garibaldi’s willingness. If Garibaldi was unwilling to publish his articles in The Sun, there was nothing Carlo could do.

In Italy, Garibaldi’s reputation surpassed even that of the royal family, and the Italian people would not tolerate any slander against him.

In 1879, a journalist named Giovanni wrote two stories personally attacking Garibaldi. Not long after, the journalist was assassinated.

If Garibaldi himself had not started a fundraiser and donated compensation to Giovanni’s widow, Giovanni’s family might have continued to live under the condemnation of the Italian people.

This incident was a testament to Garibaldi’s greatness. To Italy and its people, Garibaldi was without fault.

To make a good impression on Garibaldi, Carlo revised the letter he intended to send him several times and even had Loren check it for any improprieties.

A few days later, on a small island called Caprera, northeast of Sardinia, Garibaldi’s peaceful life was disturbed.

After Garibaldi had announced he would not receive any visitors, the island had become like his personal domain, with few outsiders coming and going.

Furthermore, the island was garrisoned by numerous soldiers specifically to “protect” Garibaldi, which further discouraged visits from guests.

At this moment, Garibaldi, who should have been enjoying a leisurely day of fishing, was frowning at a letter on his desk bearing the royal seal.

“What’s wrong, Father?” Garibaldi’s second son, Ricciotti, asked in surprise, seeing his father’s furrowed brow.

Ever since they had retired to the island of Caprera, this was the first time Ricciotti had seen his father frown, and over a letter no less.

If he didn’t trust his father’s character, Ricciotti might have even suspected a pregnant mistress was demanding money.

“It’s nothing, Ricciotti. Just a letter, a letter from the royal family,” Garibaldi replied to his son subconsciously, his eyes still fixed on the letter as he pondered.

“A letter from the royal family?” Ricciotti’s surprise intensified, and he couldn’t help but ask, “They wrote to you? Has something happened again?”

“It hasn’t come to that, Ricciotti.” Garibaldi shook his head with a smile and said with self-deprecation, “Even if something did happen, they would never come to me, not unless Victor’s crown was in danger again.”

“Then what is it?” The curiosity in Ricciotti’s eyes had not faded, and his gaze shifted to the envelope on the desk.

“It’s a letter from His Highness, Carlo,” Garibaldi said, a faint smile still on his face. “Speaking of which, I met that little fellow before. Is his health any better?”

“It’s him!” Ricciotti nodded, saying with some delight, “Of all those royals, I like His Highness Carlo the best. It’s a shame he’s not the kingdom’s Crown Prince.”

“You can say such things here with me, but you’d best keep your mouth shut outside.” Garibaldi glanced at his somewhat elated son and warned, “If you don’t want to live in seclusion with me on Caprera for the rest of your life, you’d better show some respect to those royals.”

“I know, Father. Is there a reason for His Highness Carlo’s letter?” Ricciotti, still immensely curious about Carlo’s letter, asked again.

Garibaldi nodded and said, a little exasperated, “This must be the first time someone from the royal family has praised me to this extent! Little Carlo wants me to publish articles in his paper, The Sun, preferably telling some stories about the Redshirts.”

Ricciotti’s cheerful words had brought Garibaldi and Carlo closer, and Garibaldi’s way of addressing Carlo had changed from “His Highness” to “Little Carlo.”

At that moment, Carlo had no idea that the Garibaldi he was so eager to meet had already crossed paths with this body’s previous owner, and that Garibaldi had a very good impression of him.

But on second thought, it was normal. The original Carlo had been sickly since childhood, his father was busy with state affairs, and his mother had died young. His personality had naturally become meek and kind.

Having seen so much of the arrogance, debauchery, and extravagance among the nobility, it was no surprise that Garibaldi had a good impression of Little Carlo.

“The Sun belongs to His Highness Carlo?” Ricciotti’s excitement grew more apparent. He said eagerly, “Father, didn’t you say you wanted to write down your stories for more Italians to read? Isn’t this a perfect opportunity?”

Looking at his jubilant son, Garibaldi shook his head helplessly. “I can write the stories, but whether more Italians get to see them is not up to me. It wouldn’t be worth it if my stories ended up affecting His Highness Carlo’s newspaper. However, His Highness’s invitation is also hard to refuse. How about this: I’ll write a few less provocative stories first and see how those old fellows in Florence react.”

Although it was said that the idea of Italian unification was created by Mazzini, no one could deny that Garibaldi’s pure and profound love for Italy had also influenced the vast majority of Italians.

While Garibaldi had made outstanding contributions to the unification of Italy, he had been too closely associated with republicanism in the past. Stories adapted from his real experiences might be popular with the Italian people, but not necessarily with the Italian government and the royal family.

For this reason, Garibaldi did not want to affect others because of himself, especially not Carlo, for whom he had a certain fondness.

Chapter 7: The Austro-Prussian Conflict

Garibaldi eventually accepted Carlo’s invitation to become a contributor to Italy’s The 24-Hour Sun, publishing his stories in the newspaper.

Although Garibaldi was slightly hesitant at first, all obstacles vanished once Carlo obtained permission from his father, Vittorio Emanuele II.

The reason Vittorio Emanuele II agreed to let Garibaldi publish his articles was simple: since The Sun was owned by Carlo, Garibaldi’s articles would be subject to review. It was impossible for just any sort of article to be published.

As for whether Carlo might be deceived by Garibaldi into publishing articles that promoted republicanism, Vittorio Emanuele II was not the least bit worried.

He had handpicked Loren, whose loyalty to the royal family and support for the monarchy were trustworthy.

Carlo was, of course, ecstatic. The attitude of Italians toward Garibaldi at that time was akin to that of modern-day die-hard fans toward their favorite celebrities; the word “feverish” was hardly enough to describe it.

Once Garibaldi’s articles were published in The Sun, The 24-Hour Sun would instantly become one of the most famous newspapers in Italy and expand at an incredible rate.

Perhaps the task Carlo had assigned to Loren could be completed in less than two years, leaving Carlo with more time to plan other ventures.

Time flew by, and three and a half months passed in a flash.

Thanks to Garibaldi’s immense prestige, although he had published only two articles in three and a half months, it was enough to make Italy’s The 24-Hour Sun one of the most famous newspapers in the entire Kingdom of Italy, easily achieving the milestone of ten thousand daily sales.

The Sun was now profitable and continued to leverage Garibaldi’s fame for rapid expansion.

Because it was located in the developed industrial regions of northern Italy, the newspaper’s expansion faced no hindrances. It was projected to exceed twenty thousand daily sales by the end of the year, becoming a major newspaper in the truest sense.

This era was different from later times; newspapers were the most effective means for people to learn about the outside world.

Although only ten thousand copies were sold, the number of people who read them was far greater. Assuming an average family size of three to five people, The Sun could influence nearly fifty thousand people.

Through word of mouth from these fifty thousand, the news printed in the paper could reach the ears of hundreds of thousands of Italians in a short period.

This was the power of public opinion. In an age where people’s leisure activities were not well-developed, the influence a newspaper could wield was enormous.

On both occasions, it was Garibaldi’s second son, Ricciotti, who delivered the manuscripts. Through these two meetings, Carlo managed to cultivate a good relationship with him.

The saying “a great man doesn’t raise useless sons” was a fitting description for Garibaldi’s two sons.

In Garibaldi’s many military campaigns, both sons played important roles, acting as his aides.

Moreover, compared to the aging Garibaldi, his two sons were in their prime—the peak of a man’s life.

To be honest, Carlo was quite envious of Garibaldi’s two sons.

Though not outstanding military talents compared to their father, their skills were certainly above average. Having been under Garibaldi’s tutelage for a long time, their personalities were far from rigid.

Unfortunately, Carlo was still too young; otherwise, he would have been tempted to invite Ricciotti to serve as an officer of his royal guard.

As June 1866 arrived, Carlo’s once-calm heart finally grew a little tense.

The good news was that the Austro-Prussian War would most likely unfold as it had in history, as border conflicts between Prussia and Austria had already broken out in late May.

It was indeed an unavoidable war. Driven by the great trend of German unification, a victor had to be decided between the two great powers within the German lands, Prussia and Austria.

Fortunately, Italy was on the side of the historical victor, Prussia. Moreover, Italy was in a position to coast to victory, easily recovering the region of Venetia while the Austrians were preoccupied with the Prussians.

The bad news, however, was that the Italian army displayed an abysmal performance in this war, setting a fine precedent for Italy in the First and Second World Wars.

If Prussia hadn’t been so powerful at the time, the fledgling Kingdom of Italy might have become nothing more than a shooting star that streaked briefly across the Apennine Peninsula.

For Carlo now, the most daunting problem was how to influence his father, Vittorio Emanuele II.

This was because the Italian army that was so swiftly crushed had been led by his father, who had all but sent them to their deaths.

It was only because the southern front had no real impact on Prussia in the north that the world situation didn’t turn out differently.

Carlo understood that with his current abilities and status, it was impossible for him to influence the course of the Austro-Prussian War.

To change Italy’s disastrous performance in the war, he had to bring out Italy’s true god of war at the time, Garibaldi, to command the Italian army.

But this was precisely the most vexing problem. Under the current circumstances, it was virtually impossible for Vittorio Emanuele II to agree to let Garibaldi command Italy’s army.

Left with no other choice, Carlo could only resort to an indirect approach to bring about Garibaldi’s early participation in the war.

As June arrived, the border conflicts between Prussia and Austria intensified. The two great powers of the northern and southern German lands were destined not to coexist peacefully for long. Whoever won this conflict would unify the entire German region and achieve strategic dominance in Central Europe.

The tense situation affected not only the entire German region but also Prussia’s ally, Italy.

Vittorio Emanuele II had already held two cabinet meetings regarding the tensions in the German lands and had ordered the Italian army to be ready at a moment’s notice.

Amid this tense atmosphere, Carlo began his attempt.

“Heavens, Carlo, do you have any idea what you’re saying?”

In the small, luxurious dining room of the royal palace, Vittorio Emanuele II, who had been enjoying his breakfast with a look of contentment, now wore an expression of astonishment. He looked at his favorite son across the table and asked in disbelief.

“Of course I do, Father.” Carlo nodded, took a deep breath, and then said, “And that is why I understand the importance of this matter.”

“I want you to give me a reasonable explanation. Otherwise, I will have to reconsider the dangers of you associating with Garibaldi.” At this moment, Vittorio Emanuele II was more the King of Italy than an ordinary father. His gaze, deep and solemn, fell upon Carlo as he spoke, word by word.

Chapter 8: Persuasion

Carlo understood that if he couldn’t persuade his father now, not only would his plans for the Austro-Prussian War come to nothing, but even the hard-won right to manage his own finances would once again fall under Vittorio Emanuele II’s supervision.

Looking at Vittorio Emanuele II’s solemn expression, Carlo organized his words in his mind: “Father, I believe there’s no harm in letting General Garibaldi prepare an army in advance.

There is bound to be a war between Prussia and Austria. As Prussia’s ally, we will inevitably have to participate in this conflict.

Austria is also our enemy. If we want to use this opportunity to recover Venetia, we must prepare in advance, rather than rushing into battle after the war breaks out.”

Vittorio Emanuele II nodded, quite pleased that Carlo could grasp these points.

However, pleased as he was, when it came to the matter of Garibaldi regaining command of troops, Vittorio Emanuele II was not one to compromise so easily.

“Continue,” Vittorio Emanuele II said, his face expressionless as he continued to look at Carlo with a serious gaze.

“Father, you know as well that General Garibaldi commands immense prestige among the Italian people. He could easily organize a formidable army of tens of thousands.

If we can leverage this, we could deal an unexpected blow to the Austrian forces in Venetia, perhaps speeding up our recovery of the region,” Carlo continued.

Vittorio Emanuele II rubbed his brow and asked, “More than the utility this army of tens of thousands could bring, I am more worried about the harm it could cause the Kingdom.”

“That is precisely what you need not worry about, Father,” Carlo said with a smile.

Seeing the surprised look on Vittorio Emanuele II’s face, Carlo knew his words were having an effect and quickly added: ”

After the war between Prussia and Austria breaks out, you can take the initiative and order Garibaldi to join the fight against Austria.

If Garibaldi’s army achieves a good result, the credit will naturally be yours. But if Garibaldi fails in the campaign against Austria, the public’s disappointment will have nothing to do with you, will it?”

Such a tactic was not unfamiliar to the monarchs of various nations—placing oneself in a position to share the glory without bearing the responsibility.

However, this did not completely dispel Vittorio Emanuele II’s worries.

“My child, you don’t understand how frightening that fellow Garibaldi’s prestige is among the people. If his reputation rises even further, it would be a fatal blow to the entire House of Savoy,” Vittorio Emanuele II said to Carlo in a grave tone.

Garibaldi’s popularity was already a threat, and to make matters worse, he had once been close to the republican cause.

This posed a grave danger to a monarchy, which was why Vittorio Emanuele II had gone so far as to risk dispatching a number of soldiers to “protect” Garibaldi at close quarters.

“But he is nearly sixty years old, Father,” Carlo replied.

Garibaldi was old, and this was the only thing that gave Vittorio Emanuele II a measure of comfort.

In an era of extremely poor medical technology, even in Europe, the most developed region in the world, the average life expectancy was still a brief thirty to forty years.

Indeed, the average life expectancy in Europe at this time was just over thirty years. Someone approaching sixty like Garibaldi was a rarity, which was another reason why Vittorio Emanuele II was relatively at ease.

Gazing at Carlo, who had repeatedly put forward convincing reasons, Vittorio Emanuele II watched him for a long while before finally managing to say, “My child, I’ll admit you have a talent for diplomacy.”

“Does that mean you agree, Father?” Carlo asked, a little overjoyed and unable to wait.

“I need to discuss this with the cabinet. Some matters cannot be decided by the king alone, do you understand, Carlo?” Vittorio Emanuele II’s feelings were complex as he looked at Carlo, who was still unable to freely hide his emotions.

But in any case, Carlo demonstrating his intelligence was beneficial to the royal family. Vittorio Emanuele II also needed more helpers to stabilize his royal authority, especially a child of his own flesh and blood like Carlo.

“Besides, even if the cabinet agrees, the state has no funds to help Garibaldi rebuild his army. Alright, regardless of whether the cabinet agrees or not, this matter no longer concerns you, Carlo. Someone will inform Garibaldi when there is a result. Your primary task now is to complete your studies at the military academy.” Vittorio Emanuele II patted his son’s head, finally returning to the role of a father.

After this conversation, Vittorio Emanuele II looked forward to Carlo’s growth even more.

Although there was only one Crown Prince, this did not mean the future Crown Prince would not need close aides.

If both Amedeo and Carlo could grow into outstanding military commanders, a wonderful situation would arise for the future Kingdom of Italy: the Royal Italian Army would be entirely controlled by the royal family, and the position of the House of Savoy would be even more secure.

“I understand, Father,” Carlo nodded.

Of course, Carlo also knew he couldn’t have directly persuaded Vittorio Emanuele II to agree to let Garibaldi form a new army.

Although Vittorio Emanuele II had said he would seek the cabinet’s opinion, if even he, Garibaldi’s biggest opponent, had not refused, the Italian government would surely not turn down the chance to gain an army of tens of thousands for free.

As for Garibaldi’s military talent, Carlo was not worried in the slightest.

Historically, Garibaldi had demonstrated outstanding military talent in both the Austro-Prussian War and the subsequent Franco-Prussian War.

One could say that the current Garibaldi was the last fig leaf for the Italian Army. At the very least, the troops he led could hold their own against the armies of Prussia, France, and Austria.

If he could really make it so that Garibaldi joined the war as soon as it broke out, perhaps the Italian army’s performance on the southern front would not be so terrible.

This could have a significant impact on the entire Austro-Prussian War. Italy might be able to get a bigger piece of the pie from this war, and the position of the House of Savoy would become even more secure.

If this suggestion yielded good results, Carlo believed that his future plans would also proceed more smoothly. At the very least, persuading Vittorio Emanuele II would become much easier.

Chapter 9: The War Ends

The Austro-Prussian War was a conflict that had been long in the making, and one in which the battle lines among the German states were clearly drawn.

The conflict had already begun in April, but due to the Prussian king’s hesitation, Prussia only began its preparations for war in May.

However, it was clear that Prussia was the better-prepared side for this war. The Prussians had long been ready to unify the German lands, while the Austrians were still lost in their imperial dreams, unaware of the grave danger their empire was in.

As time moved into June 1866, tensions on the Prussian-Austrian border flared up even more.

The Kingdom of Bavaria in southern Germany attempted to call for a vote in the German Confederation, hoping to halt the war preparations of both Prussia and Austria.

But the war preparations of both nations had reached a stage where a small state like Bavaria could no longer stop them.

After the Iron Chancellor, Bismarck, declared the assembly’s decision invalid and demanded the dissolution of the Confederation Diet, a grand wave of choosing sides swept across all of Germany.

This impending war would not only decide a winner and a loser but also determine the ultimate master of the German lands.

Siding with Prussia were Mecklenburg, Oldenburg, and the other states of northern Germany, along with the three free cities of Hamburg, Bremen, and Lübeck.

Siding with Austria were Saxony, Hanover, Bavaria, Baden, Württemberg, Hesse-Kassel, Hesse-Darmstadt, and the other member states of the German Confederation.

In terms of the number of states, population, and area, the Austrian side held the advantage. But in terms of military strength, the Prussian side was clearly superior.

As June 14th arrived, the war that both sides had long prepared for finally erupted.

Carlo was not the least bit worried about this war. Even in a one-on-one fight between Prussia and Austria, Austria would be no match for Prussia.

Although the Italian army wouldn’t play a major role, it could still pin down a portion of the Austrian forces in the early stages of the war.

Moreover, Garibaldi had already assembled an army of over ten thousand men—a force that, at the very least, would not be a liability.

If the Austrians were to underestimate them, Italy might not only recover Venetia but also lay claim to the long-coveted region of South Tyrol.

It was worth mentioning that, because he was uneasy about Garibaldi leading troops alone, Vittorio Emanuele II had also agreed to a request from Carlo: to invite Garibaldi’s second son, Ricciotti, to serve as Carlo’s Military Aide to the Ducal Court.

The position held no real power, as Carlo had no right to a personal guard.

Ricciotti’s daily task was to accompany Carlo to the military academy and handle various miscellaneous matters for him.

While Carlo endured his tedious military studies day after day, the war between Prussia and Austria raged on.

Although the war was fought on three fronts, the decisive battlefield was in Bohemia.

This was not only where the main armies of Prussia and Austria clashed but also one of the most vital parts of the Austrian Empire.

The good news was that, thanks to his connections, Carlo could easily obtain the latest reports from the front lines and publish them in his newspaper, The 24-Hour Sun.

By occasionally publishing news about Garibaldi as well, he had firmly established The 24-Hour Sun’s position in Italian public opinion.

Riding the wave of the war’s outbreak, the daily sales of Italy’s The Sun had already surpassed fifteen thousand copies and were rapidly approaching twenty thousand.

If not for the limitations of printing and communication technologies of the era, The Sun might have seized this opportunity to become the largest newspaper in Italy.

The war did not last long. Fearing French intervention, Prussia ensured that the conflict, which had begun with a great bang, ended rather unceremoniously.

The good news was that Italy successfully received its reward for participating in the war: the entirety of Venetia and a portion of South Tyrol.

The bad news was that both the Italian army and Vittorio Emanuele II had displayed an exceptionally poor performance during the war. The hundred-thousand-strong Italian army had performed worse than Garibaldi’s force of just over ten thousand men.

But, as the saying goes, one flaw cannot obscure the splendor of the jade. Compared to the nationwide celebration over the recovery of Venetia and the annexation of half of South Tyrol, Vittorio Emanuele II’s poor military command could be willingly overlooked by the Italian people.

On this matter, at least, Vittorio Emanuele II and Garibaldi had reached a compromise.

Garibaldi hoped to see a unified and strong Italy within his lifetime, while Vittorio Emanuele II wished to achieve the great goal of unifying Italy during his reign. Their aims were perfectly aligned.

There were benefits for Carlo as well.

The suggestion for Garibaldi to recruit soldiers and prepare for war had been his, and it had proven very effective.

If not for Garibaldi’s army playing a crucial role on the southern front, it would have been difficult enough for Italy to recover Venetia, let alone annex a part of South Tyrol.

The biggest factor in all this was Prussia’s fear of French intervention.

In the original history, after the Italian army was routed, Garibaldi was called upon in a moment of crisis. With a hastily assembled army of just thirty-eight thousand, he defeated the Austrian forces multiple times and nearly reached Tyrol.

But at that time, Prussia, fearing French intervention, demanded with an extremely firm attitude that the Italian government withdraw its troops immediately.

Garibaldi had no choice but to pull out of South Tyrol, which meant that Italy only gained the region of Venetia, which the Austrians had abandoned willingly.

But now, because of Garibaldi’s proactive campaign, he had already conquered a large part of South Tyrol before the Prussians demanded a withdrawal.

This became the basis for the Italian foreign ministry’s claim to South Tyrol. Although they ultimately received less than half of the region, it was still a greater gain than in the original history.

Compared to Italy, the Kingdom of Prussia was undoubtedly the biggest victor of this war.

After the war ended, the German Confederation was dissolved, and Austria lost its control over the German lands.

Prussia, on the other hand, leaped to become the leader of all the states in the German lands, annexing the Kingdom of Hanover and becoming the new hegemon of the region.

This was quite favorable for a country like Italy. With Prussia drawing the attention of Britain and France, Italy could develop quietly for a while, and Carlo would not have to worry that his actions might lead to greater unforeseen consequences.

Chapter 10: The Spanish Revolution

The Austro-Prussian War was arguably the only major event before the Spanish Revolution.

Carlo’s advice had proven very effective. As a result, Vittorio Emanuele II now placed greater importance on Carlo’s ideas and allowed him more autonomy.

For Carlo, the most important task at hand was to find some capable subordinates. At the very least, he needed people so he wouldn’t have to do everything himself.

Although there were attendants in the royal palace he could command, they were ultimately his father Vittorio Emanuele II’s servants, and their loyalty was not guaranteed.

It wasn’t appropriate for someone of Carlo’s status to get acquainted with high-ranking military officials and generals, but there was no issue in getting to know his fellow cadets at the military academy.

Besides Ricciotti, who had accompanied Carlo to study at the Military Academy of Turin, the only other cadets he could be considered familiar with were Andrea Rosso from the infantry program and Carmine Esposito from the artillery program.

These two were around Carlo’s age and were his closest companions in the entire military academy.

Andrea Rosso was a short, chubby fellow. Though he appeared simple and honest, he was full of cunning ideas. Carlo valued his quick, flexible mind and his wildly imaginative thoughts.

Carmine Esposito, on the other hand, was his complete opposite—tall, rail-thin, and looking as if he were malnourished.

If Carlo hadn’t known that Carmine’s family was well-off enough to feed him, he would have suspected the man was starving himself thin.

This fat and thin duo, along with Ricciotti, who was already in his twenties, were the assistants Carlo planned to rely on for the time being.

The backgrounds of the “fat and thin titans” were trustworthy. Both were Savoyards who had moved their families to Turin after the region of Savoy was ceded to France.

Both Savoy and Turin were the heartland of the Kingdom of Sardinia, which was why the two had been able to enter the Military Academy of Turin.

Carlo’s attire and demeanor were a world apart from those of the ordinary cadets. Perhaps the two had noticed something, but they both had the tacit understanding to keep silent.

After all, if Carlo wanted them to know, he would have told them himself. Since he hadn’t, it wasn’t yet time for them to know.

After the Austro-Prussian War, Carlo’s daily routine became very simple. Apart from occasionally checking in with Loren about the newspaper’s layout and development, Carlo spent most of his time shuttling between the military academy and the Royal Palace of Turin. He would occasionally invite Andrea, Carmine, and Ricciotti for gatherings. Life wasn’t thrilling, but it was pleasant.

And through his continuous studies at the military academy, Carlo discovered what was perhaps the only change in himself since he had transmigrated: his physical constitution had improved dramatically.

His previous body had been a sickly one, frequently falling seriously ill and constantly suffering from minor ailments.

But since Carlo’s arrival in this world, not only had his health completely recovered, but he had also become quite sturdy through the training at the military academy.

Carlo’s three daily meals were never simple, and with no lack of nutrition, the fifteen-year-old had already reached a height of one meter seventy, which was considered tall by standard measures.

Combined with his handsome features, the noble air of a royal family member, and a fortune worth billions, Carlo became the object of affection for many young Italian noblewomen.

It was only because this body was still too young that Carlo could resist the flirtatious glances of these noble ladies.

But flirting aside, Carlo still wanted to give careful consideration to his choice of a future wife.

Although exorbitant bride prices were not the custom in the West, it was undeniable that a good wife could bring him immense benefits.

The country his wife came from would also be a source of support for him. Carlo hoped to choose a princess from one of the more powerful nations, like Germany or Russia, for marriage.

As for France, the current hegemon of Europe, it was not within his considerations. If the Franco-Prussian War unfolded as it had in history, the French royal family wouldn’t be around for more than a few years.

The course of study at the Military Academy of Turin was three years. Upon graduation, one could generally enter the Italian army as a junior officer.

Of course, for active-duty officers or soldiers who entered the academy for further training, it only took two years to graduate, and their rank would be promoted by at least one level.

Carlo, of course, was in the first category. Having enrolled in 1866, he would have to wait until 1869 to graduate.

However, this did not conflict with his plans. After all, the Spanish Revolution broke out in 1868. The monarchy would only be restored in Spain after the fall of the First Spanish Republic.

After graduating from the military academy in 1869, Carlo would still have a year. By the time his brother Amedeo historically became King of Spain, Carlo would be nineteen years old, fitting the criteria for Spain’s choice of king.

Amidst the busy life at the military academy, time flew by.

On May 30, 1867, Carlo attended the wedding of his older brother Amedeo and Maria Vittoria dal Pozzo and presented them with a gift.

Royal marriages in Europe during this era were still quite chaotic. If Carlo remembered correctly, his brother Amedeo’s second wife was the daughter of his own sister, Marie Létizia Bonaparte.

Nothing major happened in 1867, but 1868 was a very lively year on the international stage.

First, US President Andrew Johnson became the first president in American history to be impeached by Congress. However, he was lucky enough to avoid removal by a single vote and remained in the presidential seat.

Compared to this fortunate American president, Queen Isabella II of Spain was not so lucky.

As the first “empire on which the sun never sets” to have already faded from the stage of history, the decadent rule of the Spanish kingdom had led to extremely severe social polarization.

The aristocracy lived in obscene luxury, making vast fortunes from investments in railways and real estate. The residence built in Madrid by a single guardsman from Andalusia was mockingly referred to by the public as being “covered in inlaid aiamonds,” a testament to the extravagant lifestyle of the Spanish nobility.

In stark contrast, however, was the harsh life of Spain’s peasant and working classes. Peasants only had the right to use the land, not to own it, and the poor economy caused factories in Spain to close down one after another.

The impoverished peasants and workers launched protests and uprisings time and again, only to be brutally suppressed by the Spanish government. But the people’s anger continued to build.

Finally, the fire was lit.

In September 1868, exiled soldiers led by Francisco Serrano and Juan Bautista Topete, a former member of the Chamber of Deputies, launched a larger-scale uprising with their followers.

Because it erupted in September, the revolution came to be known by the Spanish people as the September Revolution.

The corrupt royal government was utterly incapable of suppressing the explosive revolution. Peasants and workers eagerly joined the uprising, which swept across more than half of Spain in a short period.

Even more critically, Queen Isabella II’s control over the army was not perfect.

The soldiers held no affection for this ridiculous and decadent queen. Mass desertions from the government forces accelerated the revolutionary process. The Kingdom of Spain had fallen.

Chapter 11: We Want Bread, Not the Republic

Seeing the Spanish revolution spread toward Madrid like a wildfire, Queen Isabella, whose private life was notoriously chaotic, finally panicked.

Faced with the choice of resisting or fleeing, Queen Isabella did not hesitate for a moment, hastily escaping north to France with her family.

The queen’s flight also accelerated the revolution. The revolutionary army entered Madrid with ease and declared the fall of the Kingdom of Spain.

On October 8, 1868, Francisco Serrano appointed himself President of the Provisional Government, while Juan Prim, who held considerable prestige within the revolutionary army, became the Minister of War. Spain officially descended into a state of extreme chaos.

Whether this tumultuous revolution would be the salvation of the Spanish people remained to be seen, but the chaotic situation in Spain created an opportunity for faraway Cuba, in the Americas, to fight for its independence.

On October 10, the famous Cuban plantation owner and lawyer, Carlos Manuel de Céspedes y del Castillo, led a group of Cuban patriots in an uprising near Yara in the eastern province of Oriente. He then issued the Proclamation of Yara to all regions of Cuba, calling on all Cubans to fight for freedom, equality, and independence.

This was a heavy blow to the hastily established Spanish Provisional Government, as Cuba was one of the few remaining colonies that still generated a positive income for Spain.

The Cuban War of Independence not only forced the Spanish Provisional Government to dispatch troops for suppression but also burdened the fledgling government with massive military expenditures at a time of extreme financial difficulty.

But this was not the only problem facing the provisional government. The revolution had succeeded, but the new government had yet to gain control over all of Spain.

At the same time, the greatest challenge was stabilizing its rule and establishing an administrative system completely different from the former absolute monarchy.

Moreover, the provisional government was not a monolithic bloc; the relationships between the various classes and factions were as incompatible as fire and water. The chaos within the provisional government was hardly an improvement over the former Kingdom of Spain.

The initiators of this revolution were the Spanish upper bourgeoisie and liberals. Their original intention was to overthrow the old absolute monarchy and establish a democratic monarchy with power centralized in the national government.

But Spain’s petty bourgeoisie, workers, and peasants had had enough of the oppression of the monarchy and the aristocracy. They preferred to establish a federal republican government with decentralized yet unified management, and they advocated for a president to replace the king to govern all of Spain.

Carlo was also watching the situation in Spain with great tension. The good news was that Italy and Spain were separated only by the sea, and on land, only France stood between them, so news traveled quickly.

The last thing Carlo wanted to hear was that the Spanish Provisional Government had decided to abolish the monarchy, as that would mean he would completely lose his connection to the Spanish throne.

On November 9, the Spanish Provisional Government finally issued a decree to form a parliament, announcing that parliamentary elections would be held in February of the following year, 1869.

Although the decree made no mention of the future composition of the Spanish government, everyone following the news from Spain understood that the results of the parliamentary elections would decide the country’s fate.

If the major capitalists and liberal reformists won a majority in parliament, the new assembly would have the power to enact legislation for a constitutional monarchy.

By the same token, if the workers or peasants won a majority, Spain’s monarchy could be swept away, and republicanism would very likely take the stage.

As things stood, it was highly probable that the situation in Spain would develop as it had in history.

Prim, who supported a constitutional monarchy, still held great power in the Spanish government and was very likely to gain an advantage in the parliamentary elections a few months later.

The timing of the elections themselves was also thought-provoking. Barely four months would pass between the establishment of the provisional government and the elections, and less than three months from the issuance of the decree to the vote.

Three months was not enough time to change the attitude of the Italian public, nor was it enough to alter the distribution of power of the nobles and major capitalists in Spain.

However, to make his plan more secure, Carlo decided to sway public opinion in Spain.

What kind of opinion? The opinion that championed the monarchy, of course.

As for the harm the Spanish Bourbon dynasty had inflicted upon the Spanish people, it could all be blamed on the debauched and tyrannical rule of Queen Isabella.

Carlo had his reasons for promoting the monarchy.

The world’s strongest navy at the time undoubtedly belonged to Britain, a constitutional monarchy. The world’s strongest army was arguably France’s (still basking in Napoleon’s afterglow), which was also a monarchy.

The old European great powers, Russia and the Austrian Empire, and the rising power of the Kingdom of Prussia were all monarchies. Even Italy, which had just achieved unification and joined the ranks of the great powers, was a monarchy.

Looking across the globe, the only great power that wasn’t a monarchy was the United States, and in the eyes of Europeans at the time, America was not that powerful.

America’s rise would come after the First and Second World Wars; the United States of this era did not yet possess such an astonishing industrial and economic scale.

Since the vast majority of Europe’s powerful nations were monarchies, what reason did the Spanish have to voluntarily abandon such an advanced system?

As for the past failures of the monarchy, that was entirely the fault of the Bourbon family and Queen Isabella. If anyone was to be blamed, it should be Queen Isabella.

Besides preserving a shred of trust in the monarchy within the hearts of the Spanish people, Carlo’s actions were also intended to make them resent the Bourbon dynasty and Queen Isabella as much as possible.

Only then would the Spanish be less hostile to a foreign dynasty, and Carlo’s hopes of ascending to the Spanish throne would be much greater.

As for the Bourbon family, Queen Isabella, and the illustrious Alfonso XII, they had been sucking the blood of Spain for decades. It was time they made a little contribution to the Spanish people.

Besides, this wasn’t exactly slander against the Bourbon family. Queen Isabella’s rule in Spain was notorious, defined by licentiousness, tyranny, and chaos.

If the Spanish people could be made to lose faith in the Bourbon dynasty, the long-plaguing Carlist rebellion in Spain could also be properly resolved.

After all, the Carlists were also part of the Bourbon family, and they bore their share of the blame for the chaos in Spain.

On November 27, 1868, the already popular Italian newspaper, The 24-Hour Sun, published an article titled “We Want Bread, Not the Republic,” which quickly spread throughout northern and southern Italy.

The main thrust of the article was to extol the advanced nature of the current monarchical system and the success of Europe’s various monarchies. It argued that monarchy was the most rational choice for European nations and that republicanism was a deformed evolution for Europe.

Regardless of whether the article’s arguments were valid, for the monarchies of Europe at the time, such an article was certainly better than nothing.

Publishing articles like this was better than publishing those that advocated for republicanism, liberty, and democracy. At the very least, such reports would not incite public discontent toward the monarch’s throne.

With no opposition from other countries, the article began to circulate on a smaller scale along the Mediterranean coast, particularly in the countries surrounding Italy.

Chapter 12: Kicking a Man When He’s Down

The evolution of various political systems may seem complex, but at its core, it is always caused by the people’s dissatisfaction with those in power.

This also means that, fundamentally, there is no inherent good or bad when it comes to monarchy or a parliamentary republic.

The most fundamental issue is whether the needs of the people can be met. This evolves into the European people’s dissatisfaction with their rulers and governments, which is the true cause of revolutions.

Had the Spanish government been able to pay attention to the plight of its people and introduce policies to improve their lives as much as possible, perhaps such a revolution would never have happened, and Spain’s absolute monarchy could have continued to exist.

This also meant that Spain’s problems were already incredibly severe. The people could no longer fill their stomachs and were unable to go on living, which is what finally triggered the revolution.

The article Carlo had published in the newspaper delved into the heart of Spain’s problem—the most fundamental demand of the Spanish people, which was to improve their quality of life.

To eat bread and drink milk. While this might seem like a perfectly normal request, it was exceedingly difficult in 1868, over a hundred years ago.

Even simplifying it by two levels, to the most basic need of having enough food and water, was something the government of the Kingdom of Spain could not provide.

What Carlo had to do was to place all the blame on Queen Isabella and the Bourbon dynasty, clearing the name of the monarchy as much as possible.

A bit later, on November 30, 1868, in Madrid, Spain.

“General, there is an article from Italy that I think you should see.”

General Primo, who had been busy all day, was just about to end his hectic work when his subordinate’s words stopped him.

“An article? From Italy?” Primo asked, a little surprised. “What wind could have possibly blown an Italian article all the way to Spain?”

“It’s about the monarchy and republicanism, General.” The subordinate handed him a newspaper. In the center of the page, a headline was clearly printed: “We Need Bread, Not Republicanism.”

“Interesting.” Primo had not intended to take the paper, but after seeing the headline, he accepted it and began to read.

The article had been reprinted by a small Madrid newspaper, translated from Italian into Spanish so that the people of Spain could understand it.

“How widely has this article spread elsewhere?” Primo asked a strange question after reading the entire piece.

“Besides a limited circulation in Madrid, it has also appeared in Barcelona, Valencia, and Valladolid. Newspapers in all those cities have reported on it.”

Primo smiled, a profound look in his eyes. He said teasingly, “It seems someone deliberately arranged for this article to land on my desk.”

“General, I…” The subordinate was about to explain, but Primo cut him off with a smile. “Alright, of course I believe in your loyalty.

“What I mean is, I’m afraid someone has their eyes on Spain now. For an Italian article to circulate so widely in so many cities in such a short time proves that our enemy is well-prepared.

“It would be one thing if this were a coincidence that happened to align with our revolution, but if the mastermind behind this anticipated our revolution long ago, then that is truly worrying.”

Seeing his subordinate’s worried expression, Primo patted him on the shoulder, comforting him. “Alright, I don’t doubt you in the slightest. Now, I have a task for you. Go to Italy and investigate the source of this article, then find out everything you can about the owner of the newspaper.”

Although he wondered who was trying to achieve what with this article, for now, it was quite useful to Primo.

The simplest examples it raised were simply irrefutable, for at that time, all the powerful nations of Europe were monarchies.

This would also help Primo guide the new government toward a constitutional monarchy, allowing him to centralize power within the state government and realize his vision of reform for Spain.

So why was Primo opposed to republicanism?

Because the republic proposed by the peasants and workers was a loose Spanish federation. This would not only inspire wave after wave of independence movements in Spain’s regions, which already had secessionist tendencies, but it would also cause the Spanish government to lose control over the provinces.

What the reformists wanted was a stable government that could implement reforms, not a fragmented and chaotic one. This was the ultimate reason Primo chose a constitutional monarchy.

As one of the most powerful figures in the Spanish revolution, Primo’s opinion carried significant weight.

The Provisional Government did not try to stop the article’s circulation. In fact, the great capitalists even helped it spread to more Spanish cities.

Thanks to the heated debate sparked by the article, the Spanish people also began to discuss the pros and cons of the monarchy and the responsibility of the deposed Queen Isabella II.

Saving the nation in its time of crisis was impossible for them, but those capitalists were masters at shirking their own responsibility and shifting the blame.

Since Queen Isabella had already lost her throne, and the Provisional Government had no intention of welcoming back either her or Prince Alfonso, why not kick her while she was down?

Were they supposed to wait until others shifted all the blame onto them and that damned queen?

For their own interests, the capitalists would not show the slightest mercy.

From December onward, the climate in Madrid grew colder, at least for the die-hard supporters of the Bourbons.

Isabella II’s reputation could no longer be described as just “terrible,” because it had already been abysmal to begin with.

The people’s anger was successfully diverted by the capitalists and certain nobles with ulterior motives onto Queen Isabella. At least now, the factory owners and nobles who had once brutally exploited the Spanish people no longer had to worry about being shot in the back.

But this was not good news for Queen Isabella, who was far away in France, for she was still thinking of finding an opportunity to restore her throne.

However, not all nobles were happy at this moment. The Carlists, who were of the same house as Queen Isabella, were not in a good mood at all.

Queen Isabella’s terrible reputation had tainted the Bourbon dynasty. As a member of the Bourbons, “Carlos VII” had just as many troubles as Queen Isabella.

More importantly, after being passed down through several generations, the Carlists were no longer recognized by most people.

Especially after the Second Carlist War, when “Carlos VI” came to power as the leader of the Carlists.

But after just a few years, this self-proclaimed king of Spain was arrested by government forces, and “Carlos VI” was forced to renounce his claim to the throne.

The younger brother of “Carlos VI,” Juan, benefited from the situation like a fisherman catching fish in troubled waters, becoming the Carlist-proclaimed king of Spain, “Juan III,” without any preparation.

But the Carlists did not really support this “king” who had stumbled upon the crown. Furthermore, “Carlos VI” was released soon after being forced to renounce his succession rights, leading to a situation where the Carlists had two kings at once.

They were already self-proclaimed kings not recognized by the majority, and to have two of them at the same time caused support for the Carlists to plummet.

Although the heirless “Carlos VI” died soon after, the so-called claimant “Juan III” still failed to gain the strong support of the Carlists. This was why the Carlists were completely powerless to stop the Spanish revolution, nor did they have the strength to put “Juan III” on the throne.

Ever since launching his public opinion campaign, Carlo had kept a close watch on the situation in Spain.

Upon learning that his article was being widely reprinted and circulated throughout Spain, Carlo finally breathed a sigh of relief.

But very quickly, a new worry began to gnaw at him.

This move was a complete departure from history, and the fact that the article had spread so widely in Spain surely meant that he was not the only one pushing it.

It would be fine if it had a positive effect. But if it affected the situation in Spain and pushed the country toward a republic, Carlo would regret it so much his teeth would ache.

But for now, Carlo had no better options. He could only pray that General Primo, who had supported the monarchy in history, would be as formidable as he had been historically, winning a majority of seats in the Spanish parliamentary elections, becoming the Prime Minister, and taking control of the entire Spanish government.

Chapter 13: Regarding the Spanish Carlists

While the Carlists may be familiar to most readers who know Spanish history, there are likely many who are not. So, the author will provide a simple explanation of the Spanish Carlists here. Readers who are already clear on this part of history can skip this.

Before Queen Isabella, Spain followed the Salic law of succession, which meant only males could inherit the throne. As such, the Carlists did not exist.

However, Queen Isabella’s father, Ferdinand VII, only had two daughters. In order to keep the throne within his immediate family, Ferdinand temporarily amended the succession law to grant Isabella the right to inherit.

Changing the law of succession was one thing, but Isabella was only three years old and clearly unfit to be a monarch.

This dissatisfied Prince Carlos, the younger brother of Ferdinand VII, who should have inherited the throne. He, along with nobles who supported the Salic law (male succession), united and proclaimed Prince Carlos as Carlos V. This is the origin of the Carlist faction.

As for the subsequent Carlist Wars, readers can look them up on their own. In any case, they all ended in failure.

To summarize in one sentence: the Carlists are a faction of the House of Bourbon fighting for the throne, but at their core, they are still Bourbons. (This is the key point.)

Chapter 14: Choosing a King for Spain

The year 1869 arrived quickly.

Although there was still no news from Spain, Carlo was already making thorough preparations for his potential ascension to the Spanish throne.

First was the power of public opinion, which Carlo had been vigorously developing. It had now achieved considerable results.

Carlo’s largest newspaper, Italy’s The 24-Hour Sun, had become the largest newspaper in Northern Italy, with its average daily circulation for all of 1868 exceeding twenty-four thousand copies.

Besides The Sun, Loren had, under Carlo’s orders, also established several other newspapers in both northern and southern Italy. The combined daily circulation of these small and medium-sized papers was over ten thousand copies.

With this, Carlo could be considered to have completed the initial deployment of his media influence. All in all, his newspapers had tens of thousands of loyal readers and could influence a population of at least several hundred thousand people.

If Carlo wished, he could disseminate a piece of news to hundreds of thousands, or even millions, of Italians in a short period.

This was an astonishing feat in an era of extremely inconvenient transportation, where people relied mostly on horses, ox-carts, and other livestock for travel.

Over two and a half years, these various newspapers, large and small, had earned Carlo nearly two hundred fifty thousand lira.

It was largely thanks to Garibaldi’s reputation that The Sun was able to penetrate the market so quickly; otherwise, earning over two hundred thousand lira would not have been so easy.

As time entered February of 1869, the Spanish parliamentary election officially began.

Just as in history, Primo, as the most powerful individual in the Provisional Government and possessing immense prestige within the revolutionary army, successfully secured a majority of the seats in parliament.

This news came as a relief to Carlo, as it meant Spain would head towards a constitutional monarchy rather than a republic. He still had a strong chance of becoming the King of Spain.

The newly formed Spanish Parliament immediately announced that it would not abolish the monarchy, but would instead establish a national government under a constitutional monarchy to manage Spain’s affairs.

Because the Spanish throne remained vacant, the parliament appointed the Provisional Government’s Prime Minister, Francisco Serrano y Domínguez, as Regent of the Kingdom of Spain, and the Minister of War, Primo, as the new Prime Minister.

These two men were not only the most prestigious figures in the Provisional Government but also two generals who enjoyed widespread support within the revolutionary army.

This was, in fact, the real reason Spain continued to maintain its monarchy; after all, the two men with the power to decide were both supporters of it.

Thanks to the article promoting the advantages of the monarchical system, the news that Spain would remain a monarchy did not cause much of a stir.

As long as Spain was not ruled by another foolish monarch like Queen Isabella, the opposition from the Spanish people would not be so fierce.

With parliamentary matters settled for the time being, the most pressing headache for Regent Serrano and Prime Minister Primo had now become choosing a suitable king for Spain.

Although they could theoretically choose from any of Europe’s royal families, their chosen candidate also had to win the approval of the people.

Someone with a poor reputation was out of the question; the Spanish people would never believe such a king could do better than Isabella. If a new Queen Isabella were to rule Spain, what would have been the point of their revolution?

Someone of controversial birth was also unacceptable. For Spain, only a king of noble birth, backed by a great family, could stabilize the nation’s order.

If the new king’s origins were highly disputed, it would be another blow to the hard-won constitutional monarchy of Spain.

With all these and various other conditions, very few European princes were left who were suitable candidates for the Spanish throne.

After more than a month of screening, Serrano and Primo finally settled on a list of five candidates.

The first choice was Prince Leopold of the German royal house. Prince Leopold was from the House of Hohenzollern and was backed by the Kingdom of Prussia, which had just won the Austro-Prussian War. Both his lineage and reputation met Spain’s requirements.

The second choice was Fernando, the former king consort and regent of Portugal. Fernando’s wife and son were both monarchs of Portugal, and his performance as both king consort (the queen’s husband) and regent was more than satisfactory, giving him a fairly good reputation.

The third choice was Prince Amedeo of Italy’s House of Savoy. A unified Italy now held some sway along the Mediterranean coast, and the prestige of the House of Savoy among European royalty had seen a slight increase. For Spain, Amedeo might not have been as reliable as the first two, but he was still a qualified candidate.

The fourth choice also came from Italy’s House of Savoy: Amedeo’s younger brother, Carlo. Carlo’s drawback was his youth; he was still a few months shy of his eighteenth birthday. However, his reputation in Italy was no weaker than Amedeo’s, as The Sun’s promotion of him had been quite effective.

In fact, many Italians were quite fond of this youngest prince, as he was unpretentious when out in public and would greet the Italian people kindly.

Thanks to the power of public opinion, some Spaniards had also heard of this friendly Italian prince. This was why Carlo was able to make it onto the list of candidates; after all, Primo and Serrano believed the Spanish people would not reject a friendly king.

The final candidate was Queen Isabella’s brother-in-law, the Duke of Montpensier of Spain. However, considering the Spanish people’s disgust for Queen Isabella and the potential for guilt by association, Primo placed the Duke of Montpensier at the very bottom of the list and even considered removing him from it entirely.

After all, the selection of a Spanish king was an extremely rigorous process. Any flaw in a candidate would be magnified countless times, and Serrano and Primo had to consider every possible repercussion.

To Primo’s disappointment, the moment the Spanish government floated the idea to Fernando, he flatly refused the Spanish throne.

This also theoretically severed any possibility of Spain and Portugal uniting once again, as Fernando’s son was the current king of Portugal.

If Fernando had accepted the Spanish throne, a future king of Portugal might have been able to inherit the Spanish throne, thereby unifying the two Iberian nations.

Fernando’s voluntary withdrawal turned the list of five into a list of four. After a lengthy discussion with Serrano, Primo decided to remove the Duke of Montpensier from the list as well, leaving only three candidates.

Although Spain’s search for a king was being conducted with considerable secrecy, no wall is impenetrable.

At this time, Primo and Serrano were still unaware of the momentous impact their search for a king would have on the European situation—an impact that would even lead to the hegemon of Europe being trampled under the feet of another nation.

Chapter 15: The War Sparked by the King’s Election

The revolution in Spain and the establishment of a Provisional Government had captured the attention of many European nations.

After the Spanish Parliament announced that it would not abolish the monarchy and would instead seek a new king, many countries watched with the detached amusement of spectators, curious to see which lucky individual would become the new King of Spain.

But soon, the French government was no longer laughing.

Because according to news from Spain, among the many candidates for the Spanish throne, Prince Leopold of the House of Hohenzollern was a frontrunner and very likely to become the next King of Spain.

This was a critical threat to the French. Prussia alone already posed a huge threat to France. Especially after defeating Austria, the threat Prussia presented to France was unprecedented.

If a member of the House of Hohenzollern obtained the Spanish crown, France would face the prospect of being caught in a pincer attack between Prussia and Spain.

Although Spain was not a great power, merely a second-rate nation in Europe at best, it was located to the south of France and possessed the Pyrenees Mountains, a natural line of defense.

Prussia would only need to station fewer than one hundred thousand troops in Spain to cause major problems for the French and threaten the numerous cities in southern France.

On June 21, 1869, the furious French government expressed its strong opposition to the Spanish and German governments, stating that the day Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern was crowned King of Spain would be the day France declared war on Prussia and Spain.

The threat from the hegemon of Europe proved effective. King Wilhelm I of Prussia wavered under this pressure and even publicly stated his disapproval of his cousin, Prince Leopold, inheriting the Spanish throne.

The Spanish government also grew panicked. If their choice of king led to a war with France, it would undoubtedly be a disastrous outcome.

Wilhelm I’s concession greatly satisfied the French government, and they relaxed their vigilance towards Prussia, which had just defeated Austria.

In early July, the French ambassador to Prussia even sought an audience with Wilhelm I and conveyed French Emperor Napoleon III’s desire for Wilhelm I to guarantee that the candidacy, now renounced, would never be revived in the future.

Such a demand was utterly impertinent, and it sparked discontent in Wilhelm I, who had originally intended to concede.

The French would never have imagined that while Wilhelm I was taking the lead in backing down, there was a far more hard-headed individual within Germany who was already preparing for war with France.

Annoyed by the French ambassador’s discourtesy, Wilhelm I sent an urgent telegram to his Prime Minister, Bismarck, that very day, hoping Bismarck could devise a reasonable solution to the crisis Prussia faced.

But what Wilhelm I did not expect was that Bismarck’s so-called solution to the crisis was to defeat France through war—in other words, to eliminate the problem itself.

Upon receiving Wilhelm I’s telegram, Bismarck showed no signs of panic. In fact, a faint smile even appeared on his face.

After asking Chief of the General Staff Moltke if he was certain of victory in a war against France and receiving an affirmative reply, Bismarck decided he would wait no longer.

He drastically edited the content of Wilhelm I’s telegram, deleting all the phrases about long-term deliberation and tactful concessions. At the end of the telegram, he added some words to provoke the French government and its officials: “Due to the impertinent demands and attitude of your country, His Majesty King Wilhelm I has decided to refuse any further audience with the French ambassador and, through this telegram, informs your country that there is nothing more to discuss between our two nations.”

Although this provocative telegram was not sent directly to the French government’s telegraph offices, it was publicly released as news in all of Prussia’s major newspapers and disseminated throughout Europe via all of Prussia’s foreign legations.

The firm stance of the Prussians caused an uproar in the French government, thoroughly enraging the previously triumphant French officials.

Perhaps even Carlo had not expected that his minor action would directly impact the world and cause the Franco-Prussian War to break out a year ahead of schedule.

On July 11, 1869, after several days of preparation, the furious French government expelled the Prussian ambassador to France and, with a stony expression, announced the war between their two countries to him.

But the French did not see the panic and anxiety they had expected on the Prussian ambassador’s face. They could only watch as he left the embassy with a relaxed expression and boarded a train back to Prussia.

Even more stunned than the French was King Wilhelm I of Prussia. Although Wilhelm I had been angered by the French’s insolence, he had truly never considered going to war with them at such a moment.

But with matters having reached this point, Wilhelm I could not stop the war from proceeding. On July 12, Wilhelm I announced a general mobilization in the North German Confederation and called upon all member states within the confederation to fight for Germany.

Prussia called this conflict the German-French War, attempting to unite the German states and demand that they contribute troops and resources.

The French, in turn, called it the Franco-German War. The enmity between the French and the German lands was not a recent development.

This war, on a larger scale than the Austro-Prussian War, erupted with the speed of a sudden clap of thunder. This came as a surprise to the Spanish government, which had, in theory, been the direct cause of the Franco-Prussian War.

However, at this point, regardless of who won the Franco-Prussian War, Prince Leopold of Prussia was no longer a suitable candidate to be King of Spain.

Furthermore, Prince Leopold himself had publicly announced his refusal to accept the Spanish throne. Although this was largely due to Wilhelm I’s opposition, it was, after all, Prince Leopold’s own renunciation.

After this series of events, only two candidates remained out of the original five for the Spanish throne: the two princes from Italy’s House of Savoy.

Whether Amedeo or Carlo became King of Spain, the House of Savoy would be the ultimate victor.

Setting aside their shared advantage of belonging to the House of Savoy, Amedeo’s strengths were his slightly older age and greater maturity and composure. Carlo’s advantages were his friendly reputation, which might be better received by the Spanish, and his greater likelihood of supporting reform.

From the perspective of reform, Primo undoubtedly favored Carlo to become King of Spain. After all, although Primo supported the monarchy, he was a thoroughgoing reformist.

Serrano, on the other hand, was more of a neutral figure between the reformists and the conservatives, and could also be classified as a royalist from the aristocratic faction.

Both men were undecided between Amedeo and Carlo. For the stability of the Kingdom of Spain, Primo decided to personally travel to Italy to assess the two princes and, during this visit, determine the final candidate for the Spanish throne.

Serrano agreed to Primo’s proposal and stated that he would support either Amedeo or Carlo as King of Spain and was willing to pledge allegiance to the new king.

Chapter 16: The Inspection

It had to be admitted that, looking back at the history of Italian unification, aside from the unexpected factor of Garibaldi, the rest could be attributed entirely to luck, with not an ounce of real strength involved.

The Austro-Prussian War had allowed Italy to easily acquire Venetia and the southern part of South Tyrol. Now, the Franco-Prussian War, sparked by the Spanish throne, gave the Italians an opportunity to reclaim Rome.

Rome was currently occupied by the Catholic Holy See, the so-called Papal States. Supporting the Papal States was the European hegemon, France, which was why Italy, despite having already unified, had been unable to reclaim its core region of Rome.

But after the war broke out, the French troops stationed in Rome had begun to gradually withdraw.

Italy was waiting for the moment all French forces had completed their withdrawal. The army of the Holy See would be unable to stop the march of Italian unification, and Rome was about to become the official capital of the Kingdom of Italy.

Just as Vittorio Emanuele II was anxiously awaiting the complete withdrawal of French troops from Rome, the Spanish government sent a request for a diplomatic visit to the Italian government.

The delegation dispatched by Spain this time was quite lavish, led by Prime Minister Primo, accompanied by several government ministers and a few high-ranking generals from the Spanish military.

Considering the recent events surrounding the selection of a Spanish king, Vittorio Emanuele II seemed to have some understanding of the purpose of this diplomatic visit.

However, there was one thing Vittorio Emanuele II didn’t quite understand. When the Spanish government had investigated candidates from other countries, they had always done so in secret.

Why, when it came to Italy, had it become a matter of dispatching a diplomatic delegation for a visit? Moreover, the delegation was led by Spain’s new Prime Minister, Primo, a man who held both military and political power in his hands. It would be no exaggeration to call him the most powerful man in Spain today.

Although he didn’t quite understand Primo’s intentions, Spain was, after all, a major power on the Mediterranean coast, so Italy would naturally not refuse the Spanish government’s proactive visit.

Carlo, who was closely following news from Spain, naturally learned of the Spanish government’s request for a diplomatic visit to Italy.

This was something that had never happened in history, and Carlo couldn’t help but speculate.

If Amedeo’s name were the only one on the list of candidates for the Spanish throne, they most likely would not have come to Italy.

After all, of the four major historical contenders, three had already withdrawn. If there were no other competitors, Amedeo should have already been victorious.

Combining this with the Spanish government’s request for a diplomatic visit, Carlo could basically conclude that he too was on the list of candidates for the Spanish throne, and that he had reached the final round of competition against his brother, Amedeo.

This also meant that the choice for the Spanish throne would be revealed following Primo’s visit. If Carlo wanted to become the king of Spain, he had to firmly seize every opportunity during this diplomatic visit and display his strengths to Primo.

The good news was that, historically, Amedeo had become king of Spain not because he was particularly outstanding.

In fact, compared to the other three candidates, Amedeo was merely considered barely adequate. It was only because of the voluntary withdrawal of the Portuguese Prince Regent Fernando and the strong French opposition to Prince Leopold becoming the king of Spain that Amedeo had benefited from the situation like a fisherman catching fish in troubled waters and ultimately emerged victorious.

However, compared to Carlo, Amedeo did have his advantages. Firstly, he was six years older. At twenty-five, he appeared more mature and steady, which was quite important for Spain.

But Carlo was not without his own merits. He was definitely more familiar with the two men currently in power in Spain than Amedeo was.

Compared to Primo’s ambitions for Spain, Amedeo’s mere six-year age advantage was not particularly significant.

Moreover, for a man like Primo, who held great military and political power, he might not necessarily want to see a more mature and steady king vying for power with him.

While youth might represent a lack of maturity and stability, it also meant being easier to control than someone older.

At least for Primo, who was currently bent on promoting reform in Spain, Amedeo did not necessarily have the upper hand.

After silently calculating his and his brother Amedeo’s respective advantages, Carlo began to strategize on how to display his strengths during the diplomatic visit and make Primo choose him.

The first thing to do was to recognize his own position.

In truth, regardless of whether Amedeo or Carlo became the king of Spain, neither would be able to hold much real power in the early stages.

If they had the support of Primo and Serrano, it would be a different story. These two men held military and political power, which would be a considerable help to the king.

Without their support, the king of Spain would be a complete general without an army, with not a single reliable subordinate to his name.

Under such circumstances, Carlo’s initial plan after becoming king was never to seize power, but rather to help Primo and Serrano carry out reforms in Spain while stabilizing his own throne.

Although Spain was still a second-rate European nation, it had fallen far behind the great powers like Britain, France, Prussia, Russia, and Austria.

Even Italy, which had only recently unified, surpassed Spain in terms of overall strength. If Spain did not reform and continued on its current path, it might even become a third-rate European nation.

Primo and Serrano both possessed immense prestige. Having them take the initiative to reform Spain would be much smoother than if Carlo pushed for reforms himself, and the Spanish people would also be more willing to accept it.

More importantly, both Primo and Serrano were willing to see a reform-minded monarch appear in Spain.

This was especially true for Primo. As the most powerful man in Spain, he was a thorough reformist.

Although the historical Primo was assassinated before Amedeo arrived in Spain, during his brief time as Prime Minister, he pushed for the enactment of numerous laws and was a representative figure of the Spanish reformists.

If Carlo could demonstrate his support for reform during Primo’s visit to Italy, he believed he could win Primo’s favor.

As long as either Primo or Serrano supported him, Carlo didn’t think he would lose to his brother Amedeo in this competition for the throne.

After all, in the three years Amedeo historically served as king of Spain, he never displayed any particular talent, nor did he possess much ambition or grand aspirations.

Chapter 17: A Conversation Between Father and Son

In the end, Carlo did get to meet Primo.

This leader of the Spanish revolutionary army, who hailed from a family of military officers and had been tempered by many wars, now appeared every bit a gentleman, exceptionally friendly and approachable.

At the welcome banquet held for Primo by his father, Vittorio Emanuele II, Carlo not only met Primo but also had a very brief yet pleasant conversation with him.

“Your Highness Carlo, is the Italian newspaper The Sun your enterprise?” The moment Primo saw Carlo, he asked with a look of great interest.

“Yes, Marquis Primo.” Carlo nodded, not at all surprised by Primo’s question.

The Sun and the content it published were crucial tools for Carlo to create more advantages for himself.

It would have been strange if he had failed to capture Primo’s attention.

“I have read the articles in The Sun. The editor-in-chief is clearly a man of great ideas. I heard you’ve also reached a collaboration with General Garibaldi?” Primo asked with a curious smile.

“Yes, Marquis Primo. General Garibaldi was a great hero in the unification of Italy. It is an honor for The Sun to collaborate with him.” Carlo also smiled and nodded, maintaining the most basic etiquette.

Garibaldi was Primo’s first test for Carlo. After all, Garibaldi had once sided with republicanism. If Carlo supported absolute monarchy, he surely wouldn’t have much fondness for such a republican figure.

The conversation ended as briefly as it had begun, so brief that even Carlo found it a bit unexpected.

If he weren’t certain there was nothing wrong with his answer, Carlo might have suspected he had made a slip-up, causing Primo to decide against supporting him.

As for Primo, after his brief interactions with the two Italian princes, he decided to proceed with his next step: to personally investigate and understand them.

Both Amedeo and Carlo had lived in Italy for more than a decade, some for twenty years.

It was still possible to investigate their life experiences and their attitudes on certain matters, especially their views on Garibaldi and their thoughts on reform.

What Primo was actually most concerned about were the two princes’ desire for power and their support for reform.

To be frank, Primo did not want a king who would vie with him for power. Control over military and political affairs was a necessary condition for Primo to implement his reforms, and he would not permit a new king to contend with him for it right after taking the throne.

The need for reform went without saying. If the new king did not support reform, Primo would not support him.

This concerned Spain’s ability to achieve a renaissance in the future, and Primo would not allow any emotional factors beyond reason to influence his choice of king.

Even if he had a better impression of Carlo, he would absolutely not decide on the candidate for the Spanish throne before completing his assessment of both princes.

Watching Primo speak with his two sons in turn, yet barely exchanging a few words with his own Crown Prince, Umberto, Vittorio Emanuele II instantly understood Primo’s true intentions.

It turned out Primo had not come to Spain to inspect a particular prince, but to assess both of his sons and choose one to become the King of Spain.

Theoretically, this was a good thing for the House of Savoy, which was currently confined to Italy.

If they could establish a branch of the House of Savoy in Spain, the family’s status among the royal families of Europe would be further elevated, which was also a good thing for Vittorio Emanuele II himself.

But as a father, Vittorio Emanuele II was not particularly eager to see either of his children go to Spain.

Spain was too chaotic at present; without sufficient ability, it would not be easy to stabilize.

More importantly, although Spain was only separated from Italy by the Mediterranean, in an age of inconvenient transportation, the sea was like a great chasm.

Although Madrid was just over one thousand kilometers from Rome, a round trip required at least a week’s time. A single journey, whether from Rome to Madrid or from Madrid to Rome, would consume at least half a month of one’s time.

And for Vittorio Emanuele II and the son who was to become King of Spain, they might not be able to find many half-month periods of free time in a year.

Having finally understood all this, Vittorio Emanuele II decided to have a talk with his two sons.

The first he sought out was his youngest son, Carlo, who had just graduated from the Military Academy of Turin and been awarded the rank of Captain in the Royal Italian Army.

Carlo had long anticipated Vittorio Emanuele II’s visit and appeared quite calm.

Looking at his son, who was gradually growing up, Vittorio Emanuele II felt as if he were seeing his own ambitious younger self.

“Carlo, you’ve been preparing for this for a while, haven’t you?” Vittorio Emanuele II didn’t know how to begin and only spoke after a moment of silence.

“When I founded The Sun, I intended for it to be a means of promotion, waiting for an opportunity just like the one in Spain.

“I am not content with being just a Duke of the kingdom. But as you know, it’s impossible for me to become the King of Italy, isn’t it?” Carlo didn’t know how to explain, so he tried to express his ambition in a more tactful way.

Vittorio Emanuele II nodded. Although Carlo was currently third in the line of succession to the Italian throne, that was only because Crown Prince Umberto and Prince Amedeo had not yet had children.

Once their descendants were born, Carlo’s place in the line of succession would drop even further. This meant that being third in line was likely the closest he would ever get to the Italian throne. It was practically impossible for Carlo to become the King of Italy.

Vittorio Emanuele II naturally understood this. In fact, he was not against Carlo or Amedeo becoming the King of Spain.

But Vittorio Emanuele II was getting old, and the thought of his son possibly going to a distant land filled the old king with a sense of reluctance.

But reluctance was one thing; Vittorio Emanuele II knew he shouldn’t stand in his son’s way.

“I understand, Carlo.” After a long silence, Vittorio Emanuele II finally nodded. Looking at his son, who was now taller than him, he patted Carlo on the head and said with a trace of reluctance, “I will not interfere in the competition between you and Amedeo. No matter which of you becomes the King of Spain, I will offer my support.

“Even if, after becoming the King of Spain, you find that being a proper king is not so easy and you wish to give up, Italy will always welcome you back.

“My boy, I am your father. I could never oppose you. I also hope you understand that whether you are the King of Spain or a Duke of Italy, the bond of blood between me, you, Umberto, and Amedeo will never change. The glory of Savoy will always be with us!”

Chapter 18: Victorious

Primo’s inspection soon came to an end, and he informed Vittorio Emanuele II of his final choice for king.

Yes, Carlo had emerged victorious in the competition against Amedeo and was about to become the new king of Spain.

The reasons for Carlo’s victory were, in fact, largely due to his support for reform and Garibaldi’s praise for him.

Juan Prim Prats once lamented while drawing up the list of candidates for the Spanish throne, “Trying to find a king in Spain who supports democracy is like looking for an atheist in heaven.”

Although a constitutional monarchy was nominally established during Isabella’s reign, Queen Isabella still wielded a great deal of power, and the kingdom’s government was rather ignorant and feudal.

Primo had grown weary of such strong absolutism. In his search for a new king for Spain, he had repeatedly mentioned the necessity of reform and democratization.

The king could hold power, but he absolutely could not monopolize it.

In this regard, Carlo, who had had contact with the once pro-republican Garibaldi, clearly had an advantage.

Amedeo had no major flaws; he even had the advantage of age. If Spain were in a stable state, Amedeo would undoubtedly be the deserving choice for king.

But Spain was now riddled with problems, and Amedeo was powerless to change its current situation. To carry out deep reforms in Spain, the monarch and his minister had to be of one mind, working together to advance comprehensive changes.

In this respect, Carlo had a greater advantage than Amedeo. Even if Carlo’s support for reform was not as firm as imagined, Primo could still force reforms through by monopolizing military and political power.

After all, a nineteen-year-old king was easier to control than a twenty-five-year-old one, which was crucial for Spain’s reforms.

Then there was Garibaldi’s assessment of Carlo.

In his investigation of Carlo and Amedeo, Primo discovered that Carlo’s relationship with Garibaldi was much closer than he had imagined.

Not only had Garibaldi published several articles in Italy’s The Sun, but his second son, Ricciotti, was also one of Carlo’s officers of the royal guard.

Allowing his son to be close to Carlo meant that in Garibaldi’s heart, Carlo was at least not the kind of arrogant prince who was oblivious to the situation.

Combining this with the prior influence of The Sun on Spain, it was almost certain that Carlo had long anticipated the selection of a new king for Spain and had been preparing in advance.

Primo himself wanted to collaborate with a clever king. If possible, achieving a close relationship like the one between King Wilhelm I of Prussia and his Prime Minister Bismarck was not out of the question.

Decades ago, Prussia had also been a country arbitrarily invaded and humiliated by France. But after decades of various reforms, Prussia had leaped to become one of the most powerful nations on the European continent, and its war with France was a key focus of Primo’s attention.

Primo did not expect a reformed Spain to become as powerful as Prussia. For him, the hope was to see Spain achieve a revival and reclaim its throne as a first-rate European power and one of the great powers.

On this point, Primo was quite confident. If he could welcome a monarch who supported his reforms, perhaps Spain’s revival would not be a dream, but a reality he could see in twenty years.

Carlo’s feelings were complicated.

Although winning this competition was what Carlo had been hoping for, upon suddenly learning that he was to become the King of Spain, he felt a little nervous and hesitant.

No joke, trying to revive Spain in 1869 was undoubtedly the most difficult task among the great European powers.

Spain’s starting situation was a disaster. Internally, Republicans, Reformists, Conservatives, and Carlists were constantly creating trouble for each other, resulting in endless chaos.

Externally, Britain and France would not allow Spain to become too powerful. The first to stand in the way of Spain’s revival would be Britain and France.

This was definitely a hell-mode start, with a difficulty level no less than Poland trying to counterattack Germany at the beginning of World War II.

After adjusting his mindset slightly, Carlo decided to go to Spain, and his resolve was firm.

Since he had transmigrated to this world, how could he justify this opportunity if he didn’t give it a bold shot?

Besides, Britain and France weren’t absolutely invincible, and the Spanish mainland was at least still quite safe.

Neither Britain nor France would allow the other to occupy Spanish territory; at most, they would only hinder the expansion of the Spanish navy and its colonies.

In any case, Spain wasn’t the only one that needed colonies right now, and it certainly wouldn’t be the one to take the lead in opposing Britain and France.

For the first five or even ten years of Carlo’s rule in Spain, the most important thing would be to resolve Spain’s internal conflicts and implement reforms to increase its overall national strength.

After the competition ended, Carlo met with his older brother, Amedeo.

Putting the competition aside, Carlo and Amedeo’s relationship was still decent. While not as close as Carlo’s relationship with the late Prince Oddone, they weren’t just brothers on the surface.

Amedeo congratulated Carlo with a smile on becoming the King of Spain. Although there was a hint of regret, there was not much resentment.

Of course, Carlo would not take the initiative to make an enemy of his brother. During the crucial phase of reform in Spain, Italy would be an important ally.

Whether his old father was in charge or Crown Prince Umberto inherited the throne in the future, Carlo wanted to maintain good relations with Italy.

After all, Italy was a fallback. If Spain was truly a lost cause, at worst he could flee back to Italy and be a carefree Duke, just like the historical Amedeo.

Carlo’s eldest brother, Crown Prince Umberto, also came to congratulate him.

Crown Prince Umberto was the heir to the Italian throne and therefore did not participate in this competition. Because he had been designated the Crown Prince since birth, Umberto was on friendly terms with his younger brothers.

In his father’s office, Carlo saw the old king, who seemed reluctant to let him go.

“My son, I never thought you would win against Amedeo. But no matter what, I must congratulate you on becoming the King of Spain.” Vittorio Emanuele II looked at Carlo with a complicated expression, a mix of surprise and reluctance on his face.

“Have you met with Primo? When do you plan to go to Spain?” After offering his congratulations, Vittorio Emanuele II immediately fired off two questions.

“Not yet, Father. If possible, I’d like to go to Spain sooner rather than later, to understand everything about it as early as possible.” Carlo shook his head and replied.

Chapter 19: Preparations Before Departure

It seemed Vittorio Emanuele II had anticipated Carlo’s response. He sighed, but still nodded in resignation, saying, “Alright, my boy. I can only wish you the best. May God bless you, my child.”

“Father, I’m going to Spain. Aren’t you going to give me any funds?” Carlo suddenly asked, looking like he was there to collect a debt.

“Haha, of course, my boy.” Carlo’s interjection successfully lightened Vittorio Emanuele II’s sentimental mood. The old king laughed and said, “But I must remind you, the king’s funds cannot be mixed with the government’s finances. No matter how short of money the government is, you can only provide them funds in the form of a loan. Do you understand?”

This was, in fact, a lesson learned through blood. It would be a different matter in an absolute monarchy, where a king holding great power could withdraw funds from the national treasury at will, and only the government would be at a disadvantage.

But Spain was a constitutional monarchy. If the king’s private coffers were not kept separate from the government’s treasury, the king would be the one to lose out.

Moreover, it was a situation easily exploited. One could easily be framed for misappropriating government funds and earn the enmity of the Spanish people.

This was why Vittorio Emanuele II was reminding Carlo: the king’s private coffers and the government’s treasury must be kept strictly separate. Even for a loan, the specific interest and repayment terms had to be written down.

Carlo nodded. He understood these things. Many of his plans required a great deal of capital, and he couldn’t possibly mix his own private coffers with the state treasury.

After a moment of silence, Vittorio Emanuele II looked at his youngest son and said, “Although Italy’s finances are not prosperous, the House of Savoy still has some capital.

I will give you thirty million lira, plus some servants to take care of your daily life. My boy, if you find that being the King of Spain is not the life you want, Italy will always welcome you back.”

Carlo was quite surprised by the extent of Vittorio Emanuele II’s support.

Thirty million lira was equivalent to one point two million pounds. Though the number might not seem huge, in the age of dreadnoughts, it was enough to build a dreadnought-class capital ship.

Even in Britain, currently the most powerful nation, a skilled worker’s weekly wage was only nine shillings and six pence—and that was for an adult male worker. The wages for women or children would be even lower. (1 pound = 20 shillings, 1 shilling = 12 pence)

One point two million pounds was equivalent to the income earned by over fifty thousand British workers toiling for a full year, which was a testament to the immense size of this sum.

Even for the Italian royal family, their annual income after all expenses was only three hundred to four hundred thousand pounds, and at most would not exceed five hundred thousand pounds.

This meant that Vittorio Emanuele II was giving Carlo nearly three years of the royal family’s income, ensuring that Carlo would have sufficient funds in Spain to carry out his plans.

Although he hadn’t experienced a close father-son bond with Vittorio Emanuele II since childhood, Carlo was still moved by his father’s genuine sincerity.

This strengthened Carlo’s resolve: he absolutely could not let the Italian royal family perish along with Mussolini. Whether it was Vittorio Emanuele II or Crown Prince Umberto, as long as the House of Savoy controlled Italy, Carlo’s Spain would never take the initiative to become Italy’s enemy.

A few days later, Carlo saw Primo again.

Although less than ten days had passed between their two meetings, the conversation between them had become much more intimate and friendly.

Looking at the candidate for king he had personally chosen, Primo expressed his respect and support, “Your Highness Carlo, on behalf of the Prime Minister of Spain, I invite you to inherit the Spanish throne and become the king of all Spaniards.”

“It is my honor, Marquis Primo.” Carlo nodded with a smile, feeling not the slightest bit of shame about this throne he had won through legitimate competition.

“I look forward to working with you, Marquis Primo,” Carlo continued. “As I said before, I will support your reforms unconditionally and will not be a hindrance to them.”

Hearing Carlo’s straightforward expression of support for the reforms, a great weight was finally lifted from Primo’s heart, and he became very relaxed and cheerful.

“It is also my honor to serve you, Your Highness,” Primo said very seriously, giving Carlo a standard Spanish aristocratic bow.

Primo had no objection to serving a monarch he approved of. Although his loyalty was pledged to all of Spain, he would also be loyal to Carlo as long as Carlo sat on the Spanish throne and did not show any signs of being a foolish monarch.

“Now that the matter of the throne is settled, I shall be returning to Spain in a few days. Your Highness, I hope you can come to Madrid within a month. We will prepare a grand coronation ceremony for you,” Primo said, a smile appearing on his face.

“That won’t be necessary, Marquis Primo.” Carlo shook his head, declining Primo’s proposal.

Seeing Primo’s somewhat surprised expression, Carlo explained with a smile, “Give me a few days to prepare, and I will travel to Spain with you.”

Although both the Spanish throne issue and the Franco-Prussian War had occurred more than a year ahead of schedule, Carlo was still worried that some accident might happen.

If Primo were to be assassinated upon his return to Spain, Carlo would face the same situation as Amedeo upon arriving in Madrid: having no one to rely on.

Although the subordinates Carlo had chosen for himself, including Garibaldi’s second son Ricciotti, were already quite capable, they couldn’t be placed in high positions from the very beginning.

There were only two people Carlo could rely on in Spain: Primo and Serrano, who held power in both the Spanish government and the military.

Of the two, Primo was the most important. He was not only a key figure in the Reformist faction, but his abilities also surpassed Serrano’s.

In Carlo’s plan, Primo would serve as the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Spain until his health failed or Spain’s reforms were complete.

Serrano, compared to Primo, was actually more suited to be the pillar of stability for the military. With his background as an officer, Serrano’s prestige in the army was more than sufficient; having him lead Spain’s military was the best choice.

For the first few years of Carlo’s reign, power would still be in the hands of Primo and Serrano. This period would also be a time for Carlo’s own chosen prime ministers-in-waiting to slowly gain experience and build their reputations.

Only after he was certain that one of them could take over the positions held by Primo and Serrano would Carlo consider letting these two pillars of stability retire.

Chapter 20: Arrival in Madrid

On August 17, 1869, Carlo, along with his three confidants—Ricciotti, Carmine Esposito, and Andrea Rosso—and an entourage personally selected by his father, Vittorio Emanuele II, consisting of dozens of servants, chefs, tailors, and physicians, as well as a court guard of about five hundred men, boarded a steamship bound for Spain in a grand procession.

Carlo was quite satisfied with the court guard his father had given him. At Carlo’s strong insistence, most of the soldiers in this unit were veterans of the Italian Wars of Unification, with a good number having served under Garibaldi.

The combat effectiveness of these soldiers was guaranteed. Furthermore, with Garibaldi’s second son, Ricciotti, as their commander, there was no need to worry about their loyalty.

Moreover, the families of these soldiers would also accompany Carlo to Spain, which served as another means to ensure their allegiance.

Simply put, from now on, these soldiers would be under Carlo’s exclusive command. In return for their absolute loyalty, Carlo would be responsible for providing their military funding, weapons, and equipment.

With this foundation of five hundred men, it would be much more convenient for Carlo to expand his personal guard in the future. After all, when building an army, not only must the commanding officer be carefully selected, but a core of lower-ranking officers with real combat experience is also necessary to accelerate the army’s formation and shape the soul of an elite force.

Aboard the largest steamship in the fleet, Carmine Esposito and Andrea Rosso gazed at the vast Mediterranean with unconcealed excitement, their hearts pounding.

When they first learned that Carlo was an Italian prince, they had been thrilled. They had initially thought him to be merely the son of a nobleman, never imagining his status was so much higher than they had presumed.

Then, just a few days ago, when Carlo told them he was about to travel to Spain to be crowned king, their shock was unparalleled.

This led to both of them expressing their enthusiastic agreement when Carlo invited them to Spain.

After all, as commoners, their promotion prospects in Italy were limited, and rising through the ranks would be very difficult.

There was no shortage of outstanding graduates like them, and Italy didn’t offer a great deal of room for them to prove themselves.

But going to Spain was a completely different story. Carlo did not have many capable men under him, so they would be his most trusted confidants and would naturally be given ample opportunities to develop.

Although they would start as deputy commanders of Carlo’s court guard, he had promised that this unit would soon be expanded to the size of a brigade.

Both Carmine Esposito and Andrea Rosso would be able to serve as regimental commanders in the expanded guard. This was a far better prospect than what awaited them in Italy, where their junior officer ranks would have limited them to commanding at the company level.

At this point, both men were utterly devoted to Carlo, and both had persuaded their families to follow them to Spain.

The two of them, one stout and one slim, were no fools. They knew they had to do something to express their loyalty to earn Carlo’s trust and be given significant responsibilities.

Carlo, of course, saw their dedication. If the two proved their capabilities, he wouldn’t mind nurturing them into key figures who could hold their own in the Spanish army.

If their abilities were merely average, they would be made a prime example of his generosity—a means to attract greater talent—and would be appointed to important positions in the Ministry of Defense or the General Staff.

After several days at sea, the fleet finally approached Barcelona in the Catalonia region.

The port of Barcelona was teeming with people. Crowds had gathered all around, seemingly to welcome Carlo’s arrival.

“Your Highness, Regent Serrano is already waiting for you at the port,” Primo said with a smile, stepping forward as he noticed Carlo’s slightly puzzled expression.

Hearing Primo’s words, Carlo immediately understood that Serrano had arranged the crowds in advance to ensure his arrival in Spain was not an awkward affair.

If Carlo had arrived in Spain to find no one there to welcome him, or if the populace had been indifferent, it would have been embarrassing not just for Carlo, but also for the government that had chosen him as king.

Carlo nodded, the smile on his face unwavering. “Where is Mr. Serrano?”

Following Primo’s directions, Carlo and his party, escorted by the guard, slowly disembarked and made their way toward where the Spanish government officials were gathered.

The moment Carlo set foot on the pier, an orchestra that had been waiting began to play Spain’s national anthem, the “Royal March.”

The choice of music was excellent. It not only demonstrated the importance of welcoming the new king but also emphasized Spain’s monarchical system, giving Carlo a great deal of respect.

“Your Highness!” The members of the Spanish government bowed to Carlo in greeting.

Because Carlo had not yet sworn an oath to the constitution and been crowned King of Spain, his official title was still Duke of Italy.

However, the oath-taking could be done at any time, unlike the coronation ceremony, so no one was remiss in their courtesy toward him.

Primo and Serrano smiled as they introduced the officials of the Spanish government to Carlo, who then entered Barcelona amid the warm welcome of the crowd.

This was just a resting place. After a short break, Carlo and the officials would embark on the journey to Madrid.

The good news was that although Spain’s railway network was not extensive, it still had nearly five thousand kilometers of track. As a major city on the east coast, Barcelona naturally had a railway line connecting it to Madrid.

The bad news, however, was that trains in this era were extremely slow, and the travel experience was far inferior to that of later times.

For Carlo, the journey from Barcelona to Madrid would likely be even more grueling than the several days he had spent tossing on the Mediterranean.

But the good news was that once he reached Madrid, Carlo would be residing in the magnificent Royal Palace of Madrid.

It was said to be the third-largest royal palace in Europe, a lavish residence surpassed only by the Palace of Versailles and Schönbrunn Palace. This in itself reflected the opulence of the Spanish Bourbon dynasty; at least when it came to the royal family’s lifestyle, successive Bourbon kings of Spain had never been stingy.

On August 23, 1869, Carlo finally arrived in Madrid. Primo, too, returned to the political heart of Spain after being away for many days.

Although Carlo was eager to explore the Madrid of 1869, he was too exhausted after days of arduous travel to think about anything else.

The accompanying officials and soldiers all felt the same way.

On his first day in Madrid, Carlo simply took his confidants and servants to the Royal Palace and had a good, long sleep in the freshly prepared king’s bedchamber.

Chapter 21: Cabinet Selections

Early the next morning, under the watchful eyes of Spain’s officials, Carlo held the Spanish constitution and declared his coronation as the King of Spain, to be known as King Carlo I of Spain.

Afterward, Primo led the government officials in swearing allegiance to Carlo, formally establishing the framework of the Kingdom of Spain.

According to the current Spanish constitution, the Congress of Deputies, the Senate, and the Kingdom’s government formed a triumvirate of power, representing the legislative, judicial, and executive authorities, respectively.

As for Carlo, in his role as the King of Spain, he nominally possessed the power to appoint and dismiss the Prime Minister and high-ranking officials, to convene or dissolve the parliament, to mobilize the army, to enact or repeal laws, and to be informed of state affairs and call Cabinet meetings.

In reality, however, the only powers Carlo could currently exercise were to be informed of state affairs and call Cabinet meetings.

These two could be seen as one and the same: Carlo could use Cabinet meetings to understand Spain’s current situation and policy developments, and that was all.

Although Carlo could also offer his opinions, it was uncertain whether the Cabinet, led by Primo, would listen.

However, this situation was not absolute. The King of Spain still held significant power in name. Once Carlo built up enough prestige and won the trust of the people and some officials, he could use the authority he possessed to influence the government and enact the policies or laws he desired.

Until he had sufficient prestige and status, Carlo could comfortably be a king without much real power. At least the responsibility would not fall on his shoulders.

Carlo’s coronation ceremony was scheduled for November, about two and a half months later.

This arrangement had its advantages. The Spanish government would have enough time to prepare for the coronation ceremony, and foreign guests would have ample time to travel to Spain.

Of course, Spain was, after all, a second-rate European power. The king’s coronation ceremony would not necessarily attract the attention of the great powers, with the exception of neighboring countries like Italy and France.

However, considering that Prussia and France were still at war, it was highly unlikely that these two nations would send representatives to attend.

A little later, in a conference room at the Royal Palace of Madrid.

“Prime Minister Primo, is the list of Cabinet members ready?” Carlo asked with a smile, seated at the head of the table, as Primo arrived, looking travel-worn.

“It is ready, Your Majesty.” Primo nodded and respectfully handed over a list.

“Now that Your Majesty has sworn an oath under the constitution and been crowned, it is no longer appropriate for Mr. Serrano to continue as Regent. Your Majesty, what arrangements do you have in mind for Mr. Serrano?” Primo inquired.

Serrano had become Regent entirely because the Spanish throne was vacant at the time, which necessitated such a position.

Now that Carlo had arrived in Spain and been crowned, for a Regent to remain would be disrespectful to him.

Historically, Serrano became the Prime Minister of Spain after Amedeo’s coronation, but that was because Primo had been assassinated.

Now, with Primo still alive and well, the position of Prime Minister was naturally not suitable for Serrano.

Considering there were no other suitable positions for Serrano in the Cabinet besides Minister of Defense, the answer to this question was clear from the start.

“Let Duke Serrano serve as the Minister of Defense,” Carlo said. “He will also serve concurrently as the Commander-in-Chief of the Army. I feel at ease entrusting the military to a general like Duke Serrano.”

Serrano’s own resume was quite impressive. He had joined the army at twelve, participated in over a dozen wars of varying scales, was awarded the rank of Marshal at the age of forty-six, and had been ennobled as the Duke de la Torre for his merit in conquering the Dominican Republic.

So many achievements, both large and small, were not something a mediocre person could obtain. In some ways, this proved that Serrano himself possessed excellent military command abilities.

Hearing Carlo say this, Primo also nodded in agreement.

Although this was currently the only suitable position for Serrano in the government, Primo had not directly written Serrano’s name in the slot for Minister of Defense, but had symbolically asked for Carlo’s opinion instead.

After all, Carlo was now the King of Spain, so at the very least, he had to be shown due respect on the surface.

Carlo understood this point and was quite pleased with Primo’s outward show of respect. This also indicated that Primo himself was not opposed to the monarchy; like Serrano, he was opposed to monarchs who lacked ability yet sought to monopolize power.

After signing the list of Cabinet appointments for the Spanish government, Carlo looked back at Primo and asked the question that concerned him most: “Prime Minister Primo, when can the next Cabinet meeting be held?”

“Following the schedule of one Cabinet meeting per week, the next one should be in three days, Your Majesty,” Primo replied.

Primo was not concerned about Carlo’s desire to attend the Cabinet meeting; after all, it was his right. But if Carlo, having just arrived in Spain, wanted to express his own opinions in the meeting, Primo would simply pretend not to hear them.

After all, no matter how talented a person is, they must first understand the situation in Spain, mustn’t they? What use to Spain are opinions offered without any understanding of the circumstances?

“I want to attend the Cabinet meeting in three days, Prime Minister Primo.” Hearing that the meeting was so soon, Carlo got straight to the point. “I hope to see detailed information about Spain during this time, to understand the exact state of our nation.

Rest assured, I will not interfere with Spain’s policies until I have a sufficient understanding. Prime Minister Primo, you can begin your preparations for reform. I will support you unconditionally, and I will state my position at the meeting.”

Primo nodded. With Carlo’s declaration of unconditional support for reform, he was no longer concerned about any potential suggestions Carlo might make at the Cabinet meeting.

After all, suggestions were merely suggestions; it was up to Primo himself whether to listen.

Carlo’s firm stance in support of reform, however, could genuinely help Primo, which would be very beneficial for improving Spain’s current situation.

Ironically, Primo and Serrano, the very men who had overthrown Queen Isabella II of Spain, could both be classified as members of the royalist faction.

Although Primo’s loyalty to Spain was greater than his loyalty to the king, as long as the king did not harm Spain’s interests, Primo would remain loyal to the king as well.

Even if only for the sake of Spanish unity, Primo would not sideline the king. Because only if Carlo’s prestige and status grew would the various regions of Spain submit to the king’s rule and follow the government’s administration.

If the regions were unwilling to submit to the king’s rule, Spain would fall into greater chaos, and the regions would seek autonomy or even independence, which would be fatal for Spain.

This was another reason why Primo supported the monarchy. The current loose republicanism could not save Spain; on the contrary, it would push the country into the abyss of fragmentation and regional autonomy.

Only a unified and highly centralized royal government could help Spain escape the abyss of fragmentation and autonomy and reforge a united and powerful Kingdom of Spain.

Chapter 22: The Four Elements of Reform

Carlo knew Spain was quite backward at this time, but he had never imagined that its development in various aspects could be lagging this far behind.

As of the beginning of this year, Spain’s estimated population was sixteen million six hundred thousand. Why such a round number? Because the Spanish government at this time was simply incapable of conducting a detailed census; this figure was merely a rough estimate based on birth and death registrations from various regions.

Critically, Spain’s illiteracy rate was over seventy percent. This meant that out of a population of sixteen million six hundred thousand, at least eleven million six hundred thousand people were illiterate.

The abysmal level of education, combined with the chaotic situation in recent years, had resulted in Spain’s annual per capita income being the lowest in Western Europe—only 87 pesetas, which was a little over three pounds.

Although the lower classes in all European countries had a hard life during this era, with exploitation by factory owners and oppression by capitalists being commonplace, an annual income of a little over three pounds was clearly an extremely unhealthy level. The UK’s annual per capita income exceeded nine pounds, while other European countries maintained a level of six to seven pounds or more.

The average Spaniard earned only half, or even a third, of the income of citizens in other countries. This was the very reason the people had rebelled against Queen Isabella—the Spanish people truly could not go on living.

Looking at such data, Carlo couldn’t help but feel a massive headache coming on.

Carlo had originally thought that Italy’s situation was already quite poor, but he never expected it to be nothing in comparison to Spain’s.

Except for the illiteracy rate, where Italy and Spain were on par, Italy could crush Spain in every other aspect.

Right now, Carlo had only one thought: to push forward Primo’s reforms as quickly as possible and first improve Spain’s dire situation.

Never mind achieving a revival, the very continued existence of the kingdom was a problem. Although Queen Isabella had been driven away, she had left Carlo an exceptionally terrible Spain.

Faced with a Spain that was practically rotten to the core, this was a situation that couldn’t be saved by simply focusing on development.

A few days later, at a Cabinet meeting, Carlo sat at the head of the table, quietly waiting for Primo’s proposal for reform.

Primo was thoroughly prepared for this reform. The Cabinet government he had nominated consisted almost entirely of Reformists. The only two who were not, Serrano and Carlo, had both previously expressed their support for the reforms.

Furthermore, Primo had been preparing for the reforms ever since he became Prime Minister. He combined Spain’s current situation with extensive study of successful foreign reforms, finally formulating a comprehensive reform plan for Spain.

He handed the plan to Carlo, speaking with great solemnity and gravity, “Your Majesty, this is the Spanish reform plan that I and dozens of officials have compiled after extensive investigation and research.

The following is the initial phase of the plan. Please review it.”

The initial plan for the reform was actually quite simple, comprising only four categories: agricultural, educational, industrial, and military reform.

“Prime Minister Primo, please elaborate on your reform plan.” Although he supported the reforms in his heart, that didn’t stop Carlo from wanting to hear Primo’s complete plan.

Primo nodded, stood up, and addressed all the Cabinet officials, “Our initial reform has only four aspects: agriculture, industry, education, and military.

In agriculture, I plan to push for the reduction and exemption of agricultural taxes to increase the income of the rural population. At the same time, we’ll promote the export of grain to ensure that the agricultural population has a sufficient market for their produce.

In industry, I believe we should restore Spain’s industrial construction in a short period, invest in new factories, and build our own industrial zones.

Building factories will provide more jobs, which will also help us further increase our per capita income.

As for educational reform, I plan to build more literacy classes to reduce our illiterate population. However, this requires a huge financial investment, so it is the third priority of the reform.

Finally, there is military reform. I hope to expand our army to around one hundred thousand soldiers and equip our troops with more cannons.

An adequate number of artillery pieces has already proven its effectiveness on the battlefield. It is necessary to enhance the combat power of our army, whether for defending against foreign enemies or for stabilizing order within Spain.”

Hearing Primo’s reform plan, before Carlo had a chance to express any opinion, the Minister of War, Serrano, who was sitting beside him, could no longer hold back.

Serrano stood up, looked at Primo in disbelief, and asked in astonishment, “Prime Minister Primo, do you not know how many pesetas are in the state treasury?

Every one of your reforms will require tens of millions of pesetas, and our government has no money. With all due respect, if we cannot secure enough pesetas before implementing these reforms, they are doomed to fail.”

“Don’t we still have a great deal of land?” Primo looked at Serrano, who had raised the objection, a calm smile on his face.

For a monarchy, the biggest landowner in the country was undoubtedly the monarch themselves. Queen Isabella had been a profligate and greedy monarch, so it was no surprise that the Bourbon dynasty owned the most farmland in Spain.

After Queen Isabella was driven out, all the farmland that had belonged to the Bourbon dynasty was confiscated by the Spanish Provisional Government, and this land was the foundation upon which Primo intended to carry out his reforms.

Although this land once belonged to the king, it certainly would not pass to Carlo with the inheritance of the throne.

Carlo naturally understood this. Besides, he had no desire to be a landlord, and he certainly wasn’t going to tarnish his reputation over this land.

On the contrary, if Carlo supported using this land to secure sufficient funds for the government, it could instead become a positive talking point to promote him.

Seeing that Carlo had no designs on the land, Primo finally breathed a sigh of relief and explained to Carlo and Serrano, “The House of Bourbon possesses vast amounts of land, enough to provide sufficient funding for our reforms.

I plan to divide this land into three parts. One part will be distributed to the Spanish peasants for free, so that they have enough farmland to grow food.

Another part will be sold to capitalists and farm owners to accumulate enough funds for our reforms.

The remaining part will be nationalized and can be leased to peasants at a low price for cultivation.”

“I support your idea, Prime Minister Primo.” Carlo nodded, having no objection to the proposal of dividing the land into three parts.

“And I have another proposal for raising funds for the reforms. Why don’t we try issuing government bonds?”

Chapter 23: The Agricultural Tax Reduction Act

“Your Majesty, forgive my frankness, but our people simply don’t have the money to buy our government bonds.” Hearing Carlo’s proposal, Primo remarked with a wry smile.

“No, Mr. Prime Minister, our government bonds are not intended for the common people.” Carlo shook his head and explained with a smile, “We can issue bonds like ‘education bonds,’ using interest rates higher than the banks to attract capitalists and factory owners to buy them.

We don’t need to set the issue size too high. Perhaps ten million pesetas would be enough for our initial educational needs.

These bonds will be used one hundred percent for educational reform. This will not only reduce the number of illiterates in our country but also benefit those factories that require a workforce with some basic knowledge.

Once our first batch of bonds is repaid on time, it will become much easier to issue such bonds in the future. At least for us now, this is a more reliable method than borrowing and will also saddle the government with less interest.”

Capitalists are all profit-driven. If the interest on government bonds is higher than the banks’, it will certainly attract some of them to buy.

Issuing specific, special-purpose bonds exclusively for reforms like education would also put the minds of those purchasing capitalists at ease.

After all, one thing capitalists worried about was what the government would do with the funds. Investing in a sector like education was certainly much better than the government and nobility squandering it. At least the capitalists wouldn’t have to worry about the government lacking sufficient funds to repay the bonds in the future.

“It’s worth a try.” After long consideration, Primo finally nodded and decided to give it a go.

The first batch of bonds didn’t need to be too large. It could be used to test whether this method could raise funds for the government.

It would be excellent if it succeeded in raising funds, but even if it didn’t, the government wouldn’t suffer a major loss.

Ultimately, after discussions within the Cabinet, it was unanimously decided to set the issue size of the first batch of education bonds at eight million pesetas, which was 307,000 pounds.

Although this sum wasn’t large, it could be used to establish a batch of literacy classes specifically designed to eradicate illiteracy. These classes didn’t even need a proper school structure; any old house with some tables, benches, and a few books would suffice to teach Spaniards basic elementary knowledge.

Once the news that the government was issuing education bonds spread, it immediately caused a sensation in Spain.

Many Spaniards were pleased to see the government’s efforts in education. At the very least, it proved that the current royal government valued commoners more than the one during Queen Isabella’s time.

Even the peasants were willing to see the country invest in education. Even if they themselves couldn’t enjoy the benefits of the reform, it didn’t mean their children couldn’t.

However, support was one thing, but few were actually willing to buy the education bonds.

Although the first issue was only for eight million pesetas, after two days, only two hundred thousand had been sold—not even ten thousand pounds.

Realizing this was a good opportunity, Carlo naturally wouldn’t let it pass. On the third day of the bond issue, Carlo publicly announced his subscription to three million pesetas worth of education bonds.

Three million pesetas in bonds wasn’t actually a large amount, only a little over one hundred thousand pounds, and less than half of the total issue.

But for the Spanish people, the act of Carlo, as king, proactively subscribing to the bonds held a different significance.

While it was impossible for them to support Carlo over such a small matter, many Spaniards’ perception of him improved, and they became willing to give him enough time to prove himself an excellent monarch.

At the very least, Carlo had shown a side of himself completely different from Queen Isabella, and the Spanish people had grown more patient with him.

After Carlo took the lead, the capitalists finally began to act more frequently.

It took about another week, but the majority of the eight million pesetas in bonds were finally sold, and the government had the initial funds to push forward with educational reform.

In mid-September 1869, literacy classes began sprouting up in Madrid like bamboo shoots after a spring rain. They operated on a voluntary enrollment and free-of-charge basis.

Any citizen of Spain could enroll in the literacy classes. Books and tuition were free, but they were required to attend at least one class per week.

The literacy classes also took into account the actual circumstances of many ordinary people. In 1869 Spain, there were no specified working hours.

In other words, when dealing with unscrupulous capitalists and factory owners, Spaniards’ workdays were never less than twelve hours and could even be as long as thirteen or fourteen hours.

Forget about weekends; it was difficult even to take a day off for sickness, as capitalists were unwilling to let an employee’s absence reduce factory output and ultimately affect the speed at which they made money.

As for work-related injuries and the like, they were unheard of in this era. Never mind being injured at one’s post; even if someone died at their post, there wouldn’t be a single cent of compensation.

The wide array of benefits and welfare policies of later generations were all won by the workers and laborers of the world through a long process of oppression and resistance.

The literacy campaign, as part of the educational reform, was proceeding with great fanfare and had a significant impact on Spain.

After all, it was a free literacy campaign, so the Spaniards’ willingness to participate was quite strong. Moreover, Carlo had a little trick up his sleeve regarding the classes: Spain’s literacy classes would only use Spanish, not the various regional languages like Catalan.

The purpose of this was to reduce the sense of division between Spain’s various regions and the nation as a whole. The assimilation of a people should begin with language; in Spain, one must speak Spanish. This was very important.

The good news was that modern Spain had been integrated for several hundred years, and the majority of the populace was not opposed to a unified Spain.

At present, the separatists and nationalists in the various regions were still a minority and did not pose a major threat to Spanish unity.

While the literacy campaign was underway, Primo also initiated agricultural reforms.

Although the Spanish government’s fiscal revenue was not high, this did not stop Primo from lowering the agricultural tax.

On September 27, 1869, while the literacy campaign was still the talk of the town among Spaniards, the Spanish Cabinet had already submitted a new “Agricultural Tax Reduction Act” to the Congress of Deputies in a new session.

This act caused an even greater sensation in Spain than the literacy campaign, because the vast majority of Spain’s population was agricultural, and a tax cut would be of tangible benefit to them.

Unsurprisingly, the Congress of Deputies passed the act with a unanimous vote of over seventy percent, and the Cabinet announced that the tax cuts would begin in 1870 to concretely increase the income of the agricultural population.

Chapter 24: Suppressing the Cuban Rebellion

With the promulgation of two decrees—free literacy education and agricultural tax cuts—the Spanish people were surprised to find that the king above them was perhaps not so objectionable after all.

At least during Queen Isabella’s reign, the government would never have proposed agricultural tax cuts on its own initiative, let alone establish free literacy education.

But for Carlo, this was only one problem solved.

As early as the Spanish revolution, the colony of Cuba had seized the opportunity to launch a war of independence, occupying several cities, convening a so–called constitutional convention, and even electing a president.

This was unacceptable to Spain, as Cuba was its most valuable colony and one of the few that actually generated a positive income.

Losing the Cuban colony would not only mean a significant drop in the Spanish government’s annual revenue, but it would also be a blow to the prestige of Carlo, the new king, and his new Cabinet.

Now that the government of the Kingdom of Spain was gradually getting back on track, it was time to deal with the restless Cuban colony and generate more income for the Spanish government.

The Cuban rebel forces were not numerous at this time, nor did they possess advanced weaponry. For the Spanish government, aside from the challenge of long-distance warfare across the Atlantic, there were no other major obstacles to overcome.

And so, the first relatively large-scale war of Carlo’s reign was officially launched.

Minister of War Serrano led an army of 5,500 soldiers in a vast procession to Cuba to suppress the rebellion, with orders to eliminate the Cuban insurgents as thoroughly as possible.

This counter-insurgency war, though not particularly large in scale, was also an opportunity for Carlo. Carmine Esposito and Andrea Rosso would both be joining the campaign as low-ranking officers.

Carlo’s hope was that they would establish some military merit during this campaign, which would make it easier for him to promote and appoint them later.

The more capable Ricciotti, however, was kept in Madrid by Carlo to command the 500-strong Court Guard. It couldn’t be helped; Carlo’s safety was a greater priority, and he needed a trusted subordinate to be responsible for the security of the royal palace.

Carlo trusted Serrano’s military capabilities. More importantly, Serrano had served as the Governor-General of Cuba for three years, from 1859 to 1862, and was quite familiar with the situation there.

Sending him to suppress the rebellion in Cuba was the most suitable choice, and the one most likely to resolve the Cuban problem in a short time and prevent any further rebellions there for the foreseeable future.

As for matters in the more distant future, they were not part of Carlo’s current considerations.

Because from Carlo’s perspective, Spain’s colonies, scattered across the globe, were more of a burden than an asset.

Cuba was an entire Atlantic Ocean away from Spain, but separated from the United States by only the Florida Straits.

The United States, having won its Civil War, already possessed the potential to become a world hegemon, and its comprehensive national power was steadily increasing.

For Spain, having its most valuable colony right on America’s doorstep meant that it was destined to lose Cuba.

Rather than let that happen, it would be better to proactively abandon Cuba at an opportune moment in exchange for other, less valuable colonies that Spain could firmly control.

The same was true for the Philippines. In Carlo’s future plans for Spain, both Cuba and the Philippines were to be relinquished. The foundation of Spain’s colonial empire would be in Africa.

However, precisely because Cuba was one of the few colonies that brought in a net profit for Spain, it would be very difficult to get the public to agree to its loss.

At least, until Carlo had enough prestige to withstand such a loss, or until a good opportunity arose, Spain would not engage in any exchange of colonies.

On September 22, 1869, Carlo saw Serrano off in Madrid as he departed for the Cuban expedition. He personally promised all the Spanish soldiers that upon their triumphant return to Madrid, he would hold a victory banquet for them and grant land and titles to those who performed deeds of great merit.

The prospect of being ennobled for military merit was a powerful attraction for the soldiers, as it was one of the most effective ways for commoners to climb the social ladder.

Serrano and Primo themselves were representative figures who had earned their titles through military service. While the Spanish soldiers might not harbor ambitions as grand as becoming a Duke or a Marquis, they certainly aimed to win as much land and money as they could.

Carlo had just returned to the royal palace after seeing off Serrano when he was informed by a guard that Prime Minister Primo sought an audience.

Since Carlo had fulfilled his promises and firmly supported the reforms, Primo’s attitude toward him had become very respectful. He was now willing to cultivate a laudable relationship of monarch and minister with Carlo.

This was good news for Carlo. As things stood, Primo would often consult Carlo’s opinion and was willing to let Carlo make the final decision on some matters.

Although Primo was not like Garibaldi, who had no ambition for power and status whatsoever, he was not a man who ruled autocratically either.

Carlo was happy with this cooperative relationship. His plan was to ride Primo’s coattails to gain some prestige from the reforms, then slowly cultivate his own loyalists within the government and the army, preparing to take over the country after Primo’s time.

“Your Majesty, this is the proposal for industrial construction. I request your approval.” The moment he saw Carlo, Primo handed him a prepared industrial plan and got straight to the point.

“Are we to begin industrial construction now? Prime Minister Primo, if my memory serves me right, our government doesn’t seem to have that much money for industrial development.” Carlo was somewhat surprised by the pace of Primo’s reforms.

The education and agricultural reforms have been underway for less than a month. Why are we rushing to start on industrial construction so soon?

For Spain, whose government was currently in dire need of funds, launching so many projects at once was not a good thing. Carlo could understand Primo’s eagerness to achieve results, but if the mere pursuit of speed pushed the Spanish government to the brink of bankruptcy, the gains would not be worth the losses.

“The first phase of industrial construction is estimated to require fifty-five million pesetas. I plan to issue approximately twenty-five million pesetas in industrial government bonds in stages. The remaining thirty million can be obtained by borrowing from foreign capitalists.

“As long as we can push forward with industrial development, our economic situation will improve in the coming years, and Spain’s dire circumstances can be completely turned around,” Primo explained.

Queen Isabella’s government was only concerned with its own enjoyment and neglected national development, causing all aspects of Spain’s progress to stagnate for a long time, and even regress in some areas.

The only good news was that the previous, development-averse government had not borrowed heavily from abroad, meaning the current Spanish government could still secure some start-up capital for its projects by taking on debt.

Chapter 25: Italian Laborers

Upon hearing Primo’s explanation of the financial preparations for industrial development, Carlo nodded and asked, “When do we plan to begin industrial construction? What direction will our initial development goals take?”

“I plan to establish a small industrial base in Seville, Andalusia, and increase our steel production.

“After we have increased our steel output, we will invest in railway construction. We expect to increase our railway mileage to over 6,000 kilometers within the next five years, connecting all regions of Spain, from east to west, north to south,” Primo replied.

Though it might seem like just building railways, the boost to industry was enormous.

The steel rails required for the railways would necessitate steel mills working around the clock to increase their output, which in turn would stimulate the development of a series of subsidiary industries.

Spain possessed considerable reserves of coal and iron ore in Andalusia, which was also quite convenient for industrial development.

Although most of Spain’s coal mines produced lower-quality coal, it was still adequate for initial industrial production.

After all, the total steel production of all nations in this era was not large, not yet reaching the exaggerated levels of millions of tons seen in later times.

The British Empire was currently the most industrially powerful, but even the British only produced around 300,000 tons of steel. The scale had not yet become that outrageous.

However, Spain’s steel production was even smaller. Because industrial development had been neglected during Queen Isabella’s previous reign, Spain’s annual steel output to date was only in the thousands of tons—a pitiful 2,000 tons.

Although this was partly because Spain lacked high-quality iron and coal reserves, for a second-rate European nation with a population of over sixteen million, such an industrial level was far too pathetic.

“Once our steel mills are in mass production, we hope to increase our steel output to over ten thousand tons within five years. At the very least, our steel production must meet the needs of domestic industrial construction. A Spain without industry is incomplete,” Primo said.

Building 1,000 kilometers of railway per year might seem slow, but for a Spain with such paltry steel production, it was no easy feat.

In the nearly thirty years from 1840 to 1869, Spain had only managed to build 5,000 kilometers of railway, a construction speed that already lagged far behind countries like Britain, France, Germany, and the United States.

Spain’s interior was mountainous, making it essential to build railways to better strengthen the connections between regions.

This would not only enhance the kingdom’s government control over various regions but also accelerate the flow of people and economic exchange between them.

“I approve your plan, Prime Minister Primo.” After hearing Primo’s complete explanation, Carlo nodded and approved the Prime Minister’s plan without the slightest hesitation.

Clearly, this industrial plan was crucial for Spain. Although the investment was not massive, it was a good start for Spain’s industrial development.

“Your Majesty, there is a matter that perhaps only you can accomplish.” After Carlo approved the industrial plan, Primo first smiled and nodded, then quickly made another request.

“Oh? What is it?” Carlo asked with curiosity.

“Whether it’s building industrial bases or laying railways, we need a large number of laborers. But as you know, Your Majesty, the black laborers we purchased from Africa are not very docile, and they represent a source of instability for Spain.

“Compared to these lowly black laborers, I believe importing white laborers from abroad is a more suitable choice. When I visited Italy before, I noticed that a large number of their agricultural population chooses to emigrate overseas.

“If possible, could we establish contact with the Italian government to import a portion of Italian immigrants and laborers?

“Doing so would not only solve our labor shortage but also accelerate our industrial construction. I believe it is well worth a try,” Primo proposed.

To construct industrial bases and lay railways, a large labor force had to be prepared.

This was difficult for Spain to achieve. Although Spain had a large peasant population, these peasants were scattered across the vast Spanish territory and owned their own land. It was unlikely they would cross half of Spain for a laborer’s meager income.

But the peasants in Italy were different. They could barely survive in Italy, which was why they were choosing to emigrate.

If that was the case, why not seize the opportunity to attract some Italian immigrants to Spain and simultaneously fill the country’s labor gap?

It was worth noting that most of Italy’s agricultural population was in Southern Italy, a region that until recently had been under the rule of the autocratic Kingdom of the Two Sicilies.

These peasants had endured long periods of absolute monarchical rule and were far more manageable than the black laborers and the republicans.

This was one of the reasons Primo had set his sights on Italian laborers. Diligent workers who didn’t cause trouble were welcome anywhere.

Hearing Primo say this, Carlo was somewhat surprised.

Importing Italian laborers was already part of Carlo’s plan, and it would also be beneficial to his rule.

After all, Carlo was born into the Italian royal family. These Italians coming to Spain would certainly not oppose his rule, and compared to the native Spaniards, the Italians would feel a closer affinity to Carlo.

Carlo would certainly not oppose a request that was so completely to his advantage.

“For the development of Spain, I am of course willing to do this,” Carlo said with a smile. “If the government is ready, then our industrial construction can begin immediately.

“I will handle the matter of the laborers. I hope our industrial construction proceeds as smoothly as anticipated.”

Primo nodded and said with great respect, “As you command, Your Majesty.”

In the end, Carlo still had too few people at his disposal.

The only ones he could use right now were Ricciotti and Loren. Ricciotti needed to command the Court Guard, which left only Loren available to travel to Italy and negotiate the labor issue.

Fortunately, this was not a major affair. Italy was not short of a few thousand or even ten thousand laborers. Coupled with the good father-son relationship between Carlo and Vittorio Emanuele II, signing an agreement to import labor from Italy would not be a problem.

As expected, Loren’s entire trip took little more than ten days, and he returned to Carlo with a “Labor Importation Agreement.”

Carlo’s demands were not high. Importing a few thousand to ten thousand laborers from Italy each year for the first few years would be enough to meet Spain’s development needs.

Once Spain’s construction had achieved some results and the people’s standard of living and income steadily rose, it would naturally attract people from other parts of Europe who could not make a living in their homelands to immigrate to Spain.

Chapter 26: Major Expansion of Royal Enterprises

While reforms and construction were in full swing in Spain, Carlo was already deploying his own media empire.

As early as his time in Italy, Carlo had Loren acquire newspapers in Spain, though only on a very small scale.

Now that he had become the King of Spain, it was time to expand his newspaper business in the country and establish a highly influential press organization like The Sun in Italy.

The idea behind the name of the Italian The Sun was quite good. Furthermore, due to its previous extensive promotion of the monarchy, The Sun had already gained some popularity in Spain. Therefore, Carlo naturally decided to use the same name.

In October 1869, the Spanish edition of The Sun was officially established in Madrid, becoming Carlo’s first major enterprise in Spain.

The development potential around Madrid was not much different from that of northern Italy. Carlo’s expectation for the new Spanish The Sun was for it to become a major newspaper with a daily circulation of twenty thousand copies within two years.

In addition to the Spanish The Sun, which was meant to build his reputation, Carlo also had Loren secretly acquire over a dozen smaller newspapers to expand the number of publications in his media empire.

These newspapers were scattered throughout various regions of Spain, allowing them to influence a greater number of Spanish households.

Besides his media strategy, Carlo also formally began a major expansion of the royal family’s assets.

To realize his plans in a Spain beset by internal troubles and external threats, sufficient funding was indispensable.

Although the newspapers could earn a little money, it was merely a drop in the bucket for the exorbitant expenses of the royal palace.

The former lands and most of the property of the Bourbon dynasty had been confiscated by the government. Apart from taking over the Royal Palace of Madrid and a few other castles and manors, Carlo had not received many of the valuable industries and lands.

Currently, the income from Carlo’s assets could barely cover the palace’s expenses, and this was without him having formed a Royal Guard.

Whether for the establishment of the Royal Guard or for more ambitious reforms and expansion in the future, investing in more industries was essential.

For the first step in expanding the royal assets, Carlo set his sights on the food and wine industries.

The food industry was self-explanatory. It provided essential goods required for human life, a consumable that would basically never lack a market.

The status of wine in the Western world also needs no explanation. As an alcoholic beverage sought after by the upper class and also indispensable to the lower classes, wine faced no shortage of demand in Europe. The banquets of the nobility alone could consume vast quantities.

In later times, Spain would become the world’s third-largest wine-producing region, naturally well-suited for the development of the wine industry. The wine produced by Carlo’s winery would essentially have no trouble finding a market; after all, a king’s private winery inherently possessed more prestige than ordinary ones.

In mid-October 1869, United Foods was officially founded in Madrid. Carlo acquired a flour mill in the city and planned to expand it into a food processing plant.

What would it produce?

Carlo already had a plan in mind: something akin to the fast food of later generations.

It wouldn’t be very complicated, just two large slices of bread with some meat paste and jam in between, with the main selling point being its good value.

On this point, food industry professionals of later eras had already paved the way. Carlo knew many methods to reduce food costs while making the products appear substantial and taste good.

As for the food safety issues that everyone would talk about in the future, they were not a concern in this era.

Of course, as king, Carlo couldn’t completely disregard the lives and safety of the Spanish people. All products under the United Foods brand would at least be guaranteed to be free of lethal toxins; at worst, poor food quality might cause a bout of diarrhea.

A low-priced food item containing both meat and vegetables would surely be popular in Spain, where incomes were not high.

Carlo could also use the opportunity of opening the food factory to set a benchmark for Spanish enterprises. When all the workers in Spain came to envy the welfare system of the royal enterprise’s employees, that would be the time to enact Spanish labor laws.

Although labor laws would win the favor of the workers, they would mean confronting the major capitalists and factory owners.

Without absolute certainty or massive support from the workers, Carlo did not intend to push for the enactment of labor laws in the early stages.

After all, those major capitalists were also among the supporters of the monarchy. Confronting them before he had consolidated his own power would be tantamount to digging his own grave.

And so, the United Foods factory was quietly established. It would still be some time before it officially began production, and Carlo had no intention of promoting his food factory extensively before it generated a positive reception.

Compared to the food factory, Carlo’s promotional efforts for his winery were much greater.

Fortunately, several of Queen Isabella’s wineries had been well-preserved and had not been distributed to the peasants as land.

After all, what made a winery truly valuable were the cultivated grapevines; the land itself was not as valuable as one might imagine.

It was also because Carlo had voluntarily renounced those other lands that Primo ultimately decided to hand over the few wineries left by Queen Isabella to him, at least to ensure the royal family had some source of income.

This greatly convenienced Carlo. After all, starting a winery from scratch would require not only a significant investment of time but also a large amount of capital.

Just cultivating one’s own grapevines would take a long time, and purchasing mature vine saplings would also require a substantial financial outlay.

Now, with several established wineries and vineyards at his disposal, Carlo only needed to rebrand them and create his own private wine label.

For his wine enterprise, Carlo planned to split it into two parts.

The first wine company would be named the ‘Royal Winery’. The wines it sold would be marketed as ‘Royal Purveyor’ and ‘Reserve’ collections, focusing on the mid-to-high-end market and targeting wealthy capitalists and nobles.

The second company would not have ‘Royal’ in its name. It would be called ‘Iberian Estates’, and the wine it produced would focus on value for money, targeting ordinary Spaniards with less disposable income.

Through this two-pronged approach targeting both the high-end and low-end markets, Carlo could ensure his wine industry would rapidly capture a significant share of the Spanish market.

Relying on the Spanish market, Carlo would be in a flexible position. He could also seize the opportunity to capture a larger share of the European wine market, thereby quickly achieving profitability for his wine enterprise.

The earning potential of the wine industry was much stronger than that of the newspapers. If he could capture a substantial portion of the Spanish market, he could ensure that when it came time to form his Royal Guard, he wouldn’t be unable to even afford their equipment.

Chapter 27: The Coronation Ceremony

The end of November 1869 soon arrived, which was when the Spanish government had scheduled the coronation ceremony for King Carlo I.

Primo placed great importance on this coronation ceremony, inviting the great powers of Europe—including Britain, France, Prussia, Russia, Italy, and Austria—as well as old European monarchies like Portugal, the Netherlands, and Belgium.

However, each nation’s attitude toward the Spanish king’s coronation differed, and the status of the envoys they sent varied starkly.

The ones who took it most seriously were undoubtedly Italy and Portugal.

Italy’s reasons were easy to understand. Carlo was born into the Italian royal family, and he was the son of King Vittorio Emanuele II of Italy. It was only natural that they would attach great importance to the event.

As for Portugal, firstly, Carlo’s sister, Princess Maria Pia, was married to King Luís I of Portugal, establishing a familial tie between the two nations.

Secondly, as the only two countries on the Iberian Peninsula, Spain posed a significant threat to Portugal.

The Portuguese government hoped to use this ceremony to gauge the new Spanish king’s attitude toward Portugal and make preparations accordingly.

Although most European countries were invited, the overall scale of the coronation ceremony was not large. After all, the Spanish government didn’t have much money to invest in it.

It wasn’t that Primo didn’t value Carlo’s coronation. But the current Spanish government was simultaneously funding the suppression of rebellions in the colonies while also undertaking various reforms, making it truly difficult to allocate a large sum for a coronation ceremony.

Carlo, for his part, didn’t care about the scale of his coronation. What mattered most was winning the approval of the Spanish people; a grander ceremony might have even been a bad thing.

Through agricultural tax cuts and free literacy education, Carlo had already built up a certain amount of prestige in the hearts of the Spanish people.

At the very least, the Spanish people supported this coronation. Many of them attended, making the scene look exceptionally lively.

Under the expectant gazes of the crowd, a well-trained Royal Guard escorted several carriages, emblazoned with the coat of arms of the Spanish House of Savoy, as they slowly approached the parliament building.

Inside a carriage, a solemnly seated Carlo was dressed in magnificent attire. Beside him was his palace steward, Loren, who was reminding him of the coronation’s procedures.

“Your Majesty, please remember to keep smiling.” The second before Carlo stepped out of the carriage, Loren didn’t forget to remind him one last time.

Carlo nodded. The moment he stepped out of the carriage, the surrounding Spanish onlookers burst into thunderous cheers.

Of course, the ones leading the cheers had undoubtedly been arranged by the government beforehand. At such a momentous occasion, it was impossible not to have a few people placed to stir up the crowd’s emotions.

With a smile on his face, Carlo waved to the cheering crowd in a very approachable manner, showing none of the airs of a king.

It was only then that the Spanish people got a clear look at their king—a handsome young man with a bearing completely different from Queen Isabella’s.

“This is what our king should be like.” This thought couldn’t help but arise in the minds of many Spaniards.

For those Spaniards who still supported the monarchy, their greatest desire was for Spain to have a wise and powerful monarch, one who would ideally also care about the plight of the common people.

Judging by Carlo’s actions so far, although he was still a long way from being a wise and powerful monarch, he had indeed shown an attitude toward the common folk that was different from Queen Isabella’s.

In truth, one had to admit that getting by on good looks was useful in any era.

Not only did Carlo possess a handsome face, but he was also over one meter eighty tall and had a relatively strong build.

Coupled with his noble status as king and an air of immense wealth, he quickly won the favor of many Spanish girls.

If a media organization were to hold a poll for the most popular man in Spain right now, Carlo would definitely be on the list, and it wouldn’t be difficult for him to rank first.

Maintaining his gentle smile, Carlo waved to the crowd as he slowly walked into the parliament building.

Behind him, part of his guard remained around the carriages, while the other part stood guard around the parliament building.

At the entrance to the parliament, Prime Minister Primo had long been waiting in anticipation. After giving Carlo a standard Spanish noble’s bow, Primo led him inside the building.

In the main hall of the parliament on the first floor, the Spanish nobles, members of parliament, a few invited foreign guests, and some religious figures had already been waiting for a long time.

The one to crown Carlo was Pedro, the Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain.

It was a time-honored European tradition for a bishop to crown a king, something that was almost taken for granted before Napoleon.

And the status of the bishop who crowned the monarch also seemed to subtly determine the legitimacy of the crowned monarch.

Therefore, whether for the sake of his own legitimacy in the eyes of the people or to reassure Spain’s complex and powerful religious factions, Carlo needed an archbishop of sufficient status to crown him.

In fact, the best choice would have been Pope Pius IX. But the Pope had just been driven out of Rome by the Italian government, his territory reduced from the vast Papal States to the tiny Vatican. How could he possibly be willing to crown Carlo, who was also from the House of Savoy?

Although he could have used force to threaten Pius IX into coming to Madrid to crown him, it could have backfired and caused discontent among the Catholic Spanish populace.

It was better to have the Primate Archbishop of Spain perform the coronation; after all, the Archbishop of Toledo’s status in Spain was more than sufficient.

“Your Majesty. Are you willing to devote your life to Spain?” Archbishop Pedro asked with a solemn expression, holding the crown of the Spanish king.

“I am.”

Archbishop Pedro nodded and said with great solemnity, “In the name of God, I bestow upon you the crown of Spain. May you be merciful to your subjects and loyal to your country.”

After a long and elaborate coronation ceremony, Archbishop Pedro of Toledo finally placed the crown representing the Spanish throne on Carlo’s head under the watchful eyes of all present.

Wearing the Spanish crown and holding the scepter symbolizing royal authority, Carlo’s gaze swept over the Spanish nobles and members of parliament, his heart swelling with pride and ambition.

“We greet Your Majesty the King.”

At his side, Primo saw the moment was right and took the lead, performing a noble’s bow to Carlo.

“Your Majesty the King!”

As one, the Spanish members of parliament and nobles, including Archbishop Pedro of Toledo, all bowed their heads to the new King of Spain.

Chapter 28: The Royal Military Academy of Madrid

Having completed his coronation, Carlo now had a major headache.

If Spain was to achieve its revival, it needed a large number of talented individuals to strive for the expansion of its various industries.

But for a Spain with an illiteracy rate as high as seventy percent, talent was the scarcest resource, especially high-caliber talent nurtured in formal universities and colleges.

Historically speaking, Spain had a very long history of establishing universities.

The earliest, the University of Salamanca, was founded in 1218, giving it a history of 651 years. In addition, Spain had several other universities that were an admirable several centuries old, far better than those European nations that had few proper universities to speak of.

But that was also where the problem lay.

Despite possessing so many historic universities, Spain’s emphasis on cultivating university-level talent fell far short of great powers like Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Austria.

Previously, the Spanish government would rather waste its annual fiscal budget on trivial matters than invest in education to encourage more Spaniards to attend university.

The various institutions of higher learning could not obtain sufficient educational funding, and the cultivation of Spain’s high-caliber talent was, one might say, a complete mess.

This talent shortage was even affecting the military at every moment.

During Isabella’s previous reign, the high-ranking officers in the Spanish army were mostly controlled by the nobility, making it extremely difficult for a commoner to reach the army’s upper echelons.

Although the current army had been transformed from the revolutionary forces, temporarily eliminating this problem, the lack of a continuous supply of mid- and low-ranking officers remained a huge issue.

Moreover, Carlo understood in his heart that this point in time was one of significant military change. The line infantry tactics that had dominated Europe in the Napoleonic era had now become a tactic of lining up to be shot.

Although the French were superior to the Prussians in overall strength during the Franco-Prussian War, Napoleon III’s reliance on the large number of French line infantry, in emulation of his uncle Napoleon, doomed the French to a difficult fight.

Therefore, Carlo not only wanted to expand the scale of the Royal Military Academy, but also wanted to learn from the excellent military thought and systems of the Germans—the future world’s number one land army—to establish a more powerful land army and officer training system for Spain.

Of course, France had not yet completely weakened, and a Spain that fully emulated Prussia would likewise be a huge threat to the French.

For the current Spain, less trouble was naturally better than more. While the new military academy would learn from some of the Prussian army’s systems and ideas, it would also absorb some concepts from the French army, combining the strengths of both German and French land forces.

After Carlo proposed the idea of prioritizing university development to Primo, Primo readily agreed and stated that the Spanish government would prepare a larger budget for the education department in the new year.

Carlo seized the opportunity and acquired ownership of the Royal Military Academy from the government for three million pesetas.

Primo certainly understood the importance of the military academy. But for him at this moment, it was better to hand over ownership of the academy to Carlo and focus all his own energy on Spain’s reforms.

Although this might allow Carlo to use the officers trained by the military academy to extend his influence into the army, that would be a matter of years, or even more than a decade, down the line.

By then, Primo would be in his sixties, and whether he could continue to serve as Spain’s Prime Minister would be questionable.

Precisely because he was already fifty-five years old, his only wish now was to see Spain’s revival. Power struggles and the like were no longer important to Primo.

Having secured ownership of the Royal Military Academy, Carlo was in high spirits, and his attitude toward Primo changed from feigned compliance to genuine respect.

Regardless of Primo’s historical evaluation, in Carlo’s eyes, the current Primo was indeed a heroic figure like Garibaldi.

It was Italy’s honor that Garibaldi was born there, and it was Spain’s honor that Primo was born here.

The only difference was that Garibaldi was viewed with hostility by the Italian government and king due to his past association with the republicans. Primo, on the other hand, had earned Carlo’s trust and strong support because he backed the monarchy and endorsed Carlo as the king of Spain.

In his excellent mood, Carlo discussed the future development of Spain’s military academies at length with Primo, who came from a military family, and invited him to become the honorary vice-chancellor of the Royal Military Academy of Spain.

Carlo himself would serve as the honorary chancellor, ensuring all graduates of the military academy would understand exactly who had trained them to be officers.

Considering the Spanish army’s different needs for officers, the Royal Military Academy would be split into two parts.

The main campus of the Royal Military Academy would remain in Madrid, with the purpose of training outstanding junior officers for Spain. The student body of the main academy would come from two sources: one part would be civilian students willing to enroll in the military academy, and the other would be outstanding soldiers selected from the ranks of the Spanish army.

The other part of the split academy would be a new military academy established in Zaragoza, in the Aragon region, to be known in full as the Royal Military Academy, Zaragoza Branch.

The purpose of the Zaragoza Royal Military Academy was to train senior officers for Spain; it could also be called the cradle of Spanish generals.

These two military academies, with their different objectives, would continuously cultivate the army’s outstanding core leadership and junior officers for Spain, allowing the Spanish army to maintain excellent combat effectiveness and flexible operational thinking, and to become one of Europe’s first-rate armies.

While training Spanish officers, Carlo could also foster a higher degree of loyalty to himself among them.

After all, as the king of Spain, Carlo was the nominal commander and leader of the Spanish armed forces.

The very first lesson at the future Royal Military Academy of Madrid and the Zaragoza Royal Military Academy would be loyalty to the king and the country.

With these officers, who would be imbued with the ideals of loyalty to the monarch and patriotism, Carlo could exert greater influence over the future Spanish army.

If the ideology of loyalty to the monarch and patriotism was woven into the education of Spaniards from childhood to adulthood, it would create a perfect closed loop, increasing the loyalty of all Spaniards to the monarchy and to Carlo.

This was Carlo’s ultimate goal for Spanish education. Only through subtle influence and indoctrination from a young age could the Spanish people be made to accept the monarchy from the bottom of their hearts, and to feel an instinctive fanaticism and loyalty toward Carlo.

Having been educated at the Royal Military Academy of Turin, Carlo was very familiar with the procedures of a military academy.

After an investment of over one million pesetas into the Royal Military Academy of Madrid, the academy quickly expanded and began a large-scale recruitment drive from both within the Spanish army and among the civilian population, following a simple screening process.

Chapter 29: A Troubling Reform Plan

The news of the Royal Military Academy’s massive recruitment drive was eagerly reported by Carlo’s newspaper, The Sun, as well as other papers, becoming major news in and around Madrid.

Thanks to this level of publicity, more than a hundred people applied to the military academy in just a few days.

Although only sixty-odd were admitted after a rigorous selection process, it was still a considerable improvement compared to the academy’s previous state.

While actively recruiting new cadets, Carlo also ordered the Royal Military Academy to reform its system by studying the officer training programs of Prussia and France.

Spain’s old officer training system was ill-suited for the modern era. Did they want Spanish soldiers to learn outdated line infantry tactics just so they could line up to be shot?

The good news was that the recent Austro-Prussian and Franco-Prussian Wars provided excellent case studies for the Spanish military academy. The nations involved in these conflicts—Prussia, Austria, and France—were among the world’s most powerful land armies.

Speaking of the Franco-Prussian War, this conflict, which had broken out a year ahead of schedule, was clearly being fought more fiercely than in history.

In the original timeline, the Second French Empire lasted less than two months before Emperor Napoleon III formally surrendered to the Prussian army.

The France of this world was not faring much better. Although it held on for longer, the tide of the war was firmly controlled by the Prussian army.

The French army had a large number of line infantry regiments, a tactic that had lost its effectiveness as rifle ranges progressively increased.

And that was not the only problem plaguing the French military. They were ill-prepared before the war, and after hostilities began, Napoleon III was still dithering over whether to attack or defend.

Moreover, the French army did not typically maintain corps or division-level formations in peacetime. As a result, the corps and divisions hastily assembled for the war struggled to achieve proper coordination and combat effectiveness.

Facing a well-equipped and experienced Prussian army, fresh from the Austro-Prussian War, the French forces were clearly at a disadvantage from the very beginning.

The only remaining questions were when Prussia would end the war and whether a revolution would erupt within France after Napoleon III’s surrender.

This was the primary concern for Carlo and the Spanish government, as France’s situation could also impact Spain.

At Carlo’s suggestion and with Primo’s tacit approval, the Spanish government had also drawn up a plan for the development of universities.

The plan was to build at least five new universities in Spain within the next five years, bringing the total number of universities into the double digits.

Furthermore, most of these universities would focus on science and engineering programs, with mathematics, physics, and chemistry designated as priority subjects for Spanish higher education.

Literature, art, and other less critical disciplines would be consolidated into two or three universities. After all, Spain did not have a great need for so many arts graduates.

To encourage Spaniards to attend university, Carlo planned to establish a scholarship system for students.

This would not only allow more children from common families to enter university but also indebt them to the royal family’s benevolence. It would cultivate talent for Spain while simultaneously enhancing the royal family’s prestige—a win-win situation.

Amidst this flurry of activity, the year 1869 quickly drew to a close.

The year 1870 arrived right on schedule.

If 1869 was merely a trial run for Primo’s reforms, then 1870 was set to be the stage for his true reforms.

To make Spain stronger, Primo produced a “Comprehensive Reform Plan” at the end of 1869 that left Carlo stunned.

In this reform plan, Primo stressed the necessity of implementing compulsory primary education, following the Prussian model, and declared his intention to push for a nationwide literacy campaign in Spain.

Because the goal covered more than sixteen million Spaniards, Primo set the timeline for achieving nationwide literacy at five years.

Education was only the first step.

The second goal of Primo’s reforms was to effectively raise the income level of the Spanish people. While not aiming to surpass great powers like Britain, France, or Prussia, the goal was to exceed neighboring Portugal and reach a level not far behind Italy.

How was this to be achieved?

Primo proposed three plans.

First, to push for the implementation of Spanish labor laws to effectively protect the salaries and timely payment of Spanish workers and other corporate employees.

Second, to effectively increase the income of the agricultural population by reducing the agricultural tax and boosting grain production. Primo also suggested that the government establish a grain price regulatory body to ensure that grain purchasers could guarantee farmers’ incomes while also controlling grain prices in the Spanish market.

Third, to reduce the various miscellaneous taxes left over from Queen Isabella’s reign and simplify the tax items for the Spanish populace. To alleviate pressure on government finances, taxes on businesses and factories should be appropriately raised to achieve a balanced budget for the Spanish government.

Carlo felt a headache coming on just looking at these two goals.

While these goals were indeed aimed at reform and would effectively raise the income of the Spanish people, there was a problem.

The problem was that doing so would alienate the two most deeply entrenched powers in Spain: the religious forces and the great capitalists.

Most of education in Spain was currently in the hands of religious forces, namely the Spanish Catholic Church.

The reason for an illiteracy rate exceeding seventy percent was that the schools founded by the Church not only had exorbitant tuition fees but also very high entry barriers, making them inaccessible to the majority of ordinary people.

As for the great capitalists, it went without saying. The greed of the capitalists would drive them to endlessly exploit the Spanish people. Primo’s desire to protect the income of Spanish workers would inevitably offend the great capitalists behind the factory and business owners.

When Carlo added the republicans waiting to see the monarchy fail and the Carlists lurking in the shadows, his head felt ready to explode.

Who knew such a small country as Spain could be so full of troubles? It was no wonder Amedeo had only lasted three years in Spain before decisively fleeing back to Italy.

“Prime Minister Primo, isn’t your reform plan a bit too radical?” In the Royal Palace of Madrid, Carlo asked with a troubled expression, holding Primo’s plan.

“But Spain cannot wait any longer, Your Majesty,” Primo explained.

“This plan directly pushes the Church and the capitalists to the opposing side. Are you confident you can resolve these two problems?” Carlo asked, looking at Prime Minister Primo with a very serious expression.

If the troubles from the Church and the capitalists could be resolved, this reform would naturally be beneficial for Spain.

But if they could not be resolved, the hidden Carlists and the anti-monarchy republicans would seize the opportunity to stir up trouble, and Spain’s situation could become even worse than imagined.

Chapter 30: The Rougher the Waves, the More Expensive the Fish

Why were things in Spain always so terrible?

Carlo faced a very difficult choice, one that would very likely affect the future fate of both himself and the Kingdom of Spain.

If Primo’s comprehensive reforms were fully successful and he managed to deal with potential opposition from the Church and the capitalists, Spain’s comprehensive national strength would flourish, and it wouldn’t be impossible for it to reclaim its seat among the great powers.

But if this reform provoked opposition from the Church and the capitalists, allowing the Republicans and Carlists to seize the opportunity to launch a major rebellion, the situation Carlo would face would not be much better than Queen Isabella’s a year and a half ago.

Although Carlo still had the final fallback of returning to Italy, the Church and the capitalists he had offended would not necessarily be willing to let him go back.

Moreover, a disgraceful return to Italy would be a devastating blow to Carlo, who had only just acquired the Spanish throne with great difficulty.

Should he gamble? And how? This was the most vexing problem currently facing Carlo.

“We may face the Church, the capitalists, or the Carlists and Republicans. But Your Majesty, if our reforms are successfully implemented and win the support of the people, we will have the backing of sixteen million Spaniards. This is the foundation of my confidence in pushing for these reforms.

I plan to start reforming the army this year and equip it with more artillery. Our enemies will certainly not expect us to be so resolute in carrying out these reforms, even to the point of being willing to go to war with them.

As long as the people choose to stand with us, victory will be within our grasp.” Primo laid out his entire plan, trying to win Carlo’s support.

Regardless of Carlo’s status before becoming king, the moment he was crowned King of Spain, he possessed a certain degree of prestige and standing in the country.

Spain had a large population of peasants, the majority of whom supported the monarchy. If Carlo could support his comprehensive reforms, the probability of success would undoubtedly be much higher.

Of course, Primo also knew how difficult this reform would be and how powerful the enemies he would face were.

He was already prepared to fight alone. He would never give up, even for the slimmest hope of Spain’s revival.

“How is Minister Serrano faring in Cuba?” Carlo did not immediately agree to Primo’s plan, instead asking a seemingly unrelated question.

“Minister Serrano arrived in Cuba two and a half months ago and immediately began operations to clear out the rebel forces. If all goes well, we might hear news of Cuba’s recapture in a few more months,” Primo said with a smile.

Serrano was indeed one of the most influential figures in the Spanish army, and his military talents were certainly commendable.

More importantly, Serrano himself had served as the Governor-General of Cuba a few years prior and was quite familiar with the situation there.

Historically, Spain had been powerless to suppress the rebellion in Cuba during these years. It wasn’t until the reign of Alfonso XII that they regained control of the island, and at a great cost.

But by then, the Cuban independence movement had already gained significant momentum. That was why it took Spain a full ten years and seven hundred million pesetas to quell the rebellion.

That was a full twenty-seven million pounds sterling, enough to build ten capital ships in the era of dreadnoughts, let alone in the era preceding it.

Primo’s reforms so far had not cost nearly that much. If all the money spent on suppressing the rebellion in Cuba had been used for reforms in Spain, the nation’s comprehensive strength would have risen by at least a small notch.

“Very good, Prime Minister Primo.” Hearing that Cuba could be pacified within a few months put Carlo in a good mood.

After a moment of careful thought, Carlo said to Primo, “Prime Minister Primo, I support your reforms. But I also hope you will be prepared for a potential rebellion. We must eliminate any enemy that might stand in opposition to Spain’s reforms.”

“As you command, Your Majesty. Please rest assured, the Spanish army is ready to fight for Your Majesty and for Spain at any time. We will not fear any enemy who stands against Spain. Before pushing forward with the comprehensive reforms, I will approve a portion of funds to help the army purchase weapons, equipment, and cannons. If those Carlists and Republicans want to obstruct Spain’s reforms, then I will send them to see God and let Him reason with them.” Hearing that Carlo supported his reforms, Primo instantly stood up and gave Carlo a firm and solemn promise.

“Excellent, Prime Minister Primo. I am glad that Spain has ministers like you and Serrano. Once we have eliminated these enemies blocking Spain’s progress, I will personally reward you and hold a celebration in your honor!” Having received Primo’s assurance, Carlo nodded in satisfaction, painting a grand picture for him.

Carlo had decided to side with Primo in this high-stakes gamble for one simple reason: Primo’s main opponents, the major capitalists and the Republicans, would never side with him anyway.

To put it bluntly, Carlo and Primo were in a state where they would rise and fall together.

If Primo failed in his reforms and lost his power and position, it would be no good thing for Carlo either.

After all, Carlo had more or less been brought to power by Primo, and his initial standing had come from Primo’s support.

If they did not deal with these enemies blocking Spain’s path forward, how could Spain ever hope to achieve a revival?

If he just wanted to be a great noble enjoying life, Carlo could have done that in Italy. But if he wanted to realize the ambitions in his heart, to elevate Spain from a second-rate European power to a first-rate one, or even to the level of the great powers, he absolutely could not shrink back because of some domestic opposition.

So what if they were Carlists? Queen Isabella had been able to defeat them twice in a row. Carlo refused to believe that with the full support of Serrano and Primo, he could possibly lose to the Carlists, a group of rebels who had already failed multiple times.

As the saying goes, the rougher the waves, the more expensive the fish. Although pushing for comprehensive reforms in today’s Spain seemed highly risky, the rewards of success would be absolutely immense.

The support of the people and the increase in Spain’s comprehensive national strength were only part of it. Carlo could also seize the opportunity to solve the long-standing problems of the Church and the Carlists that had plagued Spain for years, and make the Spanish people grow weary of republicanism.

In this way, Spain’s internal problems would be more or less resolved. The various local independence movements, which had not yet gained traction, would also fade away as Spain’s national strength flourished.

With these thoughts, Carlo’s mood became exceptionally relaxed. Whether it was the Carlists or the Church, they were just posturing clowns who had lost their momentum.

If he didn’t even have the courage to defeat these forces, then he might as well give up on his ambitions now.

Chapter 31: Surging Undercurrents

Having received Carlo’s full support, Primo was filled with confidence. That very night, he stayed up late working to revise his reform plan.

Since the capitalists and the Church were destined to be enemies of the Spanish government, there was no need to consider their opinions during the reforms.

On January 3, 1870, the Spanish government requested additional military funding from the parliament, which was subsequently approved by both the parliament and Carlo.

At the time, Primo still controlled a majority of the seats in parliament, so this process was merely a formality.

After securing the additional military funds, Primo immediately dispatched a diplomatic team abroad to purchase weapons, equipment, and cannons.

In Primo’s plan, the Krupp cannons, which had been tested in the Austro-Prussian War and the Franco-Prussian War, were the Spanish army’s first choice.

However, considering that Prussia was currently at war with France, Primo had a backup plan: the Austro-Hungarian Empire or Italy.

Although the combat effectiveness of the Italian Army was not impressive, Italy did possess some research and development capabilities in weaponry.

If they couldn’t purchase the most advanced cannons from Krupp, buying a batch of substitutes from Italy would have to suffice.

On January 11, 1870, the Spanish newspaper The Sun published a story about a certain factory exploiting its workers for long hours and docking their pay.

Such reports were very common in Spanish society at the time and initially did not attract much public attention.

But immediately after, a large number of newspapers in Madrid also published similar stories, most of which concerned the same factory from the initial report.

Soon, the continuous stream of reports caught the attention of the citizens of Madrid.

The deeply affected workers also began to speak out, demanding that the government guarantee that all workers in Spain receive their wages on time.

After successfully capturing the public’s attention, on January 15, a member of the Congress of Deputies from a liberal party submitted a document titled ‘Draft of the Spanish Labor Law’ to parliament, demanding the enactment of legislation that would guarantee workers their due wages and treatment.

This document caused a huge stir, immediately sparking intense debate in parliament.

Of course, because Primo controlled the majority of seats in parliament, the ‘Draft of the Spanish Labor Law’ ultimately received a majority of affirmative votes.

On January 16, 1870, the Spanish government issued a document on the ‘Spanish Corporate Management Regulations,’ announcing initial controls on all businesses and factories in Spain in accordance with the labor law.

This decree was met with cheers from all workers and laborers around Madrid, as it signified that the government was taking their concerns seriously.

But for the factory owners and capitalists of Madrid, and indeed all of Spain, it was not such a wonderful development. According to the government’s new decree, they were required to pay their workers and laborers weekly, and anyone who delayed payment would be penalized by the Spanish government.

This was unprecedented in Spain. Although paying wages in full wouldn’t cause these businesses and factories to go bankrupt, for the capitalists, earning a little more was certainly better than earning a little less.

Wasn’t this government decree just taking money out of their own pockets? And giving it to those useless workers, no less.

Their path to profit obstructed, the capitalists were up in arms. They attempted to incite the workers to protest and demand that the government repeal the newly enacted decree.

But the workers were not fools. The government’s decree was clearly for their benefit, so why would they stand up and oppose the government that supported them?

Seeing that they could not incite the workers to protest, the capitalists finally began to panic. They gathered one after another, trying to find another way to salvage the situation.

January 18, inside a factory in Madrid.

“Daniel, what are we going to do? If we really have to pay wages every week as the government says, my factory will go bankrupt!” the factory owner, Gillen, said with a pained expression. He was sitting in his office next to his friend Daniel, who was also a factory owner.

“Don’t worry, my friend. It’s not just you and me who have to pay wages,” Daniel said with a smile, seeming not the least bit flustered.

“Damn it, do you have a good idea, Daniel? I don’t want to pay those damned workers every week. That’s my money, my money!” Gillen looked to his friend, who usually had plenty of clever tricks up his sleeve.

“I told you not to worry, my friend.” The smile on Daniel’s face did not fade one bit, and he looked confident. “Think about it. Are we the only ones who have to pay wages? No, it’s every factory owner in Spain. How many people is that? You don’t want to pay, and I don’t want to pay. Do you think they’re willing to pay for those workers? Just watch. If our King Carlo has forgotten who put him on the throne, we don’t mind changing the master of Spain.”

“Oh, damn it, is your solution rebellion?” Gillen froze for a moment, looking at Daniel in disbelief.

“And why not, my friend? We were able to make Isabel step down from the throne, so we can do the same to Carlo. Spain should be run by capital. We are the masters of this country, are we not?” Daniel nodded with a smile, completely unbothered by his friend’s astonished gaze.

“Damn it, you’re right.” The thought of having to pay those workers every week made Gillen’s previously rational mind turn completely frantic. He nodded in agreement with Daniel and said furiously, “Anyone who tries to take money from my wallet is my enemy, and that includes God!”

“That’s the spirit, my friend.” Daniel’s laughter grew louder. “Just watch. Primo and Carlo will both live to regret this because they’ve offended the true masters of this country.”

The storm was not only brewing in Madrid, but also in the Catalonia and Basque regions.

The Carlists, who had plagued Spain for decades, were hiding in the Catalonia region, ready at any moment to march on Madrid and claim the Spanish throne.

The current leader of the Carlists, the self-proclaimed King of Spain, “Carlos VII,” wore a smile, his expression tinged with impatience. “Thank God, I’ve finally gotten my chance. That damned Primo abandoned his support for the Bourbons. He and that false king Carlo should both be sent to the guillotine!”

“Your Majesty, the army in Catalonia is ready to march on Madrid for you at any time. There is only one king of Spain, and that is the great King Carlos VII of the House of Bourbon!” his subordinate chimed in at the opportune moment, fawning over “Carlos VII.”

Chapter 32: The Capitalists’ Unrest

“Very good.” Carlos VII nodded with considerable satisfaction, the eagerness in his eyes almost overflowing. “Now we just have to wait for those disgruntled factory owners to jump out themselves and deal a fatal blow to that fellow Primo, who shows no respect for the Bourbon dynasty.

Only the House of Bourbon is the master of Spain. The House of Savoy should stay in Italy; they are unworthy of meddling in Iberia.”

By now, the situation in Spain was crystal clear. Everyone believed that the money-obsessed capitalists would never give up without a fight. They would undoubtedly do anything to protect the wealth in their hands.

And indeed, that was the case.

The counterattack from the factory owners and capitalists came swiftly.

On January 19, 1870, the Madrid Workers’ Daily published an article denouncing the government.

The entire article avoided mentioning the labor law’s purpose of guaranteeing workers’ incomes. Instead, it condemned the government for blindly demanding that factories and enterprises bear additional expenses, regardless of their revenue.

At the end of the article, it even mentioned that if the government did not promptly repeal such a misguided decree, it could likely cause a large number of factories and businesses across Spain to go bankrupt. This, in turn, would lead to mass unemployment among workers, thereby affecting their incomes.

The report seemed plausible, but it fell apart under the slightest scrutiny.

The “additional expenses” for factories and enterprises mentioned in the article were, in fact, the wages they should have been paying their workers all along.

If paying workers their due wages would lead to the bankruptcy of factories and businesses, then what need was there for such factories and businesses to exist?

Before Carlo could even launch a counter-offensive with his own media, the capitalists made their second move.

On January 20, the widely popular Spanish newspaper, The Sun, was attacked.

The assailants first smashed the newspaper office’s windows with rocks and other hard objects, then climbed inside and damaged some of the printing equipment.

The capitalists’ fearlessness in the face of the government and the royal authority angered Carlo, and he resolved to exclude big capital from Spain’s ruling class.

On January 21, the Spanish government swiftly passed the “Spanish Labor Law” bill. It announced that the law would be strictly enforced effective immediately, requiring all factories and businesses in Spain to pay workers’ wages weekly or monthly. Those who defaulted would be fined ten times the amount, and in serious cases, their factories or businesses would be seized.

The moment this decree was announced, it sent shockwaves through the capitalist class.

The capitalists had assumed Primo and Carlo were about to back down, but to their surprise, they had chosen to stand firm against capitalism.

Desperate to protect their wallets, the capitalists banded together. They wanted to emulate Primo’s earlier success and ignite another revolution in the Kingdom of Spain.

On January 22, factory and business owners from the areas surrounding Madrid united, inciting a portion of the workers and radical Republicans to stage a large-scale protest on the streets of Madrid.

It had to be admitted that the capitalists’ brainwashing of the workers had been effective. After hearing from the newspapers that factories would collapse under the burden of additional expenses, some workers began to worry about losing their jobs.

Although the majority of workers were rational, a small number, driven by this fear, chose to stand with the capitalists.

As soon as the protest erupted, Primo ordered the army to suppress it while secretly deploying troops to maintain order in Madrid.

These capitalists’ goal was certainly not just a protest, and Primo’s attention could not be entirely consumed by these demonstrators.

For a military expert like Primo, the capitalists’ petty maneuvers could not escape his notice.

Sure enough, just as the protest was being suppressed, another, smaller procession, carrying all sorts of weapons and equipment, marched imposingly toward the Palace of Madrid and the parliament.

In the eyes of these capitalists, many of whom had participated in the previous Spanish revolution, revolution was still a very simple affair. All they needed to do was seize the Spanish Royal Palace and the government amidst the chaos, and the king and government officials would surrender without a fight.

They even believed they wouldn’t have to lift a finger; the palace guard and the Spanish army would proactively defect to their side.

When this grand procession approached the palace, they were utterly dumbfounded.

The palace was not in chaos as it had been during the last revolution, nor were they greeted by defecting Spanish troops.

Seeing the Court Guard in disciplined formation in the distance, many in the rioting crowd gulped, seeming to finally grasp the situation.

“By order of His Majesty, if you lay down your arms and surrender now, His Majesty will only prosecute the instigators of this rebellion. If anyone dares to take another step forward, it will be considered treason against His Majesty and Spain, and you will be executed on the spot!” The Captain of the Court Guard, Ricciotti, mounted on a black steed and holding an Italian-made lance, shouted at the rebel group not far ahead.

“Don’t be fooled by him! No one will forgive us, not even God. Our only choice is to storm the palace and make Spain a true republic. God will bless us!” Seeing the situation turn sour, the leader of the rebel group hurriedly tried to stir the crowd’s emotions to salvage their collapsing morale.

“The purpose of the labor law is to protect your interests. Those greedy factory owners will not go bankrupt simply from paying your wages. Wake up, my subjects! Look behind you! Those greedy capitalists are the enemy of all Spaniards!

In the name of God, and in the name of the King of Spain, I assure you that you will not lose your jobs, nor will you be held accountable for what has happened today.

You have been deceived, your eyes blinded by wicked capitalists. But now is not the time for repentance to God. We must unite to defeat all of Spain’s enemies—that insatiably greedy band of capitalists—and then we can speak of other matters.

Please, trust me. For the sake of Spain, lay down your arms.” Seeing the rebels’ morale waver, Carlo naturally seized the opportunity and called out to them.

Hearing Carlo’s appeal, many in the rebellious crowd were moved.

Few among them were die-hard loyalists fighting for the capitalists. The workers were worried about losing their jobs. If their employment could be guaranteed, why would they oppose the government and the king?

As for the radical Republicans, they certainly wouldn’t switch sides just because of a few words from Carlo.

However, this was a good thing for Carlo. Those who didn’t lay down their arms were, of course, better off sent to meet God immediately.

After a moment of careful consideration, many of the workers decided they were willing to trust their king. After all, the few actions this new king had taken since his ascension had all been beneficial to them. Wasn’t he more trustworthy than the capitalists who withheld their wages?

With this thought, many of the deceived workers began to lay down their weapons, and they involuntarily distanced themselves from the capitalists’ lackeys and the radical Republicans.

“Very good, my subjects. Those who have laid down their arms may come forward. I swear to God, you will remain subjects of Spain, and this matter will have nothing to do with you.” Seeing that many people across from him had laid down their weapons, Carlo nodded in satisfaction and spoke to the crowd with a smile.

Hearing Carlo’s words, the workers on the other side hurried toward the Court Guard. Some of the capitalists’ lackeys, seeing no chance of victory, also abandoned their weapons and surrendered to the Court Guard, pretending to be ordinary workers.

Chapter 33: The Carlist Rebellion

The rebellion instigated by the capitalists thus ended anticlimactically.

Although the entire affair was somewhat unexpected, upon reflection, it seemed only natural.

In fact, such events would occur frequently in later generations. A protest that appeared to be composed entirely of workers might not have been initiated voluntarily by them, but rather by factory owners who had colluded to oppress, brainwash, and threaten their employees.

This was because capitalists are a minority in any country, and they can only achieve their goals by relying on majority groups like workers and peasants.

But in the Spain of today, it was not so easy for capitalists to incite large numbers of workers and peasants.

Peasants were the staunchest supporters of autocracy and monarchy; this was true in any country. Their needs were simple: as long as they had enough to eat and did not go hungry, they would be satisfied with their lives.

The agricultural tax reduction policy enacted by Spain was the best way to win over the peasants. For a group that already supported the monarchy, they were naturally willing to obey the orders of Carlo and the Spanish government.

Compared to the peasants, factory workers were a more complex group. Worker protests were a key tool for capitalists to achieve their aims, so they naturally would not pass up the chance to oppress and brainwash the workers.

This was why a significant portion of the capitalist-led rebel forces were workers. Not everyone could see the national situation clearly, and not everyone could ignore the capitalists’ combination of sugar-coated bullets and intimidation.

However, a protest and rebellion of this scale no longer posed a threat to Carlo and the Spanish government. For Carlo, the greatest internal threat was not Spain’s fledgling capitalists, but the separatist movements in Catalonia and the Basque regions, as well as the Carlists who had gained the support of Catalan separatists.

Although this protest and rebellion were easily resolved, the troops under the Spanish government’s control remained stationed around Madrid, awaiting news from the Catalonia and Basque regions.

As far as Carlo was concerned, he was actually hoping the Carlists and those regional separatist factions would take this opportunity to stir up some trouble.

Only if they made the first move would Carlo have the chance to eliminate them once and for all.

Otherwise, allowing these opposition factions to develop quietly in the Catalonia and Basque regions would only continue to deepen the sense of division between the two regions and Spain.

This was also why, in later times, the Catalonia and Basque regions were constantly pushing for independence.

The Catalan parliament even held an independence referendum and, based on the results, declared independence from Spain. If the Spanish government had not deemed the regional referendum a violation of the Spanish constitution and suppressed it forcefully, the world map might have had one more country on it.

The Basque region was no different. Although they did not go as far as holding a referendum and declaring independence, the secessionist sentiment in the Basque region was even more radical than in Catalonia.

After the death of the Spanish dictator Franco, a terrorist organization called ETA even emerged in the Basque region, making multiple assassination attempts on the King of Spain.

If the issue of these two regions’ independence movements could not be resolved once and for all, Spain’s future was destined to be unstable. More opposition parties would also oppose the Spanish government by supporting Catalan and Basque independence.

The good news was that, at this time, the populations of Catalonia and the Basque region were not large enough to threaten Spain.

Spain’s population was about sixteen million six hundred thousand, with the majority being ethnic Spaniards. Catalonia’s population was only around one million three hundred thousand, and the Basque region’s was just over three hundred thousand.

The combined population of the two regions was only one million six hundred thousand, less than one-tenth of Spain’s total population. This was why Carlo was confident he could resolve their push for independence once and for all.

In the end, the Carlists did not disappoint Carlo.

On January 25, 1870, the self-proclaimed brilliant and ambitious “Carlos VII” decided to take the initiative while the Madrid government was still in chaos.

The Carlists used Barcelona’s newspapers to publish numerous articles claiming that Carlos VII was the legitimate king of Spain. They also stated that the policies enacted by the current Spanish government would severely damage Barcelona’s economy, setting it back at least twenty years.

In their news articles, the Carlists greatly exaggerated the harm the labor laws would cause to the factories and businesses in the Catalonia region, even claiming it would cause Spain to lose all its industries and factories, and that all the workers in Catalonia would lose their jobs.

Influenced by the widespread news coverage, many Catalans believed it to be true and expressed their willingness to join Carlos VII’s legitimate government and resist the rule of the Spanish government.

After organizing an army of tens of thousands in just a few days, Carlos VII gave a public speech in Barcelona, declaring that he would expel King Carlo and restore the rule of the Bourbon dynasty.

Amidst the chaos, a new Carlist War officially broke out.

Although the combatant had changed from Queen Isabella to Carlo, the Carlists’ objective remained the same: to place their leader, Carlos VII, on the Spanish throne.

Upon hearing news of the war’s outbreak, Carlo, in Madrid, actually breathed a sigh of relief.

When he heard that the Catalonia region had organized an army of tens of thousands, not only did Carlo not panic in the slightest, but his disdain for the so-called Carlos VII only grew.

Why?

Although Catalan independence had always been one of Spain’s biggest headaches, at least for now, most Catalans still identified with Spain.

More importantly, the current Prime Minister, Primo, was a Catalan himself. The last revolution had even been initiated by Prime Minister Primo in the Catalonia region.

The current Spanish army had quite a few Catalan soldiers. Under these circumstances, it seemed impossible for Carlos VII to have assembled an army of tens of thousands.

Considering Catalonia was one of Spain’s most economically and industrially developed regions, it had a large number of workers.

Perhaps the Carlists and Catalan separatists had coerced these brainwashed and threatened workers into forming this so-called army of tens of thousands.

This was precisely why Carlo wanted to laugh. The Carlists claimed that Primo’s reforms would cause Catalan workers to lose their jobs, but were their current actions not doing exactly that?

Excluding these workers, the army under the Carlists’ control numbered just over ten thousand at most. To think they could invade Madrid with an army of ten thousand—were they mistaking Carlo for Queen Isabella from two years ago?

Chapter 34: Taking Over the Factories

Although Carlo had no experience dealing with the Carlists, that didn’t mean others in the Spanish government lacked it.

It was worth mentioning that the current Prime Minister, Primo, was not only born in Catalonia but had also participated in the First Carlist War. He was, one might say, perfectly equipped for the task.

Carlo also did everything he could at the moment, which was to grant Primo full command of the army and let him handle all the trouble.

This was the huge difference between having Primo and not having him. Amedeo had been nearly helpless in the face of the Carlist rebellion because, apart from Serrano, no other influential officials or high-ranking military officers in Spain supported him.

But Carlo was different. With two top military leaders like Primo and Serrano at the helm, Carlo never even considered the possibility of defeat.

To ensure nothing went wrong, at Carlo’s suggestion, the Spanish army imposed martial law on Madrid and provided special protection for important institutions like the government and parliament.

In addition to the five hundred-strong Court Guard, Carlo’s palace also gained a new hundred-man force to patrol the surrounding area.

Considering that the entire city of Madrid was under martial law, unless the Carlists and other opposition forces could directly breach the city, it was virtually impossible for them to pose a threat to Carlo and other high-ranking government officials.

Before Carlos VII’s army could even leave Catalonia, the Spanish government received more bad news.

A large-scale demonstration erupted in Vitoria, in the Basque region. The protesters stormed the Vitoria municipal government building and clashed violently with the local police.

Clearly, the Basques, who dreamed of independence just like the Catalonians, were also getting ideas.

Compared to the Catalonians, who supported the Carlists and incited the workers, the Basques’ reasons for protesting were more radical: they demanded independence or autonomy for the entire Basque region.

The Basque region here refers to the Basque Country and Navarre in Spain, and the Northern Basque Country in France.

The Basques who occupied these areas were a very fierce people of the Iberian Peninsula, and the last on the entire peninsula to be conquered.

Fortunately, the entire Basque population was only about six hundred thousand, and they were scattered across the Basque and Navarre regions, so they didn’t pose as great a threat as Catalonia.

Regarding the protests in the Basque region, Primo’s advice was to prioritize appeasement, with suppression as a secondary measure.

After all, this ethnic group was quite formidable in combat. If they could be assimilated into the greater Spanish population, the fighting strength of the Spanish army would be secured.

Controlling the Basque and Navarre regions was also quite simple. They only needed to relocate a certain number of Spaniards to these regions to reduce the proportion of Basques.

Now that the great capitalists, the Carlists, and the separatists from Catalonia and the Basque region had all scrambled to jump out, there would naturally be no one else left to oppose the Spanish government’s reforms.

While organizing the army for the war against the Carlists, Primo seized the opportunity to vigorously push for reforms around Madrid and strictly enforce the labor laws.

Those factory owners who had instigated the demonstrations and rebellion became targets for Primo and Carlo to settle accounts with.

In just a few days, the Madrid police arrested dozens of factory owners and took control of over a hundred factories and businesses of all sizes.

To maintain production in the enterprises around Madrid and secure the jobs of the workers in the factories and businesses, the government and the royal family took over most of these industries.

Although the government took the lion’s share, Carlo’s gains were also substantial.

Because Carlo had staunchly supported Primo during the reforms, as a reward, he acquired more than ten factories around Madrid at a very small cost.

These factories were all prime assets, valued from tens of thousands to hundreds of thousands of pesetas. Among them were large factories like the Madrid Steelworks, which alone employed nearly a thousand workers.

With these factories, Carlo rapidly expanded the scale of his own industrial holdings. The total value of his industries now reached over ten million pesetas, not to mention the more than ten million pesetas in funds he held.

Excluding the palaces, villas, and manors he took over from Queen Isabella, Carlo could already rank among the top ten wealthiest people in Spain.

If all his assets were counted, Carlo could easily be the richest person in Spain at present.

However, Carlo didn’t care for such empty titles. He even handled some of the royal family’s businesses discreetly, making them appear to have little connection to the royal family.

Currently, among these industries, only the winery used the word “Royal” in its name, as it was positioned as a high-end brand. The other businesses did not, making it impossible to tell from their names alone whether they were royal properties.

As the king of Spain, Carlo naturally had to resolutely enforce the various articles of the labor laws.

The very first thing Carlo did upon taking over these ten-plus factories was to have all the back wages owed to the workers calculated. By the next day, he had paid off nearly all the arrears.

Unsurprisingly, the situation at these ten-plus enterprises made its way into the Madrid newspapers and became a hot topic of discussion among the people around the city.

Carlo’s purpose in doing this was also very simple: to set a good example for the capitalists of Spain.

Carlo, as king, had not only strictly abided by Spain’s labor laws, but he had even paid off the back wages left by the previous factory owners.

What reason did those capitalists have to continue withholding wages? Did they really think the working class was a pushover?

As public opinion grew, Carlo successfully gained a certain amount of prestige.

Paying back wages is normal, but paying the back wages owed to workers by a previous factory owner was not so ordinary.

For the workers of Madrid, this demonstrated the greatest difference between Carlo and those capitalists.

From the beginning of February, the residents of Madrid would occasionally mention their king, Carlo, in conversation, adding a heartfelt compliment.

Although Carlo only paid the back wages of fewer than one thousand workers, it affected nearly one thousand families.

Because these factories were all located around Madrid, through word-of-mouth, at least tens of thousands of people developed a better impression of Carlo.

And this was precisely Carlo’s goal: to step-by-step increase the Spanish people’s favorability toward him, to make them support and adore him from the bottom of their hearts.

Once workers saw their friends receiving the wages they were due, they would naturally no longer accept their own factory owners docking their pay.

And the capitalists of this era were invariably greedy; they would never value the opinions of the workers as Carlo did.

This would make it difficult for capital and labor to unite against royal authority again, and the influence of the great capitalists on Spain would remain confined to a relatively small scope.

As for the future, when Spain’s economy boomed due to the reforms, Carlo’s industries would also continuously expand, even becoming the largest conglomerate in Spain. Naturally, he wouldn’t have to worry about the capitalists making a comeback.

As long as Carlo could become the biggest capitalist in Spain, what other capitalist could possibly compete with him?

No matter how powerful capital becomes, it can never defeat the government, because holding the guns is what truly matters.

Chapter 35: The Spanish Military Academy Begins Classes

While Carlo was still engrossed in the great expansion of his royal family’s assets, Prime Minister Primo hurried over, bringing him what was undoubtedly bad news: the Basque separatists and the Carlists had joined forces.

It was inevitable that the separatists and the Carlists would band together. On their own, their strength was insignificant compared to Spain, and they couldn’t possibly pose a threat to the Spanish government.

But if the separatists of Catalonia and the Basque Country were to launch a rebellion together with the Carlists, it would still cause a considerable stir in the northern regions of Spain.

These rebels were spread across the regions of Catalonia, the Basque Country, and Navarre, and the neighboring regions of Aragon and La Rioja would also be affected.

However, for Carlo, this was also good news. Spain’s most troublesome rebel factions had gathered in one place. Wasn’t this the perfect opportunity to wipe them all out in one fell swoop?

“How are the government’s preparations? Can our army handle the combined forces of the Basques and the Carlists?” Carlo turned his gaze to Primo, asking the question that concerned him most.

“The Spanish army will crush all of Spain’s enemies. Neither the Carlists nor the Basques will be an exception,” Primo replied, his expression calm.

“Very good, Mr. Prime Minister. I will await your good news at the palace. I hope the day of our victory is not too far off.” Hearing Primo’s calm reply, Carlo nodded in satisfaction.

As the Captain of Carlo’s Court Guard, Ricciotti had naturally also heard the news of the rebellion in northern Spain.

Having spent a long time together, Ricciotti had long since decided to dedicate his unwavering loyalty to Carlo. Naturally, he wanted to help alleviate Carlo’s worries regarding the Spanish rebellion.

“Your Majesty, the Redshirts still number in the tens of thousands and can be quickly mobilized into an army. If Your Majesty requires it, I believe my father would also be willing to lead his troops to help you completely resolve this rebellion in northern Spain,” Ricciotti proactively suggested.

“Spain’s situation is not yet that dire.” Carlo certainly understood Ricciotti’s loyalty, but Spain’s internal strife had not yet reached the point where outside intervention was necessary.

“Very well, Your Majesty.” Hearing that Carlo was not yet willing to request the Redshirts’ help, Ricciotti could only nod helplessly.

“However, you have reminded me of something, Ricciotti,” Carlo said with a smile. “Since the Carlists have decided to oppose my rule, I cannot simply sit back and wait for my doom.

It’s time to make all Spaniards and the Carlists understand that the Bourbon dynasty is long gone. This is now the era of Savoy.

I, Carlo of the House of Savoy, am the master of Spain, the true king of Spain.”

“Ricciotti, I need you to do something for me. This is something that perhaps only you can accomplish.” Carlo wore a smile, as if he had thought of something noteworthy.

“I am at Your Majesty’s service.” Ricciotti stepped forward, listening to Carlo’s plan.

A few days later, a rumor spread through Madrid that their king, Carlo, would be giving a speech in the city’s central square.

Although the rumor didn’t specify the content of the speech, based on recent events in Spain, it was highly likely intended to stabilize the morale of the army and the people.

Such a rumor quickly attracted the attention of a large number of Madrid’s citizens, including the workers who had benefited from the implementation of the labor laws and the peasants who had benefited from the agricultural tax cuts.

It had to be said that after the two popular decrees—the agricultural tax cut and the labor laws—Carlo had earned a respectable reputation and level of support in Madrid.

The day of Carlo’s speech soon arrived. The central square of Madrid was a sea of people; at least ten thousand had gathered in and around the square.

However, in the area within a few dozen meters of the podium, there weren’t many people. To ensure Carlo’s safety, everyone allowed within this perimeter had been screened, making it highly probable that no assassins from opposition factions had slipped through.

At noon, Carlo’s carriage arrived slowly, proceeding directly toward the podium along a pre-cleared path.

Wearing a crown and a custom-made royal robe, Carlo descended from the carriage with the help of his guards and walked straight toward the podium.

A sound amplification system had already been set up on the podium to ensure that Carlo’s speech could be heard by most of the people in the square.

As for those who were too far away or hard of hearing, there was nothing to be done. Perhaps they could learn of Carlo’s speech from the upcoming newspapers or get the gist of it from others nearby.

“My subjects, I am your king, Carlo.

It is my great honor to be the king of this great nation of Spain, and to witness, together with all of you, the revival of this great country.

Some may ask, what right do I have to bring about Spain’s revival?

Spain once stood at the pinnacle of the world, and the Spanish people were once the greatest nation on Earth. To restore Spain’s former glory is exceedingly difficult, and the path to revival is destined to be fraught with hardship.

But I want to say that I have faith—faith that I, along with all Spaniards, will witness this come to pass. Spain’s greatness does not lie in the fact that it once stood at the pinnacle of the world.

Rather, it lies in the fact that even after enduring long periods of tribulation and decline, the Spanish people still firmly believe that Spain is the greatest nation and still hold on to the hope of its revival.

The agricultural tax cut and the labor laws are but the first step. I will enact more laws to advance Spain’s progress, to protect the interests of all Spaniards from violation, to industrialize Spain, and to lead it toward strength.

We have already dealt with the capitalists who exploited the workers, and we are now fighting the enemies who seek to tear this nation apart.

My subjects, believe in me! I will lead Spain to greatness. I will guarantee that the interests of all Spaniards are protected. I will make an enemy of anyone who stands in the way of Spain’s progress. I will take pride in the great Spain and the Spanish people, and I will create a golden age that belongs to all Spaniards.

My subjects, although the glory of the past is gone, the future still belongs to Spain, and to all Spaniards.

Let us shout together the slogan ‘Make Spain Great Again’ and bring about the great revival of Spain!”

“Make Spain Great Again!”

A speech delivered with true feeling is often the most moving. For Carlo, everything he said was what he genuinely intended to do, and it was also what the Spanish people most wanted to hear.

And for that very reason, after Carlo shouted the slogan, the Spaniards in the crowd immediately began to chant along: “Make Spain Great Again!” “Long live Spain!” and other slogans, creating a lively scene.

Bang! Bang, bang!

Suddenly, a series of gunshots rang out, instantly interrupting the crowd’s cheers.

The people looked up in surprise. A puff of white smoke rose from a spot very close to the podium.

On the podium, several guards had already rushed to Carlo, forming a shield in front of him.

The guards below the podium reacted swiftly as well, quickly locating the shooter in the smoke and moving in to apprehend them.

“There’s an assassin!”

“His Majesty is wounded!”

“Protect His Majesty!”

The panicked shouts of the guards and the cries of the crowd below merged into a chaotic din, and the situation seemed on the verge of spiraling out of control.

Protected by his guards, Carlo stood up again. To everyone’s astonishment, he raised his right hand and shouted, “Nothing can strike me down! Long live Spain!”

This time, the scene completely erupted.

The crowd below saw that the assassin had been subdued, and their panic subsided slightly. Seeing Carlo rise again to encourage them, seemingly after being shot, the people could no longer contain their emotions.

“Long live Spain! Long live His Majesty Carlo!”

“Long live Spain! Long live His Majesty Carlo!”

Hearing the fervent cheers from the crowd below, Carlo seemed unable to hold on any longer and collapsed into the arms of his guards.

The guards immediately carried Carlo to the carriage and rushed to the nearest hospital in Madrid.

Make Spain Great Again!

Chapter 36: A Proposal to Abolish the Tithe

News of the assassination attempt on Carlo instantly became the hottest topic in Madrid, reported frantically by all the major newspapers and spread by word of mouth by every Spaniard at the scene.

Although the cameras present did not capture the exact moment of the assassination attempt, the final scene of Carlo raising his arm in a triumphant cry was recorded.

This blurry black-and-white photograph was published in that day’s edition of Spain’s The Sun, and the entire article was given a striking headline: “Make Spain Great Again!”

In its report, The Sun praised Carlo’s courage in the face of danger and his wonderful vision to make Spain great again.

It concluded with a pointed question: “If a monarch like His Majesty Carlo cannot shoulder the great responsibility of making Spain great again, then who is qualified to lead Spain forward?

The Carlists accuse the government’s reforms of harming capitalists and factories, putting large numbers of workers at risk of unemployment. But what are they doing? They are dragging Spain into the abyss of civil war, forcing the great Spanish nation to turn on itself, and causing tens of thousands of families to lose their sources of income.

Queen Isabella of the House of Bourbon has already brought untold suffering to the Spanish people. Must Carlos, another member of the House of Bourbon, plunge Spain into the abyss once more?”

Thanks to the extensive news coverage, combined with the word-of-mouth accounts from the tens of thousands of Spaniards present, hundreds of thousands of Madrid’s citizens soon learned of their monarch’s glorious deed, earning Carlo a reputation for being fearless in the face of danger.

Although Carlo’s actions did carry a whiff of a calculated attempt to win over the people, for the Spanish, it was far better than having a cowardly and timid king.

Carlo’s raised-arm shout before he “fainted” had successfully moved the Spaniards at the scene. Through them, his message spread and influenced even more of the populace.

After the assassination attempt, “fighting for the greatness of Spain” became another hot topic, second only to the incident itself.

Even Carlo, not a Spaniard by birth, possessed the courage to fight for Spain’s greatness. Surely true Spaniards did not lack such courage?

As the protagonist of the assassination attempt, Carlo was sent to a nearby hospital before being transferred again to the Royal Palace.

The official news released from the palace was that Carlo had been injured in the attack but his life was not in danger, and he was currently recuperating in the palace.

Primo had been worried about Carlo’s safety, but when he rushed to the Royal Palace and saw Carlo safe and sound, he first froze for a moment, then let out a sigh of relief.

“Your Majesty, what is all this?” Primo asked, looking at the unharmed Carlo. He was relieved, but also a little puzzled.

“Fortunately, the assassin’s pistol wasn’t very powerful, and I had placed a steel plate there beforehand, so I’m fine.” Carlo did not explain in detail, only mentioning the steel plate.

Hearing Carlo’s explanation, Primo nodded, though still shaken with lingering fear. “Your Majesty, you were too reckless. If you need to give a speech next time, please coordinate with the government in advance. I will arrange for the army to maintain order and ensure Your Majesty’s safety.”

Primo’s concern for Carlo was genuine, as his own reforms hinged on Carlo’s safety.

If anything were to happen to Carlo, Spain would once again descend into a period of chaos.

During such a period, it would be practically impossible for Primo to hold another election for a new king. After all, the Carlists would not give him enough time to select a successor.

Only with Carlo sitting safely on the throne could Primo’s reforms proceed smoothly, without fear of major internal turmoil erupting in Spain.

“I understand, Prime Minister Primo,” Carlo nodded, acknowledging his point.

In truth, Carlo was extremely serious about his own safety.

He may have been transported to this world, but it was a very real one. As a transmigrator, he still only had one life and would not be reckless with his personal safety.

For this speech, aside from the pre-arranged “assassin,” anyone who might have gotten close to Carlo was under surveillance and checked to ensure they were not carrying firearms.

The crowd, which appeared to be a sea of people, could not actually get near Carlo, and small firearms did not have such a long range.

Coupled with the steel plate he had placed on his chest beforehand, this was what gave him the confidence to give a public speech under such circumstances, facing tens of thousands of Spaniards.

“God be praised, am I not perfectly fine, Prime Minister Primo? Moreover, after this incident, I believe most of the public will oppose the war started by the Carlists and harbor animosity toward those who obstruct reform,” Carlo said with a smile.

“Your Majesty, I plan to abolish the tithe, to bring all of Spain’s peasants completely over to our side,” Primo said after a moment of silence, revealing his plan.

“The tithe? Those fellows in the Church won’t be happy about that, will they?” Hearing Primo’s intention to abolish the tithe, Carlo immediately thought of the Church, which collected this tax.

“Of course they won’t be happy, but what can they do about it?” A gentle smile played on Primo’s face, but it held a touch of ice. “If they side with the Carlists, then that would be a godsend.

I’m only afraid those churchmen will choose to swallow their pride. I’ve been coveting the Church’s lands for a long time.”

Religion still held significant influence over European countries at this time, and the churches in each nation wielded countless powers.

Every year, Spanish peasants had to pay the Church a tithe of roughly one-tenth of their income, which was one of the reasons for Spain’s low per capita income.

A large portion of tax revenue was collected by the Church, and the impoverished Spanish people could only sell their land in exchange for food to survive.

Through this process, the Church had accumulated vast amounts of land, becoming the largest landowner in Spain, second only to the nobility.

The peasants of Spain grew poorer while the Church grew richer. This was a very distorted form of development, and a tax like the tithe, specifically designed to exploit the peasants, had to be abolished sooner rather than later.

Carlo nodded, understanding Primo’s plan.

With the abolition of the tithe, Spain’s peasants would be truly liberated.

At the very least, they could ensure that the majority of their farming income went into their own pockets, which would give them more passion for their agricultural work.

The government that abolished the tithe would receive the overwhelming support of the Spanish peasants. Compared to the support of the peasantry, who made up the majority of Spain’s population, the Church’s opposition was not so important.

After all, it was now 1870. The influence of religion was a shadow of its former self. Even the Pope was confined within the Vatican, so what kind of trouble could the Spanish Church possibly stir up?

Chapter 37: Expansion of the Court Guard

Primo was a man of his word.

The day after he had mentioned abolishing the Tithe to Carlo, he had a member of his party submit a proposal to abolish it in the Congress of Deputies.

The current Congress of Deputies was less a chamber of debate and more Primo’s personal council. Controlling a majority of the seats, Primo easily passed the proposal, and the Tithe that had plagued the peasants of Spain for hundreds of years was abolished just like that.

Before the peasants could even react, the Spanish Parliament was utterly bewildered.

The Primate Archbishop of Spain, Pedro, the Archbishop of Toledo, stared at the newspaper in his hands, his head full of questions and a look of disbelief on his face.

The newspaper headline starkly declared that, by a vote in the Congress of Deputies today, the Tithe was to be abolished throughout Spain, effective immediately!

“Damn it! The government has no right to cancel our Tithe! It is a right bestowed upon us by God!” Archbishop Pedro’s heart ached at the thought of the massive annual income he would lose. He glared at the newspaper resentfully, speaking through gritted teeth.

“Archbishop, what should we do?” one of his subordinates came forward and asked.

“Do? What can we do?” Archbishop Pedro shot his subordinate an irritated glance and said with displeasure, “Do we have an army? Can we resist Carlo and Primo’s rule over Spain? What we must do now is wait and see. We will consider our plans after the Carlists and Primo have decided a victor between them.”

Although Archbishop Pedro was pained by the loss of the tax revenue, it did not mean he would lose his reason over the money.

The Tithe was primarily levied on the peasants of Spain, and these peasants were currently wholeheartedly behind Carlo and Primo’s government.

These peasants were already resentful of the Church for collecting the Tithe for so long. If the Church were to jump out and oppose its abolition now, wouldn’t they be falling right into Primo’s trap?

Without the Tithe, the Church could still secure its income through other means. But if it stepped in to oppose the Spanish government over the Tithe, and the war was eventually won, wouldn’t it be the Church that would face a purge?

As the Primate Archbishop of Spain, Archbishop Pedro’s words still carried great influence.

And for that very reason, the Church in Spain made no move after the government announced the abolition of the Tithe, acting as if it had nothing to do with them.

Both Carlo and Primo were somewhat surprised when they heard the news. Primo had already prepared to deal with the Church. Who would have thought that these greedy bishops would be willing to give up the lion’s share of their income?

The most thrilled people in all of Spain were, of course, the peasants, who lost at least a tenth of their income to the Tithe every year.

Abolishing the Tithe was beneficial for all of Spain, with the sole exception of the Church, which had directly collected it.

Without this harsh and heavy tax, the income of Spanish peasants would see a significant increase, and government tax revenue would rise accordingly.

With a little extra money in their hands, the peasants would naturally stimulate Spain’s economic growth. This would also be beneficial for the future development of Spanish industry; after all, people only buy industrial products when they have money.

After the abolition of the Tithe, the Spanish people’s approval of the government and Carlo rose dramatically.

Especially after the assassination attempt, the Spanish people truly began to accept Carlo and to believe in the grand dream he spoke of: making Spain great.

If before, Carlo was seen more as a foreign monarch in the hearts of the Spanish, now he had become one of their own.

And since they were all on the same side, it was crystal clear who the outsiders were.

Yes, we’re talking about you, the one obstructing government reforms and hurting the incomes of peasants and workers—the false king, Carlos VII!

Although the common people were easily swayed by public opinion, it didn’t mean they couldn’t tell right from wrong.

Under Carlo’s rule, the Spanish government was implementing reforms and cutting taxes, and the lives of the peasants were getting better and better.

The Carlists claimed that the reforms would hurt factory profits, causing them to go bankrupt and forcing workers to lose their jobs. But weren’t the reforms in Madrid proceeding just fine? Not only had very few factories gone bankrupt, but the workers were also receiving their full wages for the first time.

Though the Spanish people did not know the situation in the Catalonia region, they considered that the king supported by the Carlists, Carlos VII, also came from the House of Bourbon. The reputation of the House of Bourbon needed no introduction—it was a demonic family whose name made every Spaniard turn pale. And what kind of rabble were the supporters of the Carlists? Catalonians? Basques?

Look at the proper Spaniards living around Madrid—wasn’t it obvious who the scourge of Spain was?

For the Spaniards who made up the majority of the population, would they really support those ethnic minorities who sought to divide the country?

For this reason, the situation in chaotic Spain was actually already clear. Carlo and Primo couldn’t wait for more factions to step up and support the Carlists, so they could deal with them all at once in the end.

The only regret for now was that the Church had not come out to oppose the government. Otherwise, the vast lands owned by the Church could have been leased to peasants at low prices or granted to soldiers for military merit, which would have boosted the government’s prestige even further.

After waiting a few more days and confirming that the Church truly had no intention of supporting the Carlists, Primo, with some regret, organized the army to march north and suppress the rebellion.

However, to ensure the safety of Carlo and Madrid, Primo left behind a force of less than ten thousand men, which was more than enough to defend the capital.

Moreover, the people around Madrid were exceptionally supportive of the government. It was no exaggeration to say that if the Carlists ever reached the outskirts of Madrid, Carlo could raise his arm and rally tens of thousands of militia to join the fight.

Furthermore, Madrid was located in the heart of the Spanish-populated areas. For the Carlists to reach Madrid before the main Spanish army could react would be a feat no less difficult than defeating the Spanish army head-on.

While Primo marched north to quell the rebellion, Carlo was not idle in Madrid.

After liquidating the factory owners around Madrid, Carlo found himself with several million more pesetas.

It turned out that these factory owners were not unable to pay their workers’ wages. They had more than enough funds to pay all their workers in full, but they were simply unwilling to do so.

This was a windfall for Carlo. With this unexpected wealth, he could now expand his Court Guard and form a true Royal Guard.

However, considering his financial situation and the combat effectiveness of the new guard, Carlo only planned to expand the original 500-man Court Guard into a Guard Regiment of about 2500 men.

The Guard Regiment would consist of two Guard Infantry Battalions and one Guard Cavalry Battalion. Each infantry battalion would have approximately 1000 soldiers, and the cavalry battalion would have about 500 soldiers.

Although there would be no separate artillery battalion, Carlo planned to equip each Guard Infantry Battalion with two to three cannons to increase the regiment’s overall firepower.

Once the expansion was complete, the Guard Regiment would be tasked with protecting the palace and Carlo, serving as his personal troops under his direct command.

Chapter 38: A Confident Carlos

Primo was truly Spain’s pillar of stability.

With Primo present, the Spanish army naturally faced no risk of splintering. A unified Spanish army possessed a strong will to fight when facing the Carlist rebels.

On February 17, 1870, the Spanish army led by Primo encountered the Basque rebels in the La Rioja region, and the two sides immediately engaged in a fierce exchange of fire.

Although the Spanish army had many shortcomings compared to the Franco-Prussian armies, when faced with Basque rebels who were inferior in both numbers and equipment, it was such a one-sided affair there was nothing to say.

The Basques had indeed managed to scrape together over a thousand muskets, but they couldn’t even muster a double-digit number of cannons.

Hoping to defeat a Spanish army equipped with a large number of cannons using line infantry tactics was more futile than hoping for the Spanish army to surrender outright.

But Spain was not Italy, and certainly not France; it had no tradition of surrender.

After a thorough bombardment from the Italian artillery, the Basques were instantly subdued.

This was the greatest difference between a regular army and a militia hastily assembled from civilians: discipline and morale.

The moment someone panicked and started to flee, it dealt a heavy blow to the Basque army.

Panic spread through the Basque army like a plague, quickly affecting the entire force’s morale.

For a temporary army composed of civilians, once morale was gone, the army was gone.

What happened next needs little description. After suffering several hundred casualties, this force of Basque rebels promptly chose to surrender.

Although this was not the entirety of the Basque rebel force, for the Basque separatists, this was undoubtedly a rude awakening.

The Basque army they had painstakingly assembled hadn’t even lasted a day against the Spanish army; it was utterly routed in just an hour and a half.

Artillery deployment alone took up more than half an hour of that time; the actual combat between the two armies lasted less than an hour.

By the time news of the Basque vanguard’s successful annihilation by the Spanish reached the Carlists, it was already the next day, February 18.

Though Carlos VII was somewhat surprised by the speed of the Basque army’s collapse, he felt no pity for their losses.

In fact, not only did he not feel pity, Carlos VII was actually somewhat excited.

For he believed he had discovered a pivotal opportunity to defeat the Spanish army—a perfect chance to swing around their rear and encircle them.

Why did Carlos VII think this?

Because the Spanish army had encountered the Basques in La Rioja, which was south of the Basque Country and Navarre regions.

Meanwhile, the Carlist rebels had successfully advanced west from Catalonia into Aragon, placing them to the southeast of the main Spanish force.

If the Carlist army could pass through Aragon to the south of La Rioja, they could execute a plan to encircle the Spanish army in conjunction with the Basque forces to the north of La Rioja.

No matter how strong the Spanish army’s fighting capabilities were, if they were surrounded on two fronts, they would be doomed to fall into the Carlists’ grasp.

Carlos VII took out a map and silently went over his plan several times in his mind, ultimately deciding it was a golden opportunity he could not miss.

Several high-ranking military officers in the Catalan army echoed Carlos VII’s sentiment, which filled him with confidence and made him think that the Catalans had overestimated Primo’s military talents.

On February 18, the Carlist rebels advanced toward Zaragoza in the Aragon region.

Zaragoza was centrally located in Aragon. Offensively, it could be used to encircle the Spanish army in the La Rioja region; defensively, it could serve as the first line of defense to protect Catalonia.

This was one of the reasons for Carlos VII’s confidence; he felt his plan was perfect, having considered both the possibility of a successful encirclement and a failed one, with corresponding solutions for each.

Could Primo have failed to see the problems that Carlos VII saw?

Of course not.

In reality, after the main Spanish army led by Primo entered the Castile and León region south of La Rioja, it immediately split into two forces to deal with the two rebel groups in the Basque Country and Catalonia.

Primo’s plan was to first eliminate the Basques, then cut through Navarre and northern Aragon to strike directly at Catalonia, completing the entire operation to suppress the rebellion.

He led the main body of the Spanish army, about thirty thousand men, north to La Rioja, where they eventually met the Basque army.

The other, smaller force consisted of only about ten thousand men, but they were equipped with dozens of cannons. Their objective was to establish a defensive line in Aragon before Primo finished with the Basques, preventing the Catalan rebels from taking the opportunity to advance from Aragon and Valencia into the Castile-La Mancha region and threaten Madrid, the heart of Spain.

For the same reason, Zaragoza, due to its central location in Aragon, was crucial for both offense and defense.

The branch of the army responsible for defending against the Catalan rebels also chose Zaragoza as their key defensive point and had already established artillery positions the moment they arrived.

From this perspective, Carlos VII did actually possess some military insight.

The fatal problem, however, was that Carlos VII had no idea that Primo had divided his forces in advance. He still believed the entire main Spanish army was in the La Rioja region.

By the time the Carlist rebels laboriously reached Zaragoza, they were greeted by ten thousand well-prepared Spanish soldiers and dozens of cannons.

The Carlist rebels had artillery as well.

But their cannons were relics from over a decade, or even several decades, ago. They were far inferior to the advanced cannons the Spanish army had recently purchased in terms of firing rate, range, and accuracy.

The artillery duel that ensued seemed worlds apart, and the experience for the soldiers on each side was as different as night and day.

The Spanish army could calmly deal with the enemy’s bombardment because the enemy was far behind in both the number and sophistication of its artillery.

For the Carlist rebels, however, the experience was not so pleasant.

Even for the Catalan separatists, watching someone get blown to pieces right before their eyes was an absolute visual shock.

A single glance was enough to make the Catalan separatists seriously reconsider their position.

And for the civilians who had been brainwashed into joining the rebel army, the cruel reality of war was a tremendous shock to the soul.

What common person had ever seen such a scene? What’s more, from their perspective, it seemed like they were the only ones taking a pounding.

Chapter 39: Every Man for Himself

While the Carlist rebels were being baptized by fire, Primo was already mopping up the Basque rebels in the La Rioja region.

As one of Spain’s administrative divisions, La Rioja had the smallest population in the entire country.

However, La Rioja was quite famous throughout Spain because the region was a rich producer of wine, making it one of Spain’s renowned wine regions.

Carlo’s wine enterprise currently had a total of five large vineyards, two of which were located in La Rioja, a testament to how famous the area was for its wine.

Thanks to its sparse population, purging La Rioja of the Basque rebels was quite easy.

The entire region of La Rioja only had a few population centers, making the movements of the Basque rebels in the area rather conspicuous.

In just a few days, the Basque rebels in the La Rioja region were all but eliminated.

At this point, Primo also received a report from the army in Zaragoza.

Upon hearing the news that a branch of his forces had encountered Catalan rebels in Zaragoza, Primo had no intention of changing his battle plan. He ordered his army to continue north toward the Basque Country and Navarre.

The garrison in Zaragoza numbered around ten thousand men, and with the support of advanced cannons, holding back the Carlist rebels would not be a problem.

Primo’s mission was to quickly annihilate the rebels in the Basque Country and Navarre, then circle around from the north of Zaragoza directly into Catalonia.

Once the rebellion in Catalonia was suppressed, the Carlist rebels lingering in Zaragoza would naturally pose no threat.

A few dozen kilometers northwest of Logroño, the capital of the La Rioja region, lay Vitoria-Gasteiz, an important southern city in the Basque Country.

This place was not only the main base of the Basque people but also where the main force of the Basque rebels was located.

Primo attached great importance to the attack on Vitoria-Gasteiz. He specifically ordered his troops to rest for a full day in Logroño before marching north into the Basque Country in full force.

At this moment, within the city of Vitoria-Gasteiz, the Basque rebels were already in a state of panic.

What none of the rebel leaders had expected was that the government troops would head north to the Basque Country without hesitation, instead of first suppressing Catalonia.

The Basques’ plan had been to threaten the government while the Carlist rebels and government troops were locked in a fierce battle, thereby securing autonomy and more local power for the Basque Country.

But now, with the government army marching straight for them, this was completely outside their expectations.

“Anrique, is this what you meant when you said we could seize the opportunity to win autonomy for the Basques?” The main leader of the Basque rebels, Matis Anhator, was furious, his eyes fixed on Senator Anrique of the Basque region.

“This isn’t my fault either, Matis.” Senator Anrique spread his hands, speaking with a hint of helplessness. “Who could have expected Primo to come straight for us? Logically speaking, shouldn’t he have gone for the Catalan army, which has more troops?”

Although Matis Anhator understood that this was all due to Primo’s unconventional move, the losses to the Basque army still pained him greatly.

After all, there were only so many Basque people.

For the Basques, whose total population was only a few hundred thousand, the loss of every single soldier was a heavy blow.

“Are there any good solutions to end this war now? Damn it, when did the government army become so powerful? When did they purchase so many cannons?” Matis Anhator’s mind was filled with questions, utterly unable to comprehend how the Spanish army had become so strong in such a short time.

“There are two ways to end this war,” Senator Anrique said slowly after a moment of thought. “The first is to surrender directly to Primo.”

“What? Surrender?” Matis Anhator looked at Anrique in disbelief. “Do you think Primo will spare us? He’s long wanted to eradicate us and the Catalans. He will absolutely not let this opportunity go, absolutely not.”

“Then what else can we do, Your Excellency?” Anrique calmly asked in return.

“Tell me your other plan.” Matis Anhator fell silent for a moment, but in the end, he could only remain silent.

The gap in strength between the Basque rebels and the Spanish government army was like a chasm; defeating the government army alone was utterly impossible, without a sliver of hope.

“The other way is to wait for the Catalans to circle around to Madrid from Valencia,” Anrique said. “As long as they can breach Madrid, this Spanish army we’re facing will be nothing to fear. But looping around to Madrid from Valencia will be fraught with difficulties. I don’t think the current Catalan army can pull it off, unless God is willing to help them.”

“Where is the Catalan army now? Are they still in Zaragoza?” Matis Anhator had no trust in his partners. The fact that they were being held up at Zaragoza by a small detachment of government troops was a monumental joke!

“It seems so, Your Excellency,” Anrique said with a helpless shrug.

“Damn it, that bunch of Catalans never intended to cooperate with us. Or perhaps their strength is simply no threat to the government troops. God bless, may this damn group of Catalans go to hell! They deceived the Basques, they’re using us!” The supposedly reliable Catalans were not reliable at all. Carlos VII’s reputation for being wise and powerful seemed more like a delusion.

“Your Excellency, I suggest we wait three more days. If the Catalans still can’t break through Zaragoza within three days, we will have no choice but to surrender to Primo,” Senator Anrique proposed.

“It seems that’s the only way for now. Senator Anrique, I’m counting on you for news from the Catalan side. Please inform me immediately if there are any changes.” Matis Anhator nodded, left with no other choice.

“As you command, Your Excellency.” Senator Anrique nodded, giving the appearance of one utterly dedicated to the Basque cause.

A short while later, within the Spanish army camp.

“Marshal, while the cavalry were on patrol, they captured this man. He claims to be a subordinate of Senator Anrique from the Basque region and has something to say to you. I’ve already checked him; aside from a letter, he is not carrying any hidden weapons.” Primo’s Cavalry Division Commander brought forward a Basque man dressed as a civilian and approached Primo.

Chapter 40: The Fickle Human Heart

Upon hearing his subordinate’s report, Primo merely gave a slight nod, saying nothing.

His gaze was playful as he looked at the man, continuing to stare until the man’s heart began to pound with anxiety.

“Prime Minister Primo, Senator Anrique has sent me to report important intelligence to you.” Swallowing hard, the man slowly began to speak after composing himself slightly.

“Oh? And what important intelligence would that be?” Primo could see right through these people’s schemes. It was undoubtedly some faction within the Basque rebels who, seeing their imminent destruction, wanted to absolve themselves of any connection to it.

“Senator Anrique expresses his apologies for the situation in the Basque Country. But please believe me, the Senator has absolutely no intention of betraying Spain.

It was the rebel leader, Matis Anhator, who used force to threaten the Senator into supporting him, which led to the rebellion in the Basque region.

But Senator Anrique has remained loyal to His Majesty and Spain all along. He is willing to provide you, Mr. Prime Minister, with all intelligence on the Basque forces and awaits the arrival of the government’s army to suppress the rebellion.

This is a letter personally written by the Senator. Please, take a look.”

Primo watched the man with a smile, then took the letter and gave it a cursory glance.

“Heh, Senator Anrique is truly loyal to the kingdom, isn’t he!” Prime Minister Primo chuckled, seemingly having forgiven the traitor who had betrayed his country. ”

Go back and tell Senator Anrique that His Majesty had already instructed me before I came to let bygones be bygones regarding the common people involved in the Basque and Catalan rebellions.

Since Senator Anrique has taken the initiative to report on the enemy’s situation, His Majesty will certainly not hold him accountable.”

Carlo had indeed spoken of pardoning the Basque and Catalan civilians in the rebellion, as most of them had been brainwashed or coerced into joining the rebels.

And Primo had not misspoken. Carlo had spoken of a pardon, but what did that have to do with him?

Although Primo was also Catalan, he desired a strong and united Spain.

For insurgents like Anrique, these scourges on Spanish unity, the best solution was to send them to meet God.

As a man with a military background, Primo would not show the slightest bit of mercy. Since the traitors had the audacity to launch a rebellion, they should also be prepared for the reckoning that would follow its suppression.

“Thank God. Your Excellency, Mr. Prime Minister, I will relay your words to His Excellency, the Senator. I wish you a swift resolution to the rebellion in Catalonia.” After receiving Primo’s reply indicating a pardon, Senator Anrique’s subordinate visibly breathed a sigh of relief.

His eyes, as he looked at Primo, held both fear and gratitude, as if celebrating that he could continue to lord it over others under the wing of the esteemed Senator.

After sending the nuisance away, a smile returned to Primo’s face. He summoned several generals and said in high spirits, “It’s time to move out, Generals.

The Basques are divided from within. It’s time to send all these insurgents to meet God.”

The letter Anrique had given Primo contained not only the specific locations and size of the rebel forces in Vitoria-Gasteiz but also what appeared to be a detailed list of the rebels’ high command.

Anrique had gone to great lengths to clear his name.

Of course, this list was not entirely pure.

It certainly contained many high-ranking rebels, but it also included Anrique’s rivals for the position of Senator in the Basque region and a few others whom he disliked.

Anrique’s plan was simple: to provide this list to absolve himself of guilt and, at the same time, take the opportunity to eliminate his opposition.

A list that was eighty percent true and twenty percent false would be impossible to verify without Primo interrogating every person on it and compiling all the intelligence.

But as the Prime Minister of Spain, did Primo really have the time to screen the list?

Even if Primo eventually discovered something amiss with the list, Anrique had a ready excuse.

After all, he had been forced to join the Basque rebels. It would be perfectly reasonable for the rebels to be wary of him and intentionally make him believe more people were among their ranks, wouldn’t it?

Unfortunately, Anrique would never have guessed that Primo had no intention of forgiving him from the very beginning. For a politician with a military background, he had long since learned to remain cold-blooded toward everyone.

Primo felt a sense of relief.

Although the Basque Country was not populous, its two main cities, one in the north and one in the south, were of great importance.

The southern city of Vitoria was the heart of the Basque region. If an assault resulted in heavy Basque casualties, it would undoubtedly further alienate the Basque people from Spain.

And the northern city of Bilbao was one of Spain’s few industrial centers, and a crucial one at that, for its steel industry.

If Bilbao’s factories were destroyed, it would be a catastrophic blow to Spain’s already fragile industrial sector.

Now, with the information on the Basque rebels’ deployments and numbers provided by Anrique, Primo could handle the remaining insurgents with ease, protecting the civilians of Vitoria and Bilbao from the ravages of war as much as possible.

As for whether the intelligence Anrique provided was accurate, Primo was inclined to believe it.

After all, Anrique desperately needed a gesture of allegiance to atone for his crimes. If even the information on the Basque rebels was false, wouldn’t that leave him in a position where he pleased neither side?

The Basque rebel leader, Matis Anhator, was still unaware that after being betrayed by the Catalans, he was now being betrayed by Anrique.

After all, the two had planned this rebellion together. Matis Anhator believed that he and Senator Anrique were in a state where they would rise and fall together.

If the rebellion failed, neither of them would meet a good end. Anrique should have had no reason to betray him.

One can only say that Matis Anhator underestimated human nature, and even more so, the depths to which a senator like Anrique would sink when his own life and interests were at stake.

Within a few days, the Spanish army arrived in great force at a small mountain range south of Vitoria.

They were not far from the city, and it was a good place to rest briefly and prepare to set up artillery positions.

Primo’s plan was to create chaos in Vitoria before the Basques could react, then have the army force its way in and take control of the situation.

Because they already knew the rebels’ exact locations, once the Spanish army successfully entered Vitoria, the insurgents would have nowhere to run.

What followed would be simple: impose military control over the city, launch a mass arrest of the rebel leadership, and announce a pardon for all Basque civilians.

As long as they could ensure that the Basque civilians would not riot again, the high-ranking rebels on his list would be powerless to stir up any more trouble.

Chapter 41: The Rebellion Is Quelled

Although Vitoria was the second-largest city in the Basque region, it was, in the end, just a small city with a population of under one hundred thousand.

For such a city, the cannons of the Spanish army were a devastating blow, like a punishment from heaven. Coupled with the fact that they already knew the Basque rebels’ positions, the offensive was remarkably easy.

After being shelled by the Spanish army, the Basque rebels quickly lost their morale.

Some of the Basque rebels still couldn’t understand how they had become rebels. Not long ago, they had been nothing more than ordinary factory workers.

“Where is Senator Anrique? The government troops have reached Vitoria, so why haven’t we heard anything?” Matis Anhator, the leader of the Basque rebels, looked panicked in the face of the Spanish army’s bombardment and ordered his men to find the senator.

They had agreed that Matis Anhator would hold his forces back for the time being, while Anrique used his connections in the Senate to gather intelligence on the Spanish army. Then, based on the situation in Zaragoza, they would decide whether to surrender or continue fighting.

But now the Spanish army was at their doorstep. How could there still be no word from Senator Anrique?

About ten minutes later, a soldier ran up, his eyes filled with panic. “General, Senator Anrique is gone!”

“What?” Matis Anhator’s eyes widened in shock and panic. He shot to his feet, oblivious to the pain of his thigh hitting the table, and said in disbelief, “What did you say? Senator Anrique is gone?”

“Yes, General. We went to the senator’s residence. Not only is he gone, but his wife and children are missing as well,” the messenger replied, catching his breath.

Thud!

Matis Anhator collapsed back onto his stool, his eyes now filled with despair and resentment. “That damn traitor. It’s all over. He’s ruined the Basque Country, betrayed us all!”

In this situation, it was painfully obvious to Matis Anhator that Senator Anrique had been prepared for this all along. It was even possible that Anrique himself had orchestrated the arrival of the Spanish army.

Now, surrounded by government troops, there was no escape for him.

And because of his prior agreement with Anrique to hold his ground, there were now over three thousand Basque soldiers trapped in Vitoria.

Once Vitoria was taken by the Spanish army, all three thousand of those Basque rebels, along with himself, would fall into their hands.

“General, what should we do?” one of his subordinates asked anxiously, the panic in his eyes now plain to see.

Matis Anhator hesitated. Should he risk it all and fight the government troops to the death, or should he surrender early and try to win Primo’s forgiveness?

Although the current situation clearly favored an immediate surrender, would Primo really forgive him?

The thought of his fate after surrendering left Matis Anhator unable to decide, his eyes clouded with confusion and regret.

He regretted being blinded by self-interest and agreeing to launch a rebellion with Anrique to threaten the government. He regretted even more that he had trusted Anrique so easily and failed to keep an eye on him, allowing the senator and his family to escape Vitoria.

“General, the government troops have entered the city!” Before Matis Anhator could make up his mind, a soldier burst in, gasping for air.

“What? What about our forces?” Matis Anhator shot to his feet again, his eyes filled with nothing but despair.

“It seems the government troops knew the locations of our forces. The troops on the perimeter surrendered after just a few rounds of shelling. Now, the government army is heading straight for us,” the soldier continued.

“It’s over. It’s all over. Damn you, Anrique! You are the sinner of the Basque Country, and you will go to hell!” Matis Anhator finished his furious declaration, and then, as if all strength had left his body, he turned to the two soldiers before him and said, “Surrender. We surrender! God is not on our side. God has abandoned us!”

After the two soldiers left to carry out his orders, Matis Anhator’s expression grew calm. He glanced impassively at the world outside before closing the door.

“Anrique, I pray you go to hell soon! Oh God, please punish the traitor who betrayed the Basque Country!”

Bang!

Thud!

The Basques surrendered. Primo led his army and easily occupied Vitoria, capturing all the rebellious Basque soldiers.

After confirming that Matis Anhator, the leader of the Basque rebels, had committed suicide, Primo left behind five thousand soldiers to maintain order in Vitoria and to look for an opportunity to retake Bilbao to the north. He then led the rest of his main force east toward Zaragoza.

Now that the Basques had been dealt with, it was time for a decisive battle against the Catalonians.

Primo had fought in the First Carlist War. He knew that the existence of the Carlists was a scourge on modern Spain, a source of instability.

Therefore, Primo decided to deal with the Carlists once and for all in this war, to completely rid Spain of the trouble of internal conflict.

As the saying goes, to resist foreign aggression, one must first pacify internal unrest. If Spain couldn’t even resolve its minor internal troubles, how could it ever hope to achieve a renaissance and reclaim its throne among the great powers of Europe?

Meanwhile, in Zaragoza, a less-than-intense battle of offense and defense was underway.

The reason it wasn’t intense was that the Catalonian army showed little desire to attack, their efforts as perfunctory as those of a long-married couple.

Of course, the ferocity of the Spanish army’s artillery also played a part.

Faced with the enemy’s dense cannon fire, the Catalonians’ morale had plummeted from its peak at the start of the rebellion.

In all the time they had been stalled before Zaragoza, the Catalonian army had not even managed to get close to the city.

Within the Carlist faction, discussions about the war had never ceased.

The moment they were stopped at Zaragoza, Carlos VII knew that things had taken a turn for the worse.

Originally, a joint force of Catalonians and Basques should have been able to influence most of northern Spain.

But now, the Catalonian army was pinned down at Zaragoza, while the Basques had been utterly unable to resist the government troops.

There was no way they could win if things continued like this, and the strategies proposed from within the army were each more unreliable than the last.

For example, there was a suggestion to march south to Valencia, bypass Zaragoza, and cut a path to Madrid.

Did they think the government troops were fools? Even if they managed to circle around to Madrid, could they take the Spanish capital in just a few days?

If they couldn’t capture Madrid quickly, the army at Zaragoza would surely turn back to reinforce it. They would be crushed in a pincer attack from the defenders in Madrid and the army from Zaragoza. It would be a far more miserable death.

Chapter 42: The Iron-Willed Carlos

By this point, the Carlist rebels’ chances of victory had plummeted, a fact that Carlos VII himself understood.

He was torn. Should he continue to lead his troops in a meaningless resistance, or find an opportunity to slip away and bide his time in the shadows, waiting for a new one?

Although getting away early was clearly the better option, for Carlos VII, who had painstakingly waited so long for this chance, giving up now might mean he would never sit on the throne of Spain in his lifetime.

The Carlist cause was born when Queen Isabella ascended the throne, less than forty years ago.

But in those forty-odd years, the Carlists had already seen four “monarchs”: Carlos V, Carlos VI, Juan III, and Carlos VII.

Carlos VII also understood that the only reason the Carlists had managed to survive and launch three Carlist Wars in less than forty years was due to Queen Isabella’s incompetent rule and the corrupt government of the Kingdom of Spain.

The people’s dissatisfaction with the queen’s rule grew by the day, and that was the true reason for the Carlists’ enduring presence.

Had there been a more normal queen, the people would have long since accepted the monarch above them after three or four decades of rule.

As for the current King of Spain, Carlo, his administrative abilities were debatable, but he was certainly a master at winning the hearts of the people.

Furthermore, Prime Minister Primo was determined to carry out reforms. If such a pair of monarch and minister succeeded, would there be any place left for the Carlists in Spain’s future?

After all, the Carlists came into being because the conservatives were unwilling to see a queen take power, which was why they supported the male heir, Prince Carlos.

Now, the King of Spain was a different person entirely. Didn’t that mean the very reason for the Carlists’ existence was no longer valid?

At this thought, Carlos VII suddenly realized that, whether he advanced or retreated, there seemed to be only one outcome for the Carlists and for himself: failure.

So, should he fight the government troops to the bitter end, or flee abroad to enjoy his lavish lifestyle?

Thinking himself clever, Carlos VII soon made his choice. That very night, he quietly departed from the Carlist rebel camp.

By the time the Catalans noticed something was amiss, it was already noon the next day.

They never would have imagined that before their army was even defeated, the king they supported, Carlos VII, had already fled.

Carlos VII’s escape route took him east. After re-entering Catalonia, he followed the coastline all the way into France.

It is worth mentioning that the former Spanish queen, Isabella II, was also taking refuge in France. After all, wasn’t the House of Bourbon from France?

Speaking of which, the House of Bourbon had ruled Spain for nearly one hundred and seventy years. If Queen Isabella hadn’t engineered her own downfall, and if the Carlists weren’t such an utterly lost cause, Carlo’s rule in Spain would likely not have been so smooth.

The king they supported had run away in the middle of the war.

This was a devastating blow to the morale of the Catalan rebels and directly signaled that the siege of Zaragoza had entered its final stage, with the roles of attacker and defender now reversed.

By the time Primo’s army rushed from the Basque region to Aragon, the Catalan army had more or less collapsed.

The main body of their forces surrendered after suffering heavy casualties.

The Catalan troops on the flanks and in the rear scattered in every direction, a scene as chaotic as a bustling market.

This forced Primo to change his plan from encircling and annihilating the Catalan army to mopping up the remnants in the Aragon region.

Although these rebels had successfully scattered, even sizable small groups of them could still pose a major threat to public order in Aragon.

If they weren’t thoroughly cleared out, any trouble they caused would make public sentiment in the Aragon region plummet.

Fortunately, with the majority of the Catalan rebels already captured, the cleanup work was troublesome but not insurmountable.

In just a few days, Primo led the Spanish army in capturing nearly one thousand escaped Catalan rebels. The few that remained had mostly fled into the high mountains, and for the time being, there was no need to pursue them.

Leaving a portion of his army to guard the prisoners, Primo took the rest of the main force to Catalonia to carry out the final cleanup.

A considerable number of rebel forces still remained in Catalonia, including some Carlists who had not managed to escape in time.

Primo’s plan was to completely eliminate these unstable elements and restore peace to Catalonia.

The good news was that many factions in Catalonia had participated in the rebellion, which meant Primo could conduct a thorough purge.

Just as in the Basque region, most commoners did not hold strong opinions about their identity.

They could accept being Basque, Catalan, or Spanish.

As long as the peasants could eat their fill and the workers could earn enough to support their families, they would not become elements of instability.

The truly unstable elements were the upper echelons among the Basques and Catalans: the nobles, the factory owners, Senators like Anrique, and members of the Church.

Some of them wanted to obtain greater power for themselves through Catalan autonomy or independence. Others simply opposed the government’s reform policies and sought to achieve their goals by using the Catalan separatists.

And then, of course, there were the Carlists, who wanted the Spanish throne but had unfortunately failed in three consecutive wars.

The cleanup operation lasted for over a week. During this time, Primo carefully screened and executed several hundred Catalan rebels.

The Carlists and the separatists were the most numerous, while there were not many factory owners or clergy.

As for the vast majority of the remaining rebel combatants, they had been ordinary peasants and workers before the war, so Primo naturally spared them.

After all, too many people had already died in this rebellion. While holding all the rebel leaders accountable, it was also necessary to maintain local stability by pardoning the common members of the rebellion.

To reassure the people of the Basque and Catalan regions, Primo even posted public notices announcing the pardon for the common folk.

At the same time, however, Primo also publicly executed the rebel leaders. This was to make the common people understand that rebellion came at a price and that before starting one, they needed to seriously consider whether they could bear the cost of failure.

Chapter 43: France Has Another Coup d’État

By the time Primo finished the mop-up operations and led his army back to Madrid, it was already mid-March of 1870.

The civil war in Spain didn’t attract much attention from the great powers, because to the north of Spain, the war between the Kingdom of Prussia and the French Empire was drawing to a close.

Carlo was also paying close attention to this war between the two great European powers.

The French Emperor, Napoleon III, had taught Carlo a valuable lesson with his own fate and the future of France: it was best not to micromanage the war on the front lines, but to trust one’s generals and soldiers.

Before the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War, suggesting to any high-ranking official in any European nation that Prussia would win the war against France would have likely been met with scorn and ridicule.

Why? Because at the time, France was still basking in the afterglow of the Napoleonic era. The empire created by Napoleon III was still the most powerful land-based military hegemon on the entire European continent.

On paper, there was no reason why the Prussian army should have been able to defeat the French forces.

But the mighty Second French Empire was defeated, and so decisively. It was defeated by its over-reliance on line infantry, a holdover from its admiration for Napoleon’s legacy. It was defeated by the constant micromanagement of a supremely confident Napoleon III. And it was defeated by insufficient preparation in the early stages of the war, and by high-level commanders who lacked meticulous planning and responsiveness.

On March 21, 1870, news that shocked the world was announced.

The Emperor of the Second French Empire, Napoleon’s nephew who had once struck awe into the heart of Europe, Napoleon III, officially announced his surrender to the Prussian army.

The once-mighty French Empire had been defeated. This was something no European nation had anticipated.

France’s defeat would inevitably trigger a series of policy changes across European nations, and the importance placed on Prussia would grow immeasurably.

But what no one expected was that before they could even adjust their foreign policies, the French made major headlines once again.

On March 23, 1870, the third day after Napoleon III announced his surrender, a coup d’état erupted in Paris. With the army and the Emperor away at the front, the imperial government was overthrown, and the French Third Republic was established.

Now it was Prussia’s and Bismarck’s turn to be dumbfounded.

The Prussian army had just captured Napoleon III, intending to use him to extort massive reparations and territory from the French government.

But they hadn’t expected the French to turn around, stage a coup, and establish a republican government. In a matter of days, Napoleon III had lost all leverage.

Of course, Europeans were not very familiar with the history of the Ming Dynasty. Otherwise, Bismarck would have exclaimed, “Isn’t this the same scenario as the ‘Emperor at the Gates’?”

Of course, compared to the Eastern ideology of supreme imperial authority, the power of kings and emperors in Europe was not so absolute.

Napoleon III’s claim to the imperial throne was backed by his vast military authority, an advantage that vanished the moment the French army was defeated.

If Napoleon III had tried to play the part of an “Emperor at the Gates” at that moment, the French revolutionaries would not have hesitated to turn their cannons on him.

An Emperor? Pardon me, but France was now in the era of the Government of National Defense, led by General Louis-Jules Trochu.

There was no alternative; the war with France had to continue. What Bismarck wanted was not the surrender of a delegitimized Napoleon III. He wanted the surrender of the entire French government, along with massive reparations and territory, to proclaim that all the German lands were finally free from French control.

Only by crushing France and forcing it to sign a treaty ceding territory and paying reparations could he make the southern German states understand that the German lands could only be controlled by Germans—and that Prussia was the chosen nation, destined to unify all of Germany.

But the French had their pride. They were unwilling to see their once-mighty nation humiliated by Prussia, a country they would not have deigned to glance at just a few decades earlier.

The French people demanded that the new Government of National Defense reinforce Paris’s defenses, form a new army, and fight the Prussians to the death in the capital.

However, for the new Government of National Defense, the will of the people was a tightening vise on their heads, compelling them to seek a peace agreement with the Germans even more quickly.

As everyone knew, launching revolutions and coups was a French tradition.

Although the current Government of National Defense had been established by a coup, it did not mean its officials—or the great capitalists backing them—were willing to hand over control of the government to someone else.

Actively preparing for war would certainly pander to public opinion, but France’s current situation had to be taken into account.

The war had already consumed vast sums of money. Furthermore, the French army at the front had been repeatedly defeated, and Napoleon III himself had surrendered with tens of thousands of his troops.

To rely on a newly formed army to fight the Prussians now—wouldn’t that be merely repeating Napoleon III’s mistakes?

Compared to the external enemy—Prussia—the Government of National Defense was far more concerned about the intense emotions of the Parisian populace and the ever-growing revolutionary fervor within the city.

Faced with a choice between preserving France’s territory and dignity and preserving their own power, the French Government of National Defense chose the latter without a moment’s hesitation.

While pacifying the public and strengthening Paris’s defenses on one hand, they engaged in secret negotiations with Bismarck, the commander of the German forces, on the other.

The diplomatic representative sent by the French government was a man named Favre.

When Favre secretly approached Bismarck to request peace negotiations, Bismarck was in the midst of planning the offensive on Paris.

Upon meeting Bismarck, Favre launched into an effusive speech, conveying the Government of National Defense’s condemnation of and protest against Napoleon III, and even thanking Prussia for helping France overthrow his rule.

Bismarck remained expressionless, waiting for Favre to get to the point.

Favre knew that mere words would not move Bismarck, so he quickly moved on to the sincere proposal from the French Government of National Defense.

“Honorable Prime Minister Bismarck,” he began, “I am here on behalf of our Government of National Defense to convey to you the will of the French people.”

“We acknowledge France’s defeat in this war and are willing to pay handsome reparations to mend the relationship with Prussia.”

“However, our government will not, under any circumstances, accept the cession of any territory. The French people will not accept it either.”

“If you are agreeable, we can sign a peace treaty at any time to end this war that should never have happened.”

Favre’s message—or rather, the position of the new French Government of National Defense—was clear: they would pay any amount in reparations, but they would absolutely not cede any territory.

For any nation, ceding territory is a great humiliation that would provoke public outrage and widespread opposition.

This was true even for backward and decaying nations, let alone France, which only a year ago had been considered the hegemon of Europe. Ceding land would cause popular resentment to boil over.

If the Government of National Defense wanted to hold on to power, it could not afford to yield on the matter of territory.

To Bismarck, however, this was all rather laughable.

The French government’s willingness to concede on finances but stand firm on territory might have swayed another man, but it certainly would not sway Bismarck.

For the Iron Chancellor, Bismarck, if a nation displayed a firm attitude, the only proper response was to counter with an even firmer one.

Chapter 44: An Unexpected Assist from the Citizens of Paris

Bismarck slowly approached Favre, his face devoid of emotion. He spoke deliberately, word by word: “This war was initiated by France, so the French government should bear the responsibility.

Prussia has paid too dearly for this war. Mere financial compensation cannot heal the wounds of the Prussian army and its people.

If your government is unwilling to cede territory and pay reparations, that is fine. We can continue our talks in Paris.”

How could Favre not understand the hidden threat in Bismarck’s words? To put it nicely, it was “continue talks in Paris.” To put it bluntly, it meant that if the French government did not agree to cede territory, the Prussian army would resume its offensive on Paris.

When the French capital itself had fallen, it would not be so easy for the French government to refuse to cede territory and pay reparations.

Seeing that a hardline approach had no effect on Bismarck, Favre had no choice but to change his strategy.

“Prime Minister Bismarck, ceding territory will anger tens of millions of French citizens and bring endless trouble to the French government.

For the sake of these tens of millions of French people, I implore you not to force us to cede territory. We are willing to meet any of your government’s demands regarding reparations and will do our utmost to pay them in full.”

Faced with Favre’s shift from a hard to a soft approach, Bismarck remained completely unshaken. He smiled and said, “Mr. Favre, what do the French people have to do with me?

Please do not forget, I am the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Prussia. I care only about what the Prussians think.

If your country is still unwilling to cede territory, I would be more than happy to go to Paris and negotiate with your government in person.”

Seeing that all his ploys were ineffective against Bismarck, Favre could only resort to his last trick: stalling for time.

He handed Bismarck a thick document in French and said with great sincerity, “Please review these documents first, and then give us fifteen days to consider. We will give you our reply in fifteen days. Please believe in our sincerity.”

Bismarck shook his head, took out a document written in German, and handed it to Favre. “There is no need for such trouble, Mr. Favre. This is our document, and also our answer.”

The surprise and worry in Favre’s eyes were now impossible to hide.

Submitting documents in German was not common practice in European diplomacy. Due to France’s long-standing status as the hegemon of Europe, diplomatic exchanges between European nations were almost always conducted in French.

This was also why French had become the common language among the European nobility. Any European noble would learn French; even Carlo had studied it before and had no problem with daily conversation.

Bismarck’s breaking of this long-standing convention was a reminder to Favre that France’s days as the dominant power on the European continent were gone forever.

After Prussia’s victory over France, it had naturally become the new hegemon of the continent, so it was no surprise that diplomatic documents would now be in German.

This put Favre in a difficult position. Although he was a diplomat sent by the French government, he was not a complete professional in the field.

More importantly, because all previous diplomatic exchanges had been in French, Favre’s German was not actually that good.

Faced with a document written entirely in German, a single question popped into Favre’s mind: What on earth is this?

Seeing the baffled look on Favre’s face, Bismarck completely lost his patience. He waved his hand dismissively and said, “That is enough, Mr. Favre. Go back.

I expect you to take this document back to Paris. Before our army reaches the city, I hope your government will have an answer that satisfies us.”

The peace talks ultimately broke down, and Favre could only return to Paris in low spirits.

As for Bismarck, after concluding the meaningless peace talks, he ordered the Prussian army to continue its advance on Paris and force the French government to sign a peace treaty on his terms.

Since the army led by Napoleon III had already surrendered, Bismarck’s path to Paris was virtually unobstructed.

However, the French government in Paris was still clinging to a sliver of hope, as they did not believe the Prussian army would be so deranged as to directly bombard Paris.

After all, Paris was one of Europe’s largest cities, home to a large population of French citizens and foreign tourists.

As the capital of France, Paris also hosted diplomatic ambassadors from many European nations. Unless Prussia was willing to risk offending every other country in Europe, they would not dare to bombard the city.

It was with this mindset that, as the Prussian army approached Paris, the French government, rather than backing down, sent a letter to Bismarck.

The letter read: “Your Excellency, when do you plan to bombard Paris? If you have such a plan, please inform us in advance so that we may notify the foreign ambassadors to evacuate.”

This was a blatant reminder for Bismarck to consider the opinions of other European countries. Prussia could indeed bombard Paris, but would the other nations want to see a Prussia capable of so easily humiliating France, the former hegemon of Europe?

Although this was logical, the French politicians had clearly underestimated Bismarck’s audacity.

Bismarck immediately replied with a letter of his own: “The matter your country inquires about is a top military secret of Prussia and cannot be disclosed at this time. If you need to evacuate foreign ambassadors, you may proceed to do so now.”

If he had only sent this reply to the French government, it would have been just another empty threat.

But for the shrewd Bismarck, he would not let the delicate situation within Paris go to waste.

This letter was not only sent directly to the French government but was also released by Bismarck to several newspapers in Paris.

This immediately ignited a heated debate among the citizens of Paris.

So, after all these days of negotiations with Prussia, the new Government of National Defense had only managed to produce a result where Paris would be bombarded? Was this not a betrayal of the former glory of France?

Enraged, the citizens of Paris rose up in another insurrection, intending to overthrow the capitalist-controlled Government of National Defense and establish a French government with the courage to resist the Germans.

This uprising was a spontaneous revolt against the government led by some radical nationalists. Because it lacked broad support, it was quickly crushed by the Government of National Defense.

But at the same time, the fierce opposition from the people within Paris also threw the French Government of National Defense into a panic.

The French government knew that the peace talks could not be dragged out any longer. A resolution had to be reached as soon as possible so they could free their hands to stabilize the situation in Paris.

On April 5, 1870, the French Government of National Defense signed a treaty of surrender. On April 7, the French government and Bismarck jointly signed an armistice agreement. France finally welcomed a brief period of peace.

Perhaps the citizens of Paris never imagined that their pressure on the government would, in fact, cause the French government to concede even more to Prussia.

The armistice agreement, which should have been subject to lengthy wrangling, was signed just like that. The French government forgot all about its bottom line of not ceding territory, which it had maintained only a few days prior.

According to the treaty signed by both sides, the French government was to hand over most of the forts and ammunition of the Paris fortifications to the Prussian army and pay reparations of two hundred million francs.

Bismarck also added an extra clause: the German army could enter Paris in a victory parade and pass through the Arc de Triomphe in the city center.

The history of the Arc de Triomphe dates back to the Napoleonic era in the early nineteenth century. Napoleon ordered the construction of an arch for his returning soldiers to pass through in celebration of a victory against the combined Russian and Austrian armies, and so the Arc de Triomphe was born.

However, because Napoleon had scrapped the construction plan at one point, the Arc de Triomphe was not completed until 1836.

Why did Bismarck want the Prussian army to pass through the Arc de Triomphe in a victory parade?

Because decades earlier, during Napoleon’s glorious conquest of Europe, he had defeated Prussia multiple times. This was also why the French had looked down on Prussia before the war began.

As the Prime Minister of Prussia, Bismarck naturally wanted to use this opportunity to wash away Prussia’s shame and, at the same time, return that same humiliation to France and its people.

Chapter 45: Winning Over the Nobility

Carlo had no time to admire the bustling streets of Paris.

In his grand design for the future, the most crucial industry had yet to be established, and it was time to put it on the agenda.

What industry was it?

A bank, of course, something related to finance.

Ever since the Industrial Revolution, industry and finance had supplanted agriculture as the two most profitable sectors.

Carlo already owned more than ten factories; now was the time to establish his own financial institution and expand his channels for making money.

Carlo had been preparing for a long time to establish his bank.

The most important thing for a bank is to guarantee its credibility. Only with credibility would the public voluntarily deposit their money. Only with money could the bank make more money, achieving a virtuous cycle of wealth begetting wealth and generating a constant stream of income.

Through several tax reduction policies, Carlo had managed to create a somewhat favorable impression in the minds of the people of Madrid, but this goodwill alone was not enough.

To make the public feel secure about the new bank, Carlo planned to persuade the noble lords of Spain to join his venture.

As the three most powerful classes in Spain—the nobility, the landowners, and the Church—the Spanish nobles were quite extravagant.

Previously, as an outsider, Carlo had not received the full support of the entire noble class. Some nobles had even chosen to support the Carlists, remaining staunchly loyal to the House of Bourbon, which had held sway over Spain for hundreds of years.

Now, with the defeat of the Carlists, there were no longer any obstacles to Carlo exerting his influence over the nobility.

He wanted to partner with the nobles to start a bank for two reasons. First, the nobility possessed more capital, which could give Carlo’s bank a greater advantage in its early stages and facilitate faster expansion.

Second, by making money together with the nobles, he would make it clear to them exactly who their king was.

He believed that most of the nobles were sensible. After all, Carlo was already the king acknowledged by the Spanish constitution and its people—a fact they simply could not change.

Only by gaining sufficient influence and a voice among the Spanish nobility could Carlo ensure his position and power as king remained unshakable.

The Spanish monarchy had a very long history, and the power of the Royalists could not be ignored. Once he secured the full support of the Royalists, the Republicans, who posed a major threat to royal authority, would become far less of a menace.

As for the nobles, they certainly needed a capable monarch to lead them. The status of the nobility was derived from the king, which was why Carlo was confident he could win their support.

After all, if the king, the greatest noble of them all, was gone, how could the remaining dukes and marquises continue to exist?

Carlo set his first target for recruitment south of Madrid, in Toledo. There lived a noble with immense influence among the Spanish aristocracy: the Duke of Alba.

The House of Alba was one of the oldest noble families in all of Spain, possessing the most titles and lands. Naturally, their wealth was also among the greatest of the aristocracy.

To be honest, Carlo was even a little envious of the House of Alba’s fortune.

As a foreign-born king, Carlo’s current wealth was pathetically small. Besides a few castles left behind by the House of Bourbon, he possessed none of the vast tracts of land that symbolized a great noble.

It was said that the king was a country’s largest landowner, but here in Spain, the lands Carlo owned were smaller than those of some Spanish dukes.

The current Duke of Alba, Jacopo Luis Fitz-James Stuart-Ventimiglia, was born in 1835. It was worth noting that his wife and the wife of Napoleon III were sisters, making him and Napoleon III brothers-in-law.

To Carlo’s relief, Duke Jacopo of Alba treated him with great respect and, between the lines, expressed a clear desire to curry favor with him.

When Carlo proposed a joint venture with the nobles to establish a bank, Duke Jacopo immediately and solemnly vowed that he would buy shares in Carlo’s bank and become its first depositor.

Although their conversation lasted just over an hour, Carlo and Duke Jacopo quickly reached a consensus on the bank’s establishment and strengthened their relationship.

Duke Jacopo also invited Carlo to his private banquet, his intention to pledge allegiance now unmistakable.

Carlo, of course, readily agreed. Through Duke Jacopo of Alba’s introduction, Carlo could easily win over the circle of nobles acquainted with the Duke and begin to exert his own influence over the aristocracy.

Only by securing the loyalty of the majority of the nobles could the Spanish royal family be truly transformed, and only then could Spain genuinely enter the era of Savoy.

Interestingly, both Queen Isabella and the Carlist Carlos VII had chosen to flee north to France after their defeat.

But France was now in its republican era. These nobles seeking refuge in France might also be affected by the changes.

At the very least, life as a refugee in France would not be so comfortable anymore. Before, they were under the protection of the French Emperor, Napoleon III. But now, even the French nobility could hardly fend for themselves. The status of these refugees from the Spanish House of Bourbon would become even more awkward in France.

As it turned out, most of Spain’s nobles were no fools.

After Primo suppressed the Carlist rebellion, these nobles had long intended to approach Carlo and pledge their allegiance.

Every noble Carlo met with agreed to his proposal of jointly establishing a bank, and each one declared they would become depositors, putting a portion of their funds into it.

Even Primo, after multiple invitations from Carlo, finally nodded in agreement to join the joint bank, which filled Carlo with confidence about the bank’s future development.

Of course, the Duke of Serrano, far away in Cuba suppressing the rebellion, was also part of Carlo’s invitation plan. However, Serrano’s joining the bank would have to wait until his return to Madrid, so there was no rush.

With the support of the nobles, the preparations for the bank went very smoothly.

On April 9, 1870, Madrid’s first Royal Joint Bank officially opened, drawing a great deal of attention.

On the very first day of its opening, a large number of nobles came to the Royal Joint Bank to deposit money. Such a grand occasion sparked heated discussion among the public, and the Royal Joint Bank quickly became the most talked-about bank in Madrid.

The bank welcomed hundreds of depositors on its first day, most of whom were nobles wanting to show their support for Carlo.

The dukes, in particular, made deposits calculated in units of 100,000 pesetas. Some even deposited over one million pesetas.

Although one million pesetas was worth less than forty thousand pounds, for any bank in Spain, this sum was definitely considered a large deposit.

Chapter 46: Jacopo’s Private Banquet

“Congratulations, Your Majesty. The establishment of the Royal Joint Bank has been a great success. Perhaps this year, Spain will see the birth of a mega-bank with over one million depositors,” the Duke of Alba, Jacopo, said with a smile, flattering Carlo.

“You are also a shareholder of the Joint Bank. When the bank achieves success, every shareholder has a part in it.” Carlo smiled and nodded, quite satisfied with the results the Royal Joint Bank had achieved.

Just moments ago, the steward, Loren, had reported that the Royal Joint Bank had gained as many as 684 depositors that day, with total deposits exceeding eighteen million pesetas, for an average of 26,870 pesetas per person.

Of course, these figures were highly inflated.

Of the 684 depositors, the vast majority were nobles who had heard the news. Among them, three people deposited over one million: Duke of Alba Jacopo, Duke of Alburquerque Fernando, and Carlo himself.

There were only one or two hundred genuine commoner depositors, which was the reason the average deposit was pulled so high.

From this, one could see just how vast the assets of the Spanish nobility were. The deposits they made as a gesture of goodwill were but a drop in the bucket compared to their total wealth, but for Carlo, it was an incredibly important starting fund.

Eighteen million pesetas was already more than half of the assets Carlo had brought with him to Spain, and this was just the total savings acquired on the first day of the Royal Joint Bank’s operation.

If the Royal Joint Bank could win the people’s trust and attract a large number of Spanish citizens to deposit their money, Carlo would have a continuous stream of capital at his disposal.

With sufficient funds, Carlo could constantly lay the groundwork for expansion in the industrial and financial sectors, earning even more money.

It was still easy to make money in this era, especially as a king. With the vast capital brought by the Royal Joint Bank, Carlo could easily monopolize an industry, maximize its profits, and quickly line his own pockets.

“Your Majesty, please do not miss the banquet tomorrow night. A great number of nobles will be in attendance. It is time for Your Majesty to meet these gentlemen,” Jacopo said with a smile.

Ever since Primo had suppressed the Carlist rebellion, Jacopo had lost any trace of underestimation for Carlo. He knew that from now on, Carlo’s throne would be exceedingly stable, and his fate would be intertwined with that of the Spanish nobility.

For them to look down on Carlo as king at this time would, in effect, be looking down on themselves as the king’s subjects.

The nobles’ transcendent status was entirely due to the people’s obedience and support for the monarchy. If the people no longer supported the king and overthrew the monarchy, the nobility’s sense of superiority would cease to exist.

Although Carlo was an outsider, weren’t the Bourbons also outsiders? The House of Savoy still controlled the Italian throne, whereas the Bourbon dynasty currently controlled no country at all.

“Of course,” Carlo replied with a smile and a nod.

“What reason would I have not to attend a banquet you personally invited me to, Jacopo?” Carlo said with a laugh.

Jacopo nodded, took his leave from Carlo’s Royal Palace, and returned to prepare for the long-planned banquet.

This banquet was hosted in Jacopo’s private capacity, with the primary goal of demonstrating his loyal attitude to Carlo, while also helping Carlo completely win over the Spanish nobility.

Carlo was, after all, an outsider. To gain the recognition of the entire noble class, the support of established native Spanish nobles like Duke Jacopo was crucial.

Jacopo naturally understood that offering help in a time of dire need was far more valuable than adding icing to the cake later. If he waited until Carlo had already won over a portion of the nobility before cozying up to him, it would not be so easy to become one of Carlo’s loyalists.

It was important to remember that although nobles held a transcendent status, their families were not eternally prosperous.

To ensure a family’s long-lasting prosperity, the first step was to gain the king’s support and trust. The second was to engage in political marriages and mutual cooperation with other nobles.

And in this banquet, Jacopo had his own private agenda.

His daughter, Anna, was born in 1855 and would soon turn sixteen. Carlo was born in June 1851 and was not yet nineteen. The age difference between them was not too great.

If, during the banquet, Anna and Carlo happened to catch each other’s eye, perhaps the status of the House of Toledo in Spain would rise to another level.

Even if she couldn’t become the Queen of Spain, the House of Toledo wouldn’t lose out if she caught Carlo’s eye and became one of his mistresses.

After all, it was all too common for European monarchs to keep mistresses, and the chaotic lives of the nobility were beyond the imagination of ordinary people.

Time quickly flew by to the day of the banquet.

The banquet was held at Duke Jacopo’s castle. The castle was located on the outskirts of Madrid, not far south of Toledo.

Jacopo placed great importance on this banquet, inviting a large number of nobles from all over Spain. However, due to space limitations, the lowest rank of nobility able to attend had to be a Count. Viscounts and Barons were generally not qualified to participate unless they possessed exceptional prestige or status.

This couldn’t be helped. After all, the number of Dukes, Marquises, and Counts in Spain already numbered in the hundreds. Although fewer than a hundred could attend due to the distance, it was still a considerable number.

But when factoring in the female companions and family members the nobles brought with them, it was no problem for several hundred people to attend the banquet.

This was more or less the limit for a private banquet. Any more people would make the scene quite chaotic, and the safety of the attending nobles could not be guaranteed.

Especially since Carlo would also be present, security had to be a top priority. If some accident caused the banquet to end on a sour note, all of Jacopo’s preparations would be for naught.

Carlo was also quite looking forward to this banquet.

Although Carlo had already met many of Spain’s nobles at the coronation ceremony, their attitude toward him then had not been so sincere.

Now, with Jacopo’s support and his own throne being quite stable, the nobles had no choice but to submit to Carlo’s rule.

Tonight’s banquet was the beginning of Carlo completely securing the allegiance of the noble class, becoming the true King of Spain, and being able to exert his influence over the government through them.

After tonight, Carlo would gain a large batch of trustworthy subordinates. At least in terms of defending the monarchy, these nobles would absolutely stand with Carlo.

When facing the Republicans, Carlo would no longer be fighting alone. These nobles were his best allies and, aside from Carlo himself, the group in Spain most opposed to republicanism.

In order to gain sufficient trust from Carlo, and to ensure the banquet proceeded smoothly without any mishaps, Duke Jacopo specifically requested that Carlo dispatch a portion of the Royal Guard to help maintain order at the venue.

This included conducting simple body searches of the attendees to ensure that no one was carrying weapons.

This point was also discussed and agreed upon with the attending nobles in advance. After all, Carlo was unwilling to have someone with a weapon mix into the banquet and deliver a fatal blow when his guard was at its lowest.

His own life had to remain in his own hands. When necessary, no one could be trusted.

It was not that Carlo was unwilling to trust others; it was mainly that assassinations of kings were countless throughout Europe, and Carlo was no fool.

Even if he could trust Jacopo, could he trust every noble attending the banquet? Even if all the nobles were fine, could they guarantee that the companions they brought with them didn’t include hidden rebels?

Screening everyone one by one was both time-consuming and inefficient. The best method was to ensure that no one carried weapons, turning the castle where the banquet was held into a weapon-free safe zone.

At around six in the evening, Carlo, riding in a carriage and escorted by the Royal Guard, slowly made his way toward Jacopo’s castle.

This carriage had also been specially modified. Even the windows had a steel plate that could be pulled down to prevent bullets from penetrating.

Because the carriage was very heavy with the inlaid steel plates, it was pulled by four horses to ensure its speed.

To guarantee Carlo’s safety, two identical carriages departed from the Royal Palace simultaneously, ensuring that even if there were assassins, they wouldn’t be able to tell which carriage Carlo was in at a moment’s notice.

By a little after seven in the evening, Carlo’s carriage finally arrived at Jacopo’s castle.

Outside the castle, a large group of nobles had been waiting for some time.

The nobles’ positions reflected their status. Standing at the very front were Dukes like Jacopo, followed by Marquises, and finally, Counts and a small number of Viscounts and Barons.

Beside the nobles were their female companions and family members. Several hundred people stood outside the castle to welcome Carlo’s arrival, creating a rather lively scene.

“His Majesty has arrived!”

Watching the carriage slowly approach, Duke Jacopo quickly called out, signaling the nobles to adjust their attire so as not to lose their etiquette in front of the king.

As they watched Carlo step down from the carriage with the help of a handmaiden, all the nobles performed a standard Noble’s bow, welcoming the king’s arrival with the highest courtesy.

“Good evening, my nobles.” Carlo also smiled and waved, showing his amiable attitude toward them.

Jacopo hurried forward and said respectfully, “Everything is ready, Your Majesty. The banquet can begin at any moment, upon your command.”

“Well done, Jacopo. Alright, everyone, let’s go inside and enjoy this banquet,” Carlo said with a smile, showing not a hint of a king’s airs.

Surrounded by a large crowd of nobles, Carlo slowly walked into the castle, beginning his experience of a uniquely Spanish private noble banquet.

Chapter 47: The Royal Council

Carlo experienced a Spanish noble banquet, a truly unique feature of this era.

Extravagant. So damn extravagant.

Carlo couldn’t help but marvel.

Although the castle was much smaller than Carlo’s palace, its interior decorations were in no way inferior, showcasing the luxury and wealth of the Spanish nobility since the colonial era.

The tableware at the banquet was all made of gold and silver, and the wine served was a privately cellared vintage costing up to several hundred pesetas a bottle.

Because Carlo was Italian, Jacopo had specially invited several highly skilled Italian chefs when planning the banquet, just to prepare Italian delicacies for him.

The nobles were quite reserved at first, but once Carlo showed a rather approachable attitude, they began to relax.

“Everyone, let us raise our glasses and toast our great king, His Majesty King Carlo I of the House of Savoy!” When everyone had a glass of wine, Jacopo promptly stood up, raised his glass, and proposed a toast.

“To the king!”

The crowd raised their glasses in a salute to Carlo. Even those with other intentions didn’t dare to refuse to raise their glass on such an occasion.

Opposing him in secret was one thing. But to not raise one’s glass on an occasion like this would likely make one an outcast among the entire nobility by the next day.

After all, as the saying goes, your superior might not remember you for giving a gift, but they will certainly remember you vividly for not giving one.

The same logic applied here. Carlo might not remember who raised their glasses, but he would definitely remember who didn’t.

This was a mark of Jacopo’s cleverness. As the host and one of the oldest and most high-ranking nobles in Spanish history, he was certainly the most qualified person to say such words.

Guiding the nobles to express their support and loyalty to Carlo at the right moment—that was Jacopo’s objective at this banquet.

So far, Jacopo was quite satisfied with his actions. The nobles had expressed their respect for Carlo as planned, and the smile had never left Carlo’s face.

“Everything is going smoothly,” Jacopo thought to himself.

Taking a small sip of wine, Carlo remained in high spirits as Jacopo introduced him to the exquisite dishes meticulously prepared by the chefs.

If most of Europe was a culinary desert, then Spain was undoubtedly a brilliant pearl upon it.

Not to mention the world-famous Iberian ham of later years, just the seafood paella, stewed oxtail, and roasted suckling pig were enough to place Spanish cuisine at the forefront of Europe.

The variety of delicacies was dazzling, filling two long, enormous dining tables.

However, it was clear that most of the people present were not that interested in the food. Although this dinner was lavish and sumptuous, the everyday fare of the nobility was just as fine.

The main purpose of this banquet was for the nobles to socialize, and many of them harbored the same thought as Jacopo: to see if they could arrange a marriage with the royal family and forge a connection.

Marriages among European nobility emphasized being of equal social standing. At a minimum, the king’s wife had to be the daughter of a Duke.

As for the Marquises and Counts, they were largely excluded; their daughters could never become the queen of Spain.

Carlo had still underestimated the openness of the European nobility of this era.

The banquet had just begun when several noblewomen came forward to invite Carlo for a dance. If it were just a simple invitation, it would have been one thing, but their posture and expression clearly said that if Carlo wanted, they could be intimate at any time.

Among these women were not only unmarried young maidens but also alluring married women.

It was a good thing Carlo was constantly accompanied by two beautiful and seductive maids; otherwise, he might not have been able to withstand such a top-tier temptation.

Carlo was initially curious as to whether the alluring woman’s husband would mind, but a glance showed that the Count in question was deep in a heated conversation with another Marquis’s wife, paying no attention to what was happening over here.

Witnessing such a scene with his own eyes, Carlo finally and truly understood just how open Europeans of this era were, and just how decadent the lives of the nobility were.

It was no exaggeration to say that if Carlo was willing, he could sleep with at least half of the noblewomen present.

Having enjoyed a luxurious aristocratic life since childhood, these noblewomen were dressed beautifully and seductively, and each had her own unique charm.

Carlo also finally understood why having a lover was an open secret among European nobles, because most people could not possibly remain indifferent at a banquet like this.

“Your Majesty.” Seeing Carlo wave him over, Jacopo quickly excused himself from the two beautiful and charming noblewomen beside him and hurried toward the king.

“Duke Jacopo, are your banquets always like this?” Carlo asked, a little helplessly.

Jacopo thought Carlo was worried about whether the ladies’ husbands would object and quickly explained, “Please rest assured, Your Majesty. No one will care about what happens at the banquet, and no one will know.”

After speaking, Jacopo very considerately signaled for another group of noblewomen to come forward and invite Carlo to dance.

Jacopo had truly spared no effort to please Carlo.

These women had all sorts of characteristics, absolutely certain to suit anyone’s tastes. From girls who had just come of age to the wives of nobles, the variety was truly comprehensive and dazzling.

The first group consisted of slightly older women; the second group of ladies were all young maidens.

Carlo shook his head with a sigh, knowing he couldn’t keep refusing. He had no choice but to select a few girls who seemed more to his liking and dance with them.

These girls were quite bold while dancing with Carlo.

But then again, it seemed no girl could refuse a young, handsome king who possessed an entire country.

The temptation of becoming queen was also enough to entice a great number of young women to take action, even if it led to nothing.

To be honest, though, while these girls were all distinctive, none of them truly caught Carlo’s eye.

Furthermore, considering the interests of both Carlo and Spain, it was highly probable that Carlo would not marry a native Spanish noblewoman.

Since he couldn’t give these girls a definite future, Carlo naturally wouldn’t take the initiative to get involved with them.

But if someone really offered herself up, Carlo couldn’t possibly do nothing. After all, it wasn’t a crime for a noble to have a lover.

Although this was a large banquet organized by Jacopo, the nobles conversed in small groups of three or five, not all gathered together.

It was clear that the status differences among the nobility were quite pronounced.

Dukes tended to chat with other Dukes. Some high-status Marquises might be able to join them, but Counts were rarely seen in these circles.

Some Marquises conversed with Dukes, while others could only chat with Counts, which best reflected the disparity in noble status and influence.

As the lowest tier at the banquet, the vast majority of Counts could only cluster together and talk amongst themselves.

It was very difficult for a Count to chat with a Duke. They had to wait until the Dukes finished their conversation and find an opportunity to approach the Duke they wished to speak with.

Carlo was without a doubt the most conspicuous person among the nobles. A large number of Archdukes and Dukes gathered around him; those below the rank of Duke couldn’t even squeeze their way in.

Holding a wine glass while listening to the Dukes’ flattery and words of allegiance, Carlo was in quite a good mood.

Of course, Carlo wouldn’t get carried away by a few compliments. What pleased him was that these nobles were sensible, and they had all chosen to align themselves with the royal authority, to truly support him as their king.

The nobility was unquestionably the most powerful force in Spain, and Carlo was determined to gain complete control over it.

Seeing that the conversation was ripe, Carlo followed up with his own proposal: to establish a Royal Council, forming a confederation of nobles under the leadership of the crown.

The so-called Royal Council would be composed entirely of nobles, with all those of the rank of Marquis and above eligible to join.

This Royal Council, composed exclusively of Dukes and Marquises, would represent the Spanish nobility. By exerting his influence over the Royal Council, Carlo could control the entire noble class and, in turn, exert his own influence on the government.

In this way, even if Primo were to leave politics in the future, Carlo wouldn’t have to worry about whether a new Prime Minister would support him.

Relying solely on the strong support of the nobility and the Royal Council, Carlo could guarantee his influence over the government and ensure he would not be completely sidelined.

In addition to the Royal Council, Carlo also wanted to establish a Royal Order of Knights to cultivate an elite military corps from among the nobility.

It was well known that the elite education of European nobles placed considerable emphasis on military matters. With such a vast noble class in Spain, the number of their children was also countless.

By forming a Royal Order of Knights, he could select capable individuals from among the nobles’ children to serve him, ensuring that the next generation of nobles would also have sufficient loyalty to him.

Truly capable scions of noble families could use their time in the Royal Order of Knights to burnish their credentials, allowing them to enter the military quickly and receive promotions.

And those who were less capable could still receive the honor of being a Royal Knight, which would serve as a reward to win over the nobility.

After all, not all noble children were competent. For those with limited abilities, the best approach was to grant them honorary titles like Royal Knight. This would curry favor with the nobles without placing too great a burden on the government or the royal family.

After a few glasses of wine, the nobles’ thinking grew less rational. At Jacopo’s urging, they soon agreed to the establishment of the Royal Council and expressed their willingness to have their sons join the Royal Order of Knights.

After all, joining the Royal Order of Knights was not a bad thing. Not only would they gain an honorary title like Royal Knight, but they would also be more likely to be appointed by Carlo, thereby gaining his trust and further stabilizing their family’s position in Spain.

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Chapter 48: More Terrifying Than Prussia

Carlo was in a splendid mood.

The banquet had solved the most pressing problem he faced: the establishment of an institution to unite all the nobles, ensuring Carlo’s influence over the entire aristocracy.

Although the nobles in attendance were only a fraction of Spain’s total nobility, most of the dukes with high status and influence were present. The only exceptions were those who lived too far away or were delayed by other matters, such as Duke Serrano, who was all the way in Cuba.

He believed that once the news of the Royal Council’s establishment was announced, it would attract more nobles to apply for membership.

This was also an opportunity for the nobles to declare their stance. Those who eagerly applied to join the Royal Council were naturally those willing to support Carlo.

As for those who were unwilling to join, it meant they were unwilling to support him, and their loyalty to Carlo was questionable.

While Carlo founded the Royal Council to win over a portion of the nobility, in France to the north of Spain, the peace talks between Prussia and France were nearing their end.

According to the draft reparations agreement signed by Prussia and France, the French government was only required to pay Prussia two hundred million francs in reparations.

This was not a harsh penalty; in fact, France could have paid it off immediately.

But as the situation in Paris developed, the terms of the peace talks quickly changed.

Although the French Government of National Defense had suppressed the first uprising of the Parisian citizens, it had failed to quell their increasingly fierce opposition.

The citizens of Paris were especially infuriated when they learned that the Government of National Defense might cede French territory, and they completely lost all trust in it.

The angry Parisians gathered once more, staging an uprising even larger than the last.

Although the Government of National Defense suppressed it swiftly, for the enraged citizens of Paris, there was no other choice but to resist resolutely.

The demoralized troops of the French Government of National Defense stood no chance against the impassioned Paris National Guard. In fact, many government soldiers felt no hostility toward the National Guard. Instead, they treated them like brothers, frequently passing on intelligence that was beneficial to their cause.

There were two strategically important high grounds in Paris: the Montmartre Heights and the Buttes-Chaumont.

A large number of cannons and other weapons were stored there, and the Government of National Defense naturally could not allow these arms to fall into the hands of the Parisian insurgents.

But in the attempt to seize these two high grounds, a mutiny occurred within the government troops.

General Claude Martin Lecomte, who was in charge of the attack on the Montmartre Heights, not only failed to complete his mission but was also mutinied against and executed by firing squad by his own soldiers.

The reason for his execution was that General Lecomte had ordered his soldiers to fire on the Paris National Guard and ordinary citizens.

As the uprising in Paris raged on, the French Government of National Defense discovered with horror that its own army seemed to be disobedient.

The troops of the Government of National Defense had originally been formed from revolutionaries, and their composition was extremely complex. Although the capitalists controlled the discourse within the government, the army also contained a large number of soldiers with Republican, Democratic, and other ideologies.

Compared to the collaborationist, treasonous Government of National Defense, these soldiers were clearly more supportive of the newly risen Paris National Guard.

Seeing the situation escalating, the Prime Minister of the French Government of National Defense, Thiers, was so terrified that he no longer dared to remain in Paris. He chose to relocate the government to Versailles, just over ten kilometers away.

Why Versailles? Because German troops were still stationed there. To the officials of the French Government of National Defense, their fear of the Parisian revolutionaries was greater than their fear of the German army.

The Germans, at worst, would make them cede land and pay money. But those revolutionaries in Paris would send them to the guillotine and hang them from the lampposts.

For these French officials in the Government of National Defense, there was no need to even think about which was more important: the nation’s interests or their own lives.

In Versailles, preparing for the coronation ceremony of the German Empire, Bismarck smiled. He had not expected the French to provide such an opportunity. Wasn’t this a gift, freely delivered to the soon-to-be-established Germany?

Bismarck would not let this golden opportunity slip by, and neither would the Junker nobility back in Prussia.

Prussia was a rather unique country, where the Junker nobility held immense influence and status.

If France was a state that possessed an army, then Prussia was an army that possessed a state.

This was the reason for the Prussian army’s valor, but it also influenced Prussia’s foreign policy.

Why did nobles go to war? Naturally, to elevate their titles and seize more land for themselves.

And how did one seize more land? By taking it from France, of course, to be divided among the numerous Junker nobles.

After all, the nobles were not philanthropists. They did not fight so hard for King Wilhelm I of Prussia without expecting compensation; it was just that the compensation was to be paid by the defeated nation, France.

Could Bismarck ignore the immensely influential Junker nobility within Prussia? Of course not.

As the Junkers repeatedly pressured Wilhelm I and Bismarck to demand more land from France, Bismarck finally spoke to Thiers again.

“Due to a miscalculation of our country’s losses in the war, I hope to renegotiate the terms of reparations with your government and sign a new treaty. This matter concerns the interests of tens of millions of people in Prussia and Germany, so I ask that Your Excellency consider it carefully. Of course, I will guarantee your government’s safety and ensure that the uprising in Paris does not affect Versailles.”

Bismarck’s meaning was simple.

Either agree to greater reparations and cede more land, and the Prussian army would guarantee the French government’s safety in Versailles.

Otherwise, Prussia might very well hand the French government over to the revolutionary masses in Paris.

If that happened, the fate of the French officials was all too predictable. The last time the people of Paris rose up, they executed the king. Were their lives any more precious than the king’s?

Under Bismarck’s threats and intimidation, Thiers had no choice but to nod in agreement, even though he was unwilling to renegotiate the reparations.

After all, that mob of rioting Parisians would truly hang them from lampposts. The citizens of Paris were far more terrifying than the Prussian army.

Perhaps the citizens of Paris never imagined that their uprising would only make their government weaker, even to the point of ceding more territory in exchange for Prussian protection.

But even if they had known, they probably would have only resisted more fiercely. For such a cowardly government was incapable of leading France forward. France ought to establish a more just, democratic republic.

Chapter 49: A Fresh Five Billion in Reparations

Under the influence of the Parisian citizens’ uprising, the French Government of National Defense quickly signed a new reparations agreement with the Germans.

This new agreement was even more outrageous than the previous draft; the indemnity alone reached a staggering five billion francs.

In mid-April 1870, the two sides signed this new reparations agreement in Frankfurt, also known as the Treaty of Frankfurt.

The treaty stipulated that France would cede Alsace and Lorraine, along with the fortress of Metz, to Prussia, and voluntarily renounce its sovereignty over Alsace and Lorraine.

Within the next three years, the French government was required to pay Germany an indemnity of five billion francs. This indemnity would be valued at a rate of one Prussian thaler to 3.50 francs.

The reason for pegging the value to the Prussian silver coin was to prevent the French from devaluing the franc to reduce their payment.

Without a doubt, the French were fully capable of such a move.

Five billion francs was no small sum; converted to pounds sterling, it was still as high as two hundred million.

Two hundred million pounds—what an outrageous concept!

The main warships of the era were ironclads, which typically cost between one hundred thousand to several hundred thousand pounds.

If this entire sum were used to build ironclads, it would be enough for Prussia to possess several hundred powerful ones.

Although building a navy wasn’t that simple—training sailors, familiarizing them with warship operations, and developing them into a competent fighting force all took a great deal of time.

But this was enough to demonstrate the sheer size of the sum. For Prussia, which had just defeated France, this money was a godsend. It could help Prussia rapidly develop its industry and rise to become a top world power.

In fact, this illustrates just how much the French contributed to Prussia’s growth into the German Empire and its rise as the world’s second-greatest power, surpassed only by Britain.

Prussia’s industrial base was not strong, but the French handed over the industrially powerful regions of Alsace and Lorraine.

The Lorraine region, in particular, possessed vast iron ore resources. The Germans leveraged Lorraine’s iron and the Ruhr’s coal to allow the German Empire’s industry to surpass France’s in a short period.

Industrial development required a large amount of capital, and the French had thoughtfully prepared five billion francs for the Germans.

Without such considerate help from the French, Germany might still have risen, but the pace would have been much, much slower.

However, this also demonstrated the deep reserves of old colonial powers like Britain and France.

The fact that the French were required to pay a full five billion francs in three years meant the Prussians believed France was capable of raising that amount within the timeframe.

This alone placed France above most countries in the world.

At least, Spain currently lacked the ability to raise five billion francs. Not in three years; it was doubtful they could even do it in ten.

Although Carlo had long known the indemnity France had to pay was a staggering five billion francs, he was still somewhat astonished—and envious of Prussia—upon learning the actual terms of the treaty signed by the French and Prussian sides.

That was a full two hundred million pounds.

Right now, what Spain lacked most was capital, and this was the sole factor hindering Primo’s reforms.

After defeating the Carlists, the voices of opposition to reform within Spain had gradually weakened. But it was precisely the lack of funds that had slowed the pace of reform, making it impossible to meet Primo’s expectations.

Fortunately, Primo was rational enough. Combined with the frequent rebellions in Spain during this period, the government’s reform plans were not overly radical. The overall trend of Spain’s reforms remained one of steady progress.

After Prussia secured the five-billion-franc indemnity, Carlo’s desire to cling to Prussia’s coattails grew even stronger.

Prussia, or rather Germany, now possessed all the conditions to become a top-tier great power and would remain so in Europe for the next forty years.

If Spain could latch onto Prussia and gain its support in industry and finance, its own reforms would proceed much more smoothly.

As for support from Britain and France, Carlo had never even considered it.

The British had no desire to see Spain rise, because a resurgent Spain would inevitably want to reclaim Gibraltar.

Gibraltar was crucial to British control of the Mediterranean, and they would never relinquish their occupation of it.

This meant that Britain and Spain had an irreconcilable conflict. Unless one of them was no longer a great power, Anglo-Spanish relations could never be peaceful.

As for France, it went without saying. As France’s neighbor, it was naturally better for Spain to be as weak as possible.

No country wants to see its neighbor become powerful, so the French would certainly not support Spain’s reforms and industrial expansion.

Looking across all of Europe, the only powers that might support Spain’s reforms and industrialization were Germany, Russia, and Italy.

Germany and France were in fierce conflict. Even if only to cause trouble for the French, the Germans would support Spain’s reforms.

Russia had its own conflicts with the British and would also be willing to see Spain rise. But at this time, Russia was not much better off than Spain. Its own reforms were incomplete, let alone having the funds to support Spain.

That left Italy. Because Carlo came from the Italian royal family, and because Italy and Spain shared a common enemy in North Africa—France—they could find common ground.

But the Italian royal family was his own house. The only great power available for a marriage alliance was Germany.

However, Carlo would not force the issue of a marriage alliance. While there were political interests to consider, he didn’t want to marry a wife he did not like.

If he could find a marriage partner he liked and who would also benefit the royal family and Spain, that would naturally be a joyous outcome for everyone.

A few days passed quickly, and Carlo had made some gains.

First was the situation with the financial enterprise Carlo valued greatly: the Royal Joint Bank.

In the week since its opening, the total number of depositors had surpassed five thousand, and total deposits had reached 29.13 million pesetas, with an average deposit of 5,787.31 pesetas per person.

Although the average deposit had dropped from forty thousand on the first day to less than six thousand now, this was actually good news for the Royal Joint Bank.

It meant that the number of commoner depositors was increasing, and the Royal Joint Bank was gradually gaining public trust among the citizens of Madrid.

After all, Madrid didn’t have a large population. Gaining just over five thousand depositors in such a short time was already proof of the public’s trust.

Although the nobility contributed more to the total, the trust of the common people was a greater encouragement to Carlo. At the very least, it proved that the Spanish people’s support for the House of Savoy and for Carlo himself was steadily increasing.

Chapter 50: The Founding of the German Empire

With the signing of the peace treaty with France, no external forces could interfere with German unification any longer.

However, transforming the Kingdom of Prussia into the German Empire was not easy, because many states, including Bavaria, were worried about their own independence after German unification.

The new empire was bound to be less decentralized than the Holy Roman Empire. If German unification meant Bavaria would lose its independence, that would be rather difficult for King Ludwig II of Bavaria to accept.

After all, although a King of Bavaria with no power and the current King of Bavaria holding real power had the same title, their influence in the German lands was worlds apart.

At this time, Prussia itself was not without its own turmoil.

Many nobles, including King Wilhelm I of Prussia, were not so enthusiastic about the establishment of the new empire.

This was because after the empire’s founding, the Kingdom of Prussia, of which they were once so proud, would become just a part of the empire. The House of Hohenzollern, now the imperial family, might abandon its old, extremely frugal traditions and imitate the lavish, extravagant monarchs of Europe, indulging in profligacy and waste.

Such worries were not unfounded.

Although both emperors and kings are independent rulers, being the King of Prussia was completely different from being the German Emperor.

Becoming the German Emperor meant completing the great task of unifying the German lands and becoming one of only three emperors in Europe.

The newly founded German Empire would inevitably become a mightier great power. Its comprehensive national strength would far surpass that of its long-time enemy, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and reach a level on par with Britain and France.

Having achieved so much, it was hard to guarantee that the members of the House of Hohenzollern would not become complacent. After such a long period of tension, they might relax and begin to enjoy the lavish life of an imperial family.

But where there were opponents, there were also supporters, most notably Wilhelm I’s son, Crown Prince Frederick William Nicholas Charles. (father of Wilhelm II)

The Crown Prince, born in 1831, was now nearly forty years old.

In Europe, where the average life expectancy was only thirty to forty years, Crown Prince Frederick was already considered middle-aged.

Although there was no hope of succession in the short term, if he could obtain a higher noble title through the establishment of the empire, that was something Crown Prince Frederick was willing to see.

After all, who would be content to remain a crown prince for their entire life? With Wilhelm I being so long-lived, Crown Prince Frederick could only hope to elevate his own title through the establishment of the empire.

Just how long-lived was Wilhelm I? Born in 1797, Wilhelm I in history did not pass away until 1888, living to the age of ninety-one.

This was exceptionally rare in nineteenth-century Europe, and would even be considered a long life more than a century later in the twenty-first century.

As Wilhelm I’s son, Crown Prince Frederick’s fate was rather tragic.

Historically, Crown Prince Frederick did not ascend the throne until 1888. Due to laryngeal cancer, he passed away after a reign of only ninety-nine days, earning him the nickname the “Hundred Days’ Emperor.”

He waited from 1831 to 1888—a total of fifty-seven years. Fifty-seven years of waiting in exchange for ninety-nine days on the imperial throne. Frederick was certainly deserving of the title of the most tragic crown prince of the nineteenth century.

Of course, the current Crown Prince Frederick had not yet been diagnosed with laryngeal cancer and was still in relatively good health.

Thanks to Crown Prince Frederick’s reasoned arguments, Wilhelm I finally agreed to the establishment of the new empire.

But Wilhelm I also set a condition: he would only do so if the other German monarchs proposed that he assume the imperial title.

If the Parliament asked him to become Emperor before the other monarchs did, Wilhelm I would refuse the proposal.

The reason was simple. If the proposal to establish the empire came from the other German monarchs, it would prove that the German Empire was acknowledged by all the states and had popular support.

But if Prussia’s own Parliament proposed it, it would smack of self-delusion and would make Wilhelm I’s legitimacy somewhat unstable from the start.

Among the many German states, the one most qualified to request Wilhelm I’s coronation as Emperor was the largest state in Southern Germany, the Kingdom of Bavaria.

To hasten the empire’s founding, Bismarck wrote a letter to King Ludwig II of Bavaria, requesting that Ludwig II take the initiative and propose that Wilhelm I be crowned German Emperor.

By this time, Bismarck had already agreed that Bavaria would enjoy a degree of independence within the German Empire, and that the King of Bavaria would retain command of the Bavarian army during peacetime.

The Bavarian government would also have a voice in foreign affairs, enjoy financial privileges, and would not have to abide by Prussian military regulations.

In matters of marriage and citizenship, it could maintain its own specific laws, and it could also retain its own postal and telegraph services.

These were immense concessions to Bavaria. After receiving so many benefits and assurances, Ludwig II naturally had no objection to Wilhelm I’s coronation.

And so, at the public request of Ludwig II, Wilhelm I formally agreed to establish the German Empire and be crowned German Emperor.

The site chosen for the founding of the empire was the Palace of Versailles in France. To be crowned Emperor in France held a unique significance for all Prussians.

Prussia, the predecessor of the empire, had defeated France, the former hegemon of Europe. This symbolized Bismarck and Wilhelm I’s great hope for the nascent German Empire: that it would replace France as the new hegemon of Europe.

In May 1870, under the hateful gazes of the French people, before the complex expressions of France’s Government of National Defense, amidst the fervent watch of the Junker nobility, and among the fanatical cheers of the Prussian army, King Wilhelm I of Prussia was formally crowned German Emperor, to be known as Wilhelm I.

The coronation ceremony was not complex, and the only attendees were nobles from Prussia and several other German states.

To prevent the other great powers from interfering with the outcome of the Franco-Prussian War, Bismarck and Wilhelm I did not even invite many of Europe’s great powers, merely announcing the establishment of the German Empire after the ceremony was over.

Within the German lands, the German people naturally erupted in cheers.

But in France, for the once-proud French people, the feeling was not so pleasant.

Germany was built by trampling on the French. As long as the German Empire existed, it would be an endless source of humiliation for the French people.

The founding of the German Empire clearly deepened the hatred between the Germans and the French. The rivalry between the two most powerful land powers on the European continent would affect the entire European situation, including Spain to the south of France.

Chapter 51: Assassination

The establishment of the German Empire was a good thing for Carlo.

Previously, the Franco-Prussian War starting a year early had worried Carlo. If the situation in Europe had been altered by his arrival, it could have seriously affected his judgment of the future.

Although the timing was different now, the situation was still moving slowly along the wheels of history. This meant that Carlo’s inherent advantage as a transmigrator still existed.

Even though the unified German Empire had become one of the most powerful nations on the European continent, Carlo had no intention of cozying up to the Germans just yet.

While Germany had received substantial reparations from France, the Germans also needed a great deal of capital to develop their own country and might not be able to offer Spain the kind of financial support that would satisfy Carlo.

Furthermore, Spain’s extremely important geographical location meant it could not easily pick a side, otherwise it would inevitably arouse the fear and hostility of the other great powers.

If Spain were to unequivocally become an ally of the German Empire, it would truly become a common enemy of Britain and France.

France would not want to see itself caught in a pincer movement by German influence from the north and south, and Britain would not want to see the western gate of the Mediterranean influenced or even controlled by another nation.

Before Spain was truly strong enough to decide its own destiny, the best approach was to keep its position ambiguous, swaying between the several great powers.

As long as Spain did not clarify its stance, there was no need to worry about any of the great powers invading.

Because no matter which country had designs on Spain’s territory, the other great powers would not allow it to occupy Spanish land.

If France tried to invade Spain, the Germans would cause trouble. If Britain tried to invade Spain, both France and Germany would stir things up. As for the Germans, they were too far away to have any designs on Spanish territory itself.

Only by temporarily swaying between sides could Spain ensure its security in the early stages and achieve relatively stable economic and industrial development.

If it were to truly pick a side, it might soon face sanctions from other great powers, such as increased tariffs, import-export restrictions, and so on.

This was the tragedy of smaller nations; sometimes, they truly could not control their own destinies. Seemingly playing both sides between two powerful countries was, in reality, just a desperate attempt to survive in the cracks without offending either.

However, the strategy of playing both sides was not always applicable. If the great powers reached a life-or-death struggle, this strategy would instead make one stand out even more.

No country liked a subordinate with an wavering stance. Swaying between sides right before a decisive battle, without the strength to command respect, would most likely result in being targeted by both sides, becoming the first to fall.

Carlo’s hope for Spain was to successfully complete its initial reforms within the next ten years and possess strength on par with a great power, roughly equivalent to present-day Italy.

Within the next twenty years, he hoped it could squeeze into the ranks of the medium great powers and gain the right to determine its own destiny. By then, it would no longer have to struggle for survival in the shadow of stronger nations.

As for the First World War, which would erupt in history more than forty years later, Spain’s reforms might have been fully completed by then. Spain could then leap from being a piece on the chessboard to a player holding the pieces, or perhaps an observer, watching the situation in Europe unfold.

In any case, either choice required a prerequisite: Spain itself had to possess a certain level of strength that would make the great powers take it seriously.

In Carlo’s plan for Spain, military reform was just as important as economic and industrial reform; neither could be neglected.

Economic and industrial reforms would allow Spain’s comprehensive national strength to increase dramatically, returning it to the throne of the great powers.

And military reform was the only way to ensure its coffers remained untouched. Without sufficient military strength, a vast economy and industry would simply become a juicy piece of meat in the mouths of the great powers.

It was only because an entire Atlantic Ocean separated the United States from Europe that its development was so smooth. If the United States were on the European continent, its progress would likely have been much rockier.

The only good news for now was that it was still early. It was 1870, with more than forty years to go before World War I—enough time for Spain to undergo a long and stable period of reform.

Reform could not be rushed; it had to be steady. Reforms that were too swift would incite the fury of the numerous opposition forces within the country, which was not a good thing for a Spain that had just quelled a rebellion.

In May 1870, in a luxurious manor in Madrid, Spain.

This was one of the estates of the Duke of Osuna, a renowned Spanish nobleman. As a top-tier aristocrat on par with the Duke of Alba, the Duke of Osuna’s family owned dozens of castles and manors throughout Spain, along with vast amounts of property, including an uncountable amount of land.

Of course, one of the reasons for the Duke of Osuna’s fame was the celebrated painting by the famous Spanish artist Goya, The Family of the Duke of Osuna, painted in 1788.

As one of Spain’s most preeminent nobles, the Duke of Osuna should have been indulging in his lavish lifestyle.

But at this moment, not the slightest hint of a relaxed smile graced the Duke’s face. Instead, it was clouded over, and he appeared to be in a foul mood.

Thud, thud, thud!

The sound of leather boots on the floor echoed, and a middle-aged man in a steward’s uniform walked in. He bowed respectfully to the Duke of Osuna and said, “Everything is ready, Your Highness. We can begin at any time.”

The Duke of Osuna gently swirled the wine glass in his hand. The deep red wine surged within the glass before gradually settling.

“Can you ensure the plan proceeds smoothly? You know I don’t want any accidents. This plan can only succeed; it cannot fail.” The Duke of Osuna set down his glass and fixed his gaze on his steward.

“It will proceed smoothly, Your Highness. This operation has been meticulously prepared. The two assassins involved will be silenced upon completion to ensure no one else knows of our plan.” The steward nodded confidently, quite sure of his arrangements.

“I hope so.” A smile appeared on the Duke of Osuna’s face, though it did not seem entirely genuine. His gaze flickered almost imperceptibly over his steward before quickly moving away.

“Go, then. I hope you bring me good news. May God bless you.” The Duke of Osuna waved his hand, and the steward departed as commanded.

About half an hour later, a powerfully built man in a long black robe entered and bowed respectfully to the Duke of Osuna. “Your Highness.”

“Shadow, I’ll leave the cleanup to you,” the Duke of Osuna said cryptically, a true smile finally gracing his face.

“As you command, Your Majesty,” the man called Shadow replied, his face remaining hidden. He gave a respectful nod and departed without a sound.

After Shadow had left the room, the Duke of Osuna picked up his wine glass again. He glanced at the priceless paintings hanging on the walls of his room, chuckled, and muttered to himself, “The King? The Prime Minister? Heh, on what grounds does an Italian become the King of Spain? He doesn’t even understand the basic rules. Why should he earn the support of the nobility?”

That evening, at the Royal Palace of Madrid.

An exhausted Primo walked out of the palace.

Just moments before, he had met with Carlo to report on the government’s recent work and had submitted a proposal for Spain’s military reforms.

In turn, Carlo had expressed his intention to grant Primo the noble title of Duke in the near future and to hold a celebratory banquet to mark the end of the civil unrest in Spain.

Since it was being held under the pretext of celebrating the end of the unrest, Primo could not easily refuse. He could only repeatedly request that the scale of the banquet be kept as small as possible, so that more money could be used for the government’s reforms.

This back-and-forth discussion took several hours, and by the time their meeting ended, it was already past eleven o’clock at night.

As Prime Minister, Primo was accustomed to working late into the night. He boarded his carriage and instructed his men to head to his residence.

The journey back was hazy. The rocking of the carriage made Primo drowsy.

Bang!

A sudden gunshot rang out with startling clarity. Primo was jolted awake, and the carriage simultaneously slowed down.

“Dammit, what’s going on? Why is there gunfire in Madrid?” Primo demanded.

“I’m afraid they’re after us! Protect the Prime Minister!” The man driving the carriage was actually a guard Primo had finally agreed to accept at Carlo’s insistence. They were all elite soldiers handpicked from the Spanish army and always carried weapons.

Although it appeared there was only one person driving the carriage, Primo’s excursions were always followed by covert guards, numbering at least ten.

While Primo’s carriage was not as distinctive as a royal carriage, its exterior was protected with iron plating, and the windows were fitted with steel plates that could be lowered.

Hearing that the gunshots might be aimed at him, Primo pulled down the steel plate over the window and picked up a weapon that had been prepared in the carriage beforehand. There was not a trace of panic in his eyes.

As a general who had personally led troops in battle, would Primo be afraid of a mere assassination attempt? Not a chance.

Besides, he had guards with him. Unless the enemy was a well-trained army of a hundred men, or had snipers who could take him out in just a few shots, the assassination was highly likely to fail.

Such obvious gunfire and fighting would quickly attract the Madrid police and military. They were not far from the Royal Palace, and the Royal Guard could arrive in a short time.

Clang! Clang! Clang!

The sound of several bullets striking the steel plates shocked the assassins and fully alerted Primo’s hidden guards.

The assassins had no other choice but to try aiming at other parts of the carriage, praying a bullet might pass through and hit Primo inside.

As for whether they could actually kill Primo, that was no longer a certainty. Who would have thought that a seemingly ordinary carriage would be equipped with something like steel plates?

Normally, a bullet could easily penetrate a wooden carriage and hit the person inside, but if the entire carriage was protected by steel or iron plates, its lethality would be drastically reduced.

“Dammit, a bunch of good-for-nothings!”

The steward, hiding in the shadows, cursed the two assassins. But the most urgent matter now was to tie up all the loose ends.

Chapter 52: A Foolproof Plan

“What? An attempt on Prime Minister Primo’s life?” Upon hearing Loren’s report, Carlo’s sleepiness vanished in an instant. He quickly asked, “Is the Prime Minister alright? What’s the situation?”

As things stood, Spain absolutely could not afford the loss of Prime Minister Primo.

It was no exaggeration to say that Primo’s importance to Spain at this moment far exceeded that of Carlo, the king.

Carlo was still too young; it was impossible for him to command the obedience of all of Spain’s factions.

Only Primo, with his military background and immense prestige in both military and political circles, could currently suppress those factions with ulterior motives.

In this regard, Serrano was far inferior.

Although Serrano also came from the military and had a certain reputation in politics, he leaned towards the Conservatives and lacked the support of the Reformists and the Progressive Party.

Perhaps Serrano’s personal loyalty to Carlo was higher than Primo’s, but he was not suited to be Spain’s Prime Minister. He was a better fit for a military position like Minister of War.

Primo handling civil affairs and Serrano handling military ones was the best arrangement for Spain at present.

Carlo was unwilling to see any accident befall either of them.

“Prime Minister Primo was unharmed, but when the guards pursued the assassins, they only found two dead bodies,” Steward Loren said, his expression a little strange.

“Two dead bodies?” Carlo was stunned for a moment, then understood. “So, they were silenced? Are there any specific clues?”

“Not yet,” Steward Loren shook his head, speaking with some helplessness. “The person behind this was clearly well-prepared. Aside from the two unidentifiable bodies of the assassins, even the assassination weapons were taken away.”

Carlo nodded. Since Prime Minister Primo was not seriously harmed, the next steps would be easier to handle.

“I want a thorough investigation. Search every corner of Madrid. I want to know who tried to assassinate our Prime Minister, who wants to destroy our reforms and Spain,” Carlo said, his face devoid of expression.

“Yes, Your Majesty.” Loren nodded and went to relay Carlo’s orders.

Although there were no clues, Carlo already had a rough idea of who might have been behind the assassination attempt on Primo.

The most likely reason for the assassination was his reforms. The reforms currently went against the interests of the factory owners, the Church, and the nobility. These three factions were the most likely to have dispatched assassins to kill Prime Minister Primo.

However, he reckoned the factory owner class lacked the capability. To be able to send assassins and be prepared to silence them afterward meant one had to have sufficiently loyal subordinates.

The factory owners in Madrid who hadn’t been purged were mostly running small-scale factories; it was impossible for them to have the resources to train such loyal killers.

This meant the most likely culprits behind the assassination attempt were either the nobility or the Church.

Although Carlo had won the support of most nobles through the Royal Council, that didn’t mean some nobles had no objections to the government’s reforms.

What was the best way to stop the reforms? Naturally, it was to get rid of the person who initiated them.

No matter who planned this assassination, it was a serious provocation against the current Spanish government. Whether it was the nobility or the Church, it was a good thing for Carlo.

As long as he could secure some evidence, Carlo could openly crack down on the nobles or the Church.

If Carlo had previously worried that purging some nobles would lead to opposition from the entire noble class, now, after gaining the support of the majority through the Royal Council, he could confidently deal with the opposing nobles as long as he ensured the interests of his supporters were not harmed.

The Church was an even simpler matter. The Church’s power was an obstacle to both Carlo and the Spanish government; the sooner it was dealt with, the better for Spain.

Carlo coveted the vast lands controlled by the Church. Whether it was renting them out to commoners at low prices, rewarding soldiers by granting land for military merit, or purchasing the land to establish large-scale royal farms, any of these options were far better than leaving it in the Church’s hands.

As a Catholic country, the Church’s influence in Spain was immense.

Only by controlling the entire Church could Carlo effectively increase his own influence and enhance Spain’s stability.

The Church’s power of indoctrination surpassed the government’s. Using the Church to widely propagate the idea of a unified Spain and make the common people of Catalonia and the Basque Country accept the concept of being Spanish was also part of Carlo’s plan.

The Church’s schools could also help promote the Spanish language. Many newspapers and businesses in Catalonia and the Basque region still used local languages, which was one of the reasons for the constant stream of separatists in those two regions.

Only through the common use of the Spanish language could the probability of separatists emerging in these two regions be reduced and assimilation be achieved as much as possible.

Late at night, in a certain manor.

“What? The plan failed?” the Duke of Osuna asked the man called Shadow, his face a picture of disbelief.

“Primo’s carriage was reinforced with steel plates. The weapons those two assassins had were not powerful enough for the bullets to penetrate the steel,” Shadow shook his head and said helplessly.

“Dammit, and this was your meticulous preparation?” Hearing that the assassins had only used two ordinary rifles, the Duke of Osuna almost laughed in anger.

If that steward hadn’t already been silenced, the Duke of Osuna might have been tempted to torture him with his own hands.

“How was it handled? Will they find any traces?” the Duke of Osuna asked Shadow anxiously.

“It’s all been taken care of. I also disassembled the two rifles and scattered the parts. No one will find anything,” Shadow said.

“Good. Damn that Torres, he ruined my plan. It seems Primo will get to live a little longer.” The Duke of Osuna was still lamenting the failure of the assassination, showing not a shred of compassion for having disposed of his own steward.

This was to be expected. As one of the nobles with the most land, how could the Duke of Osuna have only one steward?

Torres was merely the manager of some of his properties in Madrid and had only been the steward of this manor for a few years. Naturally, he had not yet earned the Duke of Osuna’s complete trust.

Since he was not trusted, it was only natural that he would be silenced after the assassination.

“The government will likely launch a full investigation into this assassination. Your Highness, shouldn’t you go into hiding for a while?” Shadow suggested.

The assassination of a Prime Minister was no small matter, and the government’s investigation would be intense. Especially since Primo was unharmed, the nobility and the Church would likely be among those scrutinized.

“That won’t be necessary for now. Shadow, you should have faith in your clean-up skills.” The Duke of Osuna smiled, betraying no panic. “Let Primo investigate. Two Italians—what can he possibly find?

Oh, perhaps when Primo discovers the assassins were Italians, we might be in for a good show.

Don’t forget, the king above us is an Italian. Do you think Primo won’t suspect the king? It’s truly something to look forward to, haha.”

The Duke of Osuna had prepared this assassination meticulously.

The two assassins were both Italian. They had entered Spain as laborers, and all information about them prior to the assassination painted them as ordinary people.

And this manor was just one of the Duke of Osuna’s many properties; very few people even knew who its steward was.

Especially since Torres had only become the steward of this manor a few years ago, the number of people who knew was extremely small.

Primo could probably turn Madrid upside down and find nothing useful. At that point, would Carlo, also an Italian, truly escape Primo’s suspicion?

Even if he couldn’t successfully assassinate Primo, at the very least, he had to drive a wedge between Carlo and Primo. This was the Duke of Osuna’s plan.

As long as the relationship between Carlo and Primo was damaged, Carlo would not be able to strongly support Primo’s reforms, as that would greatly enhance Primo’s personal prestige.

This would also achieve the Duke of Osuna’s objective: to stop Primo’s reforms from happening and ensure his own interests did not suffer too great a loss.

And even if all his plans failed, the Duke of Osuna would be free of any suspicion, able to wait for another opportunity to assassinate Primo. This was what he called a foolproof plan.

Chapter 53: A Pretext to Condemn

The assassination attempt on Prime Minister Primo served as a wake-up call for Carlo. He had to establish a loyal intelligence organization to gather information for him.

It was essential for monitoring domestic affairs in Spain, infiltrating the Republicans and other opposition factions, and investigating the movements and news of foreign nations.

To ensure the intelligence department’s loyalty to him, Carlo decided to begin cultivating agents from a young age.

In an era where the average lifespan was not particularly long, orphans were numerous. These orphans of Spain were precisely Carlo’s targets.

Orphans generally had tragic childhoods. Carlo only needed to provide them with the standard of living of an ordinary person to earn their gratitude.

By the time these orphans grew into qualified intelligence agents, their loyalty to Carlo would be far greater than that of ordinary people.

The downside, however, was the long cultivation period required—a time investment of at least ten years, or even fifteen to twenty.

Fortunately, Carlo himself was still young and had plenty of time to wait for these orphans to mature into excellent intelligence agents.

However, considering the immediate need for some intelligence personnel, he could also prioritize training a batch of more conventional agents to serve as a stopgap while waiting for the orphans to grow up.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Primo had already begun a massive investigation into the assassination.

However, finding clues in the sprawling city of Madrid was a difficult task, at least not one that could be accomplished in a short time.

But were clues really that important?

This assassination attempt was, in fact, an opportunity. It provided Carlo and Primo with ample justification to purge the government’s opposition.

Assassinating the Prime Minister was an extremely serious crime. No matter who this charge was pinned on, it would be easy to launch a major purge against them.

With the Carlists already vanquished, who else could stand against the stabilizing Spanish government?

The day after the assassination, Primo sought an audience with Carlo and proposed a plan to use the incident as a chance to deal with The Church once and for all.

The identity of the mastermind was no longer important. What mattered now was seizing this opportunity to purge The Church and take control of the vast lands it possessed.

It was well known that much of The Church’s land was tax-exempt. The Church collected taxes on these lands, and the revenue went directly into its own coffers.

If the government could take over these lands, it would not only increase agricultural tax revenue but also allow the land to be leased to commoners at low prices, increasing the average amount of farmland per person.

Besides the previously high agricultural taxes and other harsh burdens like the Tithe, another major reason for the low income of Spanish peasants was the continuous decline in per capita farmland.

Although Spain’s land area was by no means inferior to that of the great powers, a significant portion of it was in the hands of the nobility and The Church.

With a population of just over sixteen million, Spain should have had a higher per capita farmland area than the more populous great powers.

In reality, however, Spain’s per capita farmland was only average compared to the other European great powers. The peasants did not have enough land to cultivate, so naturally, their agricultural income could not be very high.

Carlo, of course, had no objections. Eliminating The Church, a troublesome opponent of reform, was beneficial for both the Spanish government and himself.

The next day, the Spanish government publicly reported the assassination attempt on Prime Minister Primo and announced that Madrid would once again be placed under martial law. No one was allowed to leave the city until the investigation was complete, though entry was permitted.

Soon, the streets and alleys of Madrid were swarming with the entire police force. Initially, their actions were focused on gathering clues about the assassination, but within a few days, they shifted to arresting members of The Church.

Although the arrests were not limited to The Church, its members constituted the largest number of those detained.

This caught the attention of The Church in Spain, which immediately began negotiations with the Spanish government.

To Spain’s Primate Archbishop, Pedro, the government’s actions were far too disrespectful.

Although the government produced some evidence, it was clearly insufficient to send members of The Church to prison.

Any discerning person could see that the government was using this opportunity to purge The Church, which incited dissatisfaction and anger among many of its bishops.

“Archbishop Pedro, we can’t just sit back and wait for our doom. If we keep waiting, it might be us who get arrested tomorrow,” said one of The Church’s bishops.

“Good God, has Primo gone mad? Arresting members of The Church so frenziedly, isn’t he afraid of our retaliation?” Archbishop Pedro was also stunned.

He had originally thought that The Church’s esteemed reputation and status in Spain would guarantee its unshakeable position amidst the country’s reforms.

But he never expected that a single assassination attempt would lead Primo to turn his blade on The Church. Caught completely unprepared, many of its members had already been arrested.

“Your Eminence, are we just going to let the government arrest us as they please? This assassination had nothing to do with us! What right does the government have to arrest us without any evidence?”

The bishops within The Church were furious. It was no exaggeration to say that everyone present was at risk of being arrested.

Just recently, they were revered bishops, and now they had become targets for government arrest warrants. Wasn’t this a flagrant trampling of The Church’s authority?

Archbishop Pedro’s expression appeared calm, but his heart was in turmoil. To be frank, he had no confidence in confronting the government with the strength of The Church alone.

The fate of the Carlists was still a fresh memory. The Church, in its current state, was clearly no match for the government. After all, this was not the era of the past when everyone was a fervent believer in The Church and God.

The Tithe alone had made the peasants deeply resentful of The Church. If The Church were to incite a rebellion now, it would likely only attract its most fanatical followers.

“For now, do not act rashly. I will seek an audience with His Majesty to explain the situation,” Archbishop Pedro said after a moment of careful thought, deciding against taking a risk.

If they succeeded in resisting the government, all would be well. But if they failed, the fate of these bishops would likely be grim.

At worst, they would lose some of their personal interests. As long as he could hold on to his position as Archbishop, he could still obtain donations from fervent believers through various means.

“You should also properly investigate your subordinates to see if any of them are connected to this assassination. If there are, deal with them quickly. Do not drag down The Church,” Archbishop Pedro concluded, glancing at the bishops, each with a different expression on their face.

Chapter 54: Hard to Prove Guilty, Harder to Prove Innocent

Within the vast and opulent Royal Palace of Madrid, a conversation laden with hidden meaning was taking place.

“Your Majesty, what is Prime Minister Primo doing? Does he mean to destroy the entire Church in Spain?” The moment he saw Carlo, Archbishop Pedro displayed his own innocence and indignation, attempting to win the king’s sympathy.

“What has happened, Archbishop Pedro?” How could Carlo not understand what the Church was going through? In fact, Carlo himself was one of the masterminds behind the plan to purge the Church.

But at a critical juncture like this, it was better to feign ignorance. At the very least, all of Archbishop Pedro’s indignation was being directed at Prime Minister Primo, which meant Carlo would suffer no losses.

“I know that the assassination attempt on Prime Minister Primo is a matter of great importance, but that is no reason to arrest the Church’s bishops without any evidence, is it?

“Your Majesty, the government has already arrested more than a dozen bishops, and the arrests are still ongoing. If you do not intervene, I fear I too will be arrested by Prime Minister Primo tomorrow,” Archbishop Pedro continued.

“Surely it’s not that serious, is it, Archbishop? I was the one who approved the city-wide search in Madrid. If bishops were arrested, it must be because they are under suspicion, no?

“If you have any questions, you can go and protest to Prime Minister Primo. Marquis Primo is by no means an arbitrary man. If you can prove those bishops’ innocence, the government will certainly release them.” Carlo had no intention of obstructing Primo’s purge of the Church. The best way was to pass the buck to Primo.

Carlo’s meaning was simple. If Archbishop Pedro had sufficient evidence to prove the bishops were innocent, then he could certainly pressure Prime Minister Primo and demand the government release the clergymen.

But therein lay the difficulty.

Although Prime Minister Primo lacked conclusive evidence to prove the Church’s culpability, it was quite easy to produce some criminal evidence to pin charges on these churchmen.

Proving guilt is difficult, but proving innocence is even harder.

Archbishop Pedro clearly did not have sufficient evidence to prove the innocence of those Church members, which also meant that Prime Minister Primo had sufficient grounds to continue detaining them.

Seeing that he could find no sympathy or protection from Carlo, Archbishop Pedro finally realized that the situation was dire.

Either Carlo was truly ignorant and naively believed the government’s arrests were all justified.

Or, Carlo knew everything. This roundup of churchmen might even have been planned by Carlo and the government, with the aim of purging the Church.

But no matter which it was, neither was good for the Church or Archbishop Pedro at this moment.

If they could not gain the king’s support, for the Church to fight the current government with its own strength alone would truly be like an egg smashing against a rock.

The very fact that Primo controlled the army doomed the Church to be unable to contend with the government.

Moreover, Carlo’s words had also reminded Archbishop Pedro that, compared to the Church, the government was clearly on the side of public opinion.

A city-wide manhunt following an assassination attempt on the Prime Minister was perfectly reasonable, wasn’t it? And arresting suspicious individuals discovered during the manhunt was also reasonable, wasn’t it?

As for why most of the people arrested were clergymen, what responsibility did the government have?

As long as Archbishop Pedro could not prove that all those arrested were innocent, the Church would have to bear the crime of suspicion of murdering the Prime Minister.

Looking at Carlo’s faint smile, how could Archbishop Pedro not understand that the young king before him was playing dumb?

Archbishop Pedro was certain that most members of the Church had nothing to do with the assassination; after all, the Church’s upper echelons knew nothing about it.

But at this moment, the Church simply could not rid itself of suspicion, because the sole victim of the decree to abolish the tithe in Primo’s reforms was precisely the Church of Spain.

The Church, dissatisfied with the government’s abolition of the tithe, assassinating the reform-driving Primo in an attempt to restore it—this seemed like a very plausible motive.

No matter how much Archbishop Pedro and the Church argued, they could not escape suspicion. In this incident, they could only passively endure.

After walking out of the Royal Palace, Archbishop Pedro sighed. He decided to head to Primo’s residence to find a solution to this matter.

The Church was in a position where it could not defend itself, but allowing the government to continue arresting its members was absolutely out of the question.

The only way was to negotiate with Primo, reach a compromise on certain interests, and in exchange, have the government call off the arrests of churchmen.

Primo was no simple man of military background. Archbishop Pedro understood that if he opened talks with Primo, even if they could resolve this incident, the Church was fated to pay a tremendous price.

Yet, at this moment, he was helpless. If this were the golden age of the Church, Archbishop Pedro would have challenged the government without a second thought, without the slightest retreat.

Unfortunately, religion’s influence over the populace had drastically waned, and it no longer possessed any power to subvert the government.

More importantly, even the Pope himself was confined to The Vatican. What could archbishops like them possibly do?

Facts had already proven that ecclesiastical power could no longer compare to state power. Before the colossal institution of a national government, a religious force had to yield, and it had no choice but to yield.

Inside Primo’s residence, the Prime Minister was inquiring about the progress of the arrests.

Upon hearing that Archbishop Pedro was requesting a meeting, Primo smiled, looking completely unsurprised.

“Respected Mr. Prime Minister, when will you stop the arrests of the members of the Church?” The moment he entered the room, Pedro put on an angry expression, showing his considerable dissatisfaction with the government’s actions.

“Archbishop Pedro, shouldn’t you be asking the bishops of the Church? When all the fish that slipped through the net have been caught, that is when the police will cease their operations,” Primo said with a smile.

“Mr. Prime Minister, the people you are arresting are churchmen, bishops of the Church, not the traitors who plotted the assassination! I hope you can give me a reasonable explanation. Is this how you treat God’s devout followers?” Archbishop Pedro tried to maintain the upper hand, continually challenging Prime Minister Primo.

“No, Archbishop Pedro. If they had no connection to the assassination, I trust no police officer would have sought them out. If you wish to absolve them of their crimes, you had best come with sufficient evidence.” Prime Minister Primo was hardly a weak man. Hearing Archbishop Pedro’s relentless questioning, he stood up and said with a cold laugh, ”

If you do not have enough evidence to prove them innocent, then am I to understand that you intend to challenge the authority of the government for the sake of these bishops?”

Chapter 55: An Exchange of Interests

Hearing Primo’s interrogation, Archbishop Pedro couldn’t help but swallow.

The sense of pressure from Prime Minister Primo was quite strong, especially given that he had just recently suppressed the Carlist rebellion.

Of course, Archbishop Pedro was unwilling to be a lamb to the slaughter, but were there any good ways to resist Primo’s government at the moment?

With the precedent of the Carlists, Archbishop Pedro had no confidence in The Church’s ability to resist.

“No, that’s not it,” Archbishop Pedro said hastily. “I would certainly never resist the government. I merely wished to express some views on the arrest of Church members.”

“Bishop Pedro, I have heard your views. But the assassination attempt is a grave matter, and a thorough investigation is needed to determine suspicion,” Prime Minister Primo said. “Please wait patiently. If those arrested are cleared of any suspicion, they will naturally be returned safe and sound.”

A thorough investigation is needed to determine suspicion? Hearing Prime Minister Primo say this, Archbishop Pedro almost wanted to laugh.

If the arrests were truly being handled so conscientiously, how could so many members of The Church have been arrested?

They were arrested with little evidence, but a complete lack of suspicion must be proven for them to be released? Wasn’t this just utter nonsense?

Besides, even if they were eventually cleared and released, the police would just continue to arrest other Church personnel endlessly.

Release one, arrest two. Archbishop Pedro didn’t doubt that Primo was capable of such a thing.

“Prime Minister Primo, what must be done to prove The Church’s innocence? I swear to God that The Church in Spain had absolutely no part in a plot to assassinate you. The bishops who were arrested are innocent,” Archbishop Pedro said, feeling quite helpless.

He had no choice in the current situation. The most important thing was to first get the government to stop arresting members of The Church.

As for retaliating against the government’s actions, The Church could not do it on its own; it would require the help of other factions.

Before that, reaching a temporary compromise with the government in exchange for The Church’s safety through this assassination incident had become Archbishop Pedro’s only thought.

“You know, Pedro, this assassination attempt has delayed a great deal of the government’s work. I was planning to issue a second batch of industrial bonds. After this incident, how can you expect the people to feel confident about buying the government’s bonds?” Prime Minister Primo said suddenly.

Hearing this, Archbishop Pedro immediately understood what Primo wanted.

To ensure The Church’s temporary safety, Archbishop Pedro could only grit his teeth and offer up its interests. “Although I am certain The Church has nothing to do with the assassination attempt, as a Spaniard, how can I ignore the nation’s development?

I believe God would not wish to see this either. I am willing, on behalf of The Church in Spain, to purchase the industrial bonds issued by the government and to donate two million pesetas to the government.”

Archbishop Pedro’s astuteness pleased Prime Minister Primo, but his goal was not just these few million pesetas.

The wealth The Church in Spain had accumulated over time was perhaps even more exaggerated than that of the House of Bourbon. A few million pesetas was most likely a drop in the ocean for The Church.

And compared to this relatively small sum of money, Primo was more interested in The Church’s land.

Frankly, what use did The Church have for so much land? They exploited the government’s low taxes on Church lands to frantically accumulate wealth, which they then used to buy even more land.

Around Madrid alone, vast swathes of land were occupied by the nobility and The Church, while the land in the hands of commoners had become a minority.

This was extremely detrimental to Spain’s development. If this land could not be reclaimed, it would severely impact Spain’s future growth.

“Alright, Bishop Pedro. For God’s sake, I am willing to believe in your sincerity. I will instruct the Madrid police department to conduct more detailed screenings during arrests to avoid harming innocent people.

Of course, I will also have them carefully screen the arrested Church members, and they will be released if there are no issues.

Someone will contact you in due course. I deeply apologize for the trouble caused to The Church, and I believe the matter will be resolved satisfactorily in the near future. Not a single member of The Church will be wrongly accused,” Primo said with a smile.

Once he confirmed that Archbishop Pedro was willing to part with The Church’s interests for the sake of those bishops, Primo had achieved his goal.

As for the more detailed negotiations with The Church about how to bail out those Church members with money and land, that was not something Primo himself needed to do.

As the Prime Minister of Spain, Primo had more important things to attend to. He certainly wouldn’t abandon his other duties for some of The Church’s land.

In any case, the officials in the Ministry of Finance were professionals when it came to wrangling; they would absolutely not let the government get the short end of the stick.

Hearing Primo relent, Archbishop Pedro finally breathed a sigh of relief.

If Primo had insisted on arresting Church members, Archbishop Pedro truly wouldn’t have known what to do.

As for resistance, The Church currently had no effective means to oppose the government. Perhaps it could incite some brainwashed believers to protest, but such demonstrations would be swiftly suppressed by the government.

A rebellion was even more impossible. While it might be possible to trick people into joining a protest through brainwashing and deception, you couldn’t deceive commoners into joining a rebellion.

With Primo’s reforms, the living standards of peasants and workers were slowly improving. Under such circumstances, the peasants and workers were not fools; they would certainly not stand up and oppose the Primo government.

“Prime Minister Primo, might we also join the investigation into this assassination attempt?” Archbishop Pedro inquired.

Archbishop Pedro was well aware that a major bloodletting for The Church was now unavoidable, which made him furious at the true mastermind of the assassination.

An assassination was one thing, but why in the world was the blame being directed at The Church?

Regardless of which faction was truly behind it, Archbishop Pedro had only one thought: to make the mastermind or the faction behind it bleed even more.

“Of course you can, Bishop Pedro,” Primo said with a smile and a nod, as if it were the most natural thing in the world. “Catching the culprit as soon as possible would be for the best. It would benefit both the government and The Church.”

It was undeniable that The Church was still a relatively powerful force in Spain at this time.

Resisting the government was something The Church was certainly incapable of at present. However, if it came to investigating the assassination, The Church could still play a role, at least in helping the government find the mastermind more quickly.

Chapter 56: The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau

To be honest, Carlo was also very curious about who was behind the assassination of Prime Minister Primo.

To have the audacity to assassinate a prime minister proved that the culprit had made preparations well in advance; it couldn’t have been a spur-of-the-moment decision.

After all, if the assassination failed, someone unprepared would find it very difficult to escape the government’s rigorous investigation.

Archbishop Pedro’s decision to back down in the face of the government’s accusations also suggested that The Church was likely not the mastermind behind the assassination.

The only remaining powers who could have orchestrated the assassination were the nobility and the Republicans. This also meant that the Royal Council Carlo had established was probably not a monolithic bloc.

However, this was also good news. Once the government and The Church jointly identified the culprit, it would be the perfect time for Carlo to expel any traitors from the Royal Council who were not loyal to him.

The Royal Council was one of Carlo’s methods for controlling the Spanish nobility, and he naturally wouldn’t allow disloyal insurgents to cause trouble from within.

The investigation was left to Primo and Archbishop Pedro. Carlo had no time to concern himself with such matters; he only needed to wait for the final result.

For Carlo, the most important matter was still his own enterprises. After all, having money was what truly mattered.

On May 17, 1870, a seemingly ordinary day, the much-anticipated secret organization Carlo had envisioned was formally established. It was named the Spanish Royal Security Intelligence Bureau.

As the name suggested, this was a new organization dedicated to intelligence and espionage, training professional intelligence personnel—what one might call special agents.

As for the bureau’s director, Carlo was in a difficult position regarding the selection. As the head of a crucial organization for gathering domestic and foreign intelligence, the director had to possess considerable ability and absolute loyalty.

In the end, it was Loren, his steward, who recommended a candidate—one of the subordinates his father, Vittorio Emanuele II, had sent him: Cadiel Bruno.

Vittorio Emanuele II would certainly never harm Carlo. The subordinates he had chosen for him were all loyal to the Italian royal family, so their loyalty to Carlo was also a given.

In a foreign country like Spain, Cadiel Bruno was, at the very least, a candidate Carlo could trust and find useful.

He was, at least for the time being, a qualified candidate for the director of the intelligence bureau. It would not be too late to consider other options after Carlo had cultivated his first batch of loyal followers in Spain by taking in orphans.

After meeting Cadiel Bruno in person, Carlo finally understood why his steward, Loren, had recommended him.

Cadiel Bruno appeared tall, thin, and very ordinary, but after a few brief questions, Carlo was certain that he had a natural aptitude for intelligence work.

“Cadiel, I have a difficult mission that I need you to complete. Are you confident you can do it?” Carlo asked, looking at Cadiel, whom he was meeting for the first time.

“Your orders, Your Majesty,” Cadiel Bruno responded immediately, without the slightest hesitation.

“Very good.” Carlo nodded in satisfaction. As a leader, he certainly didn’t want to see his subordinates waver or lack the confidence to complete a mission when he assigned it.

“I need you to establish an intelligence organization to gather important information for me, both at home and abroad. I must be promptly informed of all major events in Spain. The nobility, the factory owners, The Church, and even the officials and political parties are all within the scope of our intelligence gathering.

Can you do this?” Carlo asked with a slight smile.

“As long as Your Majesty provides me with enough men, I will find out even what vegetables Prime Minister Primo had for dinner,” Cadiel Bruno said at once.

“Prime Minister Primo is, of course, not the target.” Carlo maintained his smile, not angered by Cadiel Bruno’s words. “However, while Prime Minister Primo is loyal, who can guarantee that the next prime minister will be?

Your targets are all the officials, political parties, and powerful factions in Spain. I need to know their every move.

As for the manpower you need, you may select anyone from the Royal Guard. You can also recruit suitable talent from among the populace. I will give you one year. One year from now, I expect the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau to be of use.”

“As you command, Your Majesty. If the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau is not functional in one year, I am willing to accept any punishment,” Cadiel Bruno pledged.

He understood that this was not just a mission from Carlo, but also an opportunity for him—a chance to truly become one of Carlo’s loyalists and wield immense power.

This so-called Royal Security Intelligence Bureau was, in name, only for gathering intelligence on officials and factions, but who could guarantee that the bureau wouldn’t also be granted the authority to act on that information?

The moment he heard his mission, Cadiel Bruno understood. The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau was to be Carlo’s essential tool for understanding the world, and he would be Carlo’s eyes, hidden in the shadows.

And eyes could, at any moment, become a blade, striking down disloyal officials and factions when necessary.

The establishment of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau was done quietly. Even Primo did not know what Carlo was doing.

Apart from giving Cadiel Bruno five hundred thousand pesetas in funding and permission to recruit freely from the Royal Guard, Carlo offered him no other assistance.

Cadiel Bruno’s task was to establish the initial framework of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau within that year and begin gathering intelligence on domestic officials and factions.

In one year, the results would be assessed. If Cadiel Bruno’s Royal Security Intelligence Bureau was successfully established and proved effective, he would vault into Carlo’s inner circle and enter the core of Spanish power.

But if the formation of the Bureau failed, Cadiel Bruno would not only lose this precious opportunity but also Carlo’s trust.

Due to the special nature of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, the benefits and compensation for its agents were to be top-tier.

Their salaries would be much higher than those of Spanish soldiers or the Royal Guard. If an agent died in the line of duty, their family would receive a substantial compensation package to ensure their well-being.

With such generous funding and access to manpower, if Cadiel Bruno still couldn’t train a batch of competent agents, then his abilities would indeed be called into question.

At first, Carlo had his doubts about whether Cadiel Bruno could get the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau on the right track within a year.

But a few days later, when he heard about Cadiel Bruno’s selection criteria for agents, Carlo’s doubts were dispelled.

The entire Royal Guard numbered approximately two thousand five hundred men. After Cadiel Bruno’s rigorous screening and selection process, fewer than fifty were deemed qualified to join the bureau. On average, only two out of every one hundred Royal Guardsmen passed.

Such strict selection criteria alone were enough to guarantee that the chosen agents would be highly capable.

After all, Carlo’s Royal Guard was already composed of men who had passed strict selections from both the army and the civilian population. In terms of combat effectiveness, they were by no means inferior to the regular Spanish army.

If the intelligence agents were all handpicked with such care, Carlo was already beginning to look forward to what the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau could accomplish in a year.

Chapter 57: Cuba Pacified

May of 1870 was quite ordinary, but for Carlo, it was a wonderful month.

Following the successful establishment of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, Carlo received more good news: Duke Serrano had suppressed the rebellion in Cuba, and the army was on its way back to Spain.

This allowed Carlo to breathe a sigh of relief, no longer having to worry about Cuba breaking away from Spanish control due to some unforeseen incident.

As one of Spain’s few profitable colonies, Cuba’s importance was extremely high. Besides providing a steady stream of funds and income during the initial phase of Spain’s reforms, it could also serve as a positive asset in the future, to be traded for more promising colonies.

In Carlo’s future plans for Spain’s colonies, those in Africa were the most important, especially Morocco in the North-West Africa region.

Because it was separated from the Spanish mainland by only a narrow strait, if they could control Morocco, integrating it as part of the homeland would be quite easy.

Only colonies that could be integrated into the homeland were territories that could truly be held onto. After all, the colonial era wouldn’t last much longer.

Carlo didn’t have grand ambitions for colonies. What Spain truly wanted were colonies that could provide desperately needed resources and could one day be integrated into the homeland.

Spain’s current size and strength couldn’t manage a vast colonial empire anyway; otherwise, the rebellions alone would be enough to exhaust the nation.

When Serrano had departed for Cuba to suppress the rebellion, Carlo had spoken with him, indicating that, if necessary, they could grant Cuba certain powers in exchange for maintaining Spanish control.

Historically, this Cuban war of independence had lasted for nearly ten years and had cost the Spanish government close to seven hundred million pesos.

Carlo had no desire to see the current Spanish government pour so much money into suppressing the Cuban rebellion. The best solution was to make certain compromises with the Cuban authorities and delay the inevitable for as long as possible.

Carlo’s goal was simply to ensure that Cuba would remain trouble-free for the next decade or so.

As for whether Cuba would launch another war of independence in over a decade’s time, that would be a problem for whatever nation took it over then.

And Serrano did exactly that. Having previously served as the Governor-General of Cuba, Duke Serrano knew the situation there like the back of his hand.

For Duke Serrano, determining which factions to win over and which to deal with first required little investigation, which naturally made his efforts to suppress the rebellion doubly efficient.

Employing a strategy of wooing one faction while suppressing another, Duke Serrano quickly stabilized the chaos in Cuba, and the massive rebellion finally came to an end.

Of course, the army of over five thousand men accompanying Serrano also played a crucial role. Without these troops, certain Cuban factions might not have been so cooperative with Serrano’s plans.

In short, after agreeing to political reforms for Cuba and granting more power to certain factions, the Cuban war of independence officially ended, and Serrano led his army on the journey back to Spain.

For Carlo, this meant he could finally begin preparing lavish rewards for the army and start cultivating a new batch of nobles loyal to him.

Previously, after Primo had suppressed the Carlist rebellion, Carlo had wanted to bestow upon him the title of Duke, and the corresponding victory celebration was already in preparation.

However, due to various delays, it was postponed until May, which happened to coincide with Serrano’s successful suppression of the rebellion.

Carlo immediately decided to combine the two victory celebrations into one and grant titles to both Serrano and Primo at the same time.

Since Serrano was already a Duke, Carlo decided to elevate him to Grand Duke to secure his loyalty.

Primo, in turn, would be made a Duke, becoming a pivotal figure among the Spanish nobility.

Making Serrano a Grand Duke was a choice Carlo had considered for a long time. Compared to Primo, Serrano leaned more towards the Conservative faction, and his stance was also that of a Royalist.

To put it simply, while both Serrano and Primo were like Carlo’s right and left hands, Primo’s loyalty was primarily to Spain itself. He was loyal to Carlo only because Carlo was the king of Spain.

Serrano was different. His political leanings were more Royalist; his loyalty to Carlo was likely just as strong as his loyalty to Spain.

Moreover, Serrano’s prestige in the army was no less than Primo’s. If Carlo could secure Serrano’s absolute loyalty, his own position in Spain would be thoroughly solidified.

Even if he were to lose Primo’s support in the future, Carlo would not have to worry about his throne being unstable. At the very least, he would have the standing to engage in political struggles with Primo or the next Prime Minister.

Otherwise, how could he hope to contend for power with the next Prime Minister, relying solely on his status as an outsider and his two-thousand-strong Royal Guard?

Carlo was not so naive as to believe that all prime ministers would be like Primo, holding such immense respect for royal authority. Besides, part of Primo’s respect for Carlo stemmed from his desire to push for reforms in Spain, which required the king’s support.

Therefore, regardless of his current relationship with Primo, it was essential to plan for the future and prepare to gradually take more power into his own hands.

Carlo had not come to Spain to be a mere figurehead. To realize his ideals and ambitions, he had to build a certain degree of influence within the government—enough, at least, to interfere with its decisions at critical moments.

Serrano’s returning fleet departed on May 22nd; they wouldn’t reach Spain until June at the earliest.

This was just as well, as it gave Carlo more time to prepare for the ennoblement of Serrano and Primo, as well as to arrange rewards for the many others who had distinguished themselves in suppressing the rebellions.

The good news was that while the Spanish nobility still possessed considerable privileges, the lowest ranks of Baron and Viscount actually held no special rights.

Aside from the titles being hereditary, these two ranks were more honorary in nature, granting no jurisdiction over the lands they received.

Creating such new-style nobles would not cause great harm to the state; it would merely cost some land.

But Spain, compared to other European nations, was not short on land. Moreover, there were vast tracts of land in Africa yet to be carved up by the great powers, which were perfect for enfeoffing these new nobles.

In the future, whether these new nobles established large farms or invested in other industries, they would contribute to Spain’s economic development.

Furthermore, compared to Spain’s traditional aristocracy, these nobles personally ennobled by Carlo would clearly be more loyal, and they would be more supportive of awarding titles for military merit.

Chapter 58: Serrano’s Return

The grand investiture ceremony was scheduled for July 1870.

The army led by Duke Serrano was expected to return to Spain in mid-to-late June.

After resting for just over a week, they would be able to attend the investiture ceremony and participate in a small-scale military parade in Madrid.

The purpose of the parade was simple. First, it was to celebrate Spain’s successive victories over rebellions at home and in the colonies, heralding an era of peace for the Spanish people.

Second, it was a deterrent to the Republicans and other malevolent forces within Spain. If even the Carlists and Cuban separatists could be dealt with, other factions would have to think twice about whether they could threaten the Spanish government.

For the Spanish public, the investiture ceremony and military parade were not only entertaining spectacles but also a way to stir patriotic fervor and promote the ideal of awarding titles for military merit.

After all, most of the soldiers receiving noble titles and rewards were commoners. If they could achieve it, why couldn’t other Spanish civilians?

From the beginning of June, the government had already begun to build anticipation for the investiture ceremony.

Newspapers, including The Sun, continuously published articles about the event, boldly speculating on which nobles would be ennobled at the ceremony.

Prime Minister Primo and Duke Serrano were the two names most frequently mentioned. Their prestige in politics and the military far surpassed that of others, and both were the greatest heroes in suppressing the rebellions.

Amid public anticipation, Duke Serrano finally arrived in Spain with his army and traveled by train back to Madrid.

Carlo placed great importance on his meritorious subjects. On the day Duke Serrano and his army returned to Madrid, not only did Carlo go to greet them in person, but he also had a hastily assembled Royal Military Band play the Royal March to welcome the returning heroes.

Duke Serrano was clearly caught off guard by Carlo’s personal welcome.

However, he reacted quickly. The moment he saw Carlo, he immediately left his troops behind, rode forward alone on his horse, and stopped a hundred meters away before approaching Carlo on foot.

“Your Majesty!” Duke Serrano was the first to salute Carlo.

“Welcome back to Spain, Duke Serrano,” Carlo said with a warm smile. “I have already prepared a victory banquet for you. Go get some rest, and we shall talk tonight.”

Duke Serrano nodded, then chatted with Prime Minister Primo and the others standing behind Carlo.

Following Duke Serrano, Carlo spotted two familiar faces: Andrea Rosso and Carmine Esposito, the two men he had inserted into the rebel-suppressing army.

During the campaign to suppress the rebellion in Cuba, Carlo had read several of Serrano’s battle reports.

Andrea and Carmine had lived up to their reputations as outstanding graduates of the Military Academy of Turin, performing exceptionally well in the war against Cuba and earning personal praise from Duke Serrano on multiple occasions.

It was worth noting that although Duke Serrano leaned towards the conservative Royalist faction, this did not mean he would be deferential to Carlo in all matters.

Even knowing full well that Carlo had sent these two men to the army to burnish their credentials, Duke Serrano would never have praised them of his own accord if they hadn’t possessed sufficient ability.

To have earned Duke Serrano’s praise proved that Andrea and Carmine’s military command skills were indeed excellent, making them worthy of Carlo’s use.

Coincidentally, the merit from suppressing the Cuban rebellion was substantial. Taking the opportunity of elevating Duke Serrano to a Grand Duke, Carlo also planned to make Andrea and Carmine Barons. This would not only draw them closer to him but also give them a chance to enter the higher echelons of the Spanish military, positioning them to take command when Primo and Serrano retired.

The reason he hadn’t promoted them directly, aside from the need to assess their abilities, was that they were Italians with no prior achievements in Spain.

Although it would have been easy for Carlo, as king, to promote them, doing so without any merit would have provoked dissent among the soldiers and dissatisfaction among the generals and nobles.

After they had burnished their credentials in Cuba, this would no longer be an issue.

Cuba’s importance to Spain was self-evident, which was why, in the original timeline, Spain had been willing to spend seven hundred million pesos to keep the island under its colonial rule.

The merit of suppressing the Cuban rebellion was more than enough for both men to earn a noble title and the opportunity for rapid promotion within the army.

As for whether they could win the approval of their soldiers and gradually rise to the military’s top brass, that would depend on their actual abilities.

In any case, Carlo had already built the ladder for their ascent. If they still couldn’t climb to the highest echelons of the military, it would only prove that Carlo’s judgment had been flawed.

He had plenty of time to wait. As the Royal Military Academy became more established, it would produce even more modern officers in the future.

Carlo also held the title of honorary chancellor, and the young officers it produced could be considered his protégés.

Whether Andrea and Carmine reached the top of the Spanish military first, or he waited for the outstanding young officers from the military academy to climb the ranks, either outcome was acceptable to Carlo.

In any case, Serrano and Primo were still at least a few years from retirement. These few years would be the golden period for his chosen men to scramble up the ladder.

These years were also Spain’s most stable period. Military and political power was divided among Serrano, Primo, and Carlo. All others could only yield to the overwhelming authority of the three men’s alliance.

Once Serrano and Primo retired, if Carlo’s loyalists couldn’t take over their power, he would face a far less stable political landscape.

“Well done,” Carlo said to Andrea and Carmine with a smile.

The two had accomplished the mission he had given them, so it was only natural for Carlo to show his favor.

After all, in some respects, Carlo felt a greater affinity for Andrea and Carmine, who were fellow Italians.

They were also outsiders in Spain and could only rely on Carlo’s support to advance. This was why Carlo chose to trust them and give them a chance.

Carlo had no shortage of ordinary talent. What he truly lacked were subordinates he could completely trust who also possessed a certain degree of competence.

“Go back and rest well. As heroes of the hour, you cannot miss tonight’s banquet,” Carlo continued. “You did an excellent job suppressing the rebellion in Cuba, and I will be sure to reward my meritorious subjects handsomely.”

Chapter 59: The Five-Year Plan

The victory banquet Carlo prepared for Serrano and the others was equally grand, but the specific arrangements were not quite as lavish.

Although there was a great deal of fine food, most of it was Spanish, with only a small selection of Italian cuisine included.

The wine came entirely from Carlo’s private winery, produced and supplied by his own estate.

Many nobles also attended the banquet. To show his high regard for meritorious subjects like Serrano, Carlo had specially invited several Spanish Grand Dukes and Dukes, including Duke Jacopo, to lend prestige to the occasion.

After a cheerful victory banquet, the next main event on the agenda was the July investiture ceremony.

As this was the first time Carlo would be bestowing noble titles during his reign, the Spanish government took the matter very seriously. Especially since the Prime Minister and the Minister of War were among those being ennobled, the government officials dared not be the least bit neglectful.

In contrast to the officials’ hurried preparations, Carlo and the two main figures of the ceremony were quite relaxed.

Upon hearing that Prime Minister Primo had been the target of an assassination, Serrano was first shocked, then relieved to see him unharmed.

Serrano understood that Primo was currently indispensable to Spain. Only Primo had the ability to push forward the reforms, making him far more important than Serrano himself.

“Has the mastermind been found?” Duke Serrano asked.

The mastermind behind this wasn’t just trying to assassinate Prime Minister Primo; they were trying to destroy Spain’s future. With the nations of the world growing ever stronger, if Spain failed to follow the trend, push for revolutionary change, and accelerate its industrial and economic development, the gap between it and the great powers would only widen.

“Not yet, but I trust there will be results soon,” Primo said with a hint of helplessness.

Although they had extorted a great deal of land and nearly eight million pesetas from The Church, the feeling of being secretly plotted against was not pleasant.

If he could find out who had masterminded the assassination, Prime Minister Primo wouldn’t mind sending them to meet God.

“So, what’s your plan now? Will you continue to push the reforms?” Serrano asked curiously.

“Of course,” Primo nodded and replied. “Spain is in a terrible state in every respect. We must waste no time in implementing reforms.

At the same time, we need to make massive investments in industry, agriculture, healthcare, and education, not to mention building railways and roads and so on.

Heavens, I don’t know how long the government’s finances can sustain this. It’s an enormous deficit.”

If they were to develop just one sector, the burden on Spain would not be so great. But Primo’s plan was to develop industry, agriculture, education, healthcare, and transportation all at once, which would create an unimaginable financial strain.

“Prime Minister, I believe we need to formulate a detailed plan,” Carlo interjected. “If we try to develop so many sectors simultaneously, it will be a tremendous burden on our finances—one we may not be able to bear at all.

We could secure funds through foreign loans, but that approach comes not only with high interest rates but also with certain strings attached.

If possible, I hope we can break down the tasks of reform and construction into stages, and complete them one stage at a time.”

“Your Majesty, could you elaborate?” Primo’s interest was piqued, and his curious gaze fixed on Carlo.

“It’s just a personal thought of mine,” Carlo said with a smile. “For example, we could set a five-year term and create a five-year development plan.

Within these five years, we can set a small goal for each industry and then use those five years to achieve it.

A single small goal might not be enough to bring about massive results for Spain, but as small successes accumulate, they can have a tremendous impact.

Perhaps one five-year plan won’t be enough to complete Spain’s reforms, but two or even three will surely bring about new changes.

As long as we dedicate the time and effort to complete these five-year plans, perhaps after two or three of them, Spain will rejoin the ranks of the great powers. Isn’t that the goal of our reforms?”

The concept of a multi-year plan existed neither in the development of other European nations nor in Primo’s own plans for reform.

The reason for this was simple. The terms of Cabinet service varied across European countries, leading to significant differences in policy strategies.

A Prime Minister like Bismarck might hold office for decades. But in the case of a British or Italian prime minister, the term of office could be much shorter, sometimes even less than a year.

Under such circumstances, creating a five-year development plan was exceedingly difficult. The plan might not even be completed before the Cabinet ministers had been replaced time and again.

With constant changes at the highest levels of government, what new administration would adhere to a development plan laid out by its predecessor?

But this situation could be avoided in Spain. With the prestige Primo and Serrano commanded, they could easily control a majority of the seats in the Spanish Parliament.

Not even Carlo could influence them; as long as they wished, they could remain in their high positions.

Given these circumstances, a five-year development plan would pose no problem for Primo. This was because, in five years, the Prime Minister of Spain would still be Primo—barring any unforeseen accidents, such as an assassination.

This also eliminated another reason that hindered the creation of five-year plans: the fear of a current government that its successor would reap the rewards of its labor.

Because it was difficult to guarantee they would remain in the prime minister’s office for a full five years, European politicians rarely formulated long-term development plans.

Otherwise, their painstakingly implemented development plan would likely end up benefiting someone else, with all the results enjoyed by the next administration.

“Brilliant, Your Majesty! A truly perfect proposal.” Primo was now thoroughly enthused, a smile spreading across his face as he spoke to Carlo. “I will still need to discuss the specifics of the five-year plan with the government, but the general concept is indeed suitable for Spain at this time.

Once the details of the first five-year plan are finalized, I will submit the plan to you, Your Majesty.”

Primo wasn’t insistent on developing all sectors at the same time, which brought Carlo a sense of relief.

If Primo had been too radical, wanting to complete all the reforms in a short period, Carlo truly wouldn’t have known how to stop him.

The outcomes of radical reforms were usually not good, and reforms that were too hasty and ill-prepared rarely produced favorable results.

Chapter 60: Investiture and Military Parade

The Investiture Ceremony arrived as scheduled.

Serrano, already a distinguished Duke, was elevated further, becoming a Grand Duke—a truly rare title in Spain.

And Primo was promoted from Marquis to Duke, a title that at last matched his status in the military and the government.

Having successively suppressed the Carlist and Cuban rebellions, Carlo was in high spirits and not the least bit stingy with bestowing noble titles.

In addition to one Grand Duke and one Duke, the ceremony also saw the creation of two Counts, seven Viscounts, and more than ten Barons. Andrew and Kaman were also on the list.

Although both received the lowest rank of Baron, they had at least entered the ranks of the Spanish nobility, a significant elevation of their previous status.

Their promotions were not limited to noble titles. For their merits in the war against the Cuban rebels, both men were exceptionally promoted from their initial rank of lieutenant to major and appointed as battalion commanders.

With Carlo’s trust and their own accomplishments, they could climb to the rank of regimental commander within a few years, as long as nothing went wrong.

If their Italian nationality hadn’t held them back, their ranks could have been promoted to lieutenant colonel or higher after suppressing the Cuban rebellion; becoming a regimental commander wouldn’t have been out of the question.

After all, soldiers were more willing to accept a Spaniard as their superior officer than an Italian who suddenly appeared above them.

Andrew and Kaman would have to expend far more effort than Spanish officers to win the trust of their soldiers.

However, this was also a good thing. Once they passed the soldiers’ trials and climbed step by step to the military’s upper echelons, their control over the army would be much more stable.

The troops they commanded would then become a pillar of support for Carlo, effectively serving as his personal military power.

The reason Carlo could develop his power base with such peace of mind was precisely the age of Serrano and Primo.

Serrano was born in 1810, making him sixty this year. Primo was born in 1814, making him fifty-six.

Two old men around the age of sixty would not be concerned with the slow development of Carlo’s faction, as they would certainly not live to see the day it came to fruition.

Given the average European life expectancy, being nearly sixty was already considered a very advanced age. Primo’s plan was also simple: to advance Spain’s revolution within his lifetime and complete as much of it as possible.

Serrano, on the other hand, was not so passionate about revolution, nor was his desire for power as great. What Serrano truly cared about was his own status, and being invested as a Grand Duke left him quite satisfied.

It was precisely because Serrano, Primo, and Carlo—for various reasons—had not entered into an open power struggle that the current Spanish government could maintain a state of considerable stability.

This was a situation all three were willing to accept. After all, when one’s primary needs were met, who would want to fight a powerful enemy to the death?

Carlo was also happy to see Primo’s reforms and Serrano’s own grasp on power. With these two men in place, Carlo’s throne would be very secure.

By the time they retired or passed away of old age, Carlo’s own faction would be almost fully developed. That would be the time for him to gradually take control of power.

What Carlo was rather thankful for was that although Queen Isabella had made no contributions to Spain, she had at least agreed to bestow noble titles upon Primo and Serrano.

This was especially true for Serrano. If he had been pushed into the Republican camp, Spain would likely have become a republican government after Queen Isabella, and restoring the monarchy would not have been so easy.

Historically, Alfonso XII was able to restore the monarchy because the republican government of the time was unpopular, and with Primo having been assassinated early on, Spain’s situation was even more chaotic than during Queen Isabella’s reign.

If Primo had been a Republican and had not been assassinated, perhaps Spain would have become a thoroughly republican nation.

It could only be said that Primo, a supporter of the monarchy, was a tremendous asset to Carlo. Until Primo’s reforms were complete, Carlo’s stance was to firmly support him.

After the Investiture Ceremony, Carlo also attended a small-scale military parade.

The number of troops participating in the parade was not large, totaling just over two thousand men.

But it had to be admitted that the sight of more than two thousand soldiers marching past in a mighty procession was an unparalleled spectacle.

Watching the grand procession of troops marching before him and glancing at the surrounding crowds of spectators, Carlo couldn’t help but feel High-spirited and vigorous.

This was his army, and these were his subjects. Regardless of Spain’s historical development, at this time, in this world, he was the king of Spain, its sole ruler.

As expected, after all the day’s activities concluded, the Investiture Ceremony and the military parade became the hottest news in Madrid.

To commend the soldiers’ achievements, related news would be published throughout Spain, letting all Spaniards know which nobles were ennobled this time and what contributions they had made to Spain.

This was also Carlo’s goal. He wanted Spaniards to understand, at the very least, that nobles were nobles because they had made great contributions to Spain.

Even if the public’s attitude toward the nobility wouldn’t change drastically, even small changes were something Carlo was happy to see.

After all, the king and the nobility were one and the same. If the reputation of the nobility was completely ruined, how could the reputation of the king, the greatest noble of all, be any better?

On the other hand, Carlo also hoped to stir up a desire for noble titles awarded for military merit among soldiers and the common people.

Only when soldiers saw the benefits of achieving military merit would they truly be willing to risk their lives for the country and the government.

Only when the common people saw the immense changes that awarding titles for military merit could bring to their lives would they not be averse to enlisting, and might even actively and enthusiastically join the army.

Although this might not seem to have a major effect, it was quite effective in boosting army morale.

After the Investiture Ceremony, Primo became even busier.

He had to pour all his energy into government work. Reform and national development were of paramount importance, and in his spare time, he still had to investigate the true culprits behind the assassination attempt.

Fortunately, after Serrano returned from Cuba, he could help Primo handle some of the governmental affairs. After all, Serrano had served as Prime Minister of the Provisional Government of Spain before the parliamentary election. While he might not have been exceptional at handling political matters, he was certainly more than proficient.

With the joint efforts of Serrano and Primo, Spain was set to enter a period of stable development. Carlo also looked forward to Spain’s future pace of progress, eager to see if the former empire on which the sun never set could find new life after a long period of decline.

Chapter 61: The Pleasures of a King

Primo acted swiftly.

Not long after the military parade concluded, the Spanish government announced reforms to its governmental departments, cutting redundant ones and merging those with similar administrative scopes.

Following these reforms, the number of cabinet departments was streamlined. The Army and Navy were integrated into a single Ministry of Defense, and Grand Duke Serrano was promoted to Minister of Defense.

This move was deemed necessary. Spain’s navy was not particularly strong, and there was no immediate need to develop it further (mainly due to lack of funds). Therefore, a separate Navy department was considered unnecessary.

While it appeared that the Army and Navy were merely merging into the Ministry of Defense, the reality was that the Navy’s importance was being diminished, as the Ministry of Defense was headed by Army Marshal Serrano.

The Ministry of Interior was divided into public security and civil affairs departments. These, along with the ministries of finance, industry, agriculture, healthcare, education, defense, and foreign affairs, formed the new cabinet system of Spain.

The nine ministers and Prime Minister Primo comprised the entirety of the cabinet. Streamlining the cabinet’s size was expected to accelerate administrative efficiency.

Among these nine cabinet departments, the most crucial were arguably defense, finance, and industry.

Finance and industry concerned Spain’s overall development, while defense was vital to the security of Spanish territory. Consequently, these three departments were led by some of Spain’s most prominent figures.

Minister of Defense Serrano was a given. The finance portfolio was concurrently held by Prime Minister Primo, while the Minister of Industry, Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla, though less familiar, was a respected figure in politics.

Ruiz was born in Burgo de Osma and graduated from the Faculty of Law at the University of Madrid, deeply influenced by radicalism.

Ideologically, Ruiz advocated for revolution in Spain, which contributed to his appointment as Minister of Industry.

Having participated in several revolutions, Ruiz had accumulated considerable prestige and had previously served as Minister of Religious Affairs and Minister of Justice.

Although he lagged behind Primo and Serrano in prominence, Ruiz was considered the third most influential person in Spanish politics and was particularly popular among revolutionary factions.

The cabinet reforms proceeded smoothly. Most of the departments that were cut lacked substantial power, preventing them from causing any real disruption.

Furthermore, merging the smaller departments into larger ones increased the authority of the remaining cabinet ministers, making them less likely to object.

On July 11, 1870, the reformed Spanish cabinet held its first official meeting.

Primo, with a serious expression, announced the Spanish government’s first five-year development plan, specifying requirements for each department’s development over the next five years.

Particular emphasis was placed on the education and industry sectors.

Education was the foundation of a nation. If Spain wanted to achieve revitalization, it had to dedicate all its efforts to developing education.

Industry was the bedrock of a strong nation. If Spain wanted to regain its status as one of the great powers, it had to possess a certain level of industrial strength.

The emphasis on education and industry implied that other departments would inevitably receive less funding.

Indeed, this was the case. Aside from the Ministry of Defense, whose military spending remained largely unchanged, the budgets of all other departments were cut by at least ten percent.

These funds were reallocated to the education and industry departments, supporting Spain’s educational and industrial development.

This highlighted the advantage of having a cabinet appointed by the Prime Minister; the other cabinet ministers, being Primo’s appointees, raised few objections, as they could be replaced at any time.

With the direction of Spain’s future development established, the remaining tasks became rather tedious.

Carlo suddenly realized that government affairs were largely irrelevant to him, and the reforms barely affected him.

As the King of Spain, Carlo’s daily routine seemed to consist of enjoying good food and… indulging in other pleasures.

Thinking of this, Carlo glanced at the two maids diligently attending to him. Yes, quite pleasant indeed.

Looking at Anna, with her pure and adorable appearance, a smile crept across Carlo’s face, like a wicked uncle about to entice a young girl. “Anna, would you like to try some Iberian ham?”

Anna, unable to contain herself any longer, eagerly placed her hands on a certain spot, skillfully removing Carlo’s clothes as she lowered her head.

Ah, truly the enjoyable life of a noble.

While Anna enjoyed the Iberian ham, Carlo directed his gaze towards Alice, whose figure was even more shapely and alluring, and said with a smile, “Alice, I’m hungry.”

Alice immediately understood, offering two flawless, white steamed buns, allowing Carlo to fondle them before finally consuming them.

It had to be said that Vittorio Emanuele II had chosen two maids for Carlo who each had their own distinct charms. Anna was quirky and possessed a pure, adorable look, but often tempted Carlo with boldness.

Alice, on the other hand, was more reserved than Anna, but her stunning figure undeniably enhanced her allure, making her just as captivating.

Both Anna and Alice’s names held the meaning of beauty, and at this point it seemed the naming sense was excellent.

The beauty of these two maids was absolutely one in a million, whether in this era or in later times.

Had Carlo not possessed remarkable self-control, he might have succumbed before the age of eighteen.

However, these two maids were originally intended as Carlo’s guides, so when Carlo turned eighteen, he experienced unspeakable pleasure.

Carlo was also grateful that he had transmigrated to the late nineteenth century rather than the much-maligned Middle Ages.

At least the European aristocracy of this era understood the importance of bathing, and the two maids always smelled fragrant, without any of the offensive odors that made one blanch.

If he had transmigrated to the Middle Ages, even if he was faced with several peerless beauties, the simple fact that they didn’t bathe would be enough to turn him away.

Carlo had initially thought that his frail body would not last long, but since his transmigration, his physique had been steadily improving.

Although he had not undergone detailed testing, Carlo was certain that his body was in better condition than before his transmigration. The distinct contours of his muscles were clearly visible. While not exaggeratedly bulky, they attested to his body’s health.

More importantly, there was stamina. Even with the two tempting maids, Anna and Alice, Carlo could engage in several rounds without experiencing back pain.

This was what Carlo was most satisfied with since his transmigration. After all, what man didn’t want to display his vigor in battle?

Second chapter, seeking support!

Chapter 62: The Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences

As the king of Spain, Carlo could not remain idle all the time.

After much thought, Carlo decided to build up his own pool of talent to lay the groundwork for the Second Industrial Revolution.

To put it plainly, the Second Industrial Revolution was the age of electricity, its main hallmark being the discovery and widespread use of electrical power.

Germany and the United States were the driving forces behind the Second Industrial Revolution. This was why their national power rose rapidly after electrification, allowing them to surpass Great Britain, the driving force behind the First Industrial Revolution.

No matter what, Spain could not afford to miss the Second Industrial Revolution.

But there was a problem: the current time was rather awkward.

Most of the famous scientists had not yet been born or were still in school, so naturally, they were not among those Carlo wished to recruit.

The remaining scientists had mostly achieved some level of success, and recruiting them from abroad to Spain would not be easy.

After racking his brain for a long time, Carlo could only think of two names for the time being.

One was the famous German scientist and entrepreneur who single-handedly founded Mercedes-Benz, Karl Benz. The other was the Belgian-born French physicist who truly developed a power generator suitable for industrial production, Zénobe Gramme.

When it came to generators, the well-known names were Faraday and Henry. But they were more like pioneers, the originators of theories and creators of experimental devices, who had not managed to build a generator truly practical for industrial use.

Gramme, however, had accomplished this. The entire electrical industry was built upon the two DC and AC generators he developed, which was why Carlo could remember his name.

With their general names and countries known, investigating these two men became much easier.

Carlo summoned Cadiel Bruno, the Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, and ordered him to dispatch personnel to France and Germany to investigate the current situations of Gramme and Karl Benz, and to invite them to take up positions in Spain if possible.

Upon receiving Carlo’s order, Cadiel Bruno dared not be the least bit careless. He organized his men overnight to head to Germany and France to begin the investigation.

The investigation would be very difficult. Although they knew Gramme and Benz were in France and Germany respectively, and worked in the fields of electricity and machine manufacturing,
finding a researcher who had not yet achieved great success in the vastness of France and Germany was like finding a needle in a haystack. It would take a bit of luck to find them.

Considering the difficulty of pinpointing one person among tens of millions, Carlo also gave Cadiel Bruno an additional task.

If they really could not find Gramme and Benz, they were to screen for talent in the fields of electricity and machine manufacturing in Germany and France and recruit them to Spain whenever possible.

To attract these talented individuals, Carlo showed great sincerity. The Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences was the institution he prepared for them.

As an institution dedicated to scientific research, Carlo would donate a portion of research funds to the Royal Academy of Sciences annually. As long as they joined the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences, scientists could apply for research funding for their own studies.

In addition, all scientists who joined the Royal Academy of Sciences could obtain Spanish citizenship without needing approval and would receive a free property in the capital, Madrid.

Scientists at the Royal Academy of Sciences could also choose to work part-time at Spanish universities, for which they would receive additional income.

If they made significant scientific breakthroughs at the Royal Academy of Sciences, they could even be rewarded with a noble title and substantial research and development funds. Their futures would be bright indeed.

Such conditions might not attract scientists who were already valued by other governments, but for those who were impoverished and supporting their research with their own meager fortunes, it could be an excellent option.

Throughout Europe, countless scientists dedicated themselves to research in physics and chemistry. But before they achieved fame through their scientific discoveries, they rarely had the opportunity to receive external funding.

In later generations, even many world-renowned scientists were impoverished in the first half of their lives. This was because their research required long periods of time and substantial investment for trial and error, and their personal wealth was often insufficient to support these endeavors.

Carlo was not expecting the Royal Academy of Sciences to attract a large number of top-tier talents. As long as it could draw in a portion of reasonably skilled scientists, his expectations would be met.

After all, at this time, Spain lagged far behind other European countries in terms of talent in physics and chemistry.

Even in later times, when the number of Nobel laureates from Britain, Germany, and France reached dozens or even over a hundred, Spain had a pitiful eight laureates. Six of them were in Literature, and only two were in Medicine.

Spain’s land area (mainland) was by no means inferior to that of Britain, France, or Germany, but the reason for so few Nobel laureates was that the Spanish mindset had been enlightened far too late.

The discovery of the New World led Spain into a life of luxury and extravagance. The gold and silver treasures transported from the Americas were all spent on the lavish wastefulness of the nobility and the Church.

The palaces and castles of the nobility and the churches of the Church looked magnificent and splendid, but Spain’s national strength declined day by day.

During the Italian Renaissance, the French Enlightenment, and the British Industrial Revolution, what was Spain doing?

Spain was still strengthening the rule of the monarchy and the Church, keeping its people in ignorance in a vain attempt to consolidate a kingdom rife with extravagance.

Despite being the world’s first empire on which the sun never set, despite having earned vast fortunes from the Americas, and despite possessing colonies like Cuba that continuously generated income, the illiteracy rate under the Spanish government was astonishingly similar to that of the newly unified Italy.

The reason for Italy’s high illiteracy rate was that the peasants of Southern Italy dragged down the average. If one only counted Northern Italy, which had been ruled by the Kingdom of Sardinia, Italy’s educational situation would completely crush Spain’s.

This was also why both Primo and Carlo placed great importance on education, because Spain truly lacked talent.

Coupled with its already small population, if Spain did not actively absorb talent from abroad, it would never be able to keep pace with other European countries in the technological revolution.

Besides wanting to attract outstanding foreign scientists to Spain, Carlo had another purpose for creating the Royal Academy of Sciences: he wanted these excellent scientists to teach in Spanish universities, thereby cultivating more outstanding talents in physics and chemistry for Spain.

Absorbing talent from abroad could only solve the surface of Spain’s talent shortage. To truly eradicate the problem of insufficient talent, they had to start by cultivating Spain’s own domestic talent.

Chapter 63: Gramme

Cadiel Bruno took the mission assigned by Carlo very seriously. He decided to personally handle this first task from Carlo to get the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau off to a good start.

And so, Cadiel Bruno, along with a few reserve intelligence personnel he had selected from the Royal Guard, embarked on the journey north to France.

Cadiel Bruno’s first target was Gramme, a man of Belgian descent and French nationality. The reason for choosing Gramme was simple: France was closer to Spain, and it was conveniently on the way to their second stop, Germany.

He couldn’t just search blindly. Cadiel Bruno decided to head to Paris, the capital of France, for his first stop. There, he would inquire about experts in the field of electricity to see if he could find a man named Gramme.

After the Germans left France, another revolution had broken out in Paris, nearly toppling the French government. However, the revolution was ultimately suppressed by the French government. The good news was that peace had returned to Paris.

This was why Cadiel Bruno and his men could travel to Paris safely. At the very least, a peaceful and stable Paris would not be hostile to foreign visitors.

Upon arriving in Paris, Cadiel Bruno immediately began investigating companies and businesses in and around the city related to electricity and electrical equipment, trying to find a man named Gramme.

Fortunately, in a rather small electrical equipment company in Paris, he really did find a generator researcher named Gramme.

Night fell on an inconspicuous residence in Paris.

Knock, knock, knock!

The sound of knocking quickly woke Zénobe Gramme, who had not been asleep for long.

Gramme was first surprised, then a hint of worry flashed in his eyes. As he was contemplating whether to check who was at the door, his wife, sleeping beside him, also awoke.

“Gramme?” his wife asked softly, looking at him as he seemed to be in a daze.

Gramme snapped out of his trance. He soothed his equally worried wife, then got up, took the long rifle from its rack on the wall, and cautiously approached the door.

“Who is it?” Gramme asked.

“Pardon me, are you Mr. Gramme? The Mr. Gramme who works with electricity?” a voice from outside inquired.

“Who are you? If it’s not urgent, please come back tomorrow morning,” Gramme said.

The turmoil in Paris had just ended, but that didn’t mean its streets and alleys were as calm as the situation appeared on the surface.

Gramme didn’t care who won, the government or the revolutionaries. He just didn’t want their struggle to affect his life.

He only wanted to live a peaceful life with a stable income, enough to support himself and his family, while being able to do the work he loved.

Gramme didn’t care about other matters, nor did he want to get involved. He certainly didn’t want to get caught in the crossfire.

“Please forgive my impertinence, Mr. Gramme,” the voice outside said. “I’ve left a letter for you. It’s not too late to decide after you’ve read it. I will call on you again tomorrow at noon. Goodbye.”

Hearing Gramme’s obvious defensiveness, Cadiel Bruno realized that the chaos in Paris had only just recently ended.

It was perfectly natural for Gramme to be on guard when a stranger showed up at his door at night. The best way to ease his defensiveness was to leave a letter explaining his identity first and then visit again during the day.

In any case, he had found the electrical worker named Gramme. The rest wouldn’t be so difficult.

If Gramme was unwilling to go to Spain, then to complete Carlo’s mission, he would have no choice but to use certain methods to “invite” Gramme and his family to Spain.

Hearing the footsteps recede into the distance, Gramme breathed a sigh of relief.

The government had arrested quite a few revolutionaries recently, and Gramme truly wanted nothing to do with strangers.

Those aristocratic masters in the government had been so submissive to the Germans, but when it came to their own people, they struck with an iron fist.

What’s more, Gramme wasn’t even a true Frenchman; he was born in Belgium and had only immigrated to France a little over ten years ago.

The French government wouldn’t show him any mercy just because he was a talented individual. After all, France had countless talents like him; losing one or two wouldn’t hurt them at all.

He waited for another ten-odd minutes, and only after confirming there was no sound outside did Gramme, rifle in hand, cautiously step out. Sure enough, he found a letter at his doorstep.

To allay Gramme’s concerns, Cadiel Bruno had indicated his purpose on the envelope itself, clearly writing the words “Spanish Royal Family” in French.

Confirming the letter wasn’t from the revolutionaries, Gramme sighed in relief and took it inside.

“An invitation from the King of Spain? Researcher at the Royal Academy of Sciences? Advisor to the Spanish Power Company?” Staring at the French words, Gramme felt as if he could no longer recognize his own language.

The King of Spain would suddenly invite a commoner like him? And to join an institution with the word “Royal” in its name, like the Royal Academy of Sciences?

Gramme didn’t feel a rush of happiness. Instead, he found it unbelievable, feeling as if he’d encountered a swindler.

But there seemed to be no reason for the other party to deceive him. Gramme was just an employee at a small electrical equipment company with a modest income and no real power. There shouldn’t be any need to trick him.

After thinking it over, Gramme decided to meet this person tomorrow and see for himself. As long as the man wasn’t a revolutionary, there was no harm in meeting him.

Time flew by. At noon the next day, Cadiel Bruno arrived as promised.

To ease Gramme’s worries, Cadiel Bruno came alone. He also brought a brand-new check issued by the Royal Joint Bank for five thousand pesetas.

Gramme had been waiting for a while. Seated next to him was his friend, William, who also worked in the field of electricity.

When Cadiel Bruno saw someone else sitting beside Gramme, he understood that Gramme’s guard was not completely down. But that was a minor detail. He was confident the man would be swayed after seeing the check.

“Mr. Gramme?” Cadiel Bruno asked tentatively.

“Yes, I am Gramme. And you are?” Gramme looked at Cadiel Bruno, noticing that the man looked somewhat Italian, not very Spanish.

“Allow me to introduce myself. You may call me Cadiel. I serve His Majesty King Carlo of Spain, and my mission is to find experts in the field of electricity for the soon-to-be-established Spanish National Power Company.”

“If you are interested, Mr. Gramme, I am here on behalf of His Majesty the King to invite you to join the Spanish Power Company and serve as an advisor.”

“Furthermore, a position as a researcher at the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences is also open to you. You may join the Royal Academy of Sciences at any time and will be eligible to apply for your own research funding.”

“Do you have any questions?” Cadiel Bruno said, getting straight to the point.

“My heavens, a personal invitation from the King of Spain? Good Lord, this is insane!” Before Gramme could react, his friend William was already astonished, his face a picture of disbelief.

“I’m sorry, Mr. Cadiel, but I have to ask… is what you’re saying true? You represent His Majesty King Carlo of Spain?” Gramme also found it hard to believe.

Monarchy was still the norm in Europe at the time. For a commoner, receiving an invitation from a nobleman was already a great honor, let alone an invitation from the king of a country.

Chapter 64: Money Sways the Heart

Looking at the shocked faces of Gramme and his friend, Cadiel Bruno wore a knowing smile, as if he had expected this reaction. He asked in return, “How should I prove my identity?”

Cadiel Bruno knew that a voluntary explanation at this point would not dispel Gramme’s suspicions.

The best way to make him believe was to let Gramme make a request himself, and then prove his identity.

In any case, Cadiel Bruno’s identity was not fake. No matter how he proved it, the final outcome would not change.

“Forgive me, but this is simply insane. Do you have anything that can prove your identity?” Gramme inquired.

“Of course.” Cadiel Bruno nodded, took out a check he had prepared earlier, and explained, “This is the latest check issued by the Royal Joint Bank of Spain. Currently, no one besides the Spanish noblemen can obtain one. This should be enough to prove my identity, shouldn’t it?

As long as you are willing to take up a post in Spain, Mr. Gramme, this check is yours.”

Seeing the distinct Spanish royal family crest and the amount of 5,000 on the check, Gramme already felt a measure of trust in Cadiel Bruno.

This kind of check was not something an ordinary person could forge, and someone with the ability to forge it would have no reason to deceive him into going to Spain.

With this thought, Gramme gradually lowered his guard against Cadiel Bruno, but still asked with a hint of doubt, “Sir, why would His Majesty the king choose me?

I am just an ordinary person. His Majesty the king shouldn’t know me, right?”

“I am only responsible for conveying His Majesty’s orders,” Cadiel Bruno replied. “His Majesty is very optimistic about the development of the electricity industry, which is why he has invited you to join Spain.

As for why His Majesty knows your name, perhaps only God knows.”

“Mr. Gramme, as long as you agree to join the Royal Academy of Sciences, this check is yours. His Majesty will also arrange a residence for you in Madrid and provide you with work.

Believe me, Spain is the most suitable place for you. Your research will receive better support in Spain.” Now that his identity was clear, the most important task was to invite Gramme to join Spain’s Royal Academy of Sciences.

To be honest, the terms Carlo had prepared for Gramme and other scientists were by no means meager.

First, to have a king personally dispatch an envoy was an immense show of respect for those scientists. Although the status of scientists had risen since the Industrial Revolution, it had not reached the highest echelons of the state.

Scientists with business acumen could acquire vast sums of capital through their own research and development, thereby becoming capitalists or members of high society.

But most scientists still lived in poverty their entire lives, and the patents for their own inventions could be seized by other capitalists.

Under such circumstances, let alone a personal invitation from a monarch, even an invitation from a high-ranking nobleman would be enough to move these scientists.

Moreover, the compensation Carlo offered these scientists was top-tier. A check for 5,000 pesetas might not seem like much, but it was worth about 200 pounds, equivalent to the total annual income of eight or nine skilled workers.

Although Gramme worked at an electrical equipment company, he was not in a management or key position, but an ordinary electrical equipment advisor.

His income in Paris was middle-class, with a weekly salary of about 35 francs, for an annual income of 1,825 francs, or 73 pounds.

This check was nearly three times Gramme’s total annual income, and it was money he could receive unconditionally just by agreeing to join Spain.

The sincerity of such terms was undeniable, and for Gramme, who had a family to support, the allure was more than sufficient.

Although his heart was already swayed, seeing the envious look on his friend’s face, Gramme decided to help him out.

“Sir, if I go to Spain, could I invite a few friends to come with me? Please rest assured, my friends are also highly skilled in the field of electricity. They are absolutely capable of filling positions at the Spanish Power Company,” Gramme asked tentatively.

The man before him represented the king of Spain, after all. Gramme knew his request was somewhat presumptuous and might very well cause offense.

But he had good friends here, and their skills were excellent. Gramme also wanted to have a few familiar faces with him in a foreign country like Spain.

“Of course.” Cadiel Bruno nodded and said with a smile, “Anyone who works in the electricity sector can choose to acquire Spanish citizenship.

The Spanish Power Company needs a great deal of talent. Please rest assured, your income at the Spanish Power Company will be no lower than what you earn now, and residences in Madrid will also be arranged for you.”

To Cadiel, Gramme’s question was music to his ears. Carlo had already given him the additional task of attracting some ordinary talent. If he could recruit some extra people while inviting Gramme, wouldn’t that be an even more perfect completion of the mission His Majesty had assigned him?

Hearing that his request had been accepted, Gramme breathed a sigh of relief, and William cast a grateful look in his direction.

Although they were advisors at an electrical equipment company, it was a small firm and quite stingy when it came to capital investment.

The recent instability in Paris, in particular, had caused the company’s owner to fall behind on their wages multiple times. If not for the need to support their families and the lack of other options, they would not have been willing to stay in such a dead-end company.

Now that a better option had presented itself, it was only natural to make an effort and strive for a higher income.

“Mr. Gramme, I will be staying in Paris for a few days. When you are ready, you can come to this address to find me. I will arrange a train to Spain for you at any time.

Of course, the more friends you have who work in the electricity sector, the better. His Majesty would not mind even if there were a hundred of them.

I look forward to seeing you again in Madrid. Perhaps by the time we meet in Madrid, you will have become the Chief Advisor of the National Power Company.” Cadiel Bruno smiled as he took his leave, giving Gramme some time to think and prepare.

After all, moving to Spain was akin to another immigration. For a family man like Gramme, he still needed to convince his family.

Cadiel Bruno had high hopes for Gramme. If Gramme could really bring over a hundred electrical workers for Spain, he believed His Majesty would be absolutely satisfied.

He, too, could use the merit of recruiting Gramme to become one of Carlo’s loyalists, gradually earn his trust, and enter the upper echelons of Spain.

Chapter 65: Military Industry Through Imitation

While Cadiel Bruno was utterly dedicated to carrying out Carlo’s orders, Carlo himself, far away in Madrid, had also come to the end of his leisure time.

After a long wait, Carlo’s Royal Arsenal had finally taken shape. It had recruited a number of workers from Spanish arms workshops and had also aggressively poached rifle design experts from countries like France and Italy.

Starting this year, rifles were entering a completely new era: the era of the bolt-action rifle.

The golden age of the bolt-action rifle would last all the way until World War II, after which it would be replaced by semi-automatic and fully automatic rifles.

As this would be the primary weapon of the Spanish army for nearly a century to come, Carlo placed great importance on the development of bolt-action rifles.

In fact, the Swiss had already developed the first practical bolt-action rifle just last year, naming it the Vetterli rifle.

This rifle was not only purchased in large quantities by the Swiss army but was also exported to Italy. This was the extent of Carlo’s current knowledge.

Besides Italy, other nations were also continuously experimenting with bolt-action rifle research. In the coming years and decade, a great number of famous firearms would be created, proving their worth in numerous wars.

The first task Carlo assigned to the Royal Arsenal was to travel to Switzerland, purchase a batch of Vetterli rifles, and then, based on the Vetterli’s strengths, design Spain’s very first bolt-action rifle.

At its current stage, it was still very difficult for the Royal Arsenal to independently develop a bolt-action rifle from scratch. It wasn’t that they couldn’t do it, but rather that any bolt-action rifle they developed would likely have many flaws, with no guarantees of its safety and stability.

A rifle is a soldier’s most important weapon. If its safety and reliability could not be assured, how could soldiers confidently take such a weapon onto the battlefield?

Therefore, before independently developing their own bolt-action rifle, it was essential to study the design philosophies of foreign military factories and absorb their advantages.

At the very least, the Swiss rifle had been proven by both Switzerland and Italy; its safety and stability were guaranteed.

Since he was at the Royal Arsenal, Carlo naturally wouldn’t limit himself to dealing with just rifles.

Currently, the army’s two most important weapons were the rifle, as a light weapon, and artillery, as a heavy weapon.

The good news was that after the end of the Franco-Prussian War, Germany and France were phasing out large quantities of their artillery.

It wasn’t that there was anything wrong with these cannons, but rather that in a state of peace, Germany and France no longer needed to maintain such a large number of them.

And how were they to deal with these second-hand cannons, which had only been used in the Franco-Prussian War? By selling them at low prices to other European nations, of course, to recoup some of the massive funds spent during the war.

Compared to French artillery, Carlo was actually more interested in purchasing Prussia’s Krupp cannons.

The reason was simple: the Germans had taught the French a harsh lesson with their Krupp cannons during the Franco-Prussian War. In the field of artillery, the Germans were, without a doubt, the current leaders.

While French artillery was certainly of excellent European standard, it paled slightly in comparison to the superior Krupp cannons.

The Royal Arsenal was currently divided into a Rifle Design Group and an Artillery Design Group.

Carlo also gave the Artillery Design Group a new mission: to travel to Germany, purchase a batch of Krupp cannons, and do their utmost to reverse-engineer them, ensuring that Spain acquired the technology to produce its own Krupp-style cannons.

Producing them domestically was more cost-effective than buying them from Germany. Although the Krupp Company had a larger output and possibly lower production costs, the export price of such heavy firepower would be marked up significantly, making it less economical than Spain’s own production.

Moreover, artillery technology itself was extremely important.

Besides its application in the army as crucial fire support for infantry, artillery could also be mounted on warships, serving as the main source of firepower for naval vessels of the era.

Current artillery technology was only just getting started. By learning from the Germans’ cannon technology, Spain could at least ensure it did not fall behind the other great powers in this field.

To purchase a batch of armaments from nations with superior designs, and then to continuously study and reverse-engineer these purchased weapons—this was the current mission of the entire Royal Arsenal.

There was no other choice. Although Carlo had invested heavily in the arsenal, as a newly established institution, it could hardly possess a comprehensive, independent weapons development capability.

Compared to researching, developing, and producing weapons from scratch, buying superior models and imitating them was more cost-effective and far more reliable.

Besides, there was no shame in reverse-engineering weapons, as other countries did the same.

This held true even in later generations; when exporting one’s own weapons, one had to be prepared for them to be extensively studied and copied by other nations.

This was the reason behind the saying in weapons research circles: “Phase out one generation, export one generation, equip one generation, and research the next.”

Generally, the most advanced weapons were never exported. What could be exported were products that were nearing obsolescence domestically. The purpose was to generate revenue to pave the way for the development of even more powerful weapons.

After allocating a new budget for the Royal Arsenal, Carlo could only hope that once the new rifles and cannons were acquired, the factory could quickly grasp the technology and achieve successful imitation.

This might take several years, but the benefits would absolutely outweigh the drawbacks. However, this was only the first objective; the task for the Royal Arsenal remained daunting.

Independent arms production was a basic requirement for a great power. The future goal for the Royal Arsenal was to constantly research and develop new armaments, ensuring its own weapons technology remained world-class.

Of all Carlo’s current ventures, the arsenal was by far the most cash-intensive.

If he hadn’t acquired over a dozen factories, the income from his newspapers alone would be completely insufficient to sustain the military factory.

After all, the people who could buy newspapers were not illiterate; one had to be able to read the contents.

And Spain’s illiteracy rate was as high as seventy percent, which was one of the reasons the newspaper business was struggling to grow.

Fortunately, there were many noblemen around Madrid, in addition to factory owners, the middle class, and some high-income skilled workers. This allowed Carlo’s The Sun to maintain stable daily sales.

Compared to the newspaper business, which had hit a bottleneck, Carlo’s several steel mills were undoubtedly more profitable.

Whether for the sake of Spain’s industrial expansion or to line his own pockets, Carlo had issued orders to the steel mills to continuously expand their scale and increase steel production in the coming years.

In any case, with the Royal Joint Bank providing financial backing, the expansion of these industries would face no major issues as long as it wasn’t overly aggressive.

Expanding industry in Spain at this time was a surefire way to make money. The nation’s future development plans involved a great deal of infrastructure construction, and the railway projects alone guaranteed that the steel mills would not lose money.

Chapter 66: The Three Kidnapped Founders of Benz

Cadiel Bruno’s two telegrams arrived less than a week and a half apart, but they put Carlo in two entirely different moods.

The first briefly stated that Gramme was willing to accept Carlo’s invitation and that several technical employees from the French Power Company would be accompanying him.

This made Carlo ecstatic. Poaching talent like this was far more effective than training Spain’s own electrical experts.

With Gramme and the other technical staff who came with him, they could even build Spain’s power company from scratch, putting the country at the forefront of electrical energy utilization.

But the second telegram, which arrived a week and a half later, left Carlo with rather complicated feelings.

The telegram reported that after arriving in Germany, Cadiel Bruno had successfully found the Benz Carlo had mentioned and had also discovered several other outstanding talents in the fields of mechanical engineering and engines.

However, not everyone was as destitute as Benz and Gramme. Some were already married with children and had received offers from larger machinery factories.

To carry out Carlo’s orders successfully, Cadiel Bruno was forced to resort to the most desperate measure: forcibly kidnapping these people and bringing them to Spain.

When Carlo saw the list of people Cadiel Bruno had kidnapped, he was stunned.

Including Karl Benz, had Cadiel Bruno coincidentally gathered the three future founders of the Benz company?

Yes, the two poor souls who had been kidnapped were none other than two of the three founders of the Benz company: Daimler and Maybach.

While kidnapping would certainly cause some trouble, if it was the three founders of the Benz company, then that trouble was acceptable.

The achievements of these three men went far beyond simply founding the Benz company. They were pioneers in the field of automobile engines and were also the most brilliant engine experts of their time.

Having gathered all three of them, Spain now had a considerable advantage in the automotive field, at least for the time being.

And for Carlo, assembly line production, which would rapidly expand the automobile market and lower costs, was not a difficult matter.

Fortunately, Daimler and Maybach hadn’t accomplished anything sensational in Germany yet. Even if they disappeared, it wouldn’t attract the German government’s attention.

With the technology of the time, as long as Cadiel Bruno was meticulous in covering his tracks, the local authorities would never be able to figure out how these men had disappeared.

As long as Carlo could convince them to willingly stay in Spain after they arrived, the whole affair could be considered a complete success.

Of course, whether they were willing or not, there was no going back to Germany for them.

After all, kidnapping was a disgraceful business, and he certainly couldn’t let word of it get out.

While Carlo waited with anticipation, a group of talented individuals slowly arrived in Madrid.

The first to arrive in Madrid were Gramme, his family, and a few of his friends.

Carlo had clearly underestimated the appeal of his offer to these electrical researchers and practitioners.

After accepting the invitation, Gramme hadn’t hesitated for a moment. He resigned from his company and, along with a few friends who also wanted to come to Spain, boarded a train for the country.

And after hearing the terms Carlo offered from Gramme himself, more than a dozen other electrical researchers and practitioners immediately chose to come to Spain.

It couldn’t be helped; the terms Carlo offered were simply too tempting. Spain wasn’t far from France, and with such generous conditions, it was no surprise that some people would be persuaded.

On the day Gramme arrived in Madrid, Carlo received him at the palace and reiterated the terms Cadiel Bruno had presented.

Gramme was appointed Director of the Royal Spanish Electrical Research Institute and Chief Advisor to the Royal Power Company, required only to focus exclusively on electrical research.

Carlo was also quite generous with Gramme’s salary. Upon learning that Gramme’s original annual salary was less than one hundred pounds, Carlo immediately and lavishly offered to quintuple it, raising his annual salary to thirteen thousand pesetas.

At the same time, regarding the research institute’s R&D funds, Carlo also stated that they could spend up to three hundred thousand pesetas annually as they wished.

Gramme had never met such a magnanimous boss. He immediately declared that he would devote himself to the research at the institute and even said he could start work the very next day.

Carlo also showed great generosity toward the other electrical researchers and practitioners who had come with Gramme.

Compared to their wages in France, their current salaries were all doubled, and they were provided with free housing in Madrid.

As long as they made significant contributions to the research institute, they could receive more rewards, increase their income based on their merits, or even be granted a noble title.

Carlo made a special point of saying he would be delighted to see people from all walks of life become noblemen through their contributions.

Whether they were peasants, workers, scientists, or soldiers, as long as they made sufficient contributions, they could be rewarded with a noble title based on their merit.

This statement was very inspiring for the electrical researchers who had come all the way from France. After all, they had never received such recognition in France, nor were the channels for advancement so open.

In France, they could barely make ends meet, let alone approach the middle class. But in Spain, by working hard, they could earn more money and even have the opportunity to become middle-class or even join the nation’s upper echelon. Wasn’t this a much more promising future than staying in Paris?

Lured by the power of money, Gramme’s friends all declared that coming to Spain was the wisest decision of their lives, their words filled with gratitude for Carlo.

Of course, Carlo didn’t believe their flattery. But the fact that these men quickly succumbed to the lure of money proved one thing: in this era, a great number of scientists and researchers still lived in poverty, even though their inventions and research could potentially change the world in the future.

If he could use money to attract these scientists to his side, it would be a good thing for both the scientists and Spain—a win-win situation.

However, he also had to be careful not to attract the attention of other countries by recruiting scientists on a large scale. Before other nations began to value scientists, the terms Carlo could offer were unique and naturally held a strong appeal.

But if all countries began to recruit scientists regardless of cost, Spain’s resources would not be enough to compete.

Therefore, the recruitment of scientists and technical personnel had to be done in secret, preferably without arousing the suspicions of other countries.

Once Spain had secretly accumulated a reserve of scientists and technical talent, he would no longer have to worry about his talent acquisition plan being sabotaged.

Chapter 67: Maybach and Daimler

The matter with Gramme was settled, but the subsequent arrival of Benz and his cohort was the real trouble.

Among the three founders of Benz, only Benz came to Spain willingly.

The remaining two, Daimler and Maybach, were both brought by force. If they were determined not to work for Spain, Carlo would have no choice but to regretfully lose these talents in the automotive and engine fields.

Another two weeks passed before the talents from Germany finally arrived safely in Madrid.

“Your Majesty, the people you wished to see have arrived in the reception hall.” As Carlo was reviewing reports on industrial development, Loren the steward came forward to remind him that his guests had arrived.

“Have that fellow Kadir come see me as well. I have to give some sort of explanation to those who were brought here by force, don’t I?” Carlo nodded and then gave the order.

“Mr. Kadir is already waiting outside,” Steward Loren said with a smile.

Kidnapping them wasn’t the end of it; how to handle these talented individuals was also an issue. If they were willing to take up Spanish citizenship, it would naturally be a win-win situation.

But if they were unwilling, he would have to let Kadir dispose of them cleanly and pretend nothing had happened.

Carlo nodded and walked towards a reception hall in the Royal Palace of Madrid.

As the third-largest palace in Europe, second only to the Palace of Versailles and Schönbrunn Palace, the Royal Palace of Madrid could only be described as vast and opulent.

There were over a dozen reception halls for the monarch and royal family members to meet with guests, each boasting a different style.

Benz and his group were arranged in a small reception hall in the westernmost part of the Royal Palace, next to an enormous dining hall meticulously designed by Carlo, which could prepare delicacies from all over Europe.

The reason for choosing this location to meet with Benz and the others was quite simple. If the outcome was satisfactory to everyone, Carlo would invite them to savor Spanish culinary specialties and then discuss matters concerning the automobile industry and engine business.

If the talks were not so satisfactory, then he could only let Kadir demonstrate the results of his recent training and reduce the world’s population by a few.

In the small reception hall not far away, the atmosphere was rather complex.

The one in a relatively good mood was Karl Benz. He had been invited and had willingly agreed to take up Spanish citizenship, so naturally, he had no reason to be in a foul mood.

But Daimler and Maybach were different. They had been forcibly brought over by Kadir, and the journey from Germany to Madrid had not been pleasant, so naturally, they weren’t wearing happy expressions.

The reception hall was adorned with several precious porcelain pieces and paintings by famous artists. Benz was admiring them earnestly with a servant providing explanations, while Daimler and Maybach sat silently in their seats, not saying a word.

Suddenly, the doors to the reception hall were pushed open, and Carlo walked in with a smile on his face.

“Your Majesty!” The servants were the first to bow to Carlo.

Benz also reacted, bowing to Carlo with German-style etiquette.

All eyes turned to Daimler and Maybach, who hadn’t moved. Whatever their objections, at this moment they had no choice but to offer Carlo a German-style bow.

The monarchical system was still quite popular in Europe at the time. These Germans had grown up steeped in a monarchical environment, and their respect and fear of royal authority were genuine.

“There’s no need for such formalities, Mr. Benz, Mr. Daimler, Mr. Maybach.” Carlo nodded and said with a smile.

“Truth be told, this is all a misunderstanding. My original intention was to invite you to Spain, not to bring you here through kidnapping,” Carlo continued.

For talents like Daimler and Maybach, Carlo was quite willing to show his sincerity. Of course, that sincerity had its limits.

If they failed to appreciate the situation, Carlo couldn’t be expected to make too many concessions.

“Your Majesty Carlo, it is an honor to meet you,” Benz was the first to speak.

Benz was already willing to come to Spain, and with Carlo, the king, showing such a warm and friendly attitude, Benz felt even more certain that his decision was correct.

As for Daimler and Maybach being kidnapped, Benz didn’t know the full story, but he was willing to trust the more affable Carlo.

“Your Majesty Carlo, I believe this was an accident. May I ask when we can return to Germany? I have ongoing research,” the youngest, William Maybach, was the first to lose his composure, asking with some urgency.

Hearing Maybach’s question, Carlo smiled, appearing very friendly. “I’m very sorry, but I’ve heard there’s been some trouble at the Madrid station recently. If you wish to return to Germany, I’m afraid you’ll have to wait a while longer.”

When the Madrid station had problems was entirely up to Carlo. If he didn’t want to let Maybach and Daimler leave, the Madrid train station would continue to have problems indefinitely.

At this, Daimler, who had been silent for a long time, finally spoke up, “Your Majesty, does this mean we cannot return to Germany?”

Carlo smiled but did not answer.

The room fell silent instantly. Then, Daimler continued, “Very well, it seems we have no choice. Your Majesty, can you guarantee that you will support our research?”

When it came to supporting research, Carlo was brimming with confidence. “But of course. I am more than willing to support your research, be it in the automotive field, mechanical engineering, or engines. I will support you without reservation.

“If you are willing to accept Spanish citizenship, I can establish dedicated laboratories to aid your research. Of course, I will also grant you relevant shares in the company, and your income will far exceed what you earned in Germany. You will never have to worry about money again.”

Hearing the exchange between Daimler and Carlo, the youngest, Maybach, finally realized that the situation was not as optimistic as he had thought.

However, looking at Daimler beside him and then at Carlo, who confidently promised to support their research, Maybach found he wasn’t actually that averse to staying in Spain.

Maybach was born in Germany, but he was orphaned at a very young age and was raised by a charity. Having no family, the most important thing to Maybach was his passion—research in mechanics and engines.

The person he was currently closest to was Daimler, whom he had only recently met. If he could work together with Daimler, it didn’t really matter where he was.

The one most opposed to staying in Spain was likely the eldest, Daimler. He already had a family in Germany and a job as the Chief Advisor of a machine factory, with a very respectable income.

This kidnapping had destroyed the wonderful life he once had, which was why Daimler was unwilling to remain in Spain.

Chapter 68: The Hope of the Second Industrial Revolution

Carlo could now see the starkly different attitudes between Maybach and Daimler.

Kadir had already thoroughly investigated the identities of these two men before taking action.

“Mr. Daimler, if you are willing to stay and work in Spain, you and Mr. Maybach will both enjoy the same treatment as Mr. Benz, including shares in the company you work for.

“I will not restrict your personal freedom. All of Spain’s universities are open to you; you may study and work at any of them. Your families can also enroll to study.

“Please trust in my sincerity. When it comes to research on automobiles and engines, I will not interfere in any way. I will only provide you with a continuous stream of capital for your research.” Maybach was clearly not opposed to working in Spain. Now, all that was needed was to persuade Daimler, and the cooperation of the three founders of the Benz company would essentially be secured.

Carlo was also full of anticipation. What kind of impact would these three men, brought together ahead of time, have on the automobile industry?

“Very well, Your Majesty. It seems I have no other choice.” Daimler nodded helplessly, a bitter smile on his face. “But I hope Your Majesty will adhere to your word, that you will not interfere with our research and will provide us with sufficient research funds.”

What Daimler feared most was Carlo leveraging his status as king to dictate their research, preventing him from pursuing his work as he saw fit.

If Carlo was willing to abide by the principle of non-interference, then working in Spain wasn’t so objectionable after all.

Besides, Carlo had also promised good treatment for their families. For a married man with children, this was indeed an attractive offer.

“But of course.” Carlo nodded with a smile and laid out his plan. “Considering the three of you are all involved in engine development, I have decided to establish the United Engine Company. I will grant each of you five percent of the shares to support your research in this field.

“The annual R&D funds will be no less than two hundred thousand pesetas. However, the patents for any technology you develop will belong to the company as a whole. Is that acceptable?”

Daimler, Maybach, and Benz looked at one another and all indicated they had no objection.

They would own shares in the company, so they would get a cut of its profits. Moreover, for people dedicated to research and development, how much they personally earned wasn’t their primary concern.

Carlo’s promise of annual R&D funds was the best guarantee for them. The ability to continue dedicating themselves to the industry they loved was more enticing than any subsequent patent rights or dividends.

After successfully winning the three men over, Carlo gave a subtle glance, and a servant at his side presented each of them with a check for five thousand pesetas.

This was a welcoming gift and a demonstration of Carlo’s sincerity.

While five thousand pesetas wasn’t a huge amount, for Daimler and the others, it would allow them to live comfortably upon their arrival in Spain and arrange their and their families’ lives without financial strain.

Only with a stable life could they devote themselves to their work with ease and efficiency.

After taking the three men to a nearby dining hall for a lavish lunch, Carlo had Kadir show them the way to their new homes.

The residences arranged for these scientific talents were all recently constructed detached villas, the cost of which was not excessively high.

After all, there was no such thing as housing speculation in this era. Aside from the properties on the few most bustling streets in downtown Madrid, the houses toward the outskirts were nothing special.

In fact, on the periphery of Madrid, there were still many houses built by the residents themselves, some of which looked no different from slums. How could property prices possibly be high?

Compared to buying a finished house, the people were more willing to build their own, which was more cost-effective and cheaper.

Speaking of which, the next thing on the government’s agenda was to clean up the slums of Madrid.

This phenomenon was not unique to Spain; it was present in every country across Europe at the time.

Although the Industrial Revolution had made the nation stronger, the ones who grew wealthy were the capitalists, factory owners, entrepreneurs, noblemen, and politicians. For the commoner, especially those below the middle class, life had not improved much.

In fact, the exploitation of workers by capitalists made the lives of ordinary people even more difficult. Just how chaotic was Europe at this time?

Wages were divided between male workers, female workers, and child workers. To make ends meet, most commoner families had no choice but to send men and women, old and young, out to work.

This was also the reason for the high illiteracy rates in many countries, including Spain.

These families had to send their children to work in factories and other places to survive. Even if schooling were free, sending them to school would mean one less source of income for the family, making an already bad situation worse.

Europeans might appear glamorous, but that glamour was exclusive to the affluent classes, the middle class and above.

The real commoners were no better off than people elsewhere. The exploitation by capitalists and factory owners was like a heavy mountain pressing down on all the common people of Europe, so crushing that they could barely breathe.

This was why Carlo had not yet focused on the progress of literacy campaigns. If he couldn’t effectively increase the income of the Spanish people, the country’s illiteracy rate would never fall.

Only when the average annual income in Spain gradually caught up to the level of other European countries was there hope for significant progress in reducing illiteracy.

After successfully recruiting Gramme and the other three, Carlo was in an excellent mood.

Driven by his good spirits, Carlo paid close attention to the establishment of the Royal Electrical Research Institute and the United Engine Company.

Needless to say, electricity and electrification were one of the most important cores of the Second Industrial Revolution. And the engine—that is, the internal combustion engine—was the other major core.

Getting electricity and engines right meant that Spain would make enormous strides in the Second Industrial Revolution.

Of course, due to Spain’s relatively small population, the boost from the Second Industrial Revolution would not be as massive as that in Germany or the United States.

But for Spain itself, it undoubtedly offered a greater hope of revival.

If a reformed Spain had only a thirty percent chance of revival, then by deeply engaging in the Second Industrial Revolution, that hope could be raised to at least sixty percent.

But what was the goal of Spain’s revival?

Carlo was not yet sure.

But Carlo knew that being a minor great power was not what he or Spain truly needed. In the face of a large-scale world war, a lower-tier great power often could not determine its own destiny.

Chapter 69: The Large Laboratory

With Primo focused on reforms and Spain enjoying domestic stability, Carlo was surprised to find he had nothing to do.

Matters like reform were best left to Primo; after all, it was a task that was bound to offend people.

It was no exaggeration to say that the reforms had, on the whole, offended every faction in Spain, save for the Reformists who supported them.

If not for Primo’s immense prestige within the Spanish military, the Prime Minister would have likely been replaced long before the reforms were complete.

For Primo himself, the current reforms were a huge gamble. If he won, Spain would have a chance to return to the ranks of the great powers, and he would remain a beloved Prime Minister.

But if he failed, the factions he had offended would not let him go. Even if Carlo could offer him personal protection, Primo’s reputation would be ruined, becoming a cautionary tale used to condemn the Reformists.

With Primo serving as the vanguard of reform, Carlo was naturally reluctant to get too involved.

Now with time on his hands, Carlo decided to oversee the construction of the Electricity Research Institute and the Engine Company.

As the core of the Second Industrial Revolution, electricity and engines were of utmost importance to Carlo. Both key institutions were located in Madrid, not too far a drive from the palace.

On an open plot of land on the outskirts of Madrid, a large area had been cordoned off.

This was the designated site for the Electricity Laboratory and the Engine Research Office, the very heart of Spain’s effort to join and advance the Second Industrial Revolution.

To instill confidence in Gramme and the others about their future research, Carlo had specially invited the four lead scientists—Gramme, Benz, and their colleagues—along with many other technical experts, to tour the construction site.

The construction of the research facilities wasn’t particularly difficult. After all, research into electricity and engines at this point did not require overly sophisticated equipment; everything was just beginning.

The entire construction site could be seen as one large experimental zone. The western side was the area being built for Gramme and the Electricity Laboratory, while the eastern side was the engine development area for Benz and the other two.

This large experimental zone consisted mostly of small buildings under three stories tall. This was to speed up construction, as there was no need for towering high-rises in an experimental area.

In the center of the experimental zone, a five-story apartment building would rise. The first and second floors were designated for dining and recreation, while the third to fifth floors would serve as living quarters for all personnel in the experimental zone.

After all, during the most critical phases of an experiment, most of the personnel involved wouldn’t have time to travel back and forth between home and the laboratory.

Commuting would waste too much time, so it was better to build an apartment building on-site for those involved in the experiments to get some brief rest.

Looking at the plans for the entire experimental zone, Gramme and the others were quite satisfied. The layout was far more professional than the companies and places they had worked before, and they felt their experiments would proceed more smoothly here.

“Your Majesty, when will the Electricity Laboratory be completed? I can’t wait to conduct my experiments in such an environment. It’s simply perfect!” Gramme could no longer contain his excitement, his face eager as he questioned Carlo.

Carlo turned his gaze to the person in charge of the laboratory’s construction, who immediately understood and explained to the group, “At present, the overall construction of the experimental zone is proceeding very smoothly. We expect all construction to be completed within three to four months.”

“Too slow, still too slow.” Gramme shook his head in slight disappointment, then asked, “Is it possible to complete the laboratory first? The other, less important ancillary buildings can be built later. If we have the lab, the research on electricity can begin.”

“That should be possible, Mr. Gramme.” The official considered for a moment before replying, “If we focus only on building the laboratory, it should be finished within a month and a half. Factoring in the installation of some experimental equipment, the lab should be operational in two months.”

Gramme finally nodded in satisfaction at this.

Two months was, in theory, the shortest possible time. After all, a laboratory had certain requirements—especially an electricity lab, which also needed to guarantee safety.

A hastily constructed building would be of no benefit to the experiments, making a two-month wait quite necessary.

Sensing Gramme’s urgency to begin his electricity experiments, Carlo said with a smile, “I have already prepared a temporary testing site for you on the outskirts of Madrid. It’s not very formal, but it will suffice for two months. Perhaps by the time we visit again, the laboratory will be nearly complete.”

Although Carlo had approved the laboratory’s construction long before Kadir had even departed, the construction speed of this era simply couldn’t compare to that of later generations.

Even though they were just small buildings under three stories, because they were intended for experimental use, a lengthy wait was still required.

In a later era, such three-story buildings would be erected at lightning speed; the laboratory might have been finished before Gramme and the others had even arrived in Madrid.

The group continued their tour.

Behind this large experimental zone was a reasonably sized lake. The scenery around it was beautiful and the water was crystal clear, making it an excellent place for leisure and relaxation.

Everyone was captivated by the beautiful scenery around the lake. Even Daimler, who was already married, couldn’t help but sigh, “What a wonderful place for a vacation. It almost feels like a waste to build a laboratory here.”

“No, Mr. Daimler,” Carlo said with a smile. “This is precisely why I chose to build the laboratory here. It is you scientists, who conduct experiments, that need such beautiful scenery. Work and rest are both indispensable; only with proper rest can you conduct better experiments.”

Hearing Carlo’s words, Daimler was taken aback for a moment, then nodded with a smile.

If his resentment over being kidnapped to Spain was at least a six out of ten when he first arrived, it had now mostly dissipated.

At the very least, he had accepted the idea of working in Spain. After all, where else could one find a king who respected scientists so much?

It was no exaggeration to say that in Europe at this time, ordinary people had no human rights. Commoners were subjects of exploitation—in other words, they were livestock cheaper than actual livestock.

Adult men were exploited the most ruthlessly. They worked like beasts of burden, yet the wages they received were barely enough to support their families, and often not even that.

Adult women were exploited just like men. They contributed no less labor, but their income was pitifully small.

And that’s not to mention the child workers. Capitalists used them as if they were adults, yet they received the lowest wages of all.

In an era where commoners were hardly considered human, encountering a monarch who showed him such respect made Daimler feel that perhaps Spain wasn’t so bad after all.

Chapter 70: The Infallibly Profitable Steel Mill

Although he had brought Gramme over, relying on him alone for electrification was far from enough.

Spain had to build up a sufficient reserve of mid-level talent in both electrification and the internal combustion engine to drive the Second Industrial Revolution’s development within its borders.

Currently, Spain’s most critical problem was the scarcity of low to mid-level talent, with illiteracy rampant among the majority of the population.

Before Spain could cultivate its own talent, the best method was to continuously engage in poaching talent from other European countries.

However, before all that, ensuring his own coffers were sufficiently funded was paramount.

Time passed to August of 1870, four months after the establishment of the Royal Joint Bank.

Carlo finally turned his attention to his own finances, asking Steward Loren about the bank’s progress.

Steward Loren was intimately familiar with the bank’s development. Upon hearing Carlo’s inquiry, he quickly replied, “Your Majesty, after four months of development, our bank has already become one of the largest in Spain.

“We have established branches in Toledo and Valladolid, and our presence in Madrid has expanded to two branches.

“Currently, our total number of depositors has surpassed fifty-seven thousand, with total deposits of approximately 46.12 million pesetas, for an average of 809 pesetas per person.

“The bank’s next expansion plan is to establish at least one branch in the capital of every major region, such as Seville and Barcelona, to become the largest bank in Spain.”

Carlo nodded.

With the help of the noblemen, the Royal Joint Bank’s growth was quite rapid.

It already had fifty-seven thousand depositors. Who would have thought this was a bank founded just four months ago?

Once the Royal Bank opened branches in the capital of every major region, the number of depositors would see another major expansion.

However, the average deposit per person would certainly decrease, as the majority of people in Spain still had relatively low incomes.

The reason the average deposit was still above 800 pesetas was the high number of noblemen and middle-class individuals among the depositors, which skewed the average figure upwards.

Once large numbers of commoners began to deposit their money in the Royal Bank, the income level of the ordinary person would become crystal clear.

One thing that made the Royal Joint Bank more attractive to Spaniards than other banks was the word “Royal” and the fact that it united the entire noble class.

It was a matter of Carlo’s personal credibility, which made it far more trustworthy than other private banks.

Carlo, in concert with several major noblemen, had also given a promise of on-demand withdrawals at any time, and stated that as long as the royal family existed, the Royal Joint Bank would not go bankrupt.

Bank failures had always been a dreaded topic. The public feared that banks would go bankrupt, so they would scramble to withdraw their savings.

But this kind of bank run would instead cause a liquidity crisis in an otherwise stable bank, creating the possibility of failure.

After all, the way banks operated was by collecting large amounts of capital from depositors’ savings and then investing it to generate revenue.

This revenue would be used to pay the depositors’ interest and the bank’s operating costs, with the remainder being the bank’s profit.

This meant that it was impossible for a bank to pay out all of its depositors’ savings at once. When the withdrawal demands exceeded the bank’s available funds, a crisis would erupt.

And how did the capitalists solve this?

They declared bankruptcy.

This era lacked the many safeguards of later generations. After a capitalist declared a bank bankrupt, most depositors were basically unable to get their money back.

Only a small number of powerful noblemen and politicians could retrieve their funds, or even get an extra share. Such was the privilege of the upper class.

This was also why the lives of commoners in Europe during this era were so tragic. They could never escape the exploitation of the capitalists, toiling like beasts of burden their entire lives only to meet an early death in their thirties or forties.

“How is our steel mill doing at the moment?” Carlo continued to ask.

Currently, Carlo’s two most profitable enterprises were the Royal Joint Bank and the newly consolidated steel mill.

Finance and industry were undoubtedly the most lucrative businesses of the era, and Carlo certainly wouldn’t overlook the income brought by industry.

“After the consolidation, we have become the largest steel mill in Madrid. We currently have 1,453 workers, with an average weekly wage of about 3 pesetas,” Loren continued to answer.

Spain was never strong in industry to begin with, so it was no surprise that consolidating several small- and medium-sized steel mills made it the largest in Madrid.

After all, Madrid was not the region Spain focused on for industrial development; the real industrial base was in Seville.

“An average weekly wage of about 3 pesetas?” Carlo calculated silently.

A weekly wage of 3 pesetas meant a monthly income of about 12 pesetas, and an annual income of over 144 pesetas.

Although this was still a ways off from the wages of workers in other European countries, it was at least much higher than Spain’s per capita annual income of 87 pesetas.

Moreover, there was no need to worry about wage deductions or the like at Carlo’s factory. The working day was only twelve hours long, and workers got one day off per month. These conditions were much better than in other countries.

“How is the agricultural tax reduction policy being implemented? When can we expect to see results?” The per capita income being the lowest in Europe was a major headache for Carlo, and he looked forward to seeing a change.

“It is projected that the per capita income will rise to about 100 pesetas next year,” Steward Loren replied quickly. “Please rest assured, Your Majesty. The agricultural tax reduction and the abolition of the Tithe are effective. The peasants’ incomes will definitely increase.

“This is the result of the House of Bourbon’s long-term exploitation of Spain, and it has nothing to do with you, Your Majesty. You, Your Majesty, are Spain’s heaven’s chosen one. Under your leadership, Spain will restore its former glory.”

Carlo smiled, not paying much mind to Steward Loren’s flattery.

“Heaven’s chosen one” was a bit of an exaggeration, but at least Carlo was not one of those incompetent monarchs. He knew that only by treating the people as human would they support him.

“While the per capita annual income increases, we must also increase the income of our employees,” Carlo instructed. “The royal family’s enterprises are the benchmark for all enterprises in Spain. We absolutely cannot have any problems in this regard.”

“I understand, Your Majesty.” Steward Loren nodded, indicating that he understood.

“What are the profits of our steel mill? And how is the construction of the steel mill in Seville coming along?” Carlo inquired.

“Your Majesty, our steel mill is projected to have an income of about two million pesetas this year. Maintaining a balanced budget is no problem at all.

“So far, we have invested about 1.5 million pesetas in the industrial base in Seville to build a new steel mill, which is expected to go into production in the second half of next year. By then, our number of workers will exceed two thousand, and our annual income will increase to over three million pesetas,” Steward Loren replied.

In the end, it seemed Carlo had underestimated just how profitable industry could be in this era.

Coupled with the fact that Spanish workers’ wages were not high to begin with, and that Spain’s infrastructure construction required a large amount of steel, a steel mill in the Spain of this era was an infallibly profitable venture.

Chapter 71: Preparations to Carve Up Africa

Since factories like the steel mill were basically guaranteed to be profitable, there was no question about what to do next. Naturally, they had to build more.

Continuously expanding the scale of the steel mills would also help raise Spain’s overall industrial level, which was beneficial to both the royal family and the government.

Moreover, it would provide more jobs for the Spanish people and accelerate the nation’s economic development. It was a triple win.

Without a moment’s hesitation, Carlo immediately instructed Steward Loren, “For the time being, our focus will be on expanding the bank and the steel mill. Other industries can be put on hold for now.”

It couldn’t be helped. If Spain was to catch the train of the Second Industrial Revolution, it had to attract a great deal of relevant talent from other nations.

To attract enough talent from other countries, money was the first necessity.

Money moves the hearts of men. No matter how great the achievements of these researchers, they were still ordinary people with material needs.

Even if they had no great material desires themselves, they had families, and their families had needs.

Therefore, the simplest way to win over a talented individual was to give him and his family enough money, providing them with the material comforts and lifestyle of the nation’s upper echelon.

To take a scientist who was destitute, perhaps even on the brink of ruin, and have him instantly enjoying the life of the country’s elite, with more money than he could spend and endless material comforts—that would surely tempt him.

While throwing money around might seem like a crude method, it was truly the most effective one at a time when most European commoners lived in destitution, in conditions that could even be described as hellish.

Of course, the truth was that in any era, the lives of the lower classes were destined to be difficult.

More advanced technology simply raised the baseline to some extent, but every country would always have a bottom rung of society.

As long as there were destitute people, there would always be those who would bend for money. Carlo’s current task was to use money to attract them to his cause, and then use this initial pool of talent to cultivate even more for Spain.

“How much capital can the bank spare?” Carlo asked after a moment of careful thought.

“The construction of our branches will require at least five million pesetas, and we need to keep sufficient cash reserves for our existing banks. Currently, we should be able to free up around twenty-five million pesetas. There shouldn’t be any issues as long as the funds are returned within a year.” Steward Loren gave a considered reply after a moment of thought.

The Royal Bank currently had one major issue: the vast majority of its deposits came from the nobility.

However, this was also good news. These noblemen had made large deposits out of respect for Carlo, so it was unlikely they would band together to start a bank run.

This allowed the Royal Bank to have sufficient funds to utilize. Moreover, with the backing of other royal enterprises, it could calmly handle any minor bank runs.

“Invest all twenty-five million pesetas into steel, chemicals, machinery, steam turbines, and the armaments industry. These will be our primary targets in the near future.

We can also invest in Spain’s existing factories. After all, we can’t drive the nation’s industrial development by ourselves,” Carlo instructed.

These were all sectors in which Spain was sorely lacking. Considering the country’s future development needs, these industries would be guaranteed to be profitable for some time to come.

The Royal Bank now had a respectable amount of capital, so it naturally couldn’t pass up the opportunity to invest in these sectors.

After all, Spain was in a state of near-total neglect in these areas. A successful investment could create the industrial giants of Spain’s future.

Besides earning revenue and developing Spanish industry, Carlo’s investment in these sectors had another motive: to win over the working class, a newly risen social force.

If the capitalists could incite workers to march and threaten the government, why couldn’t the royal family do the same?

Once Carlo controlled tens of thousands of workers through his vast network of industries, he would only need to contrast the treatment his workers received with that offered by other capitalists. The workers would naturally understand who they should follow for a better life.

With the power of the workers in his hands, Carlo would no longer have to worry about threats from the next administration. Regardless of who succeeded Primo as Prime Minister, they would have to take Carlo’s influence in the government and among the people into account.

This was a benefit Carlo enjoyed from the lingering twilight of monarchy in this era. When he had first arrived in Spain, his influence had been at its lowest, and he was most vulnerable to being made a figurehead.

Once Carlo weathered this difficult period and secured his royal authority, no one would dare underestimate its influence.

After giving his instructions on domestic industrial development, Carlo thought for a moment before adding, “As for finances, prepare an additional two million pesetas. I may have a use for it soon.”

Hearing Carlo’s command, Steward Loren nodded quickly, not asking for a reason.

As a competent and loyal servant, he knew it was best to simply carry out his master’s orders without asking questions.

If it was something he needed to know, his master would tell him. If not, asking rashly would only leave a poor impression.

Steward Loren understood this perfectly, so he firmly resolved not to ask what he shouldn’t.

Carlo was quite pleased with his steward’s attitude. The purpose of the funds wasn’t a great secret, so he explained with a smile, “If Spain is to achieve its revival, it will be too difficult to rely on our domestic resources alone.

Africa has not yet been completely carved up by the great powers. We can still find land for ourselves outside their existing colonial outposts.

The purpose of these funds is to hire foreign explorers to find more land for Spain. Only with enough territory can Spain achieve its revival on its own strength, rather than by exploiting its own people.

While you’re preparing the funds, also look into which explorers, both at home and abroad, we can contact. I want our expedition’s movements to be kept secret, at least in the initial stages.”

The great powers generally operated on the principle of ‘first come, first served’ when it came to colonial sovereignty. After all, the relationships between them were chaotic and complex; in some cases, they couldn’t simply use military force to seize a colony.

As long as Spain can establish outposts in key territories ahead of time and plant its flag, it will hold the moral high ground in any future colonial disputes.

Besides, it was only 1870. Africa had not yet been completely carved up by the great powers. If even countries like Portugal and Belgium could claim a slice of the African cake, why couldn’t the more powerful Spain?

Chapter 72: A Spain in Need of People

After the end of the Franco-Prussian War, Europe entered a period of peace.

Of course, the reason for this peace was that Europe’s foremost meddler, the British Empire, was too preoccupied with the Irish Home Rule movement to bother with anything else.

The official name of the United Kingdom was the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. The Kingdom of Great Britain, in turn, was composed of England and Scotland.

This meant that the United Kingdom faced problems similar to Spain’s; apart from the dominant English population, the Scots and the Irish did not seem to fully accept the government’s rule.

However, the British Empire at this time was the undisputed global hegemon, the most powerful naval nation in the world. Riding on the glory of the Victorian era, it temporarily suppressed the independence aspirations of the Irish and the Scots.

With the British facing internal problems, the French licking their wounds from the war, and the Germans using their massive influx of capital to pursue industrialization, the golden age of development arrived for the other countries of Europe.

More than two months passed quickly, and the main building of the Electricity Laboratory, which Gramme had been eagerly anticipating, was finally completed.

At Gramme’s urging, the royal electrical research enterprise smoothly relocated to the new main laboratory building and officially began its research on electric generators.

In later eras, if one mentioned direct current and alternating current, the first names that came to mind would be Edison and Tesla and their war of currents.

But in fact, both direct and alternating current had been developed much earlier. However, an inordinate amount of time was spent in the initial exploratory phase, and it failed to garner the attention of various governments, which is why the large-scale application of electricity was not realized until the end of the 19th century.

Why was this the case?

Gramme could be considered an exceptionally outstanding talent in the field of electricity. His contributions to electrical energy were arguably among the top five of the 19th century.

But a talent like him was not valued in France. There were many others like Gramme, including the man who would become world-famous a dozen years later, Nikola Tesla.

The first thing Gramme decided to do after moving into the new laboratory was to build one alternating current generator and one direct current generator, then explore how to utilize electrical energy from there.

Although the pioneers in this field, Faraday and Henry, had already established the principles and feasibility of building generators, the ones they created were mostly for experimental purposes and did not prove whether electrical energy could be put to practical use.

Gramme decided to continue the work of Faraday and Henry, striving to discover a source of cheap, practical electrical energy as soon as possible to repay Carlo for his support.

Carlo actually had some knowledge regarding electrical energy. Of course, this so-called knowledge would be nothing more than common sense in later generations.

It was only after a century of exploration by pioneers like Gramme that people over a hundred years later could enjoy such convenient and accessible electrical power.

Carlo even knew the story of the accident that propelled Gramme and the electrical industry forward. At an exposition, while installing two generators, Gramme accidentally cross-wired them, sending the electricity from one generator back into the other.

It was this accident that rapidly led to the practical application of electricity. The scientists present were ecstatic; the practical use of electrical energy they had pursued for years had been realized in such a simple fashion.

A generator was a generator, but it could also become an electric motor. This discovery quickly made electricity one of the most important energy sources of the Second Industrial Revolution, and it would go on to change the entire world.

However, all of this would have to wait until Gramme had built his own generator. After all, he needed a physical object to use as a pretext for his proposal. Without tangible proof, he couldn’t demonstrate the validity of his claims. It was better to wait for the generator to be ready and let Gramme conduct a practical demonstration. The truth would be obvious at a glance.

The Royal Engine Company and Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory were practically next door to each other. The “Engine Company” was, in reality, more of an Engine Research Office.

Since both were his own enterprises, Carlo wouldn’t favor one over the other. Naturally, he had to inspect both.

Compared to the bustling Electricity Laboratory, the Engine Research Office was much quieter.

This couldn’t be helped. Although the Electricity Laboratory had only one principal researcher, Gramme, it had no shortage of technical staff who were more than capable of assisting him.

At the Engine Laboratory, however, only Daimler, Benz, and Maybach possessed the relevant research and development capabilities. Any discussions that took place were between the three of them.

Although this trio was arguably at the forefront of the automotive and engine fields, it was clearly impossible for them to achieve major breakthroughs with just the three of them.

Carlo also set his next goal: to recruit high-level talent for the Electricity Laboratory and mid-to-low-level talent for the Engine Laboratory.

In Carlo’s mind, both laboratories needed to be staffed with at least three to five scientists, plus dozens of skilled technical assistants with a solid knowledge base.

As the research projects in the laboratories grew more advanced, the staffing levels would also need to grow continuously.

It was only because everything was still in its infancy that a smaller team was manageable. This was a constant reminder to Carlo that Spain was still severely lacking in relevant talent.

And it wasn’t just in the fields of electricity and engines. Spain also needed a large number of mid-to-low-level personnel to fill the gaps in the chemical industry, physics, chemistry, and all other sectors.

At this thought, Carlo could no longer sit still.

Carlo summoned Kadir, the director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, and gave him a new assignment: travel to various European countries to find impoverished scientists and skilled technical personnel and invite them to immigrate to Spain.

Opening up to large-scale immigration would be a burden for the current Spanish government.

The incomes of the large peasant population in the country had not yet improved. Attracting a large number of immigrants at this time would be seen by the Spanish people as snatching their jobs.

Therefore, aside from attracting a small number of laborers from Italy, Carlo had no intention of having the Spanish government open up its immigration channels to attract immigrants in large numbers.

The laborers brought in from Italy performed extreme manual labor, jobs that Spanish peasants were unwilling to do.

This avoided causing discontent among the Spanish people, as these jobs were not within their range of choices to begin with.

It was precisely because he considered the potential for conflict between immigrants and Spaniards that Carlo tasked Kadir with precisely targeting impoverished scientists and technical experts. Through a quality-over-quantity approach, he would bring in a batch of the mid-to-low-level talent that Spain urgently needed, while simultaneously scouting for scientists who might be persuaded to join their cause.

Chapter 73: A Visit to Italy

After confirming that the Electricity Laboratory and the Engine Research Office were both operating in an orderly fashion, Carlo finally breathed a sigh of relief. He decided to personally travel abroad to attract some talent to Spain.

Come to think of it, Carlo hadn’t left Spain once since becoming its king.

Now that the situation in Spain had stabilized, and with the two senior statesmen, Primo and Serrano, holding down the fort, there was naturally no need to worry about any unforeseen incidents.

Taking this opportunity, Carlo decided to return to Italy. On one hand, it was for a diplomatic visit to the Italian government; on the other, it was a chance to attract a group of Italian technical experts and scientists to Spain.

He chose Italy primarily because the Italian king, Vittorio Emanuele II, was his father. To a certain extent, this would aid his talent recruitment plan.

Although Italy’s overall illiteracy rate was high, it was mostly the peasants of Southern Italy who dragged down the average.

Looking only at Northern Italy’s industry, economy, and education, one could only say that the reforms of the former Kingdom of Sardinia had been very successful. This was precisely why the Kingdom of Sardinia ultimately unified Italy.

Compared to the decadent and despotic Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, the more enlightened and powerful Kingdom of Sardinia had garnered more support from those who favored Italian unification, including Italy’s true god of war, Garibaldi.

That was right. Another of Carlo’s objectives in visiting Italy was to pluck some more military talent from Garibaldi.

Ricciotti had already been promoted to regimental commander of the Royal Guard, and his military capabilities had left Carlo quite satisfied.

In fact, many talented individuals had emerged from the Redshirts organized by Garibaldi. Many of them later achieved high positions in Italy, becoming Senators or even cabinet ministers. There were even those who rose to the rank of Prime Minister.

If he could attract a few of these talented people to swear allegiance to him, Carlo would have more capable men at his disposal.

Considering the Kingdom of Sardinia’s successful reforms, when Primo heard that Carlo was going to visit Italy, not only did he not object, but he also requested that Carlo take a delegation of officials with him to learn from Italy’s advanced experience in reform.

Italy was, after all, a great power; there were certainly things Spain could learn from it. Moreover, Italy was not actually weak in industry and economy; its per capita figures were just dragged down after unification.

Italy was even quite formidable in its military industry. The research, development, and manufacturing capabilities of the Italian Navy were among the best in Europe, far stronger than Spain’s at present.

Just like that, Carlo’s original delegation of less than two hundred people rapidly expanded to over five hundred.

To ensure the safety of Carlo and the entire delegation, the accompanying military escort also grew from a hundred or so Royal Guards to a force of over three hundred soldiers.

After all, this was a king leading a large group of officials on a formal diplomatic visit, and the Spanish government took it very seriously.

The majority of Spain’s already small navy was mobilized to escort the liner carrying the king and the numerous officials.

On the other side, in Italy, Vittorio Emanuele II also received the news of Carlo’s request for a diplomatic visit.

There was certainly no reason to refuse such a request. Vittorio Emanuele II decisively had the government approve Spain’s diplomatic request and ordered them to prepare for Carlo’s reception.

Carlo had been a prince of Italy and was now the King of Spain, so the protocol for receiving him could be nothing less than grand.

Seeing the smile on the king’s face upon hearing the news of Spain’s impending visit, the current Italian Prime Minister, Giovanni Lanza, immediately understood the level of decorum required for Carlo’s reception.

Was there even a need to ask? Everything would be done to the highest standard.

It was another familiar and uncomfortable sea journey. The speed of ships in this era was undeniably slow, and the constant rocking and swaying of the sea made Carlo feel a bit agitated.

The good news was that Spain and Italy were not far apart, so the unpleasant sea voyage would not actually last very long.

Rome.

The port of Rome was extraordinarily lively on this day. The Italian Prime Minister, Giovanni Lanza, and Crown Prince Umberto were personally waiting at the harbor for Carlo’s arrival, showing ample respect for both Carlo and Spain.

As he watched a liner, escorted by Spanish warships, slowly approach the port, Crown Prince Umberto’s feelings were slightly complex.

He never thought that this younger brother of his, who had been sickly since childhood, would become a king before him, while he himself had to wait an unknown amount of time to inherit the throne.

However, as the eldest son and Crown Prince, Umberto’s future claim to the throne was quite secure. Complex feelings aside, he did not harbor much jealousy toward Carlo.

Once the liner was securely docked, the Royal Guard was the first to disembark, forming up in ranks to await Carlo.

Under the watchful eyes of the crowd, Carlo slowly stepped onto the pier, followed by numerous Spanish officials.

Prime Minister Giovanni and Crown Prince Umberto walked forward briskly, displaying the courtesy of hosts. “Your Majesty Carlo!” “Carlo!”

“Brother Umberto! Prime Minister Giovanni!” Carlo responded with a smile, walking forward to exchange pleasantries with the two men.

“Prime Minister Giovanni, there’s no need to be so formal. For me, coming back to Italy is like coming home,” Carlo said with a smile.

The many Italian officials standing behind Prime Minister Giovanni proved the Italian government’s high regard for Carlo, which made him quite pleased.

If he were to lure some talent away while in Italy, he imagined the Italian government wouldn’t mind too much, right?

After all, Italy’s population was much larger than Spain’s, and the state of education in Northern Italy was much better. They probably wouldn’t pay too much attention to a few ordinary talents.

Furthermore, besides being the King of Spain, Carlo was also the distinguished Duke of Chablais in Italy.

This was a characteristic of the European nobility. Although the title of king was far superior to that of a duke, a king could hold a ducal title concurrently.

Before Spain completed its reforms, the King of Spain’s title had been quite complex.

Carlo’s predecessor, Queen Isabella, possessed an extremely long noble title. It included not only multiple royal titles such as Queen of Castille, León, and Aragon, but also many ducal and comital titles.

However, since Queen Isabella, the rulers of Spain have held only the title of King of Spain, with all other titles having been consolidated into it.

Prime Minister Giovanni did not take credit for preparing the grand welcoming ceremony, instead attributing it all to King Emanuele and Crown Prince Umberto. “This was all ordered by His Majesty the King and His Highness the Crown Prince. I was merely acting on their behalf.

“But I would still like to say, Your Majesty, welcome back to Italy.”

Chapter 74: Pushed to Marry

Carlo was in quite a good mood upon returning to Italy.

There wasn’t as much scheming and intrigue in Italy, and his relationship with his brothers was very stable—a world away from the terrible situation in Spain.

After returning to the room he had lived in before leaving for Spain, Carlo’s mind found a moment of peace.

The exhaustion from the journey made Carlo very drowsy, so he decided to enjoy a good night’s rest and catch up with his father and brothers the next day.

Two of his maids had accompanied him to Italy this time.

After all, they were also Italian, and the purpose of their visit was to bring their families with them to Spain, since it was uncertain when they would next return to Italy.

Carlo had many maids, but Anna and Alice were not ordinary ones.

They were responsible only for Carlo’s daily life and, on the side, helped him with some private matters. Their status was more akin to that of his mistresses.

While he couldn’t give them official standing, he could certainly provide their families with a wealthy life.

If Carlo were to have more mistresses in the future, their treatment would be the same. After all, he wasn’t the type to love them and leave them; money, to him, was something easily obtained.

After being attended to by his maids and enjoying a peaceful night’s sleep, Carlo went to see his father, Vittorio Emanuele II, early the next morning.

Although it had been less than a year since he left for Spain, Carlo felt that his father, Vittorio Emanuele II, had changed a great deal.

It was understandable. Vittorio Emanuele II was born in 1820, making him exactly fifty years old this year. In this era, that was already considered old age.

Moreover, the unification of Italy had allowed him to relax, so a change in his condition was only natural.

If Carlo remembered correctly, the historical King Emanuele hadn’t lived past sixty. If history held true, he might only have a few years left.

“Father, we haven’t seen each other in less than a year, but you seem to have aged a great deal.” Upon seeing his father Emanuele, Carlo immediately showed concern for his health, closing the distance between them.

“I’m fifty years old, Carlo.” Emanuele II stepped forward, affectionately patting Carlo’s head with a smile. “Thank God, my child is all right.

You haven’t been wronged in Spain, have you? If you can’t hold on, remember to have Loren send me a telegram. I’ll have the navy bring you home.”

Carlo nodded. Emanuele II’s concern for him was plain to see.

Although Carlo was a transmigrator, he held no disrespect for this “convenient” father, Emanuele II. On the contrary, he greatly respected and acknowledged him.

Regardless of the king’s reputation in Italy, to Carlo, he was a qualified father—a single parent who did everything he could to give his children all his love.

“I am doing well in Spain, Father,” Carlo said with a smile. “The Carlist rebellion has been quelled, and the uprising in Cuba is over. Spain is about to enter a period of peace.

With the help of Duke Primo and Grand Duke Serrano, I am very safe in Spain. You don’t need to worry about me.”

Hearing Carlo’s words, Emanuele II first looked at his son earnestly, then nodded heavily, a proud smile on his face. “That’s good, Carlo.

But I still want to say, we are always family, and I will always be your father, Carlo.

Let the officials handle whatever business you have on this trip. I’ll have Giovanni help you as much as possible. For now, stay here at the Royal Palace. You haven’t met Rosa yet, have you?”

Rosa was Emanuele II’s second wife. Before that, she had been by his side as his mistress.

This showed just how common it was for a European nobleman of this era to have a mistress. It was not only not a stain on one’s reputation, but could even become a topic of conversation among the nobility.

A nobleman without a mistress might even be suspected of having physical problems, especially since even a queen like Isabel had countless lovers.

However, there was a tacit understanding among the nobility. Mistresses were usually of lower status. Even if one like Rosa eventually became queen, her children would have no right to the throne.

Queen Rosa bore Emanuele II a daughter, Victoria, and a son, Emanuele, but only her son Emanuele received the title of Count of Fontanafredda.

All the sons born to his first wife, Adelaide, were dukes. The only one who was a count died young before he could be elevated to a duke.

This also revealed Emanuele’s attitude toward his legitimate and illegitimate sons, as well as the importance European nobility placed on bloodlines.

Even if something happened to Carlo and all his brothers, the Italian throne would never pass to Rosa’s son, Emanuele.

Carlo had no objection to Emanuele marrying Rosa. After all, whether she was a mistress or a queen made no difference to his interests.

Seeing Carlo nod in agreement, Emanuele II smiled again and said, “You’re almost twenty. It’s time to find a suitable marriage.

Carlo, I’m sure you understand that a suitable wife can not only manage your palace impeccably but also bring great help to the nation’s development.

It’s a pity Adelaide is no longer with us, or she would surely have chosen a beautiful queen for you.”

Arranged marriages like this were usually a mother’s responsibility. Typically, a grand banquet would be organized, potential marriage candidates would be invited, and one would look for a suitable girl at the event.

But because Carlo’s mother, Queen Adelaide, had passed away too soon, arrangements for his marriage had to be handled by either Carlo himself or the Spanish government.

Although Rosa was also the Queen of Italy, she was not Carlo’s mother, and she was a queen from a morganatic marriage. A banquet she prepared might not attract the royal families of the great powers.

The nobility placed great importance on such matters. Carlo’s ideal marriage partner would be a princess from one of the great powers, someone who could bring him tangible and effective help.

The next best option would be a princess from another European kingdom, as their noble bloodline would be recognized by other European nations, ensuring there were no issues with lineage.

Speaking of his own marriage, Carlo also had a major headache.

With his looks, wealth, and status as the King of Spain, finding a girl he liked wouldn’t be a problem.

But Spain’s requirements for a queen were not just that Carlo liked her; she also needed a noble bloodline and to come from a country that could help Spain.

This narrowed the field considerably, and finding a suitable candidate for queen within such a small pool was very difficult.

The most suitable choices at present were the royal families of Britain or Germany. Britain was the strongest naval power, and Germany was the strongest land power; both could provide significant help to Spain.

However, the thought of Queen Victoria’s famous hemophilia gave Carlo a headache. If he were unlucky enough to have the Spanish royal family inherit hemophilia, it would be a true disaster.

Hemophilia was one of the main reasons European royal lines died out, and even in later generations, there was no proper cure.

The Spanish royal family only had Carlo as its sole heir. If a marriage with the British royal family led to the next generation inheriting hemophilia, the House of Savoy’s reign in Spain would be numbered.

Chapter 75: A Father’s Love

Seeing the troubled look on Carlo’s face at the mention of the word ‘marriage,’ Emanuele II thought Carlo was just shy. He smiled and said, “It’s alright, Carlo. This is a step you must go through.

“Your two older brothers are already married. Now it’s your turn.”

Of course, Carlo wasn’t shy, but it was difficult to explain at that moment, so he could only nod.

After all, although some members of the British royal family had been diagnosed with hemophilia, the full extent of the disease’s danger to all of Europe’s royalty had not yet been revealed.

“Alright, my boy. Don’t worry, I’ll keep an eye out for you. If a suitable match for a political marriage comes along, I’ll inform the Spanish government.

“However, don’t be too demanding in your search for a Queen. After all, for us noblemen, political interests outweigh personal love.

“If there’s a girl you truly like, you can always make her your mistress, can’t you?” Emanuele II said with a smile, patting Carlo’s head again.

When Carlo was not yet of age, Emanuele would try to avoid topics like mistresses.

But now that Carlo was an adult, and the king of Spain at that, such topics naturally needed to be discussed.

“However, my boy, while you can have a mistress, it’s best not to have too many, and don’t get too involved with married women.

“With your status as a king and the royal family’s wealth, there are plenty of beautiful young girls for you to choose from.” Emanuele II reminded him, “If you don’t want your reputation to be ruined by scandals, you’d best remember my words, my boy.”

Although it was an almost tacitly accepted norm for European nobles to have lovers, it didn’t mean the common people were willing to see their king involved with many married women.

After all, as the ruler of a country, reputation is quite important. If you anger the public, the consequences could range from being forced to abdicate to being overthrown by a revolution. The cost would be far too great.

A brief affair might be fine; usually, once it’s over, you become familiar strangers.

But for a long-term mistress, it’s best to find an unmarried girl from a respectable background to avoid major trouble later on.

Carlo could only nod again.

Carlo understood this point well.

In this era, items like condoms were unheard of, and contraceptive techniques were also quite backward.

If he were unfortunate enough to contract some related disease, it would be a disastrous loss for him.

Seeing Carlo nodding frequently with a well-behaved expression, Emanuele II was in high spirits. He smiled and said, “I heard you brought The Sun to Madrid. How is it developing?

“You certainly have a good head for business, little one. The Spanish royal family’s assets must be quite substantial by now, right?”

The Sun, which Carlo had founded in Italy, had already become one of the largest newspaper companies in the country. Because Carlo had become the king of Spain, after discussing it with his father Emanuele, he sold 51% of the shares to the Italian royal family, keeping only 49% for himself to collect dividends.

Now, more than a year later, the Italian edition of The Sun had become one of the top three newspaper companies in all of Italy. Its daily circulation had surpassed Carlo’s initial goal of fifty thousand copies.

Of course, the reason for such high circulation was that The Sun had opened branches in Rome and Turin, and the combined sales pushed the daily total past fifty thousand.

While fifty thousand copies might not seem like much, it directly influenced over fifty thousand families, which meant at least one hundred to two hundred thousand people.

As for the number of people it could indirectly influence, it was likely at least a million. If the news spread over a longer period, it could even reach several million.

After all, the majority of Italy’s illiterate population wouldn’t buy newspapers. They got their information about the outside world through word of mouth.

Barring any surprises, the circulation of the Italian The Sun would likely remain at this level, with no significant growth expected in the short term.

After all, Italy’s illiteracy rate was close to seventy percent. Until the level of education improved, not many more people would be buying newspapers.

But in any case, the success of The Sun had already proven that Carlo’s business acumen was quite exceptional.

Emanuele, holding a majority of the shares in The Sun, naturally knew roughly how much money his youngest son had made by creating the newspaper.

“As you know, Father, the income from the newspaper is ultimately peanuts.” Carlo said with a helpless look, “Spain’s development plan means the steel mill won’t lack for money, but the Spanish royal family doesn’t have enough funds to build it.

“Right now, the royal family’s income can only cover the expenses of the Royal Palace and the Guard Regiment of over two thousand men. Any more and the royal family would go bankrupt.”

Although Carlo’s current assets had multiplied many times over since he left Italy, when facing his father, he knew he had to plead poverty when necessary.

The House of Savoy had been established in Italy for far longer than the House of Bourbon had ruled Spain, so the wealth they had accumulated was naturally quite substantial.

Carlo naturally wanted to pry some money from his father’s hands. Even an interest-free loan would be much better than borrowing from other countries.

After all, loans from other countries not only came with high interest rates but also all sorts of attached conditions, which were not conducive to Spain’s future development.

But a loan from the Italian royal family, though perhaps smaller in amount, would most likely be interest-free or low-interest, and wouldn’t come with such harsh conditions.

For Carlo, who was desperately short on cash, every little bit helped. No amount was too small.

“You child, you’re already the king of Spain, yet you still come back to me pleading poverty?” Emanuele II was both amused and exasperated, but he didn’t refuse Carlo: ”

“Speaking of which, it’s been over a year since you left Italy. I can give you your annuity now that you’re here.

“If you’re really short on money, I can give you an interest-free loan of ten million lira in the name of the Italian royal family. You just have to pay it back within ten years.

“If the Spanish government needs money, let them negotiate with the Italian banks. I can’t help them. Even if Italian banks were willing to loan to the Spanish government, the interest wouldn’t be waived. At most, some of the extra conditions could be removed.

“Those bankers are not running charities. If that fellow Primo wants a loan from an Italian bank, he’d better be prepared to pay high interest.”

Emanuele II naturally doted on his son, but that didn’t mean his affection extended to supporting the Spanish government.

The Spanish and Italian royal families were, of course, a close family, but when it came to the interests between Spain and Italy, business was business.

Emanuele II wouldn’t harm the interests of Italian capitalists just because of his relationship with Carlo, and Carlo naturally understood this.

In fact, Carlo was already very moved that Emanuele II was willing to help him with an interest-free loan of ten million lira.

Ten million lira was worth four hundred thousand pounds. Invested in the steel mill, it would be no problem to multiply the asset’s value several times over within ten years.

Loaning Carlo such a sum—enough to build the most powerful ironclad—interest-free, spoke volumes about the love he had for his son.

Chapter 76: Author’s Note on VIP Release

Unknowingly, this new book has already reached 160,000 words, and it is time for it to become a paid series.

I hereby promise all readers that this book will never be dropped, left incomplete, or given a rushed ending. I will certainly provide a complete conclusion.

Regarding the plan for this book, the estimated length is between two million eight hundred thousand and three million five hundred thousand words. The story will continue until the end of World War II within the book’s timeline, around 1930-1940. Following the main story, there will be several free side stories (all future side stories will be free!).

It will likely take a year and a half to complete this novel. By the time it is finished, it will be nearly 2026.

(New chapters will be released after twelve noon.)

Chapter 77: Hunting

Carlo hadn’t expected that his trip to Italy would resolve the majority of the funding issues that had been plaguing him for so long.

With this capital, he wouldn’t have to worry about funds for the expansion of the steel mill and other factories for the next few years.

The Spanish government also had a chance to secure a loan from Italian bankers, likely without excessively harsh conditions, which was already an excellent outcome.

If those officials couldn’t obtain a loan from Italian bankers, then they could basically forget about getting one from any other country.

After all, these bankers were willing to provide foreign loans because they could earn substantial interest income, not to mention filling their coffers through various additional conditions.

In Italy, thanks to Carlo’s connections, the Italian bankers were unlikely to make exorbitant demands, and Emanuele II wouldn’t allow them to impose excessively harsh terms either.

But in other countries, they wouldn’t care about the Spanish government’s fate. As long as the capitalists could profit enough from the loan and the government could reap some benefits, who would care about the harm done to Spain?

That afternoon, Carlo found himself at a hunting ground on the outskirts of Rome.

Located over thirty kilometers from the city center, the area had been designated as the Royal Hunting Grounds by the Italian royal family after the capital was moved to Rome, providing a place for its members to hunt and relax.

Carlo, dressed in casual attire, followed behind Emanuele II, flanked by Crown Prince Umberto and Duke Amedeo.

Within the dense forest, glimpses of wild animals could occasionally be seen darting by.

Emanuele II clearly had a fondness for such hunting grounds. Taking a hunting rifle from an attendant, he patiently took aim at a target and pulled the trigger.

Bang!

A wild deer dozens of meters away fell at the sound of the shot. Its hooves kicked wildly, but its fate was sealed.

“You try, Carlo. I hope being a king for over a year hasn’t made you forget how to hold a rifle. I’d hate for my son to not even know how to use a firearm,” Emanuele II said with a smile, motioning for Carlo to take the rifle.

With the development of firearms, proficiency in their use had long become a required skill for European noblemen to learn from a young age.

A traditional elite noble education involved a wide array of subjects, reflecting the high expectations nobles had for their children, hoping to cultivate them into capable individuals.

Even in languages, besides French which was commonly used among European nobility, they were also expected to be able to hold brief conversations in English and German.

Carlo didn’t waste any words. He took the hunting rifle from his father, Emanuele II, loaded it, and began searching for his own prey.

Bang!

At the sound of the shot, everyone turned to look. A wild rabbit with grayish-white fur was already dead.

“Haha, not bad. It seems you haven’t forgotten this part of your education.” Emanuele II nodded in satisfaction and said to his son, “A hunting rifle is something you might not use often, but you can’t be without one. Only by holding the rifle in your own hands can a hunter feel a basic sense of security.

Carlo, you are doing well in Spain, but it’s not good enough. You must understand that when it matters most, the only person you can trust is yourself. Do you understand?

Being a king isn’t so easy. The Republicans are trying everything they can to push you off the throne. The Liberals may seem easier to control, but what they really want is a king who does nothing but indulge in pleasure.

The current Spanish government may seem stable, but that’s only on the surface. That fellow Primo must be nearly sixty, right? How many more years can he hold on?

Child, you need to start making your own plans. The stability of the throne is up to you to decide. External support will eventually fade, and you will ultimately have to face the Spanish Republicans and Liberal forces alone.”

In a way, Italy and Spain had some similarities.

Both countries were troubled by Republicans, and the remnants of the states that had been incorporated into Italy for various reasons were also seeking autonomy.

The difference was that the forces of the Kingdom of Sardinia were highly loyal to Emanuele II, and the honor of unifying the Kingdom of Italy was enough to ensure that Emanuele II would be remembered by all Italians.

Of course, Carlo understood what Emanuele II was saying and the principle behind his words.

The saying “political power grows out of the barrel of a gun” is true in any era. If Carlo wanted to secure his throne, he too needed to command a sizable army.

The current Royal Guard Regiment had a force of just over two thousand men. It was adequate for defending the Royal Palace, but relying on it to maintain his regime was pure fantasy.

Only by extending his influence into the Spanish army and winning the loyalty of the majority of its forces could he truly stabilize his royal authority.

Carlo was already considering these matters; in fact, he was already taking action.

However, he had too few people at his disposal at the moment. Furthermore, with the two military magnates, Primo and Serrano, still around, it was not a suitable time to be promoting his loyalists with great fanfare.

“I know, Father. The problem is I have too few talented people. How about you transfer a few relevant talents from the Military Academy of Turin for me to use?” Carlo said with a smile.

Regardless of the Italian army’s performance in World War I and World War II, the graduates produced by the Military Academy of Turin at this time were still quite capable.

As for why the Italian army’s combat effectiveness later declined, it was most likely related to low morale.

The soldiers lacked cohesion, which naturally had a significant impact on the army’s fighting strength.

For Italian soldiers, military service seemed like just another job. They lacked the courage to fight and die for their country, so it was impossible for them to demonstrate fierce will and combat power when facing an enemy.

Emanuele II gave his son a helpless look, showing no sign of anger. “I don’t even have enough outstanding graduates from the Military Academy of Turin for myself. Where am I supposed to find a batch for you?

Besides, you are the King of Spain. How can you neglect Spaniards and use a large number of Italians?”

Of course, Carlo had no intention of relying heavily on officers trained in Italian military academies. Hearing his father’s words, Carlo immediately started to plead poverty again. “Father, I want to train Spain’s own officers too. The problem is that Spain’s military academy system is clearly outdated and lacks outstanding military commanders to teach the cadets.

How about you lend me a few professors from the Military Academy of Turin?”

How could Emanuele II not know what his son was thinking? He replied irritably, “The German Empire is the strongest land power in Europe. If you want to build a system for training officers, you’d be better off cooperating with the Germans.”

Chapter 78: Meeting Garibaldi

While Carlo and Emanuele II were enjoying a life of royal leisure, the Spanish officials visiting Italy were just now getting down to business.

A diplomatic visit was not for pleasure, but to find practical solutions to the problems currently facing the Spanish government.

What was the biggest problem facing the Spanish government? First, a lack of money. Second, a lack of sufficient foreign investment.

Developing a nation was not so simple; effective growth couldn’t be achieved just by throwing money at the problem.

In the industrial sector, for instance, growth required all kinds of factories to spring up across Spain, something that was simply impossible to achieve with domestic capital alone.

Although the royal family had invested heavily in steel and other industries, the help of Spanish private capital and foreign investment was ultimately still necessary to achieve comprehensive growth and expansion.

Therefore, in addition to negotiating a low-interest loan with the Italian government, Prime Minister Primo had given the diplomatic delegation another order: to attract as much Italian capital as possible to invest in Spain, including bidding on the construction of Spanish railways.

The two kings had a tacit understanding to stay out of the negotiations, letting their government officials handle the discussions themselves.

After all, the interests of the royal family did not represent the interests of the nation. Though the two royal families were one, that did not mean Spain and Italy were one country.

Although World War I was called a war among the European royal families, it was in fact a conflict that erupted due to the differing interests of various countries.

The royal families held little real power and had no authority to stop such a war. If either Carlo or Emanuele II were to interfere in the negotiations between their governments, it would only cause unnecessary trouble. It was far better to wait for the two governments to arrive at a conclusion on their own.

In any case, as long as the interests of the two royal families were not affected, it didn’t matter which country benefited more from the outcome.

Carlo spent a few pleasant and relaxing days with Emanuele II before deciding to meet the famous Italian figure, Garibaldi, with Ricciotti as his guide.

Carlo personally held Garibaldi in high esteem. If Garibaldi had possessed any selfish ambitions, Emanuele II’s path to becoming the king of Italy would not have been so smooth.

As one of the heroes of Italian unification, Garibaldi required financial assistance from the Italian government in his later years, a testament to his selflessness.

Of course, the situation in this world was already different.

Garibaldi had long been publishing his articles in The Sun, the newspaper founded by Carlo, and the royalties he earned were more than enough to support his family.

In the stories he wrote, Garibaldi never mentioned a single word in support of republicanism or in opposition to the monarchy. This greatly reassured Emanuele II, the king of Italy, who in turn relaxed the restrictions placed upon him.

However, due to his age, Garibaldi still chose to live in seclusion on the island of Caprera, enjoying a peaceful retirement.

Besides wanting to see this renowned Italian figure with his own eyes, Carlo’s purpose in visiting Caprera was also to scoop up a few more talented individuals from Garibaldi’s circle.

Garibaldi had three children in total, two of them sons. In addition to his second son, Ricciotti, Garibaldi’s eldest son, Menotti, had also been his capable aide-de-camp during his military campaigns.

When it came to talented people, Carlo’s attitude had always been that one could never have too many.

This included the talented men from the Redshirts that Garibaldi had previously commanded. If he could persuade a group of them to go to Spain and serve him, nothing could be better.

With his own objectives in mind, under Ricciotti’s guidance and the protection of a squad of guards, Carlo bid farewell to his father, Emanuele II, and set off for the island of Caprera.

“Ricciotti, how long has it been since you were last home?” Carlo asked Ricciotti, who was beside him, as the island’s silhouette came into view.

“About two and a half years, I think, Your Majesty,” Ricciotti replied after some careful thought, surprised to find he couldn’t quite remember himself.

“I’ll permit you to stay on Caprera for a few extra days to spend time with Mr. Garibaldi.” Carlo was feeling a bit sentimental. After he returned to Spain this time, he might not come back to Italy for several years.

“That won’t be necessary, Your Majesty.” Ricciotti shook his head. “My duty is to protect you, Your Majesty. Your safety is what’s most important.

“Besides, my father probably wouldn’t have me stay. If you left me alone on Caprera, I’d probably end up sleeping on the beach.”

Garibaldi had a turbulent life, and his two sons had experienced a great deal alongside him from a young age.

Ricciotti had been Garibaldi’s right-hand man during the Expedition of the Thousand and the Italian unification movement, and he had matured immensely.

Moreover, Ricciotti knew his duties as the regimental commander of the Royal Guard Regiment. If he were to really stay behind on Caprera, Garibaldi himself would likely be the first to be displeased.

At Garibaldi’s very modest residence, Carlo finally met the celebrated Italian figure.

On Carlo’s specific orders, the visit had been unannounced.

As a result, the Garibaldi that Carlo saw was dressed in a simple robe, leaning on a cane with his right hand, looking just like an ordinary elderly Italian farmer.

Beside Garibaldi was his wife, or rather, Ricciotti’s mother. The two had not yet married at this time but were living together as husband and wife.

“Father,” Ricciotti spoke first.

Given Carlo’s noble status, it would have been unthinkable for him to speak first. Ricciotti could only gently alert his father, breaking him out of his thoughts.

Hearing someone call him from behind, Garibaldi turned his head and immediately saw Carlo and Ricciotti.

“Ricciotti? Is this… His Majesty, Carlo?” Garibaldi was stunned for a moment before he quickly came to his senses. Leaning on his cane, he came forward, his expression a mixture of excitement and surprise. “Your Majesty Carlo, when did you arrive?”

“Mr. Garibaldi, it is an honor to meet you,” Carlo said with a smile, stepping forward to shake Garibaldi’s hand in greeting.

“Little Carlo, ah, no, Your Majesty Carlo, the honor is all mine,” Garibaldi said, somewhat astonished. The young king, now a grown man, was still as polite and courteous as he had been in his childhood.

“Have you met me before?” Carlo wasn’t offended by the slip of the tongue; instead, he was curious if he had indeed met Garibaldi in the past.

“Yes, Your Majesty. When I met with His Majesty Emanuele, you were just as approachable as you are now,” Garibaldi said with a touch of nostalgia.

Chapter 79: Menotti

Carlo was taken aback for a moment. He hadn’t realized he had met Garibaldi before.

But it didn’t matter now. Judging by Garibaldi’s current words and attitude, he at least had a very good impression of him.

A good impression was enough. It would make it easier for Carlo to poach some talent from Garibaldi.

“Ricciotti, why didn’t you tell me His Majesty Carlo was coming? Your Majesty, please forgive me. I was completely unprepared for your arrival and did not personally come to greet you.” Garibaldi first questioned his son, Ricciotti, before turning to Carlo with an apologetic expression.

“I asked Ricciotti to keep it a secret, Mr. Garibaldi. You are a hero of Italian unification. All Italians should be grateful for your contributions to Italy,” Carlo said with a smile, but his words were sincere.

In truth, in any country, a person so selfless and wholeheartedly dedicated to their nation deserved everyone’s respect.

If Garibaldi had possessed even a sliver of selfish ambition, it was questionable whether the Kingdom of Italy would even exist today. If Garibaldi had joined forces with Mazzini, who supported republicanism, the unified Italy would likely have become a democratic republic.

“Your Majesty, is there something urgent that brought you to see me so suddenly?” Garibaldi asked, somewhat curious.

“It’s nothing particularly urgent,” Carlo chuckled and explained his purpose. “The main reason was to take advantage of my visit to Italy to let Ricciotti come home for a bit.

“And also to invite you to Spain to serve as the dean of the Royal Military Academy of Zaragoza. If you are willing, of course.”

Garibaldi was stunned for a moment, then said with a smile, “Your Majesty, given my physical condition, I’m afraid my spirit is willing, but my flesh is weak.

“The life on Caprera suits me better. Besides, an old man on crutches probably isn’t fit to be the dean of a military academy, is he? I’m afraid I must disappoint you.”

Carlo, of course, had never expected Garibaldi to come out of retirement. Seeing Garibaldi decline his invitation, Carlo immediately continued, “In that case, do you have any suitable candidates to recommend to me? Not only does the military academy need a large number of professors, but my Royal Guard is also short on commanders.”

Seeing Carlo immediately reveal his true intentions, how could Garibaldi not know that Carlo’s target was never him in the first place?

“Your Majesty, you’ve come to the wrong person for this. You should be looking for professors from the Royal Military Academy of Turin. I don’t have any military talents here,” Garibaldi said with a wry smile.

It wasn’t that Garibaldi was unwilling to help Carlo; it was just that among the old comrades he knew, none were suitable to go to Spain.

Some of those old timers held rather strong Republican beliefs. While they might have the ability, they would be a hidden risk for Carlo, the King of Spain. Garibaldi would certainly not do anything to harm Carlo.

“What about Menotti, Mr. Garibaldi?” Carlo said with a smile, naming the candidate he had his eye on all along. “I have a position that would be a perfect fit for Menotti, one that would absolutely allow him to display his talents.”

“Haha, so Your Majesty has taken a fancy to Menotti!” It dawned on Garibaldi. All this talk, and it turned out Carlo’s target was his eldest son.

But on second thought, it wasn’t surprising. After all, his second son, Ricciotti, had been in Carlo’s service for several years now. It was only natural that Carlo would know a thing or two about Menotti.

“As long as Menotti is willing, I certainly have no objections,” Garibaldi said with a smile.

He was very open-minded and would not confine his sons to his side.

In fact, Garibaldi was aware of his two sons’ capabilities. While their military talents weren’t exceptional, they were definitely above average.

What’s more, both were still young. With a little more training, they might even reach the rank of General. This was also why Garibaldi had agreed to let Ricciotti follow Carlo in the first place.

The reason he had previously refused the rewards from Emanuele II was entirely because such an offer lacked sincerity and felt more like an act of surveillance.

If the invitation had come from Emanuele II, Garibaldi would most likely have refused. But since it was from Carlo, Garibaldi felt it was worth a try.

After all, the fact that Ricciotti could serve as the regimental commander of Carlo’s Royal Guard Regiment was proof enough of Carlo’s trust in him.

Such trust from a monarch was rare and precious. Under such circumstances, they would have a brighter future, free from the worries of government infighting.

Upon hearing Carlo’s invitation, Menotti didn’t hesitate for a moment, simply nodding in agreement.

Garibaldi was not the least bit surprised by this. On the contrary, he looked as if he had expected it all along.

“Mr. Garibaldi, I’ll be taking Menotti with me then?” Carlo said with a smile.

“Take them. They shouldn’t be cooped up with me on Caprera. That is not their destiny,” Garibaldi nodded, his eyes holding a hint of reluctance mixed with a great deal of gratification. “Ricciotti, Menotti, since you have chosen to serve His Majesty Carlo, you must adhere to your duties and avoid contact with those Republicans.”

Garibaldi himself had suffered greatly from his association with the Republicans. In his youth, Garibaldi had met Mazzini and was exposed to Republican ideology.

Although Garibaldi later developed his own ideas, his contact with the Republicans during that period had a profound impact on him, branding him a Republican traitor in the eyes of the monarchy.

To this day, Garibaldi no longer believed that republicanism was right and monarchy was wrong, which was why he chose to support the Kingdom of Sardinia in unifying Italy.

No single system was right or wrong; the monarchy also had its merits in certain respects.

However, the current Republicans clearly failed to see this. They detested the monarchy with a passion, constantly thinking of overthrowing it to establish a republic.

Were their actions truly correct? Garibaldi didn’t think so.

If Italy had not yet been unified, it would be one thing to have different ideas for a unified Italy. But now, Italy was already united and enjoyed a relatively stable environment for peaceful development.

For the Republicans to jump out now and cause trouble for the Italian government, wasn’t that just undermining the hard-won unity of Italy?

It was for this reason that Garibaldi had grown somewhat disillusioned with republicanism, a sentiment that had influenced Ricciotti and Menotti.

By reminding his two sons to stay away from republicanism in front of Carlo, Garibaldi was also sending a clear message: although he had associated with republicanism in the past, he now had nothing to do with it, and neither would his sons.

Chapter 80: Cooperation Agreement

Having successfully won over Menotti, Carlo was in high spirits. At Garibaldi’s invitation, he enjoyed an Italian lunch that, while not lavish, was wonderfully authentic.

Although Caprera was not a large island, it was still an island, so there was no shortage of seafood.

In fact, Garibaldi’s life on Caprera consisted mainly of hunting and fishing, supplemented by reading.

Due to his unique status, Garibaldi rarely received guests, which made him seem quite solitary.

The good news was that after publishing articles in The Sun and earning royalties, he at least didn’t have to worry about his daily living expenses.

He spent his days tilling the land, fishing, and hunting, which provided more than enough grain and meat. It was a life of leisure and contentment.

Carlo felt a sense of relief. After all, he had poached both of Garibaldi’s sons to serve him. If Garibaldi were living poorly, Carlo would have genuinely felt a bit guilty.

Fortunately, Garibaldi had his wife’s company, and his daughter and son-in-law visited from time to time, so he was not entirely lonely.

Happy moments are always fleeting, and Carlo couldn’t stay on Caprera for long.

That afternoon, Carlo boarded a ship to depart, taking Garibaldi’s eldest son, Menotti, with him.

Carlo actually had other plans for Menotti.

He had previously mentioned the matter of an African expedition team. Carlo wanted to form a proper expedition team for Africa, and this team needed an armed force, one capable of at least protecting them as they traversed the dangerous continent.

At this time, only the coastal and peripheral regions of Africa had been explored, leaving vast swathes of land untouched by the great powers.

These unknown lands were certainly home to a large number of indigenous African tribes. It was inevitable that some would be rather xenophobic and might even actively attack the expedition team.

However, the expedition to Africa was still highly dangerous. While the indigenous tribes were not the greatest threat, the unknown geographical environment and the germs and viruses that Europeans had never encountered were the real dangers of Africa.

Therefore, Carlo would not force the issue. If Menotti was willing, he would become the captain of the African expedition team. If not, there were positions available for him in the Guard Regiment.

By the time they returned from Caprera to Rome, it was already evening.

Carlo had been planning to turn in early, but to his surprise, an official from the government quickly found him and reported on the progress of negotiations with the Spanish government.

The negotiations between the two sides had been surprisingly swift, which exceeded Carlo’s expectations.

He had originally thought the talks might take several days, or even ten, but after just two days of negotiation, they had already reached a preliminary result. They only needed to iron out a few more details before an agreement could be signed.

What the Spanish government currently needed most was capital and some industrial technology.

On this point, the Italian government was willing to cooperate with the Spanish government. After all, Spain was not one of the great powers and posed no immediate threat to Italy.

Cooperation between Spain and Italy could also help Italy alleviate the threat from France. After all, Italy’s unification had involved seizing Venice and Rome from the hands of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and France, respectively.

Actually, it wasn’t so much seizing as it was taking advantage of an opportunity.

But these two regions had indeed once been within the spheres of influence of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and France, and Italy’s unification was bound to affect both countries.

As Carlo had anticipated, the Italian government agreed not to attach harsh conditions to the loan. However, they would not provide an interest-free loan, only a low-interest one.

The exact amount of the loan had not yet been decided, but it likely wouldn’t be too large, as Italy’s own economic situation was not particularly strong.

Carlo estimated that the loan Italy could provide to Spain would be between fifty million and one hundred million lira, which was about two million to four million pounds.

This sum would be easy enough for Italy’s capitalists to raise. It would not hinder Italy’s own development while providing tangible help to Spain—a win-win situation.

As for Italy’s industrial technology, that could also be provided to Spain, but it would have to be purchased with cold, hard cash.

Carlo had no objection to this. After all, no country acquired industrial technology for free. You either developed it yourself or paid a high price to buy it from other nations.

Spain was particularly lacking in the latest steelmaking technology, steam turbine technology, and production materials for the chemical industry.

Compared to nations like Britain, France, and Germany, Italy was not an industrial powerhouse. But for Spain, Italy still had enough industrial experience to learn from.

Then there was Italy’s military technology, such as the rifles they had just adopted and their techniques for building ironclads.

Italy’s naval construction technology was by no means weak; it could be considered top-tier in Europe.

In the 1880s, Italy already possessed the technological capability to build ironclads of over ten thousand tons, which was absolutely cutting-edge for that era in history.

However, because Italy’s national strength had always been at the bottom rank of the great powers, and because its location in the Mediterranean severely restricted its naval development, the size of the Italian navy had never been very large.

This was Italy’s greatest geographical weakness. Its entire coastline was in the Mediterranean. Even if it built a massive navy, once the British blockaded the Strait of Gibraltar and the Suez Canal, the Italian navy could only roam the Mediterranean, with no way out.

The good news was that the ironclad had only been invented a little over a decade ago, so Italy’s technology in this area was not yet fully mature.

The Italian government did not have major objections to Spain’s desire to acquire these industrial technologies, but they would not simply give them to the Spanish government for free.

Carlo was not banking entirely on Italy’s technology anyway. His hope for Spain was to import advanced technologies from the European great powers, thoroughly master them, and then use that foundation to research even more advanced technologies.

For now, they were only at the stage of importing technology, and Carlo would take whatever he could get. Italian technology was different from that of other countries, and learning more would be more helpful for developing new technologies in the future.

After briefly reviewing the cooperation agreement with Italy, Carlo saw no problems and told the reporting official to continue moving forward with the collaboration.

The main objectives of this diplomatic visit had been largely achieved, and the visit itself had been quite successful. If he could also recruit some talent from Italy to return to Spain, it would be even more perfect.

Chapter 81: Camillo Golgi

In fact, from the very first day he arrived in Italy, Carlo had Kadir, who was accompanying him, search for all sorts of useful talent.

Carlo placed no restrictions on the industries of the talent he sought. Whether they were in physics, chemistry, mechanics, or medicine, as long as they could be of help to Spain, they were within Carlo’s scope of recruitment.

The standard offer for luring talent remained the same: a house in Madrid, a high-paying job, and a check for five thousand pesetas. If they had family, their family would also be settled, and their children would be provided with educational resources.

With such a complete package, few could resist the temptation, unless they were scientists who were already quite wealthy.

It was like a president from another country in a later era inviting you to work abroad, not only offering an annual income in the millions but also providing you with a check for half a million before you even depart. An ordinary person would most likely be moved.

Drawn by such generous terms, Carlo soon received a report from Kadir. The first batch of talented individuals willing to go to Spain was ready.

It was only when Carlo saw the length of the list that he realized just how attractive his offer was to the people of this era.

The list contained over a hundred names, including professors from famous Italian universities and scientists of considerable renown.

Although poaching talent like this was somewhat unethical, for the sake of Spain’s development, he was willing to be unethical.

Among the hundred or so names on the list, Carlo quickly spotted one that was rather familiar: Camillo Golgi.

Not only was the surname famous, but Carlo also had some recollection of the first name.

If Carlo remembered correctly, hadn’t this Golgi fellow won a Nobel Prize in Medicine?

However, Carlo couldn’t recall the specific details, only that the man was quite famous in Italy.

“Camillo Golgi?” Carlo looked at Kadir and asked, “He’s in medical research?”

“Yes, Your Majesty. Camillo graduated from the University of Pavia’s medical school and is now a doctor at San Matteo Hospital,” Kadir replied promptly.

Carlo nodded. The Nobel Prize had not yet been established at this time. As a future Nobel laureate, Camillo Golgi had most likely not yet demonstrated his abilities and was probably just an ordinary doctor.

“Are all these people arranged for?” Carlo asked. “The delegation will be leaving Italy in a few days. I hope they can leave with us.”

“It’s all been arranged, Your Majesty.” Kadir nodded and said, “These people can leave with us at any time. The remaining few who are not yet ready have been placed in the second batch and should be able to head to Spain within a month.”

Carlo felt a little awkward, not expecting to have just fleeced Italy of several hundred talented individuals. However, considering how vital this talent was for Spain’s development, his awkwardness subsided.

In any case, Italy was a large and prosperous country; it wouldn’t miss these few hundred people. It was not like Spain, which was currently lacking people in all sorts of industries, save for peasants, who were the most numerous.

“Try not to attract the attention of the Italian government while recruiting talent,” Carlo instructed. “Although this doesn’t break any Italian laws, it will damage the good relationship between Spain and Italy.

Spain will still need Italy’s help for its future development. I hope this can be done more discreetly.”

The good news was that the people on the list were not very famous. As long as it was done discreetly, it would be unlikely to attract the Italian government’s attention.

After all, Italy had a great deal of emigration. If these talented individuals were mixed in with the emigrants, they would likely go unnoticed.

The Italian government wouldn’t specifically investigate the reason why a particular talented person left. After all, Italy had plenty of such people. What they truly lacked were scientists who were already famous and had produced relevant research results.

If Camillo had already won the Nobel Prize, the Italian government would certainly have taken notice of him and done its best to prevent him from emigrating.

But at this moment, Camillo was just an ordinary doctor who had graduated from an ordinary university. His emigration was not that important to the Italian government.

As long as Kadir’s actions weren’t too conspicuous and he didn’t take too many talented people at once, the Italian government would likely turn a blind eye even if they found out.

“I understand, Your Majesty. These people will be going to Spain through legal immigration channels. Subsequent talent will not go directly to Spain but will transit through France or other places. It’s impossible for the Italians to notice,” Kadir nodded and replied.

Kadir understood the need for caution. The Italian government was unlikely to notice one or a few people immigrating to Spain, but it would certainly notice a hundred people immigrating to Spain at the same time.

The best way was to have them transit through France or other places. In any case, the Italian government wouldn’t know whether these people went to France or Spain.

“Prepare a detailed file on Camillo Golgi for me, and bring him to see me tomorrow,” Carlo ordered.

To be able to win a Nobel Prize proved that Camillo himself was quite capable.

Spain was also in short supply of such medical talent. If they could recruit and cultivate him, Spain could also make significant progress in the medical field in the future.

Carlo would not underestimate the importance of medicine in the slightest.

Carlo understood deeply how backward medicine was in this era. Whether for his own safety or for the sake of all Spaniards, vigorously developing medicine and medical technology was essential.

Medical research could also generate substantial income. A life-saving antibiotic like penicillin would never lack a market.

Once an important drug like penicillin was developed, the revenue from its export alone would be enough to ensure the royal family never had to worry about money again. It could also be used to get one over on other countries. What’s not to like about that?

“Yes, Your Majesty.” Kadir would naturally not ask any questions about Carlo’s orders. He knew his duty was to faithfully carry out commands; that was his responsibility.

Waving a hand to dismiss Kadir, Carlo’s gaze turned to the window outside.

An idea had already formed in Carlo’s mind: to establish an institution similar to the Nobel Prize to present honors and awards to the famous scientists of the era.

When these scientists came to receive their honors and awards, Carlo could easily get in touch with them and persuade them to work in Spain.

Of course, this was just a concept, and realizing it would be fraught with difficulties. After all, Carlo’s goal of recruiting talent would be discovered by other countries. If every country established similar awards and placed more importance on talent, it would be a case of shooting himself in the foot. After all, Spain could currently only expand its talent pool by attracting foreign talent.

Chapter 82: Returning Home

With matters of funding and talent more or less settled, Carlo’s diplomatic visit to Italy was coming to an end.

Escorted by his brother, Crown Prince Umberto, and Italian Prime Minister Giovanni, Carlo boarded a liner bound for Spain, taking with him a ten million lira interest-free loan and over a hundred talented individuals.

Only a few of the scientists were arranged to travel on the same ship; the rest would travel to Spain at different times on separate vessels.

On board the liner, Carlo met one of the key talents he had been watching: the future Nobel Prize laureate, Camillo Golgi.

Regardless of the outstanding achievements Camillo Golgi would later attain in the field of medicine, at this moment he was just a 27-year-old doctor who had graduated from university only a few years prior.

When he met Carlo, Camillo Golgi appeared very reserved, not even daring to look Carlo directly in the eye.

“Don’t be nervous, Mr. Golgi,” Carlo said with a smile. “You graduated from the medical school at the University of Pavia?”

“Yes, Your Majesty. After graduating, I began working at St. Matthew’s Hospital, where I have been dedicated to researching diseases of the nervous system,” Camillo Golgi replied respectfully, nodding.

“Excellent, Mr. Golgi.” Carlo smiled. There weren’t many medical professionals in Spain engaged in neurological research; this was a real find.

“Spain has medical schools as well. If you don’t mind, you could start by serving as a visiting professor at one of them,” Carlo said, thinking for a moment as he began to arrange Golgi’s work. ”

Once the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences is established, you can also apply to join and conduct your medical research there.

Any researcher who joins the Royal Academy of Sciences can apply for project funding to support their work.

I will have someone arrange accommodations for you, somewhere as close to your workplace as possible. Mr. Golgi, welcome to Spain.”

“Thank you, Your Majesty. It is my honor to come to Spain. I will devote myself wholeheartedly to my research to repay the trust you have shown me,” Camillo Golgi said, nodding eagerly to express his gratitude to Carlo.

Although Camillo Golgi had demonstrated extraordinary talent during his studies in medical school, Italy did not place a particularly high value on medical professionals.

For Camillo Golgi to become a professor at his alma mater, the University of Pavia, he would have needed to make a significant breakthrough in his research and achieve a certain level of renown.

Yet Carlo was offering him a professorship at a Spanish medical school from the start, and even allowing him to apply to a prestigious research organization like the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences. This spoke volumes about the trust placed in him.

“Of course, Mr. Golgi. If you have any friends or acquaintances at the University of Pavia, you are welcome to invite them to Spain as well.

I am very welcoming of talented medical researchers like yourself, and they can enjoy similar benefits to the ones you’ll receive.

Rest assured, as long as you have the ability, I will provide sufficient funding for your medical research and will not interfere excessively in your work.

Medical progress benefits the entire world. I hope we can advance human medicine together, allowing people everywhere to enjoy a higher standard of care and find cures for what were once incurable diseases.” The University of Pavia was quite famous in Italy, so any friends Camillo Golgi had there would at least not be mediocre.

Even if they were merely competent medical professionals, recruiting them to Spain would be no loss. After all, there were not many good doctors in this era, and even the system for training them was incomplete.

“I can try, Your Majesty,” Camillo Golgi nodded, but then, afraid of being blamed if he couldn’t persuade anyone, he quickly added, “However, I’m not sure if anyone would be willing to come all the way to Spain. I will do my best to try.”

Carlo smiled. The relationships between these researchers were not that complicated; perhaps Camillo Golgi could actually call some of them over.

After all, the terms Carlo offered were considered top-tier in all of Europe. They might not be enough to attract the very top scientists, but they were extremely appealing to ordinary ones.

The fleet docked in Valencia, from where he could take a train back to the capital, Madrid.

As for why they didn’t choose Barcelona in Catalonia, it could only be said that the separatists there were restless. For his own safety, Carlo preferred Valencia as the port of call.

After a long and bumpy train ride, Carlo finally returned to the capital, Madrid.

Although this era already had a relatively complete railway system and trains, the speed of the trains was truly pathetic.

The speed of mainstream trains was between 20 and 30 kilometers per hour, and only on exceptionally flat, straight tracks could they maintain a speed of around 30 kilometers per hour.

Even though the carriage Carlo traveled in had been specially modified—equipped not only with comfortable, luxurious sofas but also with a kitchen, a bedroom, and even areas for a conference room and an office—
at such speeds, the journey from Valencia to Madrid still took over ten hours, to say nothing of slightly longer distances.

Currently, Spain’s railways basically connected the major cities and key regions. A circuit tour of these cities would take several days at least.

This was also why Carlo was generally reluctant to travel. Whether by land or by sea, a journey of a few hundred kilometers took far too long and was simply too inconvenient.

Carlo was also eagerly awaiting the invention of the automobile and the airplane. Only when these two technologies achieved true commercial popularization would transportation be completely revolutionized, making travel both comfortable and convenient.

The visit to Italy had taken just over half a month, and not much had changed in Madrid.

On the way from Valencia to Madrid, he could see many factories on the outskirts of Madrid undergoing constant expansion. Between the cities, vast fields of farmland shimmered with a golden light. It seemed this would be a year of bumper harvests for both industry and agriculture.

Carlo was in a rather wonderful mood. It currently appeared that Spain’s development was proceeding quite smoothly. While it wouldn’t cause a massive leap in comprehensive national strength overnight, this kind of steady improvement was equally gratifying.

Along the way, he could see Spaniards smiling, genuinely enjoying their current lives. With the reduction of various heavy taxes, the large population of Spanish peasants could finally breathe a sigh of relief.

While their lives were not yet prosperous, they were somewhat better than before. At the very least, most of the peasants’ grain now remained in their own hands. Whether sold for income or kept as rations, it gave them a sense of security.

Chapter 83: The Ceuta Rebellion

Upon returning to Madrid, Carlo eagerly handed over the more than one hundred Vetterli rifles purchased from Italy to the Royal Arsenal to be reverse-engineered, hoping they could master its mechanics.

No matter how successful reforms and development were, military strength was the true measure of a nation’s power.

Spain was not in a position to develop its navy at the moment, so it could only focus on developing its army, striving to possess a first-rate European land force.

Since Spain’s population was far smaller than that of the other great powers, the only area where they could truly make a difference was in the advancement of their weaponry.

If they could mass-equip their forces with advanced rifles and machine guns before the other great powers, Spain’s army would be second to none, at least in terms of quality.

By establishing the Spanish army’s strength through a few victorious campaigns, Carlo and the Spanish government would have more confidence in their diplomatic endeavors.

After all, to put it bluntly, a nation’s diplomatic influence depended on its comprehensive national power, especially its military capabilities.

If a country’s military was in shambles, even the most eloquent diplomat would be helpless before the other great powers.

National honor is built on the edge of a sword, and truth is only found within the range of cannons. For Spain to become powerful, military strength was not just essential alongside industrial and economic development—it was even more important.

When it came to weapon design, Carlo actually placed more importance on the development of machine guns than rifles.

Especially in colonial warfare, a few machine guns could hold off thousands of native troops—something unimaginable for colonial powers of the past.

In machine gun development, the United States was definitely far ahead of the curve.

The United States already had the hand-cranked Gatling gun. Although this machine gun had its own share of problems, it at least provided far greater firepower than any rifle.

For the purpose of learning and imitation, Carlo instructed Kadir to send men to the Americas to search for talent in firearms design and, at the same time, purchase a few finished hand-cranked Gatling guns for the arsenal to study.

As for the ten million lira interest-free loan from Italy, Carlo decided to invest the entire sum into factory construction.

Building factories now was no different from printing money; the only question was how much. It would also create tens of thousands of jobs for the Spanish people, a clear win-win situation.

His comfortable days did not last long. Prime Minister Primo and Minister of War Serrano arrived together, bearing unexpected news: a small-scale rebellion had broken out in Ceuta.

This rebellion was clearly not the reason Primo and Serrano had sought an audience with Carlo. A minor revolt like this could be handled by the local colonial troops; news of this sort wasn’t even significant enough to be reported to the kingdom’s government.

What had truly caught Primo and Serrano’s attention was the opportunity this presented for Spain to launch another invasion of Morocco.

Morocco and Spain faced each other across the strait and was the closest African nation to Spain.

Back during Queen Isabella’s reign, Spain had fought a colonial war with Morocco, occupying the northern Moroccan cities of Tétouan and Ceuta.

Although they had defeated the Moroccan government at the time, the British were unwilling to see Spain possess significant power near Gibraltar. Due to their intervention, Spain only acquired two small cities.

Now, a full decade had passed since that war. Coinciding with Britain’s own domestic troubles, Prime Minister Primo saw it as a golden opportunity to launch a major invasion of Morocco.

The reason he came with Serrano was, naturally, to persuade Carlo to launch a colonial war against Morocco.

This was a tacit understanding reached among Spain’s ‘Big Three’. On major issues like this, Primo had to consider Carlo’s stance in exchange for Carlo’s full support for his reforms.

And Primo had indeed done so. On important matters, even when he, as Prime Minister, could make the decision directly, he would still consult Carlo and seek his approval.

Carlo gazed at the map of the Kingdom of Spain hanging in his office. The territory of Morocco below it was roughly the same size as Spain—a truly tempting sight.

In Carlo’s plans, Morocco was a territory that had to be conquered. It was the only land Spain could truly integrate into its homeland, and a sphere of influence Spain had to acquire if it wanted to become a great power.

But just as with the previous colonial war, where Spain had gained little, the British would not allow Spain to possess such a vast tract of land near Gibraltar.

If Spain occupied a large area of Morocco’s northern coast, its territory would once again surround Gibraltar, and Britain’s strategic plans for the strait would come to nothing.

“Your Majesty, I believe launching a war now is feasible,” Primo stepped forward to persuade him, seeing Carlo’s hesitation. “The government under Isabel ten years ago was able to defeat Morocco; our current army can certainly defeat them again.

Moreover, even if we cannot acquire a large portion of northern Morocco, we can use this as an opportunity to declare our claims to African lands.

If the British are unwilling to let us have northern Morocco, then they must agree to our expansion in other parts of Africa. Otherwise, they will have to bear the consequences of us siding completely with Germany.”

If there were two countries most unwilling to see Spain ally with Germany, the first would be France, and the second, Britain.

After its defeat, France lost important industrial regions like Alsace and Lorraine, and its overall strength was no longer a match for the newly unified German Empire.

Furthermore, the French had to pay the Germans a war indemnity of five billion francs, which was a perfect windfall for Germany’s industrial development.

Faced with an ever-strengthening German Empire, it was impossible for the British not to be on guard. If news were to arrive that Spain had completely sided with Germany, leaving France open to a pincer attack from the north and south, the British would certainly not stand idly by.

Not to mention, Italy and Germany were also allies. If a war were to break out, France might face an attack on three fronts.

After all, to unify Italy, the former Kingdom of Sardinia had ceded the two important regions of Savoy and Nice to France.

One only needed to look at the Italian royal family’s surname to know how important the Savoy region was; it was the cradle of their dynasty.

It was impossible to think that Italy harbored no ambitions to reclaim these two lands they were forced to cede. If France were to face an attack from multiple sides, Italy would absolutely get involved.

Under such circumstances, the British would be dead set against seeing the French utterly defeated.

To maintain the balance of power on the European continent, it was imperative to ensure Spain did not side with Germany, which was why Primo was confident he could bargain with the British.

After all, although Spain wasn’t strong, it wasn’t particularly afraid of the British in a direct conflict. A naval blockade wouldn’t have a significant impact on Spain, as it had few colonies left at this point.

To blockade Spain’s extensive coastline, the British would have to mobilize a massive fleet. Even if the British could bear such a colossal expense, the other European nations would not necessarily remain indifferent.

As for whether the British would invade the Spanish mainland, that was not a concern at all. Primo was confident he could ensure the British would never leave if they tried. When it came to land warfare, it was best for the British to stay out of it.

Chapter 84: Colonial Plan

“How many troops can we commit to Morocco right now?” Carlo asked after a moment of careful consideration.

Seeing that Carlo had a plan in mind, Serrano quickly replied, “Twenty thousand Spanish troops are ready to be deployed at any moment, Your Majesty.”

“If we add the troops we have stationed in Ceuta and Tétouan, we can mobilize about thirty thousand soldiers, which is more than enough to handle the Moroccan army.”

Ceuta and Tétouan were Moroccan cities occupied by Spanish forces, so they naturally required a larger military presence for suppression.

Spain viewed these two cities as bridgeheads for the colonization of Morocco. Neither during Queen Isabella’s reign nor at present had the garrisons in these cities ever been reduced.

“What does the government intend to do?” Carlo turned his gaze to Primo.

“Stir things up in Ceuta. That way, we can influence the entire Moroccan region,” Primo said with a smile. “As soon as the Moroccan rebellion causes casualties among Spanish commoners, it will be the right time for our army to declare war on Morocco.”

The Moroccan government could not evade responsibility for a rebellion by its people. As long as Spanish commoners suffered casualties, Spain would have sufficient justification to intervene in Morocco with military force.

Once war broke out, the final outcome would no longer be in the hands of the Moroccan government.

If the great powers did not interfere, it was entirely possible to turn Morocco into a colony. After all, it was close to the Spanish mainland, making it quite convenient to suppress any rebellions.

Through the continuous exploitation of Morocco, Spain could accelerate its industrial construction and economic growth, while also diverting domestic conflicts.

“Very well, let’s proceed with that,” Carlo nodded, no longer hesitating.

“As you command, Your Majesty.” Primo smiled and nodded upon hearing this, and he left the Royal Palace with Serrano.

Although Spain was not a great power, its desire for colonies was no less than that of the great powers. As the world’s first “empire on which the sun never set,” Spain once possessed vast colonial territories.

Though few colonies remained now, the desire for them still existed within the Spanish government, including Prime Minister Primo.

This was the norm for European countries in this era. If the Age of Discovery, led by Spain and Portugal, had shown the nations of Europe the immense profits colonization could bring, then the might of the British Empire caused their colonial ambitions to swell continuously.

Basically, any European nation would have ideas of colonial expansion.

The fact that countries like Portugal and Belgium possessed colonies in Africa was proof enough of the influence colonialism had on European nations of this era. It was a fast track to national wealth, and it didn’t require a significant investment.

After Primo and Serrano had left the Royal Palace, Carlo summoned his steward, Loren.

Primo and Serrano’s craving for Morocco had also served as a reminder to Carlo. Africa was vast, but almost all the great powers had their eyes fixed on the continent.

If Spain did not get involved in the scramble for Africa soon, all that might be left for it in the future would be desolate deserts and uninhabited primeval forests.

Africa spanned over thirty million square kilometers and boasted countless mineral resources, its economic value immeasurable.

Securing even a part of Africa would be a significant boost for Spain.

Since the government was already focused on Morocco, Carlo naturally set his sights on other regions in Africa, such as the Congo, which Belgium had historically acquired.

There were many reasons why Belgium was able to obtain the Congo, but it ultimately came down to the fact that none of the European great powers wanted their rivals to have it.

And it was at this time that the King of Belgium appeared and began the exploration and occupation of the Congo.

Compared to the Congo being occupied by another great power, Belgium, with its significantly weaker overall strength, posed no threat.

It was for this reason that the land ultimately fell into Belgium’s hands, allowing Belgium to snatch this prize from the grasp of the many great powers.

Just how vast was this Congo colony acquired by Belgium? Its total area was a massive 2.34 million square kilometers, and it possessed abundant mineral resources.

The Congo’s copper reserves were approximately seventy-five million tons, accounting for 15% of the world’s total. Its cobalt reserves were about 4.5 million tons, making up 50% of the world’s supply. Its tantalite ore reserves stood at around thirty million tons, representing 80% of the global total.

In addition, the Congo also had diamond reserves of 206 million carats and was extremely rich in iron ore, non-metallic minerals, and other resources.

Besides minerals, the Congo also possessed large reserves of oil and natural gas, giving it an economic value that far surpassed that of an ordinary colony.

Of course, what truly excited Carlo was that the Congo had vast deposits of uranium ore, and the purity of this ore was extremely high.

Uranium-235, refined from uranium ore, was the primary material for making atomic bombs. If he could occupy the Congo, it would provide crucial assistance when Spain developed its own atomic bomb in the future.

Higher purity uranium ore would help Spain refine uranium-235 more effectively. This was extremely important for Spain’s future strategic deployment, an importance that was in no way inferior to all the other mineral resources in the Congo.

If nothing else, the high-purity uranium ore alone was enough to make Carlo determined to take the Congo at any cost.

As it stood, Spain’s greatest rival for the Congo was actually Belgium, or more specifically, King Leopold II of Belgium.

This was because King Leopold II did not use government funds in the process of colonizing the Congo; all expenses came from the Belgian royal family’s assets.

This was also why, after gaining control of the Congo, Leopold II was able to successfully turn it into his personal domain.

Carlo did not believe he would lose to Leopold II in this colonial contest. After all, he could rely on the Spanish government, which was far stronger than Belgium’s.

Even without involving the state, Carlo was confident he could triumph over Leopold II.

By the time Spain’s Five-Year Plan for Industrial Development was complete, Carlo’s factories would have long been making a fortune.

At least when it came to spending money, Carlo truly had no fear of Leopold II. With his foresight from a future era and his immense capital, he could earn sufficient funds whenever he needed.

Take, for instance, the engine research currently being conducted by Benz and his team. Once they manufactured automobiles and drastically reduced production costs through assembly line production, the sales from cars alone would be enough to ensure Carlo never had to worry about funds again.

How much wealth could Leopold II possibly possess? And how much would he dare to risk in a colonial struggle with Carlo?

With Carlo beginning his exploration of the Congo region before Leopold II, it was already fated that Leopold II would be at a disadvantage in this colonial struggle.

Chapter 85: The Expedition Team

“Steward Loren, how is the search for foreign explorers going? Have you found any suitable candidates?” Carlo asked, looking at Steward Loren as he walked in.

“I was just about to report to you, Your Majesty,” Steward Loren replied. “I’ve found a very suitable candidate in Spain. Here is his information.”

Steward Loren handed over a file and added, “Antonio Ronaldo Prince Cruz, thirty-eight years old. He has an African expedition team in Guinea and deals frequently with the native African tribes, so he is quite experienced in that regard.”

Carlo nodded, accepting the file. He flipped through a few pages and found that the man did indeed seem to fit his requirements.

Besides the actual exploration of the Congo region, this African expedition team would also need to build good relations with the local native tribes and establish so-called trade treaties with them.

Of course, in addition to trade treaties, they would also need to use other means to make the tribes acknowledge this land as Carlo’s private property, creating an opportunity for him to acquire it.

Antonio Ronaldo Prince Cruz’s long-term residence in Guinea and his frequent contact with native African tribes were the reasons Steward Loren recommended him, and this was precisely what Carlo valued.

For the deputy leader and de facto head of the expedition, other skills could be secondary, but experience living in Africa and interacting with native tribes was crucial.

At present, the European nations’ exploration of Africa was limited to the outermost coasts; they had not penetrated deep into the continent for colonization.

There were various reasons for this, one of the most important being Africa’s complex and dangerous terrain.

And Carlo’s target was the largest of Africa’s many primeval forests, where the complexity and danger would undoubtedly be extreme.

The primeval forest of the Congo Basin was not only the largest in Africa but also the oldest, hailed as the “Lungs of Africa.”

To traverse the entire Congo Basin and leave behind a Spanish footprint would be an incredibly difficult and perilous undertaking.

Without experience, an expedition might set out one year, only for news of its complete annihilation to arrive the next.

“Have you investigated them? The expedition team I want to form needs to have extensive experience, not be a group of amateurs cobbled together at the last minute,” Carlo said, his gaze fixed on Steward Loren.

“I have, Your Majesty.” Steward Loren nodded and answered respectfully, “I’ve had someone look into Antonio Ronaldo Prince Cruz’s expedition team. It’s confirmed that they have indeed carried out exploration activities in the Guinea region and have ventured deep into the African continent.

However, because they lacked the support of the colonial government in Guinea, they abandoned their deep exploration after a conflict with a nearby native tribe and returned to Spain.

During their expedition, they did have in-depth contact with the local native African tribes. All of this can be verified.”

Hearing that Antonio Ronaldo Prince Cruz’s experience was genuine, Carlo nodded in satisfaction. “Arrange for him to meet me. I hope this African explorer won’t disappoint me.”

From the perspective of identity and citizenship, Antonio Ronaldo Prince Cruz was definitely the most suitable candidate.

He was a pure-blooded Spaniard, so the places his expedition team passed through could more readily be declared under Spanish sovereignty.

Furthermore, with a domestic explorer, there was less worry about the expedition’s activities being leaked. By the time other nations discovered Spain’s exploration of the Congo, its colonial efforts would have already made some headway.

Even if other great powers caught on later, Carlo was not the least bit afraid. The entry of one great power would attract the attention of all the others. With the major powers keeping each other in check, the Congo could only fall into the hands of a nation that was not one of them.

Besides, there were still vast swathes of land in Africa yet to be carved up by the great powers. Carlo didn’t think the others would fight him for the more dangerous Congo colony instead of occupying and dividing up the coastal territories.

After all, what mineral resources the Congo held at this time were unknown. If they expended great effort only to seize a barren, worthless piece of land, the loss would far outweigh the gain.

Steward Loren nodded and went to attend to the matters Carlo had instructed.

After Loren left, Carlo began to think about the preparations needed for the African expedition team.

It would be perfect if Antonio Ronaldo Prince Cruz met his requirements, but the expedition still lacked a military leader. The candidate Carlo currently had in mind was Garibaldi’s eldest son, Menotti.

Since the exploration side of things was taking shape, it was time to accelerate the formation of its armed force.

Carlo decided to summon Menotti to ask if he was willing to serve as the leader of the African expedition team.

Menotti had been settled in downtown Madrid, not far from the palace, and it took him less than half an hour to arrive.

Not long after ordering a guard to fetch him, Carlo saw Menotti in his reception hall.

“Menotti, how do you find Spain? Does it compare to your time in Italy?” Carlo asked with a smile.

“Everything is fine, thank you for your concern, Your Majesty,” Menotti replied with great deference.

Having followed his father, Garibaldi, across Europe and the Americas since childhood, the minor inconvenience of moving from Italy to Spain was nothing to him.

Besides, he had been living on the island of Caprera before; his current living conditions were incomparably better.

“That’s good.” Carlo nodded with a smile and got straight to the point. “Regarding your appointment, I have two options in mind.

First, you can serve as the deputy commander of the Royal Guard and look for opportunities for advancement when the Guard expands. During this time, you can also attend the Spanish military academy to supplement your military knowledge.

The second idea is a rather dangerous job that I believe you are capable of. Of course, if you complete this task, you will be a great contributor to all of Spain, and I will not be stingy with my rewards.

The choice is yours. I hope you will consider it carefully.”

Upon hearing Carlo’s words, Menotti blurted out without much hesitation, “Your Majesty, I choose the second job. I prefer challenging work over staying with the Royal Guard.”

Staying with the Royal Guard was certainly comfortable, and he would even have time to pursue further studies at the military academy.

But the downside was that his position wouldn’t change much in the short term, and he would likely see no combat.

Moreover, the Royal Guard had already undergone one expansion; another wouldn’t happen for several years.

This meant that if Menotti chose to be the Royal Guard’s deputy commander, he would be idly stationed around the Royal Palace, which did not suit his personality.

In the many campaigns he fought alongside his father, Garibaldi, Menotti had shown an extremely warlike side. He was naturally unwilling to remain in a non-combat unit like the Royal Guard.

“Haha, you should think it through. While the second job offers the chance to achieve great merit, it is also extremely dangerous. I won’t blame you if you choose the first, but if you choose the second, I want you to be prepared for the possibility of dying on the mission,” Carlo said with a laugh, quite pleased with Menotti’s choice.

But pleased as he was, Carlo didn’t want Menotti to die on the road to opening up Africa because he was unprepared.

Exploring the Congo Basin was destined to be fraught with peril. If one wasn’t prepared to die along the way, it was best not to embark on the journey at all.

“It’s no matter, Your Majesty.” Menotti shook his head, a fearless smile on his face. “In what war do people not die? For me, danger is the driving force for action. I am confident I can complete your mission, no matter how dangerous.”

Carlo smiled, a genuine smile from the heart. Menotti and Ricciotti were two completely different styles.

Ricciotti leaned toward conservatism and was more cautious in his actions. His elder brother, Menotti, was the exact opposite, displaying a completely fearless, bold, and aggressive attitude.

Both styles had their merits, but if he had to choose which was more suitable for the African expedition, Carlo would certainly prefer Menotti’s.

In any case, as the expedition’s leader, Menotti would only be responsible for military affairs. The overall objectives and other operations would be handled by the deputy leader—the one with actual African exploration experience.

Menotti’s role was more like the commander of the armed unit; being a bit aggressive was for the best. After all, this African expedition would be facing previously uncontacted African tribes and unknown geographical environments. Sometimes, being too conservative is precisely what leads to problems.

“Excellent.” Carlo nodded in satisfaction and revealed the specifics of the second mission.

“Have you heard of the Congo Basin?” Carlo asked with a smile.

“The primeval forest in central Africa? Your Majesty, your mission can’t be to explore that region, can it?” Menotti asked, somewhat surprised.

“Of course.” Carlo nodded and outlined his plan. “You know how important colonies are to a country.

In Spain’s colonial plan, occupying the Congo River Basin is one of the main objectives. Your mission is to serve as the expedition’s military leader, explore the Congo River Basin, and establish trade relations with the local native tribes.

Once the Spanish flag is planted in most parts of this land, we will naturally possess sovereignty over it.

This operation, I demand it succeed. There can be no failure, because it concerns whether Spain can acquire this land, whether we can possess such a vast colony.”

“But, Your Majesty, I have no experience in African exploration. I suggest you find a more suitable person to lead the expedition, not me.” Menotti hesitated but spoke his mind. “I can lead an armed detachment to accompany the expedition team, but if you put me in command of the entire expedition, the probability of complete annihilation would be higher.”

“Hahaha, rest assured, Menotti, I’ve already prepared for that. Although you will be the leader of the expedition, someone else will be in charge of the exploration itself. You only need to command the armed force under you.

If the native African tribes we encounter are cooperative, that would be for the best. If those damn natives are unwilling to cooperate with us, your mission is to send them to meet God and make them understand who the true masters of this land are,” Carlo said with a smile.

Only then did Menotti nod in relief, stating firmly to Carlo, “Then there is no problem, Your Majesty. I will do my utmost to complete the expedition’s task and turn the entire Congo River Basin into Spanish territory.

Your Majesty, when can the expedition depart? I can’t wait to see the African interior.”

Seeing Menotti’s eagerness after all his questions had been answered, Carlo said, with a mixture of amusement and exasperation, “You’ll have to wait a while. At the very least, we need to confirm the person in charge of the expedition.

Of course, you can meet the expedition head in advance. You’ll be working together for the next few years.

I will permit you to select men from the Royal Guard and the Spanish army to form a small armed force. The strength of this force will be crucial to the success of this expedition, so you’ll have to put some effort into choosing your team members.”

Compared to the existing African expedition team that Antonio Ronaldo Prince Cruz possessed, the armed detachment Menotti was to lead was currently the biggest issue.

Aside from its leader, Menotti, none of the members of the armed detachment had been chosen. How could they possibly set off to explore Africa?

Antonio Ronaldo Prince Cruz did have a small armed force, but most were poorly trained, and Carlo didn’t fully trust them.

Only an armed detachment composed of soldiers selected from the Royal Guard and the Spanish army would have Carlo’s one hundred percent confidence.

Although the Spanish army wasn’t exceptionally strong, it wasn’t bad by European standards. Against the native tribes of inland Africa, an armed detachment drawn from the regular army could naturally handle them with ease.

“As you command, Your Majesty,” Menotti nodded.

The members of the armed detachment were also very important, a fact Menotti understood well. If the unit’s combat effectiveness was weak, they would be unable to suppress the native tribes.

Moreover, the journey to explore Africa would be fraught with hardship, and there was no guarantee that some team members wouldn’t suffer from mental breakdowns.

Therefore, when selecting members, priority had to be given to soldiers who were bolder and more loyal to the country.

Only then would they not choose to desert during the exploration of Africa. A well-trained and loyal armed force was necessary to effectively deal with any accidents and dangers that might occur during the exploration.

Chapter 86: Declaration of War on Morocco

Carlo was still waiting for his expedition to be assembled, attempting to secretly explore the Congo River Basin while the government plotted to colonize Morocco.

But Carlo had clearly underestimated the government’s ambition to colonize Morocco.

After returning from the Royal Palace, Serrano and Primo worked through the night to formulate a plan of action against Morocco and set a date for the operation.

It was now September 21, 1870, and the date Primo and Serrano had set for the operation was just one week later, on September 28.

A week was just enough time to mobilize the army, ensuring they would have sufficient forces to launch military operations against Morocco from the outset.

Ceuta is located at the northernmost tip of Moroccan territory, directly across the sea from Gibraltar, which was why the British were reluctant to see Spain occupy too much land around Ceuta.

For this very reason, Prime Minister Primo had deliberately divided the operation against Morocco into two parts. The main force would depart from Ceuta, advancing south toward Tétouan and west toward Tangier, to completely occupy the small peninsula at the northern tip of Morocco.

Southern Spain also has a prominent peninsula, which, together with the northern Moroccan one, forms the gateway to the western Mediterranean.

Because of this, the British would most likely not agree to a Spanish occupation of the area. Therefore, Prime Minister Primo’s plan also included a force that would expand north along the coast from the previously-occupied Spanish fishing base at Ifni to capture the southern Moroccan city of Agadir.

Even if the first part of the plan failed due to British interference, a successful second part, the capture Agadir, would ensure that the operation was not a loss for the Spanish government.

For European nations of this era, finding a pretext to attack an African native country was incredibly easy.

Sometimes, no pretext was needed at all; colonial expansion was the best pretext in itself.

Having learned from the last time, Prime Minister Primo decided to prepare in secret and launch a surprise attack on the Moroccan government.

It would be best to achieve their strategic objectives before the European great powers could react, which would give them the upper hand in the subsequent negotiations.

On September 28, 1870, the Spanish army finished assembling in Ceuta and, without any warning, launched a fierce offensive against the surrounding Moroccan native tribes.

Twelve hours later, the Spanish government declared war on the Moroccan government. The reason given for the declaration was an alleged Moroccan-planned attack in Ceuta that resulted in the deaths of at least five Spaniards.

An hour before declaring war on the Moroccan government, Prime Minister Primo sent a telegram to Italian Prime Minister Giovanni, requesting that the Italian government express its support for the Spanish government in this war.

In return, the Spanish government offered its full support for Italy’s colonial ambitions in Tunisia and Libya, proposing a military alliance between the two nations regarding colonization in North Africa.

An alliance between Spain and Italy was something the two governments had been continually discussing. Considering the relationship between Carlo and Emanuele, it was only natural that the Spanish and Italian governments had grown closer under their influence.

The interests of Spain and Italy would not conflict. Spain wanted Morocco, while Italy desired Tunisia and Libya, and France’s Algerian colony stood between their respective spheres of influence.

With France, a powerful nation bordering both countries, as a common rival, the relationship between Spain and Italy was actually quite friendly. At least in certain areas, such as colonization, they could cooperate.

However, compared to Prime Minister Primo, Prime Minister Giovanni did not wield as much power. Although the Kingdom of Italy was also a constitutional monarchy, who could ignore the influence of King Emanuele II?

Upon receiving the telegram from the Spanish government, Prime Minister Giovanni immediately requested an audience with King Vittorio Emanuele II to inquire about his stance.

“What are your thoughts on this matter, Prime Minister?” Vittorio Emanuele II did not offer his own opinion, instead asking for Prime Minister Giovanni’s.

While the two royal families were one, that did not mean their governments were.

This matter concerned the interests of the Italian and Spanish governments, so it was naturally not for the royal family to decide alone.

Vittorio Emanuele II naturally understood this. He was a good father, but he was also a good king.

If this course of action were to harm the interests of the Italian government, then Emanuele II would have to seriously reconsider the relationship between the two governments.

“Your Majesty, I believe there is some merit to what Primo has proposed,” Prime Minister Giovanni replied after a moment of careful thought. “Spain’s colonial ambitions do not conflict with our own, so in that regard, Italy’s interests will not be harmed.

Secondly, France is engaged in colonial activities in both Morocco and Tunisia, making them a common enemy to both Spain and Italy in the colonization of Africa.

If we were to confront France on our own, we would be doomed to lose. If we do not wish to see France occupy vast swathes of North African territory from Morocco to Libya, our best option is to cooperate with the Spanish.”

“So, you are of the opinion that we should cooperate with the Spanish government?” Vittorio Emanuele II asked with a smile.

He could accept either cooperating with the Spanish government or not, but if there was an opportunity to lend them a hand, Vittorio Emanuele II was naturally willing to see it happen.

The stronger Spain became, the more Carlo would benefit. As long as Italy’s interests were not compromised, Vittorio Emanuele II naturally hoped his son would rule over an even more powerful nation.

“Your Majesty, the last war between Spain and Morocco drew British interference, and I fear the same will happen this time.

Spain’s greatest enemy in its quest to colonize Morocco is not France, but Great Britain, thousands of kilometers away. If it were only France, we might manage, but if Great Britain gets involved, I’m afraid our support will not be of much use,” Prime Minister Giovanni said, mustering his courage to voice his speculation.

“The British?” Vittorio Emanuele II nodded, finding the Prime Minister’s speculation quite reasonable.

Ever since Great Britain became powerful, it has become Europe’s infamous shit-stirrer. The British stick their oar in every major international affair to ensure that no situation arises on the continent that could upset the balance of power.

If the British were to fix their sights on Spain’s invasion of Morocco, it would indeed be nearly impossible for them to complete the colonization against British opposition.

Vittorio Emanuele II sighed, looked at Prime Minister Giovanni who was awaiting his orders, and instructed, “Provide the Spanish government with the same diplomatic support as before. At the same time, inform them that if this colonial venture draws intervention from other great powers, Italy will be unable to get involved.”

Chapter 87: Quick, Summon the British Government!

Long before the Spanish government declared war on Morocco, it had received a warning from the Italian government.

The Italian government stated that it would offer Spain diplomatic support in this military operation, but if it attracted the attention of other great powers, Italy would not interfere.

Primo, of course, understood that the Italian government would never oppose the British for Spain’s sake. Their willingness to express support for Spain in the military action against Morocco was sufficient.

At 4:00 PM on September 28, 1870, two and a half hours had passed since Spain’s declaration of war on the Moroccan government, and fourteen and a half hours since the Spanish military’s official operation began.

Facing the surprise attack from the Spanish army, the native tribes of Morocco were completely unprepared. They were beaten into a retreat, casting aside helmets and armor, though they had none to begin with.

Morocco was quite a peculiar country in Africa. Most of its population consisted of Arabs and Berbers, who belonged to the European and Mediterranean races—in other words, they were white.

However, unlike the white nations of Europe, Morocco was an Arab country that practiced Islam.

As the most unique African nation, Moroccans were distinctly different from other African natives; they were more akin to the indigenous peoples of the Middle East.

But natives were natives, after all. Compared to Spain, Morocco was undoubtedly far behind.

Moreover, Morocco was not a monolithic entity. There were numerous tribes within the country, and not all of them supported the Moroccan Sultanate Government under the rule of the Alaouite Dynasty.

Another reason Morocco was more suitable for integration was precisely because of its white population. Carlo considered himself not to be a racist, but his dislike for black people was visceral.

Such thoughts were not unusual in Europe at the time. Although the abolitionist movements in various countries were in full swing, no white person would ever truly acknowledge the human rights of black people from the bottom of their heart.

In the minds of white people, black people were meant to be plantation slaves. What did human rights have to do with them? Were they even human?

The colonial policies of various nations in Africa had never treated the local natives as human beings. The cumulative number of black people slaughtered by European countries was at least in the tens of millions.

Of course, this was mainly because various countries had not yet explored Africa in depth. Once the nations had essentially finished carving up the continent, the number of African natives who died as a result would only increase.

As a white nation, incorporating Morocco into Spain’s domain would not blacken Spain.

Speaking of which, the current Sultan of Morocco was an old acquaintance. Muhammad IV had ascended to the throne as Sultan in 1859, and immediately upon taking office, he faced a war with Spain and suffered the bitter consequences of defeat.

After this loss, Muhammad IV decided to reform Morocco, introducing Europe’s powerful industries and improving Morocco’s military strength to counter the colonial invasions of the European powers.

But Muhammad IV overestimated the Moroccan people’s receptiveness to advanced industrial technology. After going to great lengths to have the British bring a steam engine to the Royal Palace in Marrakesh, he found that his ministers were so terrified by the unprecedented behemoth that they dared not even approach it.

Even when Muhammad IV ordered the printing of numerous gospels promoting the steam engine, he failed to arouse the Moroccans’ curiosity.

In the end, the reforms petered out, and Morocco never industrialized.

Seeing industrialization fail, Muhammad IV had another bright idea: to strengthen Morocco’s military.

He formed the new army, the Askar al-Nizami, equipped it with muskets at great expense, and had it undergo Western-style training.

Upon learning that the Spanish were invading in force from northern Morocco, Muhammad flew into a rage and ordered his newly formed army, the Askar al-Nizami, to march north and resist the Spanish invasion.

The Moroccan Sultan, born in 1802, held immense confidence in his new army at this moment.

At a meeting of the Moroccan Sultanate Government that very day, Muhammad IV even declared with considerable confidence: “My army will easily crush the Spanish forces. The days of Morocco being invaded by European nations are gone forever.”

But soon, reality dealt the aging Sultan a heavy blow.

Not long after he dispatched his new army, intelligence arrived from the south: Spanish forces were pushing north in large numbers from Sidi Ifni, advancing toward the major southern city of Agadir.

This left Muhammad IV dumbfounded. His new army was not large; it was clearly incapable of dealing with Spanish forces on two fronts, north and south, simultaneously.

But if he allowed the Spanish army to advance on Agadir, it seemed Marrakesh would also be in danger.

The confidence Muhammad IV had just found in his new army was instantly extinguished. He was overcome with a sense of defeat, and his already old face seemed to age even further.

“Damn it, is Morocco truly fated to be colonized?” Muhammad IV gazed at the sky, filled with despair for Morocco’s situation.

At this moment, the Moroccan ministers all began to offer their opinions.

The most unified opinion among them was to go to the West—ah, no, to Western Europe—and ask the British government for help.

The last war between Spain and Morocco was only concluded with Morocco retaining most of its territory because of the British government’s intervention.

Otherwise, given Morocco’s turbulent internal situation and its abysmal military strength at the time, it would have been nothing more than a plaything for Spain to do with as it pleased.

The Moroccan government currently had no better options. Besides asking the British government to intervene, there seemed to be no other effective solution.

As for fighting a war with the Spanish, that was something the Moroccan ministers had never even considered.

They had indeed entertained such thoughts a decade ago, but the Spanish had beaten them so badly they couldn’t tell east from west. Spain’s domestic situation back then wasn’t much better; the difference was purely in weaponry, equipment, and overall strength.

Although Morocco had now formed a new army, it only numbered around twenty thousand men.

Moreover, the Moroccan ministers were well aware of the new army’s actual condition. Within Morocco, when compared to other Moroccan forces, its combat effectiveness seemed quite formidable.

But when compared to a European nation’s army, there was simply no contest.

The Moroccans’ receptiveness to advanced weaponry and technology was not high. Combined with the fact that Morocco relied entirely on purchasing arms from European nations, it was naturally impossible to allow the new army’s soldiers to conduct extensive target practice.

It was no exaggeration to say that in the few years since the new army’s formation, they had organized target practice sessions fewer than ten times in total. In each session, every soldier was allotted only three bullets, which was basically useless.

Relying on such an army to stop the Spanish invasion was far less practical than hoping for the British to show great mercy and save their lives.

Chapter 88: A Troublesome Meeting

Whether the Moroccan government would appeal to the British for aid was a question the Spanish government had long considered.

Considering the last war between Spain and Morocco, such an event was one hundred percent certain to happen; it was only a matter of when.

However, it would take some time for the British government to receive the news and then contact the Spanish government to mediate.

What Primo had to do was achieve the greatest possible military gains during this window, which he could then use as leverage to demand more territory and reparations from Morocco.

As long as Spain gained a significant advantage in this war, not even the British could force them to walk away empty-handed.

The man leading the Spanish army against Morocco was none other than the current Minister of Defense, Grand Duke Serrano. Knowing that the invasion of Morocco was a war that could not be lost, Carlo had also inserted Andrew and Kaman into the conflict, hoping they could earn some merits.

Andrew and Kaman were both sufficiently capable; what they currently lacked was experience and seniority in commanding troops.

Spain had few opportunities to go to war, and Carlo naturally couldn’t pass up a “large-scale” conflict involving tens of thousands of troops.

Fortunately, suppressing the rebellion in Cuba had already proven their abilities. Serrano, who admired their military talents, readily agreed to Carlo’s proposal to place them in the army fighting Morocco.

Speaking of which, Andrew and Kaman’s status and positions were already quite high.

In terms of noble titles, they were newly created Barons.

Although such a title was more honorary in nature, it was a hereditary noble title acknowledged by the Kingdom of Spain. It was an undeniable elevation in status compared to a commoner.

In military rank, both had been promoted to major. Although they each commanded only a single battalion, considering the overall size of the Spanish army, a battalion commander was already considered a mid-to-high-ranking officer.

Given that both were in their early twenties, they were undoubtedly two of the most promising rising stars among the Spanish army’s high command.

After this war with Morocco concluded, Carlo did not intend to promote them further through exceptional means. It was time for them to settle into the army for a while, accumulate seniority, and then climb higher.

On the morning of September 29, 1870, inside the Royal Palace of Madrid.

Seeing Prime Minister Primo walk into his office with a smile, Carlo knew that the Spanish army was performing quite well in Morocco.

“How is the war progressing? Any good news?” Carlo inquired.

“Your Majesty, our forces have already reached Hasan and Oued Laou, south of Tétouan. The army is now advancing in two prongs toward Tangier and Larache. If all goes well, news of victory should arrive tomorrow or the day after,” Prime Minister Primo said, his spirits high. The army’s achievements seemed to have made him several years younger.

“What about the southern front? Can we achieve our planned strategic objectives before the British intervene?” Carlo asked next.

The Spanish government had prepared for two scenarios. Even if the land occupied in the north ultimately had to be returned to the Moroccan government, the coastline secured in the south would be enough to make the effort worthwhile for Spain.

When combined with the reparations from the Moroccan government and a series of treaties, Spain’s colonial venture would definitely be profitable.

“The southern offensive is also proceeding smoothly. We have already captured Mighleft and Taraint.” Primo’s words were filled with scorn for the Moroccans as he said with a smile, “When our troops arrived at Mighleft, the Moroccans were still fast asleep.

Their army is no match for ours. If things go well, our forces should be able to launch an attack on Agadir within three days.”

In this era, the disparity in comprehensive strength between African and European nations was simply too vast, which led to a general European disdain for Africans.

Of course, besides the power gap, skin color was another reason for this contempt.

Although Morocco was a predominantly white country, its geographical location and religious beliefs led it to be viewed as an African native state, a target for European colonization.

Upon hearing Primo’s report, Carlo nodded, quite satisfied with the war’s progress.

The war against Morocco was currently a no-loss proposition, which was why Carlo hadn’t stopped it.

Even if they couldn’t gain much territory, the reparations from the Moroccans would be enough for Spain to offset the costs of war and still have funds left over for domestic industrial construction.

From this perspective, Morocco was like a large blood bag; whenever the Spanish government was short on funds, it could come and take a few sips. After all, nobody cared about the lives of the Moroccans.

Four hours after the Spanish army declared war on the Moroccan government, the news finally reached the British government.

The British Prime Minister at the time was William Ewart Gladstone, who would later be hailed as one of the greatest prime ministers in British history.

At this point, however, Prime Minister Gladstone had only been in office for two years. The reforms and laws he had promoted had not yet borne fruit, and he was just one of many ordinary politicians who had ascended to the premiership.

But the British Prime Minister of this era had an advantage over his counterparts in other European countries: the prime minister’s own power was immense, making him the true head of state.

Although Queen Victoria was still on the throne above him, she had rarely appeared in public since the death of her husband, Prince Albert.

This was actually a good thing for the British government. A queen who seldom interfered in political affairs was the kind of ruler every prime minister desired.

Upon learning of Spain’s invasion of Morocco, British Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone immediately convened a Cabinet meeting to discuss a solution to the Moroccan war.

In reality, there wasn’t much to discuss, because for the British, there was only one solution: to compel Spain not to demand territory near Tétouan, thereby preventing the expansion of Spanish influence in northern Morocco.

But the Spanish government of today was somewhat different from that of a decade ago.

Ten years ago, the Spanish government had no allies, and its domestic situation was in chaos, making it unable to withstand pressure from the British government.

Now, the Spanish government had resolved its internal troubles. Furthermore, the Spanish and Italian royal families came from the same house, creating the possibility of an alliance between the two nations.

Moreover, the Germans had recently defeated the French, making the regional situation even more chaotic than it was a decade earlier.

“Gentlemen, let’s hear your thoughts. How should we handle the war between Spain and Morocco, and how do we prevent the Spaniards from gaining a larger sphere of influence across from Gibraltar?” Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone asked, opening the discussion.

“Mr. Prime Minister, I believe we should not back down on any potential threat to Gibraltar,” the British Colonial Secretary was the first to stand and offer his opinion. ”

Gibraltar is crucial to our control of the Mediterranean. We must not, under any circumstances, allow it to return to Spanish hands.”

“No, sir, that could make the situation in the Western Mediterranean even worse.” Foreign Secretary Granville George Leveson-Gower also stood up, expressing a completely different view.

“The defeat of the French, the unification of Italy, and the reforms in Spain are all affecting the situation in the Western Mediterranean. We must consider the entire balance of power there.

If we blindly suppress Spain, will it deepen the animosity between our nations?

Of course, a small country like Spain cannot affect us on its own. But what if Spain chooses to join Germany’s camp?

Gentlemen, if the Germans form an alliance with Italy and Spain, who will call the shots in the Western Mediterranean?

Do not forget, we are also facing a challenge from the Russians in Central Asia. Constantly pressuring the Spaniards is not a good thing; it may worsen the situation we face.”

“Lord George, are you suggesting we condone Spain’s colonial occupation of Morocco? Good heavens, how could you have such a mad idea?

When the Spaniards have completely occupied Morocco, are you certain they won’t have designs on Gibraltar?

Damn it, if Gibraltar is retaken by the Spaniards, we will completely lose control of the Mediterranean,” the Colonial Secretary retorted, his aggressive stance on full display.

“No, sir, we certainly cannot do nothing,” Foreign Secretary Granville George Leveson-Gower explained with a smile. “Since Spain wants a colony, then let them take one.

Isn’t there a great deal of land in southern Morocco? Let them take it for themselves. Our demand is singular: the Spaniards must not claim territory in northern Morocco.

If the Spaniards are unwilling to relinquish their claims on northern Morocco, it proves they still entertain thoughts of retaking Gibraltar, which means they are destined to be our enemies.

But if the Spaniards are willing to give up northern Morocco, it shows they are at least sensible, and perhaps we can even use them to achieve our own objectives.”

Hearing Granville George Leveson-Gower’s full explanation, Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone nodded, saying with some satisfaction, “In that case, I will leave the matter of contacting the Spanish government to you, Secretary George.

It would be best if the Spaniards are sensible. But if they are unwilling to abandon their claims to northern Morocco, we will have no choice but to send our Royal Fleet to the Mediterranean.”

The British Empire was the most powerful nation in the world at the time, possessing the mightiest fleet on earth. This was the source of the immense confidence held by all British officials, including Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone.

Forget a small nation like Spain; even the combined navies of Spain and Italy were no match for the Royal Fleet.

In terms of naval power, the British truly had no rivals at this time and could look down on all other nations with a smile.

Secretary Granville George Leveson-Gower nodded, accepting the task assigned by the Prime Minister.

For a seasoned diplomat like him, threatening a non-great power like Spain was a matter of second nature.

On the afternoon of September 29, 1870, the British Ambassador to Spain requested an audience with Primo and presented the British government’s demands.

Prime Minister Primo received the British Ambassador at the government offices, where they held a private meeting.

The British Ambassador, William, first greeted Prime Minister Primo before stating the British government’s purpose: “Honorable Prime Minister Primo, my government has received a request from the Moroccan government to mediate the war between your government and Morocco.”

Prime Minister Primo smiled slightly and retorted, “Ambassador William, what is happening between Spain and Morocco is not a war, but an armed operation to punish murderers.

As you know, the Moroccan rebellion inadvertently harmed civilians of our country in Ceuta, yet the Moroccan government refuses to hand over the perpetrators.

Once we have punished all the culprits who harmed Spanish citizens, our army will naturally withdraw.”

“No, Mr. Prime Minister, this is a war between your two nations.” Ambassador William shook his head, holding firm to his initial position. ”

My country deeply regrets the casualties among Spanish civilians, but allowing the war to continue will only lead to more deaths. Why don’t we sit down and discuss a peace treaty?

On behalf of the British government, I assure you that we will maintain a neutral stance and ensure that your country and the Moroccan government sign a fair peace agreement.”

Prime Minister Primo maintained his smile on the surface, but inwardly he was already quite displeased with the British ambassador.

Spain had already gained the upper hand in this war and had invested a great deal of manpower and resources. Why should a war waged at such cost be halted by a single word from the British government? Do you really think you are God?

“I’m very sorry, Mr. Ambassador.” Primo shook his head, the smile on his face gradually cooling. “The front lines are still engaged. A rash ceasefire would cause significant losses for our army.

How about we wait another half a month? Once we have taken inventory of our weapons and equipment and the front-line troops have reached an actual ceasefire, we can then discuss the specifics of a peace agreement. How does that sound?”

Ambassador William shook his head as well. He was no fool. If they gave the Spaniards half a month, they would have likely already reached Morocco’s capital.

It would be even more difficult to stop the war then, and at the very least, the Spaniards would gain more territory, which did not align with the British government’s expectations.

In the British government’s mind, the sooner this war ended, the better. Ideally, a small piece of land in southern Morocco could be exchanged for an end to the conflict, which would neither allow Spain to benefit too much nor expose Gibraltar to potential danger.

“We have already contacted the Moroccan government, and they are ready to cease fire at any time. Mr. Prime Minister, my government is very sincere about negotiating with your country, and we hope your country will show due sincerity as well,” Ambassador William said with a look of displeasure.

“Ambassador William, if your so-called sincerity is merely demanding that Spain stop the war, then please see yourself out.” Primo, who came from a military background, was no pushover; otherwise, he would never have risked offending multiple factions to push for reforms.

To Prime Minister Primo, the British threat was not really that serious. The British were unlikely to actually intervene in this war; it was nothing more than diplomatic intimidation.

Even if the British did intervene, Prime Minister Primo was not afraid, because the British had plenty of their own problems.

If Britain were to go to war with Spain, there would be more than one country willing to trip them up from behind. While Spain couldn’t venture far from its homeland, it would be no easy task for the British to invade the Spanish mainland and defeat them.

Seeing Primo’s unyielding stance, Ambassador William had no choice but to change his attitude. “Prime Minister Primo, my country does not wish for this war to end without resolution.

Considering your country’s sacrifices in this war, we are willing for your country to occupy a portion of land in southern Morocco as compensation. In addition, how about the Moroccan government pays your country a sum in reparations?

I know that your country is undergoing reforms and industrialization. This sum could help your country expand its industry more quickly, serving as compensation from Morocco for the casualties among Spanish civilians.”

Seeing that the British had finally shifted their position, Prime Minister Primo nodded with satisfaction and resumed negotiations. “Our forces can withdraw from Hasan and Oued Laou, but I hope we can acquire the triangular region between Ceuta, Tangier, and Tétouan.

Additionally, we also wish to acquire the coastline between Agadir and Sidi Ifni. We will build fishing bases there to increase the income of our fishermen and compensate the civilians who suffered casualties in this conflict.”

Hearing Prime Minister Primo’s demands, Ambassador William shot to his feet, repeating, “No, Prime Minister Primo, that is absolutely impossible.

My government will only accept your country’s occupation of the coastline between Agadir and Sidi Ifni. Any other territory is out of the question.

If your country is willing, we can advise the Moroccan government to increase the amount of reparations to satisfy your country financially.”

Hearing Ambassador William’s words, Prime Minister Primo understood the British bottom line.

It seemed the British were indeed unwilling to let the Spanish government acquire land in northern Morocco but were willing to accept Spain acquiring land in the south. This was good news.

Moreover, their willingness to have the Moroccan government increase the reparations was something Prime Minister Primo valued.

After all, colonial expansion was for profit. If he could get money directly, that would be even better.

“Ambassador William, our country has already paid a great price for the war with Morocco.

We can agree to relinquish our claims to land in northern Morocco, with the border there reverting to its pre-war state.

However, we wish to occupy all Moroccan territory south of Agadir, and the Moroccan government must pay our government at least five hundred million pesetas in reparations,” Prime Minister Primo said after a moment of feigned contemplation.

“Five hundred million pesetas! Prime Minister Primo, why don’t you just rob them? That is far too much. It’s an indemnity the Moroccan government simply cannot bear.

With all due respect, Prime Minister Primo, given the Moroccan government’s economic situation, the most they could accept is a reparation of twenty million pesetas,” Ambassador William said, losing his composure slightly as he addressed Primo.

Five hundred million pesetas was no small sum. The peseta was worth about the same as the franc, so this amount was equivalent to five hundred million francs, one-tenth of the indemnity France paid to Germany after the Franco-Prussian War.

The French had only paid five billion francs. How could Primo be so confident as to demand five hundred million from the Moroccan government?

Ambassador William looked at Primo with utter disbelief. Wasn’t this blatant extortion?

Robbery? Prime Minister Primo smiled to himself, answering inwardly: Isn’t this exactly what robbery is?

Obviously, such a thought was not suitable to be spoken aloud. Prime Minister Primo put on an expression of pained reluctance and said with a helpless air, “Then let’s reduce it to three hundred million pesetas, Ambassador William.

You don’t know, we have already spent at least two hundred million pesetas on this war. Adding the casualties among civilians and the army, I believe three hundred million pesetas in reparations is very reasonable.”

Ambassador William nearly scoffed aloud. Two hundred million pesetas spent on this war? It was probably not even a tenth of that.

The war had only been going on for a few days. The Spanish army primarily used rifles and artillery.

The rate of fire for both rifles and artillery at this time was relatively slow, and since the Moroccan army was poorly equipped, there was no need for suppressive fire.

Under such circumstances, how much ammunition could the Spanish army possibly have consumed?

A reasonable estimate would be that the Spanish government’s expenditure in this war of just a few days was likely not even ten million pesetas. To turn around and demand three hundred million in reparations—were they treating the British government as fools?

“Prime Minister Primo, the amount of reparations can be discussed in detail at the peace conference,” Ambassador William reminded him. “On behalf of the British government, I agree to your country’s claim to land in southern Morocco, and I also agree to the Moroccan government paying reparations to your country.

With this, is your government willing to agree to a ceasefire and enter into peace negotiations with Morocco?”

Prime Minister Primo nodded, the smile on his face no longer concealable. “Of course, Ambassador William. To be honest, the Spanish government does not desire war; we too yearn for the arrival of peace.

As long as the Moroccan government can agree to our two demands, we can cease fire at any time. And I, on behalf of the Spanish government, guarantee that the Spanish army will never again set foot on Moroccan territory.”

Receiving Primo’s nod of agreement, Ambassador William finally breathed a sigh of relief. This meeting had been more physically and mentally exhausting than his battle with two noblewomen the night before.

Fortunately, the final result was satisfactory. The Spaniards were willing to relinquish their territorial claims in northern Morocco, which was what mattered most to the British government.

As for Morocco’s reparations to Spain, was that important? Not really, not at all.

The British couldn’t care less whether the Moroccan government could afford to pay. If worst came to worst, the British government could always provide a loan to the Moroccan government.

They could set high interest rates and some additional conditions. Even if the Moroccan government ultimately couldn’t repay the loan, those attached conditions would be enough for the British government to ensure its own interests suffered no loss.

Chapter 89: The British Response

And so, the colonial war launched by the Spanish government came to an end.

Long before the war began, Prime Minister Primo had considered the true purpose of the conflict—what Spain was meant to gain from it.

Since the British government had already agreed to Spain occupying the coastline near Agadir in southern Morocco and to the Moroccan government paying reparations to the Spanish government, the war could naturally be concluded.

Unfortunately, such an opportunity was unlikely to present itself again. Otherwise, if they could do this every year, the Spanish government’s shortfall in industrial development funds would be solved.

On October 2nd, 1870, under the witness of the British Ambassador, the Spanish government and the Moroccan government began peace negotiations in Ceuta to end the war.

Unlike the brief meeting between the British Ambassador, William, and Prime Minister Primo, these peace talks concerned the interests of both Spain and Morocco and were destined to involve a great deal of wrangling.

The negotiations could last a few days at the shortest, or over ten days, even a month, at the longest. Only when a peace agreement acceptable to both sides was finalized could the talks truly be considered over.

After reaching a compromise with the British Ambassador, William, Prime Minister Primo reported to Carlo, informing him that the peace talks were beginning and the war was about to end.

Carlo felt a tinge of regret. The war had only been going on for a few days. Kaman and Andrew had just set out for the battlefield; it was clear they wouldn’t be able to win any glory.

However, as long as it was guaranteed that the Spanish government could gain more land and reparations from the war, it was still good news.

On October 2nd, the peace negotiations in Ceuta officially began.

The Spanish diplomatic representative immediately laid out Spain’s two demands: first, land, and second, money.

The Spanish government demanded that all Moroccan territories south of the Agadir-Tata line be ceded to Spain as compensation for the Spanish government and its civilians.

Secondly, the Moroccan government was to pay the Spanish government reparations of 350 million pesetas. Two hundred million pesetas of this was for the cost of Spain’s military operation, which the Moroccan government was expected to bear.

The remaining 150 million pesetas was compensation for the Spanish civilians and soldiers who were casualties in the war, as well as to cover the costs of the Spanish army’s withdrawal from Moroccan territory.

There was an additional demand: the Moroccan government must establish a demilitarized zone within the triangle formed by Tangier, Tétouan, and Ceuta, which the Moroccan army would be forbidden from entering, to prevent similar conflicts from reoccurring.

At this, the representative from the Moroccan government could no longer remain seated.

The three conditions were each more outrageous than the last; it was like holding the Moroccan representative’s feet to the fire.

Although Agadir was known as the largest city in southern Morocco, its geographical location was actually closer to the central part of the country.

The land south of the Agadir-Tata line was not a small area; for Morocco, it represented nearly one-sixth of its national territory.

Although the population here was not large compared to the northern regions, ceding nearly one-sixth of the country’s land in one go was something the Moroccan government could absolutely not agree to.

Then there was the matter of the 350 million pesetas in reparations.

This amount was an astronomical figure for the Moroccan government; they couldn’t possibly pay it even if they sold everything they had.

Combined with the final condition demanding a demilitarized zone, Morocco wouldn’t have become a Spanish colony, but what was the difference between this and becoming one?

“No, this is absolutely impossible.” The Moroccan government’s representative shot to his feet in disbelief, his angry gaze fixed on the Spanish representative. “We cannot agree to such demands. Absolutely not,” he said, rejecting them outright.

“That simplifies things, then.” The Spanish representative smiled and nodded, completely unconcerned by the Moroccan representative’s reaction. “Let the war continue. Let the outcome of the war speak for itself.

But I will offer a friendly reminder to your esteemed country: the more money we invest in this war, the higher the reparations will be after your defeat.”

Hearing the Spanish threat, the Moroccan representative quickly turned his gaze to the British Ambassador, William, seeking help from the British.

Naturally, the British couldn’t just stand by and watch the negotiations collapse. If the war were to truly continue, the development of the situation would be beyond their control.

“Gentlemen, the fact that you have both come here proves that everyone is willing to negotiate for peace.

I propose that you both take a step back and strive to reach a peace agreement that is acceptable to both sides.

Considering the Moroccan government’s specific economic situation, I believe that reparations of 350 million pesetas are unreasonable. It is an unbearable burden for them.” The British Ambassador, William, stood up, attempting to steer the negotiations back on track. ”

How about this: let’s conclude today’s negotiations here. Both sides can go back and draft a more reasonable set of demands, and we can reconvene tomorrow to discuss them. What do you say?”

The first day of peace talks ended without any progress.

The Spanish representative’s expression remained quite relaxed. Morocco was now like a lamb to the slaughter; it was impossible for them not to pay a heavy price.

This was also a characteristic of the era: underdeveloped nations had to be constantly prepared to be invaded and plundered by more powerful countries.

The saying ‘if you fall behind, you will be beaten’ was very true. ‘The weak are prey to the strong’ was the only truth in this era.

On the Moroccan side, immediately after the first day of negotiations ended, their representative sought out the British Ambassador, William, to ask for his help.

“Your Excellency, the British Ambassador, Spain’s demands are completely unacceptable for Morocco. We implore the help of the mighty British government, and we are willing to pay a corresponding price.” The Moroccan ambassador got straight to the point with William.

“Mr. Ambassador, I deeply sympathize with your government’s plight.” The British Ambassador, William, first put on a helpless expression, saying to the Moroccan representative with great regret, “But as you know, even the mighty British Empire cannot arbitrarily interfere in the decisions of other nations.

Getting the Spanish to abandon their claims to land in northern Morocco was the absolute limit of what we could do for your country. The Spanish will never give up on their idea of colonizing Morocco, and for that, we express our deepest apologies.”

Although the British government could accept Spain annexing land in southern Morocco, that didn’t mean the British wouldn’t stir up some trouble for Spain.

Using this incident to incite the Moroccans to resist Spain more fiercely was something the British government had planned long ago.

Since Spain had the audacity to launch a war against Morocco and occupy its land as a colony, then Spain should also have to bear the Moroccans’ resistance and the hatred born from having their homeland invaded.

This way, even if Spain managed to acquire a sizable colony from this war, they would become exhausted from constantly suppressing Moroccan resistance, and their losses might even outweigh their gains.

With the Spanish busy suppressing rebellions in Morocco, they would naturally have no time to entertain any ideas about British Gibraltar.

Add to that the rebels in Cuba and the Philippines, and the rebellions in these three colonies would be enough to overwhelm the Spanish government. It could even force Spain to expend vast amounts of money, manpower, and resources over a long period, ultimately weakening its national strength until it becomes a country that poses no threat to Britain whatsoever.

Chapter 90: A Great Harvest

The peace talks lasted for several days. In the end, under the witness of the British, the Spanish government and the Moroccan government jointly signed a new peace agreement: the Peace Treaty of Ceuta.

In addition to this peace treaty, both governments also agreed that for the next ten years, neither side would provoke a dispute for any reason. All conflicts were to be resolved by the neutral and witnessing nation, Great Britain.

The Spanish government, naturally, had no objection to this requirement.

Firstly, the British government was not foolish. If Spain were to use Morocco to extort money every so often, the British would not concede every time.

Secondly, in this peace treaty, the Spanish government had already obtained almost everything it wanted. The British would never agree to Spain acquiring the lands near Tétouan and Tangier in the north, and this situation was unlikely to change within the next decade.

From now on, Spain’s expansion targets should be focused on other regions in Africa, such as Guinea and the Congo, rather than Morocco, which the British already had their eyes on.

On October 9, 1870, Prime Minister Primo approached Carlo with a smile on his face to report on the progress of the peace talks.

“Your Majesty, we have achieved our objective.” Prime Minister Primo wore a very relaxed smile, clearly satisfied with the outcome of the talks.

“How did it go? Did the British finally yield?” Carlo inquired with great interest.

Though it was billed as a peace negotiation between the Spanish and Moroccan governments, it was actually the British government that made the final decisions.

Without the British government’s intervention, the war would have undoubtedly ended with the Moroccan government’s complete defeat and unconditional surrender.

“The British were willing to take a step back on the matter of territory in exchange for our concession on reparations,” Prime Minister Primo said with a smile. “Unfortunately, our proposed demilitarized zone wasn’t approved. Otherwise, we could have influenced northern Morocco through economic means.”

Carlo nodded, also in a very good mood. “Tell me, what did the Moroccans give up in this war?”

“The British agreed to our territorial claims west of the line from Agadir to Tata, as well as our colonial rights in the Western Sahara region.

We will establish the colony of Southern Morocco in southern Morocco, bringing this entire piece of land under our colonial rule,” Prime Minister Primo replied.

Carlo nodded, quite satisfied with this result. More importantly, Spain’s Governor-Generals of colonies were also appointed by the king, so gaining a new colony was equivalent to strengthening the king’s power.

“Does the government have any suggestions for the new colony’s Governor-General?” Carlo suddenly asked.

Prime Minister Primo was taken aback for a moment, a little unsure of what his king meant.

“I haven’t been in Spain for long, and I haven’t had much contact with the Spanish noblemen. Prime Minister Primo, as a native of Spain, do you have any good candidates for Governor-General to recommend to me?” Carlo rephrased his question, speaking to Prime Minister Primo with a smile.

For the time being, Carlo had no personal interest in appointing the new Governor-General. The reason was simple: he did not have anyone he trusted enough for the role.

The power of a Governor-General of a colony was quite significant. Besides being responsible only to the king, they also held military command and administrative oversight over the colony.

The new colony would certainly require troops to be stationed there. Controlling the choice of Governor-General was equivalent to controlling this colonial army.

Precisely because Carlo didn’t have a good candidate at the moment, he decided to use the position of Governor-General for a political trade with Prime Minister Primo.

At the very least, Carlo had a fair amount of trust in Prime Minister Primo. Prime Minister Primo needed power in the present, while Carlo sought power in the future; there was no major conflict between them.

Prime Minister Primo was, of course, aware that the Governor-General of a colony was appointed directly by the king. For Carlo to ask him so directly either meant he trusted him completely, or he wanted to make some kind of trade.

As far as Prime Minister Primo was concerned, he was more inclined to believe the latter—that Carlo wanted to use the position of Governor-General to gain some other benefits.

But what kind of benefits did Carlo want in return? Primo was a little hesitant.

“Let’s continue with our gains from this operation. How much will we receive in reparations?” Carlo asked with a smile.

Hearing Carlo change the subject, Prime Minister Primo quickly replied, “A total of seventy-five million pesetas in reparations, Your Majesty.”

“Our diplomatic representatives talked themselves hoarse, but unfortunately, the British would only agree to seventy-five million pesetas, not a bit more.”

“That’s not bad at all, Mr. Prime Minister.” Carlo was quite satisfied with the amount. Seventy-five million pesetas was worth about 2.88 million pounds, a considerable boost for Spain’s current reforms and development.

If they added the low-interest loan from Italy, Spain would basically have no shortage of funds for development in the coming years.

Moreover, these seventy-five million pesetas were practically obtained for free. Spain’s expenses in the war against Morocco amounted to less than one million pesetas.

“With these funds, our industrial construction can be put on the agenda, right?” Carlo asked, recalling the new industrial zone whose construction had been postponed due to a lack of funding.

“Of course, Your Majesty.” A smile reappeared on Prime Minister Primo’s face. He was now very hopeful about the success of Spain’s reforms and the smooth development of its industry.

“That’s truly good news.” Carlo smiled and nodded, holding high expectations for Spain’s future strength. “But we must not neglect our education either. I hope that while our Five-Year Plan for industrial development is successfully completed, we can also reduce the national illiteracy rate to below fifty-five percent.”

Although reducing the illiteracy rate from over seventy percent to under fifty-five percent might only seem like a fifteen percent drop, for a country like Spain with a total population of over sixteen million, it meant that at least 2.5 million illiterate people needed to achieve an elementary school level of education or higher.

Although a large-scale literacy campaign had already begun, reducing the illiterate population by more than two million in less than five years was still a daunting task.

After all, the Spanish government was focusing most of its energy on reform and industrial development. While education was also given importance, its overall funding was not very high.

“I will do my best, Your Majesty.” Prime Minister Primo nodded. He certainly understood the importance of education for national development, but the problem was that improving education in Spain was not so simple at the moment.

The literacy campaign had to be carried out alongside an increase in national income for more Spaniards to be willing to receive an education. If the average Spaniard could not even afford to eat, who would be in the mood to go to school?

This also meant that for the illiteracy rate to drop significantly, the average annual income per capita had to be effectively raised. It was not a problem that could be solved simply by pouring money into education.

Chapter 91: The Generator and the Electric Motor

As it turned out, good things really did come in pairs.

Not long after the Peace treaty of Ceuta was signed, Carlo received another piece of good news: after several months of hard work, Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory had successfully built an alternating current generator and a direct current generator.

Carlo was not the least bit surprised by the speed at which the Electricity Laboratory produced the generators.

Back in France, Gramme had already built two types of generators, so he was quite familiar with their principles and the specific manufacturing process.

Although he had relocated to Spain, he now had Carlo’s full support, as well as some of his former colleagues from France. Not only did this prevent any slowdown in the manufacturing speed, but it actually accelerated it.

After all, the earliest generators did not require any overly precise equipment, especially not small-scale experimental ones. For a man like Gramme, building such a machine was no challenge at all.

When Carlo learned that the generators had been successfully built, he was quite thrilled.

Though these generators would seem rather crude by later standards, they represented Spain’s first step in exploring electrification.

As the saying goes, the first step is always the hardest. Only by developing a generator could Spain’s path to electrification truly begin.

With generators came electricity, and for Carlo, figuring out how to use this new form of energy was not a difficult task.

To a certain extent, generators and electric motors operated on similar principles. One simply converted kinetic energy into electrical energy, while the other converted electrical energy into kinetic energy.

Besides the generator, Carlo was even more familiar with another tool that made widespread use of electricity: the light bulb.

His education from a future era had firmly ingrained in him the knowledge that the material ultimately used in light bulbs was the tungsten filament.

While the technology of the current era might not be capable of producing a tungsten filament suitable for a light bulb, what did that have to do with Carlo?

His task was simply to propose the tungsten filament light bulb as a concept to the experts researching them.

As for how to produce the tungsten filament and experiment with the light bulb, that was a matter for scientists to consider, not the king.

Considering the future importance of electricity, the otherwise idle Carlo decided to personally visit the Electricity Laboratory to see how their research was progressing.

Fortunately, the Electricity Laboratory was not far from the Royal Palace of Madrid. Seated in the royal family’s exclusive luxury carriage, enjoying the attentive service of a maid, Carlo soon arrived at the laboratory in the suburbs.

“It certainly is much more impressive than before,” Carlo remarked, having already caught sight of the newly completed experimental area from his carriage. It was much more developed than on his last visit.

Both the Electricity Laboratory’s main building and the Engine Company’s Engine Research Office were built in a fine and proper style.

As they were new constructions, the entire complex looked quite grand. The V-shaped comprehensive building at the heart of the experimental area was particularly impressive, standing head and shoulders above the other buildings in the area, none of which exceeded three stories.

Leaving his two maids in the carriage, Carlo headed towards the Electricity Laboratory with a detachment of guards.

In order not to disturb Gramme and the others at their experiments, Carlo had deliberately not announced his arrival, which was why no one from the laboratory was there to greet him.

However, Carlo didn’t care for such empty formalities. He would only be truly pleased if the Electricity Laboratory produced results; that was, after all, why he had founded it.

Having toured the experimental area before, Carlo was quite familiar with the layout and knew his way to the Electricity Laboratory.

After instructing the troops stationed on the perimeter to continue their patrols and remain discreet, Carlo entered the building.

The Electricity Laboratory was bustling with activity. With the two generators completed, Gramme and his colleagues had begun discussing the utilization of electrical energy.

They could indeed generate electricity with the generators, but the question was, how should this electricity be used?

Or to put it another way, how could they prove that electrical energy was a more effective and cheaper source of power?

Currently, there were two avenues of exploration for the application of electricity: one was lighting, and the other was motive power.

However, both lines of inquiry were in their most nascent stages, and it was difficult to demonstrate the utility of electricity, which was why electrical professionals had not received much attention up to this point.

Even if one could build a generator and produce electricity, the problem was that electricity currently had no practical use.

One could store the generated electricity in lead-acid batteries, but what was the point of that?

If electricity could not be used effectively, it was utterly worthless.

Leaving a few guards to wait outside the laboratory door, Carlo pushed it open and was immediately greeted by the sound of fervent discussion from within.

“It seems quite lively in here,” Carlo said with a smile.

Gramme and the others in the lab heard the door open and Carlo’s voice. They quickly looked up to see that the king had already entered.

“Your Majesty!”

Everyone stopped their discussion and bowed to Carlo.

They had no choice; Carlo was the great benefactor of the Electricity Laboratory. The lab’s research funding depended entirely on him, which made their respect for him genuine. They were eager to find any way to convince Carlo to increase their research budget.

“Please forgive me, Your Majesty.” Gramme stepped forward appropriately, offering his apologies to Carlo. “I did not receive a notice from the Royal Palace, which is why I was not there to welcome you.”

“It’s quite all right, Mr. Gramme. I gave the order. Your experiments are more important,” Carlo replied with a smile and a nod, unconcerned with such formalities.

“I hear both generators have been successfully built?” Carlo asked, his curious gaze sweeping the laboratory in search of the machines.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Gramme explained quickly. “We have built a direct current generator and an alternating current generator, and we are now exploring the uses of electricity. Please look, Your Majesty, these are the two generators we are using for our experiments. We have tested them, and both can generate electricity.”

Carlo looked at the two small, seemingly rudimentary machines without any disdain, but rather with a look of curiosity and satisfaction. “Do you have any devices for storing electricity at present?”

“We have lead-acid batteries, Your Majesty,” Gramme continued. “This is what we are currently using to store electrical energy. It ensures we have a certain amount of power for experiments even when the generators are not running.”

The lead-acid battery was invented in 1859 by the French physicist Gaston Planté. It was naturally associated with electricity, and since Gramme and the others had previously worked for a French power company, it was only logical that they were familiar with it.

After all, it was the only rechargeable battery in the world at the time, more advanced than the earlier Voltaic pile and Daniell cell, and more suitable for the various research projects at the Electricity Laboratory.

“What stage are you at now? Are you facing any difficulties?” Carlo inquired further.

Although Carlo’s own knowledge of electricity was not extensive, if transported back to 1870, over one hundred fifty years in the past, the bits of knowledge in his mind were still quite useful.

The idea of a tungsten filament light bulb alone was enough to save Spain several years of taking the wrong path, as most light bulb research at the time was focused on carbon filaments.

As electricity slowly began to develop, the war between Edison and Tesla over direct and alternating current would follow.

In truth, both direct current and alternating current had their own advantages and disadvantages, and they were used in different scenarios. Even in later eras, while alternating current was predominantly used in daily life, direct current still had widespread applications in industry.

Unfortunately, Tesla was still too young at this time. Otherwise, Carlo would have genuinely considered bringing him to Spain to work on electricity.

He could give Tesla a few years to grow without interfering too much in his development. When the time came for Tesla to start looking for work as an adult, Carlo could send someone to bring him to Spain.

Tesla’s abilities were truly remarkable. Over his lifetime, he obtained approximately one thousand patents, with his research spanning fields such as alternating current, radio, wireless power transmission, ball lightning, turbines, magnifying transmitters, particle beam weapons, solar engines, X-ray equipment, electrical meters, missile science, remote sensing technology, aircraft, cosmic rays, radar systems, and robotics—a seemingly miscellaneous collection.

For an ordinary scientist, specializing in just one of these fields would require the majority of their energy, and it would still take a bit of luck to make any famous discoveries.

Yet for Tesla, he made contributions in almost all these areas, with some being quite outstanding, which was truly precious.

It was only later in his life, due to becoming somewhat fixated on minute details in his research, that he ended up with the reputation of a mad scientist. Also, because he relinquished his patent for alternating current, he, who should have become fabulously wealthy, remained destitute, becoming one of the most famous examples of a figure with outstanding scientific contributions who lived a poor and tragic life.

If Tesla had not given up his AC patent, he would have been paid a royalty of about 2.5 US dollars for every horsepower of alternating current produced.

This would have been an extraordinarily large income, though for someone of Tesla’s relatively common background, whether he could have actually collected that patent fee was another question.

“We have currently completed experiments on generating and storing electricity, but we are still facing many problems regarding the application of electrical energy,” Gramme reported truthfully.

As he spoke, Gramme’s expression was a bit embarrassed, clearly vexed that despite Carlo’s strong support, he had not yet achieved any major breakthroughs.

“Speaking of the application of electrical energy, I have a few ideas myself,” Carlo said with a smile. “Mr. Gramme, have you ever considered using the principle of the generator in reverse?”

Gramme froze for a moment, his mind clearly blank, but he managed to continue, “Your Majesty, are you saying…?”

Carlo nodded and explained with a smile, “Since electrical energy can be generated from kinetic energy, why not try generating kinetic energy from electrical energy? A generator can produce electricity, so in reverse, why can’t it use electricity? I believe this is a very good line of thought. Why don’t you give it a try, Mr. Gramme?”

Gramme nodded slowly, then suddenly it clicked. An ecstatic smile spread across his face as he looked at Carlo with gratitude. “My God! What a wonderful idea! Why didn’t I think of that? Your Majesty, you are a true genius! If you were also in the field of electricity, I’m afraid all those other electrical scientists would have starved long ago.”

Carlo smiled and shook his head. “It was just a sudden thought of mine. Whether it will work or not will depend on the actual experiment.”

Conducting the relevant experiment was quite simple.

Gramme had his men bring over two direct current generators and began the test of the generator and the electric motor.

The principle of the test was also simple. A generator was meant to produce electricity. If the electricity produced by the first generator was transmitted to the second, what wonderful thing would happen?

Under the watchful eyes of everyone present, Gramme began to wire the two generators.

After connecting all the wires and checking them meticulously, Gramme ordered his subordinate, “Start the first generator!”

Following a countdown, the first generator was started.

“Electricity is being generated!” The current flowed through the test circuit, and the experimenter successfully detected the production of electricity.

Hearing that electricity was being generated, everyone’s gaze immediately shifted to the second generator.

As the current entered the armature coil of the second generator, it caused the machine to begin spinning at an incredible speed.

“God, it’s real! This is unbelievable!” Gramme stared wildly at the two generators running simultaneously, tears already welling up in his eyes.

The other experimenters were in a similar state. They had never imagined that a practical application for electrical energy would be realized through a single marvelous idea from Carlo.

“Your Majesty, I have a wonderful idea. Please wait just a few minutes,” Gramme, having just discovered the electric motor, could no longer contain his excitement and made a request to Carlo.

Carlo nodded, waiting quietly for Gramme to bring his idea to life.

The device Gramme wanted to build was actually quite simple, at least in principle, for Carlo to understand.

It was a small waterfall apparatus, with a reservoir at both the top and the bottom. When water was released from the upper reservoir, it powered a hydraulic engine to generate electricity.

This electricity was then transmitted to an electric motor at the bottom, and the operation of the motor would pump the water from the lower reservoir back up to the upper one.

Of course, this was merely a demonstration of the use of electrical energy, not a perfect perpetual motion machine. Such a device was not self-sustaining; there would be additional energy losses during the generation and use of electricity. Gramme’s purpose in creating it was simply to more clearly demonstrate the functions of the generator and the electric motor.

This novel device immediately drew praise from everyone in the laboratory, and even Carlo was quite surprised.

This also showcased the ingenuity and hands-on ability of scientists of this era. To be able to create a corresponding simulated use-case immediately after the discovery of the electric motor made Carlo even more curious about what kind of rapid advancements the electricity industry would see in the future.

Chapter 92: The Idea of a University

Looking at the demonstration models of the generator and electric motor he had built with his own hands, Gramme couldn’t help but shed tears.

As a pioneer in the field of electricity, Gramme had dedicated his entire life to electrical experiments, constantly dreaming that his research would bear fruit.

Now, it had, but it had been born from just a few words from Carlo. This filled Gramme with a great deal of emotion.

“Your Majesty, you are the true hero of the electrical industry. If electricity is one day adopted by countries all over the world, you will have played a crucial role in the progress of humanity and the development of the world,” Gramme said to Carlo, his voice thick with emotion.

“No, the credit is not mine.” Carlo shook his head, attributing the achievement to Gramme and the other researchers. “This is the result of your hard work. I merely provided an idea.

“If not for your years of research in the electrical field and your creation of a generator that could be used for experiments, my idea would have remained just that—an idea.

“Mr. Gramme, and all the researchers who participated in this experiment, you are the true heroes of human progress.

“To celebrate this new breakthrough in electrical research, I will hold a victory banquet for you, and each of you will receive a check from the Royal Bank.

“Gentlemen, please continue your hard work. I will not be stingy with your rewards, and Spain will not forget your contributions!”

Carlo’s speech won the goodwill of everyone in the laboratory. Not to mention anything else, the numbers on the checks represented real money, something even these researchers, whose salaries had already been greatly increased, would not refuse.

Besides, they had no reason to refuse. Carlo had placed all the credit on their shoulders, and they had been transformed into heroes of Spain.

For these researchers, Carlo chose to continue employing methods to win their hearts and minds.

After all, they had come a long way from France to Spain, and Carlo would not mistreat these researchers who were willing to take up Spanish citizenship.

After once again encouraging the researchers at the Electricity Laboratory, Carlo left, quite satisfied, and headed to the adjacent Engine Research Office to check on their progress.

Since he was already in the research area for an inspection, he might as well visit both laboratories and see how Benz and his team were progressing with the engine.

The Engine Research Office was much quieter than the Electricity Laboratory; after all, its entire staff was less than one-sixth the size of the other lab’s.

However, the three men working in the Engine Research Office—Benz, Daimler, and Maybach—were all figures who would become world-famous in later generations. Carlo’s expectations for the Engine Research Office were not much lower than his expectations for the Electricity Laboratory.

After all, the applications for an engine were incredibly broad. Besides common modes of transport like airplanes and automobiles, they could also be used in agricultural machinery like tractors and military weapons such as fighter jets and tanks.

If engine development went well, it would be a tremendous help to both the civilian and military sectors in the future. While Carlo didn’t expect the trio to develop a particularly powerful engine, he would be satisfied if they could maintain a certain lead in the current global field of engine research, or at least remain in the top three.

In any case, there would be more talent in the engine field to come, and it wouldn’t be too late to recruit them one by one.

Currently, engines, much like electricity, were still in their infancy. Even famous engine developers like Diesel were only teenagers at this time.

Walking straight into the Engine Research Office, the three men quickly noticed Carlo.

“Your Majesty!” They all bowed, unable to hide the surprise on their faces.

“The Electricity Laboratory has had a breakthrough, so I thought I’d stop by to see your research,” Carlo said with a smile.

Hearing this, Benz and the others immediately felt a sense of urgency. The Electricity Laboratory and the Engine Research Office had been established at the same time, and their arrival in Spain had only been a few days apart from Gramme’s.

But in just that short time, the Electricity Laboratory had already achieved something significant enough to attract Carlo’s personal attention.

Meanwhile, their Engine Research Office was still in the midst of intense research and design, clearly having fallen far behind.

“Your Majesty, our four-stroke engine is already in the design and experimental phase. We expect a prototype to be ready for testing within two years, and a more refined four-stroke engine to begin testing within five years,” Benz hurriedly reported on the laboratory’s progress.

“A four-stroke engine?” Carlo inquired.

“Yes, the four-stroke engine will consist of four piston strokes: the intake stroke, the compression stroke, the power stroke, and the exhaust stroke.

“In our design, if such an engine can be realized, its thermal efficiency could increase from the 11% of an atmospheric engine to over 13%, and we could effectively reduce the engine’s mass and size.

“If such an engine becomes a reality, perhaps we can explore related vehicle improvements based on it,” Daimler continued.

The four-stroke engine was a project that Daimler and Maybach had already begun researching back in Germany.

The concept of thermal efficiency was easy to understand; it could be seen as the ratio of the engine’s power output to the fuel input.

The common atmospheric engines of the time had a thermal efficiency of only 11%, which meant that about 89% of the fuel was wasted—a staggering figure.

Furthermore, the sheer size of atmospheric engines made them unsuitable for modifying carriages into vehicles.

Any vehicle built using an atmospheric engine would be enormous. Because of its massive size, the vehicle would not only look clumsy but also be extremely cumbersome to operate.

Such a clumsy vehicle was inferior to a horse-drawn carriage, which was why many factories were exploring ways to improve the engine.

As the heart of a vehicle, the sophistication of an engine determined the sophistication of the vehicle itself. If there was something wrong with the engine, it was like a person having a heart condition—fatal for the vehicle.

Carlo nodded, but he was somewhat dissatisfied with the Engine Research Office’s progress.

A prototype for testing in two years, and a refined test unit in five—didn’t that mean it would take at least five years before a perfected four-stroke engine could be put into use?

“Isn’t that too long? Can’t the timeline be compressed a bit so we can see a finished four-stroke engine sooner?” Carlo frowned and asked with a hint of displeasure.

“Your Majesty, it’s not that we’re unwilling to shorten the timeline. The problem is that the laboratory is severely understaffed. We have to handle most of the design and testing ourselves, which wastes at least half of the development cycle.

“If we had enough people, I am confident that Your Majesty could see a finished four-stroke engine within three years—a product that has been tested and possesses both stability and practicality,” Daimler said with a sense of helplessness.

Back at their previous company in Germany, although they were in charge of the specific research and development, they at least had enough staff at their disposal.

It was different here in Spain. While the compensation was excellent, there were simply too few people available to them.

The dozen or so people Carlo had managed to scrape together knew too little about engines; they still needed time to learn and grow.

During this period, almost all the research on the four-stroke engine was being conducted personally by Benz, Daimler, and Maybach.

It was already difficult for three people to develop a complete four-stroke engine, let alone compress the time cost. It was truly an uphill battle.

Carlo nodded. He was also aware of the current staffing shortage at the Engine Research Office.

“I will find a way to resolve the manpower issue. Within two years, the staff at the Engine Research Office will increase to over one hundred people. I will also invite technical experts in the engine field from all over Europe to strive for an earlier debut of our four-stroke engine,” Carlo said reassuringly.

Although engine technology was still in its early stages, it didn’t mean there was a lack of related talent worldwide.

If nothing else, he could still attract a hundred or so relevant talents with generous immigration terms, though their quality would certainly not be as high as Benz and the other two.

However, the Engine Research Office didn’t need people of exceptionally high ability right now; mid-to-high-level individuals who could serve as assistants would be sufficient.

Benz and his partners had already been tested by history. In the automotive and engine fields, if not top-tier talents, they were certainly above excellent.

Moreover, the four-stroke engine was originally their research project, just under the Otto Company. Now in Spain, with Carlo’s even greater support, he believed they would develop the four-stroke engine sooner than in the original timeline and build an experimental vehicle based on it.

Hearing Carlo promise to increase the number of researchers at the Engine Research Office to over a hundred within two years, Benz and the others breathed a sigh of relief.

Some experiments simply couldn’t be done with so few people. With more minds to brainstorm, the feasibility of experiments would also increase significantly.

Thinking of this, Carlo couldn’t help but feel a headache coming on.

It seemed that Spain, in its current state, lagged far behind Italy.

Although Italy’s overall level was not impressive, the industry and economy of Northern Italy were quite good, and the former Kingdom of Sardinia had placed a relatively high value on cultivating talent.

While Italy didn’t have the rich talent pools of Britain, France, or Germany, it had a sufficient supply of mid-to-high-level talent.

In this regard, Spain was already far behind. Spain not only lacked top-tier experts but also had a severe shortage of the mainstay talent that formed the backbone of a laboratory.

It was bad enough that Spanish universities had few physics and chemistry departments, but most of them were also largely for show, making it difficult to cultivate sufficiently outstanding physicists and chemists.

After leaving the research area, Carlo went straight to the Royal Palace.

To remedy Spain’s talent shortage, Carlo decided to build a university specifically for cultivating talent in physics and chemistry.

Carlo already had a name in mind: the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry. The name alone made the university’s focus clear.

To show how much importance he placed on this university specializing in physics and chemistry, Carlo decided that all the outstanding physicists and chemists Spain recruited in the future would teach there, striving to cultivate more rising stars in physics and chemistry for Spain.

After sharing his idea with Loren the steward, Loren expressed his strong approval and gave his own reason: “I believe building such a university is very necessary, Your Majesty.

“Having ‘Royal’ in its name will also make the outstanding graduates from this university understand who they should work for and whom they should serve.”

“Are our funds sufficient? If we were to build such a university, when is the earliest it could begin enrolling students?” Carlo nodded, his resolve to build a university strengthening.

However, building a university from scratch would take a long time. Everything from school facilities, especially the construction of laboratories for experiments, to the purchase of textbooks and the recruitment of renowned university lecturers and professors was crucial.

Without good teachers, such a university would struggle to produce sufficiently outstanding graduates. To attract those top physicists and chemists from around the world, funds were essential, and they might even have to promise some additional conditions.

“It should be no problem.” Loren nodded; he was well aware of the royal family’s current financial situation. “If we were to build a university from scratch, it would likely take at least three years before it could open for enrollment.

“But if we were to renovate a suitable existing building and only build the necessary laboratories, we might be able to reduce some of the time cost.

“However, to build a university that can continuously produce talent, a certain investment of time is indispensable.

“I estimate the construction of the university will take at least two to three years, and the total funds we’ll need to invest will be at least ten million pesetas to start,” Loren replied.

Carlo nodded, unsurprised by the large sum.

In fact, constructing the university itself wouldn’t cost that much. The biggest costs would be building the laboratories and purchasing textbooks and experimental equipment.

The largest expense would be recruiting the university’s lecturers and professors, making them willing to cultivate enough outstanding talent for Spain.

However, as the academy developed and gained a certain level of international recognition, it would attract more people to enroll.

Even if it couldn’t be self-sustaining, having a university that could continuously produce excellent talent was extremely important.

It wasn’t that Carlo distrusted Spain’s existing universities; the problem was that their specializations were of little use to Spain.

Several universities were famous for literature and arts. What did Spain need with so many literature and arts specialists right now?

For universities at present, physics and chemistry were the top priorities, and medicine was also very important. Next would be education, to train more excellent teachers who could, in turn, teach more students to enroll in universities.

Chapter 93: The Choice for Dean

Loren the steward could see Carlo’s anticipation and urgency regarding the construction of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry.

Upon receiving the order from Carlo, Loren immediately began planning the school’s location and handling some of the preliminary preparations.

The Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry was certainly to be built near Madrid, so the site was naturally chosen in the city’s outskirts.

The good news was that there was a location on the outskirts of Madrid where a private university had once been built, though it eventually went bankrupt. The buildings there could still be used after some repairs; they would only need to construct a few more laboratories to meet the initial needs of a university.

Although Carlo had high hopes for the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry, he didn’t expect it to become a world-renowned science university in its first few years.

Carlo’s expectation was that within five years, the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry would be able to steadily produce over five hundred talented individuals in physics and chemistry-related fields annually.

With a gradual accumulation, Spain could still close a significant gap in its talent reserves, at least so that certain research areas wouldn’t be as short-staffed as they were now.

After entrusting the construction of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry to Loren, Carlo turned his attention to selecting a suitable dean for the institution.

Although it was an academy for physics and chemistry, this didn’t mean its dean had to be an expert in those subjects.

After all, teaching was the job of the university’s instructors and professors. A university president—or dean, in this case—should focus more on the school’s development, thinking about how to cultivate more talent for Carlo and for Spain.

Considering Loren’s busy schedule, Carlo assigned the task of selecting suitable candidates for the deanship from within Spain to Kadir.

Kadir did not disappoint Carlo’s trust. After a week of investigation, he submitted a detailed list of candidates to the king.

“José Echegaray?” Carlo looked at the name on the list. It seemed somewhat familiar, but he couldn’t quite place it.

“Yes, Your Majesty. Mr. Echegaray was born in Madrid and is of Basque heritage. He currently works at the Madrid Academy of Exact Sciences and has published The Modern Theory of the Physical Unity of Forces and Problems in Analytical Geometry. His teaching ability is outstanding in Spain,” Kadir explained.

Carlo nodded, examining the detailed information on Echegaray.

According to the current investigation, although Echegaray was of Basque heritage, he was born and raised in Madrid and was more supportive of the Spanish government’s rule.

From this point alone, Echegaray already had a certain advantage. Appointing him as dean would also show the Basque people that Carlo’s attitude toward Spaniards and Basques was the same, and that Spaniards did not reject the presence of the Basque people.

As he continued to read, Carlo finally remembered who Echegaray was. Echegaray was quite famous in Spain; he was one of the country’s few Nobel Prize laureates and the very first Spaniard to receive one.

The problem was, in Carlo’s memory, none of Spain’s Nobel laureates had won in the fields of physics or chemistry. He seemed to recall Echegaray had won for literature.

Someone skilled in literature serving as the dean of an academy of physics and chemistry—wasn’t that a bit too strange?

“José Echegaray?” Carlo asked, a little surprised. “If I remember correctly, wasn’t he also the Director of Public Works during the Provisional Government?

Are you sure he is suitable to be the dean of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry?”

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Kadir quickly explained. “Although Mr. Echegaray often writes for publications like The Economist, The Truth, and even our own The Spanish Sun, his university major was indeed mathematics.

I can only say that Mr. Echegaray’s passion for literature is no less than his achievements in mathematics, but to date, he is certainly more famous for mathematics and municipal engineering.”

Carlo nodded, dispelling the surprise in his mind.

If Echegaray’s background was in mathematics, then it wouldn’t be strange for him to serve as the dean of an academy of physics and chemistry. After all, a subject like mathematics is closely linked to both physics and chemistry; to a certain extent, math, physics, and chemistry are inseparable.

His surprise allayed, Carlo couldn’t help but feel a certain admiration for Echegaray. To have achieved significant success in mathematics, public works, and literature simultaneously would, in later eras, be considered the level of someone who blossomed in both the arts and sciences.

Although he hadn’t won any major awards in mathematics, his career as a math teacher was renowned in Spain.

And his literary hobby had even earned him the Nobel Prize in Literature, one of the highest honors in the field in later times.

It was no exaggeration to say he excelled in both the arts and sciences. Considering that in history he had also held government positions such as Minister of Commerce, Minister of Finance, and Minister of Public Education, Echegaray was truly one of Spain’s few all-around talents.

Looking at Echegaray, then at the other candidates on the list, the difference was already clear.

At present, Spain lacked any top-tier talent in physics and chemistry. Those suitable to be the dean of an academy of physics and chemistry were extremely rare.

Among the many candidates, Echegaray was indeed a more suitable choice, whether in terms of his resume or his personal abilities.

Rubbing his brow, Carlo finally made a decision. “Echegaray is the provisional choice for the dean of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry. Have him come see me tomorrow.

The construction of the academy can be completed as early as next year, and I hope the work of assembling the academy can also begin soon. This concerns Spain’s focused cultivation of talent, so the sooner the academy is established, the better.”

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Kadir nodded and went to inform Echegaray.

Speaking of which, Echegaray’s life had changed slightly due to Carlo’s interference.

Historically, Echegaray should have been serving as a minister in the Spanish government during this period. But now, because Prime Minister Primo had not been assassinated, the Spanish government was much more stable than before. Other than his official post as Director of Public Works during the Provisional Government, Echegaray hadn’t been deeply involved in officialdom.

Although the deanship of the soon-to-be-established Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry carried no administrative rank, that didn’t mean it lacked influence.

If he could win Carlo’s trust, he would certainly have the opportunity to enter politics after completing his term as dean.

Moreover, the talented individuals cultivated by the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry would be more likely to enter the Royal Academy of Sciences, or even be granted a noble title through their own scientific research.

If that day ever came, the influence of the dean of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry would grow, and entering politics would become even easier.

Early the next morning, Echegaray arrived at the Royal Palace, requesting an audience with Carlo.

Carlo had just gotten up and washed with the help of a maid when he heard a guard report that Echegaray had already been waiting for a long time.

Somewhat bemused by Echegaray’s early arrival, Carlo decided to invite him to breakfast, where they could also discuss the future construction of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry.

As he was led by the guard to Carlo’s favorite small dining room, Echegaray’s heart was filled with apprehension.

Although he was born in Madrid and had achieved considerable success in his teaching career, this was the first time he had been invited to have breakfast with the king.

In fact, let alone breakfast, this was his first private meeting with a king. Though he was a staunch supporter of the Spanish government, Queen Isabella had never shown any interest in an academic.

“Your Majesty!” The moment he saw Carlo, Echegaray gave him a standard Spanish bow and greeted him nervously.

“Good morning, Mr. Echegaray,” Carlo said with a nod, gesturing for Echegaray to sit down.

As a supporter of the Spanish government, Echegaray was both nervous and expectant about meeting the king. But upon sensing Carlo’s kindness and approachable demeanor, he couldn’t help but relax a little, his whole body less tense.

“Mr. Echegaray, has Kadir told you my decision?” Carlo asked with a smile.

When it came to talented people he could use, Carlo was quite willing to show a kind attitude.

For Carlo, his status as king was his greatest asset in recruiting talent. A king showing a kind and approachable attitude—let alone toward talented people born in a monarchy, even those who grew up steeped in republican ideals would find it impossible not to be moved.

“Mr. Kadir has told me, Your Majesty. It is my honor to serve as the dean of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry. I will do my utmost to build the academy and not betray Your Majesty’s trust,” Echegaray said with a nod, his voice full of gratitude and honor.

An ordinary academy of physics and chemistry wouldn’t have held that much appeal for Echegaray. But with the addition of the word “Royal,” its allure skyrocketed.

Serving as the dean of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry was not only a credential, but it also brought Echegaray into Carlo’s line of sight.

If he did a good job as dean, there might be opportunities for further advancement in the future. Although the Spanish Cabinet was appointed by the Prime Minister, who in turn was elected from the Congress of Deputies.

But for Carlo, the King of Spain, if he wanted to promote someone, getting them into politics was not a difficult matter.

“Mr. Echegaray, do you have any plans for the development of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry?” Carlo nodded and, with a smile, presented his test.

While serving as the dean of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry didn’t require top-tier specialized knowledge, one at least had to be proficient in the workings of an academy and understand what Carlo’s purpose was.

To use an analogy, if the academy was a company, the dean, as its manager, had to have a reasonable development plan for the entire company and satisfy the plans of the shareholder behind the scenes, Carlo.

Chapter 94: The Meeting

“A plan for the future development of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry?” Echegaray did not rush to answer Carlo’s question. After carefully pondering the matter and organizing his thoughts, he finally spoke. “Your Majesty’s purpose in founding the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry must be based on Spain’s thirst for talent in physics and chemistry.

“Physics and chemistry are not highly valued majors in Spanish universities, which has led to a current shortage of outstanding graduates in these fields.

“I have three points to consider for the future development of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry.

“First, we must do our utmost to hire outstanding professors and experts in physics and chemistry from all over Europe, using their professional knowledge to train more excellent graduates for us.

“Second, the state of education in Spain dictates that our academy’s future student pool will be limited. I believe the academy cannot be large, at least not until Spain’s overall education level improves.

“I propose limiting the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry’s annual enrollment to around four hundred students. Although four hundred is not many, if we focus on cultivating these students, perhaps the quality of our graduates will be higher than that of ordinary universities.

“Once Spain’s education level has risen, we can then increase the annual enrollment in stages. It will not be too late to provide Spain with more talent then.

“My third point is to provide a certain level of subsidy and attention to the academy’s students.

“In fact, it’s not just in Spain; in many countries and universities, students are forced to drop out because they cannot afford the tuition.

“Should such a situation occur, we could very well lose a potential physicist or chemist. It would be better to directly provide subsidies to the students, reducing their tuition fees to ensure that talented students can receive the best possible education.”

After hearing Echegaray’s opinions, Carlo was even more satisfied with his decision to appoint him as the dean of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry.

Universities of this era were not like those of the future, which had staggeringly large campuses and countless graduates each year.

Contemporary universities were more inclined to be small-scale. The average annual enrollment for a Spanish university was between two hundred and five hundred students, and it was rare for any university in the world to enroll over a thousand students per year.

Why was Carlo so eager and expectant about training university students? Because in this era, a university diploma was practically the highest level of education one could attain.

Never mind a university diploma; even an elementary school education classified someone as an educated, cultured person in Spain. Those with a middle school education were a priority demographic for recruitment by factories and companies.

As for university graduates, they generally had no trouble finding work. Including Echegaray himself, university graduates of the time could choose to stay on as professors, continue research in their field, or find a higher-paying job. Becoming part of the middle class was quite easy.

As for why there were so few university students, for countries with higher education levels, the main reason was the exorbitant tuition fees.

But for a country like Spain with a lower level of education, besides the high tuition fees, another reason was that the majority of the populace was either illiterate or had only an elementary school education. Could one really expect these people to apply to university?

Echegaray’s proposal to limit the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry’s initial enrollment to four hundred was not far from the five hundred Carlo had been considering, which was another point of satisfaction for him.

If Echegaray had made a wild boast about enrolling over a thousand students, Carlo would have become suspicious and questioned him.

Limiting the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry’s enrollment to under five hundred was the best choice. For a university still under construction, too many students would be an additional burden.

What Carlo wanted were talented individuals in physics and chemistry who graduated with a wealth of knowledge and a certain degree of practical ability, not just university students with a diploma.

A rich store of knowledge and practical skills were paramount. A university diploma was merely a byproduct of their studies.

“Excellent.” Carlo nodded in satisfaction, a smile on his face as he said to Echegaray, “From this moment on, you are the dean of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry. I hope that under your leadership, this academy will become Spain’s highest institution for physics and chemistry, a sanctuary for talent in these fields throughout Europe.

“Regarding the academy’s construction, if you encounter any funding issues, you may apply for more from my steward, Loren. I look forward to the results of the construction, and I look forward to seeing the heights the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry will reach under your guidance.”

“It is my honor, Your Majesty.” Echegaray stood up, his face filled with pride and excitement. “I will absolutely not betray your trust. The Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry will become the cradle of Spanish scientists, providing you with a continuous stream of scientific talent.”

Thus, a pleasant meeting came to an end. After enjoying a breakfast in Carlo’s private dining room that was not luxurious but very sumptuous, Echegaray bid farewell to Carlo and left to prepare for the construction of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry.

Being a brand-new university, the difficulty of serving as its dean was greater than that of being the president of any other university.

But the benefits were also many. If he performed his duties well and earned Carlo’s trust, the rewards for Echegaray would be even greater.

Not long after Echegaray left, Prime Minister Primo came to seek an audience with Carlo to report on the construction of the colony of Southern Morocco.

After the Peace treaty was signed, the Spanish army began the process of taking control of all land south of the Agadir-Tata line.

With the British government acting as a witness, the Moroccan government knew what was best for it. Despite their pained reluctance, they obediently withdrew from these areas, handing over control to the Spanish army and government.

Now that the Spanish army had successfully taken over the region, it was time to discuss the establishment of the colony of Southern Morocco and the selection of its Governor-General.

Prime Minister Primo recalled that Carlo had previously seemed to want him to recommend a candidate for Governor-General himself.

Part of his purpose in coming to report today was to probe Carlo’s intentions, to see what his goal was, and to decide on his own next move.

Carlo was also quite looking forward to the establishment of the colony of Southern Morocco. The history of Spain as the empire on which the sun never set was long past. Currently, apart from Cuba and the Philippines, which were still fairly large, the rest of Spain’s colonies were small territories.

The establishment of the colony of Southern Morocco would mean that not only had Carlo not lost any colonies for the Spanish government, but he had also gained one very close to home.

Although, apart from the reasonably sized city of Agadir, the rest of this colony was largely uninhabited, it was at least a colony.

More importantly, the establishment of the colony of Southern Morocco signified that during Carlo’s reign, the focus of Spanish colonial expansion had officially shifted to Africa.

Once the situation stabilized and a suitable opportunity arose, Carlo would consider selling Cuba and the Philippines to other countries in exchange for other benefits.

In fact, based on the current trajectory of Spain, there were still nearly thirty years until the Spanish-American War. Spain had a complete opportunity to develop into a great power before the war arrived.

As long as Spain possessed the strength of a great power, the United States of 1898 would not have the guts to wage a full-scale war against it.

But was it necessary to be tied down with the United States over Cuba alone?

This was a question worth considering.

Cuba indeed brought a net profit to the Spanish government, but the problem was that the Cubans were restless. Although Cuba’s population was not large, their desire for independence was not much less than that of Catalonia or the Basque region.

Moreover, it was separated from Spain by the Atlantic Ocean, while it was only a few dozen kilometers from the American mainland.

Rather than getting into conflicts with the Americans over Cuba, it would be better to sell it off early in exchange for other colonies that could also generate profit, while simultaneously stirring up trouble between other nations and the United States.

Whether it was sold to the United States or another country, in theory, it wouldn’t be much of a loss. After all, it would be difficult to fully assimilate Cuba. Spain might be able to hold on to it for a day, but not necessarily for a lifetime.

Carlo remembered that historically, before the outbreak of the Spanish-American War, the United States had once proposed to the Spanish government to buy the colony of Cuba for one hundred million dollars.

But how could the proud Spanish government agree to America’s request? In the eyes of Europeans, the United States was merely a nouveau riche, its status as a great power based entirely on its economy and industry; its military was pitifully weak.

But the Spanish never expected that after the Spanish-American War broke out, not only was the colony of Cuba, worth one hundred million, gone, but the even larger colony of the Philippines was lost along with it.

Spain’s glory became a thing of the past. After this war, Spain was thoroughly relegated to a second-rate European nation, no longer qualified to be a great power.

Although the Spain of this world did not fear the threat from the United States, getting bogged down with them was not very cost-effective.

If the resources spent on dealing with the United States were instead invested in scrambling for colonies in Africa, it might be possible to seize some colonies more profitable than the Congo.

Morocco wouldn’t be provoked for the time being, but plans could be made for the regions of Guinea and the Congo.

Carlo had even already thought out a policy for Spain’s future development. He would use the vast resources from the colonies to build up Spain’s industry and economy, and the manufactured industrial products could be shipped to Central and South America for sale.

Although Spain had lost most of its colonies in The Americas, many countries in Central and South America, including Mexico, still had large populations of mixed Spanish descent who spoke Spanish.

A considerable number of these people remained friendly towards Spain. If economic actions were taken, it should be possible to win over some of these countries to form a customs union for dumping Spanish industrial goods.

Chapter 95: Antonio Cánovas del Castillo

Now that the establishment of the colony of Southern Morocco was underway, it was naturally time to consider candidates for its Governor-General.

Carlo stuck to his original thought: the Governor-General of Southern Morocco was of little use to him at present, and he had no suitable candidates in mind for the post.

It was better to use it as a bargaining chip with Prime Minister Primo, an exchange of interests for future benefit.

Yes, the purpose of Carlo’s exchange with Prime Minister Primo was to plan for his future power.

Trading the position of Governor-General of Southern Morocco for a seat as a cabinet minister was a deal that would be a net gain for both Carlo and the Prime Minister.

Because Carlo had long expressed his support for Prime Minister Primo’s reforms, this cabinet seat would not hinder the Prime Minister’s agenda but would, in fact, aid it.

The position of Governor-General of Southern Morocco would likewise increase Prime Minister Primo’s influence, helping him suppress the forces opposing his reforms.

Carlo wasn’t losing out, either. Ultimately, the appointment of the Governor-General required his approval, and the governor of Southern Morocco would not defy his rule.

In return, the cabinet seat would allow Carlo to cultivate his own loyalists within the government, preparing for the transition of power after Prime Minister Primo’s eventual retirement.

Currently, supporters of the monarchy constituted the majority in the government, but that didn’t guarantee the future government would remain the same.

Carlo would never leave his fate in the hands of others. Only by securing sufficient say in the government could he ensure that his own power would not be shaken by any unforeseen circumstances.

Upon hearing Carlo’s proposal to trade the governorship for a cabinet seat, Prime Minister Primo frowned in thought for a moment before deciding to agree.

“Your Majesty, your proposal is certainly acceptable. However, the Ministers of Finance and Industry cannot be easily replaced. I can see what I can do about the other positions,” the Prime Minister said.

Although he agreed to the exchange, it did not mean Carlo could pick and choose from any department in the Cabinet.

The most crucial were the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Industry. The former controlled the nation’s funds, a ministry Prime Minister Primo had to keep firmly in his grasp.

The Ministry of Finance was vital to any government; Spain’s current Minister of Finance was one of Prime Minister Primo’s trusted loyalists.

In a country like the United Kingdom, the Prime Minister often concurrently serves as the Chancellor of the Exchequer, which further proved the importance of the treasury to the government and the nation.

After all, the Ministry of Finance managed the country’s wealth, a sum so vast it was beyond the imagination of an ordinary person.

Prime Minister Primo’s reforms required massive amounts of funding everywhere, and he was certainly unwilling to relinquish his oversight of the financial department.

The Ministry of Industry, being a key part of Prime Minister Primo’s plan for Spain’s reforms, was also exceptionally important.

The position of Minister of Industry was coveted by virtually everyone. Since Spain’s industry was destined for significant growth, the minister was essentially guaranteed to earn credit effortlessly.

While other ministries were also important, trading one for the position of a colonial governor was not out of the question.

Both Prime Minister Primo and Marshal Serrano had served as colonial governors. It was not only a distinguished part of one’s resume but also an excellent opportunity to hone one’s abilities.

Carlo nodded, not at all surprised by Prime Minister Primo’s conditions.

If the Prime Minister had allowed him to choose any cabinet position, that would have been a problem. After all, every government has its more critical departments and its less important ones.

Although neither Carlo nor Prime Minister Primo mentioned the Ministry of Defense, currently headed by Marshal Serrano, both had no objections to the current Minister of Defense.

Marshal Serrano’s position was exceedingly secure. Not even Prime Minister Primo, who held considerable prestige within the military, would easily attempt to replace him.

As for Carlo, that went without saying. Marshal Serrano himself was deeply aligned with the royal authority Carlo represented, so why would Carlo do anything to damage their relationship?

If it weren’t for the fact that Marshal Serrano was older than Prime Minister Primo, Carlo would have even considered letting the Marshal lead a transitional government after Primo’s retirement, only cultivating his own confidant to lead the government after Serrano.

Carlo’s choice was the Minister of Agriculture.

As an agricultural nation, Spain’s Minister of Agriculture held a position of considerable importance. Furthermore, with the recent tax reductions for peasants, agriculture was destined to enter a golden age of development.

The Minister of Agriculture was set to gain significant prestige in the future. Combined with the promotional power of Carlo’s media empire, it would be no problem to cultivate a representative figure with influence and support in both politics and among the populace.

Hearing Carlo’s choice, Prime Minister Primo nodded without objection.

Their agreement was quickly settled. Once Prime Minister Primo selected a suitable candidate for Governor-General, he would submit the name to Carlo for confirmation.

Upon Carlo’s confirmation, the appointment would be made, and the vacant position of Minister of Agriculture would be filled by Carlo’s nominee.

It was a rather standard exchange of political interests. Both parties got what they needed, and the outcome was satisfactory to both Primo and Carlo.

After reporting on his work, Prime Minister Primo returned to the government to attend to his duties, while Carlo began meticulously selecting a candidate for the new Minister of Agriculture.

Speaking of candidates, Carlo already had someone in mind. He was just uncertain whether he could trust him. After all, this position was not just another cabinet seat; it was the beginning of Carlo’s efforts to exert his influence over the government.

The candidate who gave Carlo pause was named Antonio Cánovas del Castillo, one of the main representatives of the Royalist faction in Spain.

As a conservative, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo expressed staunch support for the monarchy and should, by all rights, be an absolute supporter of Carlo.

But that was precisely the problem. Antonio Cánovas del Castillo supported the monarchy, and he was Spanish, but he was an old statesman who had served as a cabinet minister during Queen Isabella’s reign and had once been utterly loyal to her.

Carlo even suspected whether Cánovas’s loyalty was to the institution of the monarchy itself, or to the House of Bourbon and Queen Isabella.

Faced with this steadfast Royalist from the conservative faction, Carlo found himself doubting the man’s loyalty to him, which was the source of his hesitation.

However, in terms of prestige and influence in the political arena, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo was indeed a highly suitable candidate.

During Queen Isabella’s reign, he had served successively as Minister of the Interior and Minister of Overseas Territories. Had Queen Isabella’s rule not been overthrown, he might even have had a chance at becoming Prime Minister.

Another point was that Antonio Cánovas del Castillo was born in 1828. He was eighteen years younger than Marshal Serrano and fourteen years younger than Prime Minister Primo, placing him in the prime of his political career.

Carlo considered him as a candidate with this in mind. His age made him eligible to wait for Prime Minister Primo’s retirement and seek a major advancement in his political career thereafter.

Should he choose a minister who was a Royalist but seemed to support the crown more than the man who wore it? Carlo hesitated.

After long deliberation, Carlo finally decided to meet this veteran statesman from Queen Isabella’s era to see if he could be of use.

If the man could not pledge allegiance to him and serve him, it would be best to find someone else.

After all, Carlo was looking to cultivate a prime minister for the transitional government after Primo, not just an ordinary cabinet minister.

If he couldn’t be trusted, the best course of action was to find someone he did trust. Trust those you employ, and don’t employ those you distrust. If there was doubt from the beginning, the final result was bound to be poor.

In a magnificent banquet hall within the Royal Palace of Madrid, Carlo received Antonio Cánovas del Castillo and began a brief conversation.

Carlo deliberately chose to meet him in the reception hall that had once been Queen Isabella’s favorite.

The room was filled not only with antique calligraphy and paintings from Europe and around the world but also with all sorts of luxuries, murals, and ornaments.

The value of this reception hall alone was as high as several hundred thousand pesetas. Those granted an audience here were typically only the king’s most trusted loyalists.

Returning to this vast and lavish reception hall after several years, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo felt a mix of complex emotions.

The monarch before him was no longer Queen Isabella but the much younger Carlo. The Spanish government had also long since transformed from an autocratic royal government into a reformed constitutional one.

“Your Majesty!” Antonio Cánovas del Castillo bowed respectfully to Carlo with a Spanish-style Noble’s bow, assuming a very humble posture.

“Mr. Cánovas, it is a pleasure to see you,” Carlo said with a smile, gesturing for him to sit in the chair beside him.

“It is my honor to see you as well, Your Majesty,” Cánovas replied with a humble and respectful expression, carefully taking a seat on the adjacent chair, his demeanor impeccable.

“You served as Minister of the Interior six years ago, and as Minister of Overseas Territories four years ago, is that correct?” Carlo asked with a smile.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Antonio Cánovas del Castillo nodded, not yet understanding Carlo’s intentions.

“The position of Minister of Agriculture will soon be vacant. I intend to recommend to Prime Minister Primo that you be appointed to the post. What are your thoughts?” Carlo continued.

“It would be my honor, Your Majesty,” Antonio Cánovas del Castillo immediately stood up, his eyes filled with gratitude toward Carlo.

“Please, be seated,” Carlo gestured for Cánovas to sit again, then said with a hint of deeper meaning, “However, Mr. Cánovas, before I recommend you as Minister of Agriculture, I would like to ask you a few questions.”

“Please ask, Your Majesty.” Although Antonio Cánovas del Castillo didn’t know what Carlo would ask, he knew that the right thing to do now was to listen quietly and then answer honestly.

“You served as a cabinet minister during Queen Isabella’s reign and expressed support for the Bourbon dynasty during the Provisional Government. Mr. Cánovas, I would like to ask you, is your loyalty to the king, or to the House of Bourbon?” Carlo’s face wore a warm smile, but his words sent a cold sweat down Cánovas’s back.

“My loyalty is, of course, to the king, Your Majesty!” Antonio Cánovas del Castillo shot to his feet and hastily explained, “You are the King of Spain. There is only one person to whom I pledge my allegiance, and that is you, Your Majesty.

The Bourbon dynasty is in the past. The Spanish people chose a more suitable king, and as a Spaniard, I will naturally support the decision of the Spanish people.

Your Majesty, Cánovas is your subject, and will only ever express his loyalty to you.”

Cánovas was no fool. He knew exactly why Carlo was asking this.

If he gave the wrong answer, he could forget about the position of Minister of Agriculture; his entire political career would likely be in jeopardy.

After all, Primo would not offend Carlo for his sake. While Carlo’s power was not absolute, he could certainly blacklist an official.

The political world was not so pure. In fact, if Carlo were the sort of vindictive king who retaliated for the smallest slight, Cánovas might not see the light of another day after giving the wrong answer.

Though he had indeed supported the Bourbon dynasty in the past, with both Queen Isabella and the Carlists driven out, he was not about to remain blindly loyal to the Bourbons.

“Of course I believe you, Mr. Cánovas.” Carlo smiled and nodded, seemingly accepting his explanation. “I was just asking. I have no doubt about your loyalty.

Mr. Cánovas, I will recommend you to Prime Minister Primo. You Royalists are my loyal subjects, and I will certainly not forget your contributions to the kingdom.”

Antonio Cánovas del Castillo nodded repeatedly, saying with great respect, “It is my honor to serve you, Your Majesty.

Regardless of who ruled Spain in the past, the Spanish people are now and forever your loyal subjects.”

Carlo’s aim was not only to win over Cánovas, the representative of the Royalists but also to use him to rally more Royalists to his side.

Because the Bourbon dynasty had ruled Spain for over a century, the majority of Royalists still held a favorable view of them.

What Carlo had to do was make them understand that the House of Savoy was now the master of Spain. If these Royalists could not be made to serve him, then the best course of action would be to replace them and cultivate a Royalist faction loyal to the House of Savoy.

Chapter 96: Christmas Arrives

The exchange of interests between Carlo and Primo was quickly concluded, and Antonio Cánovas del Castillo successfully took office as Spain’s Minister of Agriculture, becoming a member of the Cabinet.

The candidate for Governor-General of the colony of Southern Morocco had also been decided. After receiving Carlo’s appointment, the framework of the colonial government was essentially established.

The good news was that the entire population of the colony of Southern Morocco was not large, totaling no more than one million, which made it relatively simple to govern.

Morocco to the north would also understand after this war that Spain was not to be trifled with. At least, they would not actively seek trouble in the short term.

Under these circumstances, the colony of Southern Morocco would experience a period of relative stability. In his report to Carlo, Prime Minister Primo also mentioned the next task for the colonial government: the Catholicization of Southern Morocco.

In the history of European colonialism, missionary work and colonization were inseparable. A great number of European missionaries traveled the world, spreading the ideals of Christianity to distant foreign lands.

As mentioned before, Moroccans were white people who believed in Islam. What Prime Minister Primo intended to do was to make the Moroccans believe in Catholicism, which was the only way to assimilate them into the greater Spanish family.

Of course, if they were unwilling to join the ranks of Catholic Spaniards, they could only remain as native inhabitants of the colony, enduring the oppression of the colonial government and the indifference of the Europeans.

Besides spreading the Catholic faith, the colony of Southern Morocco also had to unify the language within its borders, ensuring all the Moroccan natives learned Spanish.

Although Spain had already lost many of its colonies in South America, its colonial rule was actually a success.

Countries like Argentina were basically Spanish-speaking. Their people were of mixed Spanish and native descent, and they held a natural affinity for Spain.

Although Spain’s current population lagged far behind the great powers, it could assimilate the people from its former American colonies at a low cost.

Even the populations of the Portuguese colonies could be assimilated quickly. After all, the difference between Spanish and Portuguese was not significant; it was more akin to the dialectal variations that evolve in different regions.

Of course, the promotion of the Spanish language could not be limited to the colonies; it also had to be vigorously pursued on the mainland.

This was especially true for regions prone to separatism like Catalonia and the Basque Country. First, they had to be made to use Spanish widely, and then they had to be gradually brought to accept the broader concept of being “Spanish.” Only then could the threat of independence be resolved.

In the early stages of burgeoning nationalism, forced suppression was completely out of the question. Only by making the Catalans and Basques accept the concept of being Spanish from the bottom of their hearts, just like José Echegaray who had Basque heritage, could these regions be truly stabilized.

Relying on coercion to promote the Spanish language would not work either.

However, this aspect was quite simple. It only required allowing a large amount of Spanish capital to flow into Catalonia and the Basque Country, creating more jobs in these regions.

Since the factories and businesses were established by Spaniards, wouldn’t it be natural for them to hire people who could speak Spanish?

If the local Catalans and Basques wanted to work in these factories, they would naturally have to learn Spanish.

Of course, there would certainly be some extremists who would take issue with Spanish capital entering the regions and hiring only Spanish speakers.

Carlo couldn’t wait for these people to step forward. After dealing with these more radical individuals, the rest would naturally become less extreme.

After all, a large number of peasants and common people still acknowledged the rule of the Spanish government. For now, the more radical nationalists were ultimately a minority.

This meant that, at this time, there was still hope for Spain to resolve the issue of independence in the Catalan and Basque regions.

In the future, once the nationalist elements in both regions had grown to a certain scale, it would be practically impossible to eliminate them.

Unless another large-scale civil war broke out to completely wipe out the separatists who opposed the Spanish government, only then could domestic stability perhaps be restored in Spain.

But after a civil war, Spain would be severely weakened, and the rift between the Catalans, Basques, and Spaniards would only grow wider.

In the end, it all came down to the fact that the total population of Spaniards wasn’t very large. If Spain had a population of thirty to forty million, Carlo wouldn’t have to be so concerned about the Catalans and Basques.

Prime Minister Primo’s consolidation of power allowed Carlo to experience the ease of being a king. Aside from the weekly routine Cabinet meeting, Carlo rarely appeared in government circles, nor did he inquire too much into the affairs of state.

Besides occasionally checking on the development of the royal family’s assets, Carlo seemed to have little else to do. He could only enjoy the massages and attentive services of his maids while inspecting the construction of the Royal Academy of Physics and Chemistry and the state of its experimental zone.

Time passed quickly, and in the blink of an eye, it was Christmas of 1870.

About a year and a half had passed since Carlo arrived in Spain.

This also meant that Spain’s reforms had been underway for a year and a half. Carlo was greatly looking forward to the results of Prime Minister Primo’s reforms and could already feel the changes they had brought to Spain over that period.

But expectations were one thing. The requisite Christmas holiday was still a must.

As the second Christmas Carlo was spending in Spain, his mood was entirely different from the first.

During the previous Christmas, he had been in Spain for less than half a year, and the country’s internal strife had not yet been quelled. Therefore, the Christmas celebration had been very simple.

Now that the civil unrest had been pacified, Carlo certainly didn’t mind enjoying life a little, for instance, by hosting a celebratory banquet.

Besides the high-ranking government officials, only the noblemen were qualified to attend the banquet hosted by Carlo.

Of course, because the Royal Palace’s banquet hall was not very large, not every nobleman could receive an invitation from Carlo.

Who could blame him, when Spain’s noble class was so enormous? All told, there were thousands, if not tens of thousands, of them. If they were all gathered together, it would definitely cause chaos.

Even when limited to noblemen of the rank of Marquis and above, the number of invited guests alone was several dozen.

Including their partners, the number of people attending the banquet already exceeded one hundred.

Adding the Cabinet members led by Prime Minister Primo, the total number of attendees came to just over one hundred people.

The attendees of the banquet were all members of Spain’s upper class, and this was one of Carlo’s methods for winning over the aristocracy.

Chapter 97: Progress of Government Work

The year 1870 quickly passed, and 1871 arrived.

Carlo attended the Spanish government’s year-end review for 1870 and inquired about the progress of industrial and economic development.

From the government work report submitted by Prime Minister Primo, one could see the concrete differences in Spain’s development between Primo’s government and the period of the Provisional Government.

During the time of the Provisional Government, Spain’s total railway mileage reached 5,400 kilometers.

This figure was not far off from Italy’s 5,700 kilometers. Although it couldn’t compare to the tens of thousands of kilometers of railways in Britain, France, and Germany, it was still respectable.

So, the question was, why hadn’t Spain’s 5,400 kilometers of railway led to an economic boom?

The real reason was that Spain’s railway gauge was not consistent with that of other European countries. Spain’s railways had become a channel for domestic economic and material transport, rather than a line for international trade.

Although Spain’s railway gauge was consistent with Portugal’s, Portugal was ultimately a small country. For Spain’s economy to take off, it needed to accelerate economic exchange with other nations.

Since Prime Minister Primo officially took office, the Spanish government has placed great importance on railway construction.

From mid-1869 to the end of 1870, Spain constructed a total of over 500 kilometers of railway lines, bringing the total mileage to nearly 6,000 kilometers.

For the Spanish government, this pace of railway construction far surpassed previous efforts. From the inception of railways until 1869, Spain had only built 5,400 kilometers of tracks. But since Prime Minister Primo took office, 500 kilometers were built in a single year. This was one of Prime Minister Primo’s political achievements.

Of course, aside from railways, roads were also a crucial part of the Spanish government’s construction efforts.

In the past year and a half, the Spanish government has built a cumulative total of 4,132 kilometers of roads, of which more than 1,500 kilometers were main roads equivalent to four-lane highways.

There were always regions that railways could not reach, making road construction necessary. With the advent of the automobile, the importance of roads would only continue to grow exponentially.

The Spanish government would not diminish the importance of road construction in the future; roads and railways would be among its main development goals.

Carlo also paid close attention to the state of education in Spain.

When Carlo first arrived in Spain, the illiterate population accounted for over 70% of the total population. To date, more than one million people have received literacy education, reducing the illiteracy rate by at least 5%.

It was projected that in the next four years, Spain’s illiterate population could be reduced by 15% to 20%. Carlo’s long-term goals were to lower the illiterate population to below 40% of the total population before 1880, and to below 10% before 1900.

The ultimate, ambitious goal was, of course, to achieve zero illiteracy in Spain. Only by fully implementing free primary education could Spain’s youth enter society with sufficient knowledge and become skilled workers and other professionals needed by the country.

Only when the educated population grew, and eventually all school-age children could receive at least a primary education, could universities be guaranteed a sufficient pool of students for enrollment.

The saying ‘education starts from a young age’ had merit. If one hadn’t even received a primary education, how could they skip middle and high school to apply for university?

Speaking of universities, all of Spain’s universities combined currently enrolled over 4,000 students annually.

However, among these 4,000 students, fewer than 1,000 chose majors related to physics and chemistry. There were simply too many students of literature and arts in Spanish universities; even architectural engineering was more popular than physics and chemistry.

Spain clearly did not need so many literature and art students. The next step was to reform some universities. They would either be developed into comprehensive universities or directly converted into science and technology universities. The literary faculties would be consolidated into just one or two universities.

Achieving such a consolidation would be very difficult, as most universities in Spain were private institutions, with very few founded by the government.

The one thing that brought Carlo some comfort was that Spain’s population had grown steadily in 1869 and 1870.

In 1868, Spain’s population growth rate was the lowest in a decade. This was not only due to the outbreak of the revolution but also because a large number of Spanish peasants, facing harsh government taxes, could no longer afford to raise children. If they couldn’t afford to raise a child after birth, the best option was not to have one at all.

After the revolution, the population growth rate returned to normal levels.

Although it was impossible to get an exact census of the entire Spanish population, estimates based on population changes in various regions suggested that the current population of Spain had surpassed 16.8 million.

In the year 1870 alone, Spain’s population grew by at least 150,000. If not for the undeveloped state of medicine, which led to a high rate of early childhood deaths, this growth figure would likely have doubled.

The problem of low survival rates for newborns and young children was a major challenge facing all European countries at the time.

It was not just commoners; even among the nobility and royal families, early childhood death was very common.

Take Carlo’s father, Vittorio Emanuele II, for example. He had two sons who died in infancy, one of whom lived for only a few days.

For having transmigrated into this world, Carlo was generally satisfied. The only thing he was not so satisfied with was the world’s incredibly backward medical technology, which was just terrible compared to later eras.

While the Industrial Revolution had brought considerable power to European nations, it had not led to such great progress in medical technology.

Although biology and medicine were constantly making breakthroughs in various countries, the fact that the average European life expectancy remained below 40 years was sufficient proof of the era’s terrible healthcare environment.

Of course, the poor healthcare environment wasn’t solely to blame for the average European life expectancy of 40 years. After all, most European commoners were exploited by capitalists, working more than ten hours a day. To live to around 40 was already quite an achievement.

Although Spain currently had no specific regulations on working hours, some of the royal family’s enterprises had repeatedly and explicitly stipulated that workers’ daily shifts should not exceed 12 hours.

Carlo was the king; he naturally couldn’t unscrupulously exploit the workers.

In addition to the explicit requirement of not working more than 12 hours a day, the royal family’s enterprises allowed employees one day off per month to relieve their accumulated fatigue and exhaustion.

Chapter 98: Fiscal Revenue and Budget

Carlo was more interested in the Spanish government’s financial report than its development report.

After all, whether it was reforms or construction, vast amounts of pesetas were needed. If one didn’t pay attention to the government’s financial situation, the country could go bankrupt without anyone noticing.

Regarding the government’s finances, Prime Minister Primo actually had a lot to say.

“Your Majesty, according to the comprehensive financial report for 1870 compiled by the Ministry of Finance, our economic situation is quite good. We anticipate maintaining relatively stable growth in 1871,” Prime Minister Primo said with a smile, seeming to relax a bit when mentioning Spain’s economy.

Economic development is always a chain reaction. Although it seemed the government had reduced taxes on peasants, the money they now had, whether deposited in banks or spent, also stimulated Spain’s financial growth.

Furthermore, with Spain’s various construction projects, many new jobs with above-average incomes had been created, which had been very popular among the Spaniards.

Currently, the most sought-after jobs were those for workers in the steel mills. Although the work was arduous, the pay was genuinely good.

To give just one example, the steel mill consolidated by Carlo alone had hired over four hundred workers in 1870, and the number across all of Spain was much higher.

As the populace became wealthier, their consumption levels naturally rose steadily. This public consumption stimulated development across all sectors, so Spain’s economy naturally prospered.

If Spain under Queen Isabella’s rule was like a pool of stagnant, murky water, then the current Spain was more like a flowing stream connected to a river, as the various construction projects advocated by the government and the royal family were gradually revitalizing the entire economic system.

Carlo nodded, looking ready to listen attentively.

The royal family alone had earned considerable funds during this period, so he thought the government’s tax revenue must have also grown significantly. After all, the royal family had become a major taxpayer, paying millions of pesetas in taxes in 1870.

“According to incomplete statistics, our nation’s Gross National Product in 1870 was approximately 6.1828 billion pesetas, an increase of about 1.5% compared to 1869.

Fiscal revenue was approximately 352.48 million pesetas, accounting for about 5.7% of the GNP. Our fiscal expenditure reached 412.8 million pesetas, resulting in a fiscal deficit of a staggering 60 million pesetas.

However, thanks to the issuance of government bonds and the war reparations from Morocco, we were barely able to cover our fiscal deficit.” Prime Minister Primo handed Carlo a detailed report on Spain’s finances and explained.

Understanding the country’s development was a king’s right, and Primo certainly wouldn’t refuse Carlo’s desire to be informed about the nation’s situation. After all, a king indifferent to state affairs was not a good thing.

“A fiscal deficit of 60 million pesetas?” Carlo felt a headache coming on. His mood, which had been quite good upon hearing Spain’s total fiscal revenue was 352.48 million pesetas, soured instantly upon learning the deficit for 1870 was a massive 60 million pesetas.

Sixty million pesetas! That was nearly 2.3 million pounds, an absolutely enormous sum.

“Where did these 60 million pesetas go?” Carlo asked hastily.

This was no joke. The royal family’s total assets hadn’t even reached 60 million pesetas. Even the total savings in the Royal Joint Bank had only just reached that figure.

The Spanish government’s annual deficit was 60 million pesetas—didn’t that mean the government’s losses in a single year were equivalent to the entire wealth of the royal family?

Primo had anticipated Carlo’s question. He remained calm and explained with a smile: “Your Majesty, we currently have three major areas of expenditure. The first is military spending, which accounts for 25.1% of the total fiscal expenditure, amounting to about 103.6 million pesetas annually.

The other two are railway construction and industrial development.

In the entire year of 1870, we built over 500 kilometers of railways and 4000 kilometers of roads. The construction costs for these railways and roads are one of our major expenses.

The expenditure of the transportation department is as high as 23%, with our spending on transportation infrastructure reaching 95 million pesetas.

While industrial development wasn’t as extreme, the funds we spent on purchasing means of production from abroad, building industrial bases, and encouraging private enterprises also reached 70 million pesetas.

When you factor in other expenses such as education and healthcare, as well as government salaries, the 412.8 million pesetas is already the result of the government’s repeated efforts to be frugal.”

For Spain to achieve reform and industrial expansion, it was impossible without investing large sums of money.

Spain’s industrial technology had fallen behind, requiring the purchase of a great deal of industrial equipment and related technological data from abroad.

At the same time, building factories, setting up production lines, and hiring workers all incurred costs, which was why the Spanish government’s fiscal expenditure remained high.

However, all of this came with a return. At least in Primo’s view, these expenditures were expected to yield results within the next three years, impacting Spain’s economic development.

The various factories and enterprises that had been cropping up in Spain during this time alone guaranteed that Spain’s economy was set to enter a period of stable growth.

This was also why Primo was willing to let government spending be so high—because effort brings reward. The money spent would give back to the government in various ways and would allow the government to earn even more in the future.

Hearing Prime Minister Primo’s reply, Carlo nodded, his doubts somewhat assuaged.

Although Spain didn’t have a large-scale navy, military expenditure was still considerable. Especially in 1870, with the Cuban War of Independence and the Carlist rebellion, the cost to suppress both rebellions was significant.

Coupled with the fact that the Spanish government needed to maintain an army of over one hundred thousand soldiers, the military spending was actually not excessive and fell within a reasonable range.

Fortunately, the reparations from Morocco essentially wiped out Spain’s fiscal deficit for 1870.

With the loan from the Italian government and the projected total fiscal revenue for the coming year of 1871, the Spanish government was well-positioned to handle new construction and expenses.

Ultimately, it was because of the separatists in Cuba and the Philippines that Spain was forced to maintain an army of over one hundred thousand.

These two regions not only had a penchant for independence but were also separated from mainland Spain by a vast distance. Every rebellion suppression effort required great cost from the government, and regardless of the war’s outcome, it was always a net loss for the Spanish government.

Carlo nodded and posed his next question: “Is next year’s available budget sufficient? If we face another huge deficit next year, I’m afraid there will be no one to help us fill the gap.”

Prime Minister Primo had already considered this issue: “Currently, the government’s available budget is nearly 150 million pesetas. Combined with next year’s fiscal revenue, it will be no problem to continue our construction projects.

1871 will hopefully be a peaceful year. Without a war, our military spending could be reduced to around 75 million pesetas.

The reduced military funds can be redirected to railway and road construction or industrial expansion, or used to further promote literacy education. It should be basically sufficient to meet the government’s financial needs for the new year.”

Although Spain’s fiscal revenue was as high as 352.48 million pesetas, many of the government’s expenditures were fixed and almost impossible to reduce.

This was why Prime Minister Primo had to be meticulous with every few million pesetas. If a few million extra were spent on one project, across dozens of construction projects, the wasted funds would be enough to bring down the Spanish government.

“Prime Minister Primo, since our budget is sufficient, should the government’s focus in the new year continue to be on building heavy industry, as well as broader literacy education and infrastructure, including railways and roads? What do you think?” Regarding the use of the new year’s budget, Carlo intended to offer his own opinion.

A fiscal revenue of 352.48 million pesetas might seem like a lot, but it converted to only about 65.21 million US dollars, or even less, just 13.531 million pounds.

If this sum were concentrated on a few key projects, it might achieve some results. But to try for comprehensive development across multiple areas would be somewhat too idealistic.

Carlo’s goal was simple: to influence the government to prioritize heavy industry as much as possible, with literacy education and infrastructure as secondary goals. Everything else could be temporarily postponed.

Areas like healthcare and agriculture currently had little room for development. Spain’s land conditions meant that agriculture had a low ceiling; even achieving self-sufficiency was a bit of a problem, let alone large-scale exports of agricultural products.

Healthcare was entirely limited by the current state of technology. If money were invested in healthcare, it might not see a return for ten years.

For the cash-strapped Spanish government, these two areas could be temporarily set aside. The focus should be on the more profitable heavy industry.

Carlo certainly had the right to make suggestions about the government’s work. Prime Minister Primo did not object to Carlo’s suggestions; he just didn’t want Carlo to interfere too much in government affairs and force his own ideas upon the administration.

“Your thoughts are the same as mine, Your Majesty,” Primo nodded, clearly agreeing with Carlo’s ideas. “For Spain right now, the development of agriculture and healthcare can be postponed for a while.

The government’s current focus will be on the construction of heavy industry and railways, and we will do our best to promote the spread of literacy education.

Until Spain’s finances have a sufficient budget, other construction projects can be delayed. At present, only heavy industry, education, and infrastructure are of the utmost importance to us.”

Chapter 99: The Future Plan for Agriculture

The good news was that since most cabinet ministers knew Carlo rarely interfered in the affairs of state, few of them would personally come to the Royal Palace at the beginning of the year to request an audience with him to fight for a larger departmental budget.

The bad news was that whenever it was time to vie for the budget at the start of the year, the ministers seemed to voluntarily forget about Carlo. This was a significant blow to Carlo’s influence within the government and also meant that the loyalty of many cabinet ministers to Carlo was not that high.

They seemed to be serving Prime Minister Primo; it was only because the Prime Minister supported Carlo’s monarchical rule that they, in turn, supported Spain’s monarchy.

Fortunately, the recently appointed Minister of Agriculture, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo, knew his place. With the arrival of 1871, he came to the Royal Palace right on schedule to request an audience with Carlo. Firstly, he was there to report on the Ministry of Agriculture’s performance last year and, while he was at it, to express his loyalty.

Secondly, he was there to seek a larger budget for the Ministry of Agriculture through Carlo. Whether he would succeed or not, this was a trip he had to make.

Because Antonio Cánovas del Castillo’s position as Minister of Agriculture had been personally recommended by Carlo, he had been labeled as one of Carlo’s faction from the very beginning.

If he were to try to curry favor with Prime Minister Primo at this point, not only would it not yield any good results, but he would also end up offending both the Prime Minister and Carlo.

It was better to be single-mindedly loyal to Carlo. As the Minister of Agriculture personally appointed by Carlo, Prime Minister Primo would not dare to make things difficult for him unless he decided to have a falling out with the king.

Moreover, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo was an ambitious man himself. He had served as a cabinet minister during Queen Isabella’s reign and was naturally not content with the minor position of Minister of Agriculture.

In truth, his position seven years ago had already outranked that of the Minister of Agriculture. Now, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo was thinking more about how to take the next step and become the Prime Minister of Spain.

Logically, this was entirely achievable. Firstly, Cánovas was more than ten years younger than Primo and Serrano. Even if he had to wait it out, he could outlast them until their retirement.

Through his last interaction with Carlo, Cánovas had long since understood that Carlo would never be content to be a constitutional monarch with no real power.

A powerful Prime Minister like Primo and a young, ambitious king like Carlo were a combination destined for a bad end. Even if Carlo didn’t ultimately purge Prime Minister Primo, it was certain that he would gradually seize control of the government’s discourse after Primo’s departure.

As the first chess piece Carlo had placed in the government, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo was well aware of his importance to the king.

As long as he did not betray Carlo, being entrusted with greater responsibility in the future was a certainty. After all, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo represented not just himself, but also the many veteran officials who had entered politics during Queen Isabella’s reign.

The loyalty of these old ministers to the monarchy was beyond doubt. Carlo had previously doubted their loyalty to him personally, but as long as Cánovas continuously expressed his own allegiance and used his influence to win these old ministers over to Carlo’s rule, he could leap to a position as one of Carlo’s trusted loyalists.

These veteran officials who had once served Queen Isabella still held considerable influence in politics. By uniting them, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo could also achieve his own goal: to run for the position of Prime Minister of Spain after Primo and become the head of the Spanish government, second only to the king.

Although Carlo did not show it on the surface, he was inwardly quite satisfied with Cánovas’s astuteness. If Cánovas couldn’t even figure out who he was truly supposed to be loyal to, then Carlo would have had to start reconsidering his choice for Minister of Agriculture.

“Trust those you employ, and don’t employ those you distrust.” Once he began to doubt someone’s loyalty, the best choice was to dismiss them outright.

If one were to continue using someone while harboring suspicions—unless that person held so much power that dismissing them was difficult—it would be like dancing on the edge of a blade, a situation that could easily end in mutual destruction.

“Minister Cánovas, are you settling into your role as Minister of Agriculture?” Carlo asked with a smile, looking at Cánovas, whose face was a picture of staunch loyalty.

“I am, Your Majesty. Thank you for your concern. Under the leadership of yourself and Prime Minister Primo, all development in the current Spanish government is progressing steadily, and the Ministry of Agriculture is no exception.

So far, the Ministry of Agriculture has not faced any particularly difficult problems. The peasants’ incomes are growing steadily, and our grain production is also seeing a small increase,” Antonio Cánovas del Castillo replied hastily.

Although Carlo had only asked if he was adjusting to his role, he still reported on the current state of the Ministry of Agriculture.

Even for matters Carlo did not actively inquire about, the best approach was to report the ministry’s situation truthfully and in a timely manner.

Although Carlo was not yet twenty years old (born June 2, 1851), Cánovas would never see him as a simple young man under twenty.

Carlo’s political tactics might still be nascent, but he was undoubtedly an intelligent man. Since he had already decided to pledge loyalty to Carlo in exchange for a chance at a higher position, he shouldn’t entertain any other ideas. This was a lesson Cánovas had learned from his long political career.

Never treat others as fools, not even a young king like Carlo who was not yet twenty.

Certain political maneuvers might deceive Carlo for a short time, but once discovered, one would likely face the king’s wrath and be held accountable by the royal authority.

Never underestimate the power of a king, even a king without real power under a constitutional monarchy. While it might be troublesome to target a faction, targeting a single individual was a different matter entirely. There were too many methods available, and one didn’t even need to use one’s own means; it could be accomplished simply by leveraging external forces.

Carlo nodded, very pleased with his choice of Cánovas as the Minister of Agriculture. Regardless of anything else, Cánovas’s perceptiveness alone was enough to satisfy Carlo.

As for those ministers who looked down on him, although Carlo would not directly show his attitude, a purge awaited them once Prime Minister Primo left the center of power.

“Your Majesty, the Ministry of Agriculture’s plan for the new year is not extensive. It focuses mainly on two points: the popularization and promotion of chemical fertilizers, and the establishment of a state-owned grain company.

If we can popularize chemical fertilizers on a large scale, we expect to effectively increase our crop yields without significant changes to the total area of farmland. The projected growth is at least five percent.

The state-owned grain company will take over bulk grain trade, such as handling import and export. With the reduction in taxes on peasants, the coming period will be a golden age for agricultural development.

It is estimated that within the next three years, our country’s total grain production and total farmland area will both increase. Once we can achieve complete self-sufficiency in grain, we can then seek to export a certain amount.” Seeing that Carlo seemed satisfied with him, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo began to report the ministry’s plan for the next year, seeking the king’s opinion.

Due to funding constraints, the Ministry of Agriculture had no major initiatives planned for the coming year. The general plan was to promote the use of chemical fertilizers and research new fertilizer technologies.

Although the technology for chemical fertilizers had been around for nearly thirty years, their truly widespread commercial use would not happen for almost another century.

At the beginning of the century, Europeans didn’t even know how plants grew. With only seventy years having passed, it was fundamentally impossible to fully popularize the use of chemical fertilizers.

The mainstream chemical fertilizers at present were superphosphate and potash salts. The former had been around for less than thirty years, and the latter for less than ten; the related technologies were still very primitive.

But Spain had no choice at this time. Compared to Britain, France, and Germany, which had vast plains, Spain, despite its large land area, was mostly composed of plateaus and mountains. The areas suitable for cultivation were limited to a few mixed zones of mountains and plains along the eastern and southern coasts.

Its barren land already put it behind other great powers in terms of grain production. Despite having more land, Spain’s per capita grain output was not much better than that of the other great powers.

If it weren’t for Spain’s climate being suitable for growing fruits and vegetables, achieving food self-sufficiency would likely be a problem.

Currently, the production of vegetables and fruits accounted for 25.7 percent of Spain’s total agricultural output. It was precisely this abundant production that allowed Spaniards to not only have enough to eat but also to seek a more varied diet.

In addition, due to Spain’s extensive coastline, a large amount of seafood was harvested each year.

At this time, there was no need to worry about the effects of nuclear radiation on marine life; seafood was basically safe to eat.

Because the railway network encircling Spain was now complete, Carlo could also enjoy a variety of seafood products from the coast.

This also made Carlo glad he was in Spain. If he were in a culinary wasteland like Britain, even the seafood probably wouldn’t taste good.

“I approve of your plan, Minister Cánovas. I hope that Spain’s agriculture will achieve continuous growth under your leadership. That would be a good thing for both Spain and for you.”

Cánovas nodded respectfully. He certainly understood what Carlo meant by “a good thing.” As Minister of Agriculture, the steady growth of Spain’s agriculture would definitely count as a political achievement for him.

Only by accumulating political achievements and prestige in the government could Cánovas seek a higher cabinet position, or even contend for the seat of Prime Minister.

After all, without any political achievements or prestige, he would have no advantage over his competitors, whether in a popular vote or an election in the Congress of Deputies.

To become Prime Minister, one must be capable and also have the support of the people and the Senators in the Congress of Deputies.

If one could not win the hearts of the people, even with Carlo’s strong support, they would be destined to fail in their bid for a position like the Prime Minister of Spain.

Chapter 100: Higher Education, Higher Income

Carlo was resorting to any means necessary to lower Spain’s illiteracy rate sooner.

On the first day of 1871, Carlo had the many newspaper companies under the royal family’s industrial umbrella publish articles about how education level determines income, and they began to widely promote the concept of “higher education, higher income.”

The examples cited were simple. The average income of university graduates far exceeded Spain’s per capita income. In particular, certain specially hired graduates earned several times more than the average person.

Besides the example of university students, the newspapers also cited cases of ordinary people with primary or secondary school education who earned higher incomes after entering factories than those with no education.

Working in a factory required operating machinery. Educated individuals tended to grasp the operating procedures more easily, learn faster, and make fewer mistakes.

Carlo’s goal in doing this was, of course, to use income as a motivator, encouraging the populace to voluntarily improve their education and thereby popularize literacy education in Spain.

Although Spain’s literacy education campaign was in full swing, it could not force every Spaniard to participate.

Despite being free, under a policy of voluntary participation, the results of the literacy education were not as good as imagined.

Most participants in the literacy programs were school-aged children or young people; very few able-bodied men over the age of twenty-five took part.

This was actually easy to understand. Although the education was free, attending classes would take away from the time they could be earning money in the factories.

Ultimately, it was no different from losing money. While the Spaniards understood the importance of education, families often chose to send their younger children to the literacy programs while the adults worked for an income to support the family.

Only by making all Spaniards understand that the time spent on literacy education was not a loss, but would be returned to them in the form of higher wages in the future, could they attract more people to participate, thus significantly and effectively reducing Spain’s illiteracy rate.

Fortunately, the royal family now owned dozens of newspaper companies, distributed across more than ten regions of Spain and its colonies.

In the capital, Madrid, in particular, besides The Sun, they had also specifically created newspapers like the Madrid Workers’ Daily and the Agriculture Daily, each targeting different demographics, to expand the number of people the newspapers could influence.

Each of Spain’s top five largest cities had at least two newspaper companies. With such widespread promotion, it was believed that many people would accept the concept of “higher education, higher income” and proactively improve their own and their families’ education levels.

Steward Loren had gone to great lengths to conceal the ownership of these dozens, nearly a hundred, newspaper companies. Aside from The Sun, which was openly a royal family enterprise, the other newspapers were generally disguised to look like private businesses.

It wasn’t that Carlo was overly cautious. It was just that some of the newspapers, in order to maintain their market share and sell copies, would often publish gossip news and even rather sensual pictures.

This kind of news and imagery was warmly welcomed by the Spaniards, and the lower classes were happy to feast their eyes on the sensual ladies in the papers.

But if a royal family enterprise were to publish such content, it would inevitably give the public the bad impression that the royal family and the king were fond of gossip news and sensual women.

Although most people were happy to see such newspapers, if the publisher was known to be a royal asset, some upright gentlemen would inevitably step forward to condemn the royal family.

Carlo was well-prepared for this. Enterprises like the steel mill, which created a large number of jobs for Spain and did not exploit its workers, were all publicly declared as royal family businesses.

To accelerate the popularization of literacy education, Carlo came up with a plan and, after some calculations, deemed it feasible.

After confirming the calculations were correct, Carlo summoned Prime Minister Primo and presented his proposal: the government would provide a free dinner to everyone attending literacy classes on the day of their lesson.

Literacy education was completely different from primary education. Primary education took a fixed six years, while literacy training could be completed in as little as three months.

Generally speaking, most of the work of literacy education was completed once the participants were taught a number of commonly used Spanish words and some simple cultural knowledge, scientific principles, and so on.

With two classes per week, each over three hours long, the program could usually be completed within five months.

For children and adolescents who did not need to work and could attend classes daily, the majority of the program could even be completed within a month.

But no matter how one looked at it, Carlo’s proposal was quite bold.

Based on last year’s figures, where over one million people received literacy education, providing them all with dinner on their class days would mean feeding one million people for at least fifty meals, totaling fifty million dinners.

Such large-scale dinners would certainly not be extravagant. But even with just cheap mixed-grain bread, vegetables, and a small amount of meat, it would cost at least five million pesetas.

When Prime Minister Primo heard Carlo’s proposal, he was stunned at first. But after careful thought and calculation, he suddenly felt the method was feasible.

For the government, an expenditure of five million pesetas was not unacceptable. By offering a free dinner to attract more people to literacy education, the ultimate beneficiary would be the Spanish government.

Even if the number of participants doubled, it wouldn’t be too great a burden for the government. The current global climate was tending towards peace, so they could easily purchase grain from major grain-producing nations and turn it into cheap food for the people.

Food safety standards were not so stringent back then. As long as the food looked halfway decent and filled their stomachs, the people would naturally be satisfied.

Although it was just a simple dinner, there would surely be many thrifty Spaniards who would attend literacy classes just to save the cost of a meal.

After all, the literacy education itself was free. Exchanging two hours of study for a free dinner was a deal most people would willingly accept.

Providing free dinners was also a way to build a good reputation. It would enhance the influence of both the government and Carlo in the hearts of the people.

As for the extra expenditure of at least five million pesetas, it didn’t seem so important anymore. After all, Spain’s fiscal deficit last year had reached sixty million pesetas. Compared to that figure, what was an additional five million?

After careful consideration, Prime Minister Primo finally agreed to Carlo’s proposal: the government would provide a free dinner to all participants of the literacy education program.

However, Carlo also made his own demand: when the government provided this free dinner, it must not forget the royal family’s contribution.

Carlo had no intention of letting the government take all the credit. For him, any opportunity to increase the Spaniards’ favor towards him was not to be missed.

This was not only about the stability of his throne but also about his future influence over the government. To ensure he could successfully extend his influence into the government after Prime Minister Primo’s retirement, he had to make sure the majority of Spaniards supported him.

If he didn’t even have the support of the Spanish people, then after Prime Minister Primo’s retirement, Carlo would probably have to worry about whether his throne was secure, not about meddling in government affairs.

Hearing Carlo’s demand, Prime Minister Primo certainly understood his objective. However, Carlo’s request didn’t negatively affect him, so naturally, the Prime Minister wouldn’t oppose it. In fact, it was a favor he could grant.

“Of course, Your Majesty. The proposal to provide free dinners was yours to begin with. The Spaniards will certainly not forget your concern for them,” Prime Minister Primo said with a nod and a smile.

Whether it was Carlo’s earlier proposal to trade the Governor-General of a colony for the Minister of Agriculture, or his current desire to share in the public’s goodwill, both were related to popular support.

Prime Minister Primo certainly understood what Carlo was trying to do, but he had no intention of stopping him.

As a statesman and a reformer, Prime Minister Primo knew his own purpose well. Rather than fighting for power and enjoying the dictatorial experience that came with its consolidation, he wanted to use that consolidated power to rapidly advance Spain’s reforms.

For Prime Minister Primo, he had never thought about how long he would stay in the position of Prime Minister of Spain. As long as he could complete Spain’s reforms, he would be satisfied; he didn’t covet the fame and influence that would come after the reforms were finished.

Carlo understood this as well, which was why he was very at ease when making political exchanges with Prime Minister Primo.

This was one of the most significant differences between Western and Eastern monarchies.

Europeans placed the utmost importance on bloodline. It was exceedingly difficult for a commoner to become a king through a coup; in the long history of Europe, there were only a handful of such cases.

Napoleon was powerful, wasn’t he? But after he declared himself Emperor, he still had to beat the other European nations into submission before they would recognize the noble bloodline of the Bonaparte family.

This also included multiple marriages between the Bonaparte family and other European royal families, which helped the family ascend to become one of the legitimate royal houses of Europe.

But after the fall of the Napoleonic Empire, the Bonaparte family’s influence rapidly waned. If it weren’t for the later appearance of Napoleon III, coupled with the fact that France was indeed very powerful during Napoleon’s era, the Bonaparte family would likely have long since faded into history.

This was why the vast majority of Prime Ministers in Europe who consolidated power could not ascend to the throne through a coup. No matter how ambitious they were, most of them thought only of sidelining the king and enjoying a de facto dictatorship as Prime Minister.

And for a statesman like Primo, who was not particularly ambitious for power itself, the consolidation of power was not his goal; achieving his political ideals and aspirations was.

The reason he didn’t oppose Carlo’s ideas much, and even cooperated with him on matters of political interest, was because Prime Minister Primo understood deeply that since ancient times, reformers rarely met good ends.

His maintaining good relations with Carlo was not only paving the way for his own exit from politics but also to let Carlo know that he personally had no great ambition for power, and to hope that Carlo would not interfere too much with his reforms.

Although neither of them had said it aloud, they had reached a tacit understanding on certain matters. Both knew that once Prime Minister Primo completed his reforms, he was destined to lay down the burden of his office.

Reforming the government had offended a large number of vested interests. If Primo remained in the Prime Minister’s seat after the reforms were complete, it would inevitably affect the nation’s stability.

And Carlo didn’t want someone who had successfully pushed through reforms and possessed immense influence in both political and military circles to remain as Prime Minister. The saying about a subject’s achievements overshadowing his master was not for nothing.

The reason Wilhelm II dismissed Prime Minister Bismarck, while partly due to political disagreements, was also undeniably related to Bismarck’s achievements overshadowing his master.

As the architect who single-handedly pushed for the Austro-Prussian War and the Franco-Prussian War—the two conflicts that established Prussia’s unification of Germany—Prime Minister Bismarck’s prestige in the Kingdom of Prussia and the German Empire was unprecedented.

It was no exaggeration to say that Bismarck’s influence on Germany even surpassed that of Wilhelm I, the founder of the German Empire.

Although Bismarck and Wilhelm I shared a good friendship and trusted each other deeply.

The problem was that there was no such friendship between Bismarck and Wilhelm II. As the newly ascended Emperor, Wilhelm II naturally could not accept another person threatening his authority.

The future situation in Spain would be the same. Carlo, too, could not accept a Prime Minister who threatened his royal authority. Regardless of whether Primo’s reforms succeeded or failed, he would have to leave the Prime Minister’s seat and live out his days peacefully as a nobleman.

Because both men understood this, Carlo was by no means stingy with his rewards for Prime Minister Primo.

Prime Minister Primo was already a Duke of Spain, his noble title having reached the highest echelon in Spain. The highest noble rank of Grand Duke was being reserved for him for after his reforms were completed.

When he had fully realized Spain’s reforms and revitalized its industry and economy, that would be the time for him to leap to the rank of Spain’s highest nobleman, a Grand Duke.

As long as Prime Minister Primo retired at the height of his power, Carlo would naturally have no reason to purge him. Then, the two Grand Dukes, Primo and Serrano, could become a celebrated story in Spanish history, their names sung by the Spaniards along with Carlo’s as Spain grew strong.

After Prime Minister Primo agreed to his proposal, Carlo had accomplished his purpose for summoning him.

After sharing a lavish lunch with the Prime Minister, Carlo began his idle life for the new year, while Prime Minister Primo began his busy work based on the opinion Carlo had just offered.

Chapter 101: Impact

“Education is the foundation of a strong nation, and industry is its cornerstone.

From the Age of Discovery to the present, Spain has experienced both glory and decline. It is time for us to unite and once again seek a bright future for Spain.

While the great powers of Europe, such as Britain, France, Germany, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, were relentlessly expanding education and developing their industries, Queen Isabella was living a life of extravagance and chaos in the Royal Palace of Madrid.

We finally managed to oust Queen Isabella and welcome the reign of His Majesty Carlo and Prime Minister Primo, only to be faced with the problem of a seventy percent illiteracy rate in Spain.

We call upon all Spaniards to voluntarily join the free literacy education program. While improving your cultural level, you can also tangibly increase your own annual income.

According to the results of our newspaper company’s survey, among the more than seventy percent of the illiterate population in Spain, only forty-two percent have an annual income exceeding eighty pesetas, and nearly fifty-two percent of the illiterate population earns less than the national average.

In contrast, among the less than thirty percent of the non-illiterate population, a staggering sixty-four percent have an annual income exceeding eighty pesetas. Less than thirty-six percent of the non-illiterate population earns below eighty pesetas, and this group includes many elderly people and children.

For the sake of Spain’s strength, for the sake of increasing our income, and for the future of our children, please actively participate in literacy education. Let us make Spain’s future brighter. Make Spain Great Again!”

Similar reports began appearing constantly in the newspapers of various cities starting from January 1, 1871, and they became widely known to the public through various channels of communication.

If the propaganda had merely focused on the idea of strengthening the nation through education, it might not have had a profound impact on the populace. But by directly highlighting the income disparity between the illiterate and the non-illiterate, it naturally captured the public’s attention.

In truth, regardless of the country or the era, the common people are most concerned with only two things: having enough to eat and wear, and continuing their family line.

As for who the king on the throne was, it was not that important to the masses. As long as the common people could survive, they would, for the most part, not oppose the government.

“Pablo, did you hear today’s news? It seems that starting today, His Majesty the King will provide a dinner for anyone who attends literacy education each day.” In a factory on the outskirts of Madrid, two workers chatted while they worked.

“Mabri, where did you hear that from?” The middle-aged man named Pablo was rather surprised. It was one thing for the literacy education to be free, but how could they also provide a free dinner? Could such a good thing really exist?

“It’s been published in The Sun, my friend.” Mabri knew his friend would be skeptical of the news, as he himself had been doubtful when he first heard it.

If the news hadn’t come from the mouth of the newspaper seller himself, who had sworn on a copy of The Sun that the article was right there in the paper, Mabri would have never believed such a thing.

From the day he was born, he had lived under so many Spanish governments, but he had never heard of a policy for free education, let alone one that also provided a free dinner.

Seeing the hesitant look on his friend Pablo’s face, Mabri began to persuade him, “Friend, I know what you’re thinking. We can be illiterate, but the children have to learn something, don’t they?

His Majesty the King is not only letting the children attend school for free, but he’s also providing a free dinner. He has already done so much, hasn’t he?

Even if we don’t think about ourselves, we have to consider Patrick’s future, don’t we?

I heard the newsstand owner say today that most of us illiterate folk with no knowledge or culture earn less than eighty pesetas a year, while most of those educated people earn more than eighty pesetas.

Old friend, if you don’t want Patrick to follow in your footsteps, you’d better let him go learn something. Being able to read is always better than not being able to.”

In order to broaden the impact of this report on the populace, Carlo had given special instructions to hire some newspaper sellers to also promote the free literacy education and free dinner policy on the side.

The newspapers also contained a variety of other news, so it wouldn’t affect those who already intended to buy a paper.

But for those who were reluctant to spend money on a newspaper, they could still get the news from the paper and spread it to more people.

Carlo’s intention was to influence as many people as possible. Who knew, perhaps among these Spaniards who escaped illiteracy, a few with a talent for learning might emerge.

With Spain valuing education earlier in this world, its situation would hopefully not be as dire in terms of high-end talent as it was in history.

Carlo’s ambition was not grand. If Spain could produce more than ten Nobel Prize-level talents in the next thirty years, Carlo’s initial expectations for Spanish education would be met.

Hearing his good friend Mabri’s persuasion, Pablo hesitated. After some careful thought, he gritted his teeth and said, “I’ll go ask when I have a day off. If they really provide a free dinner, I’ll have to let Patrick go study for a while, no matter what.”

“Don’t you worry, my friend. His Majesty Carlo is not like the previous kings. He is a truly good king who cares for the commoner.

Speaking of which, we should be thankful. If Prime Minister Primo hadn’t chosen His Majesty Carlo to be the king of Spain, would we be living such good days?” Mabri said with a smile.

He and Pablo were both employees of a small factory under the royal family. Although their income wasn’t very high, the upside was that there wasn’t as much exploitation of the workers.

Their workday was only about eleven hours long, and they got one day off each month, which was infinitely better than the workers in some other private factories.

Especially for Christmas and New Year’s Day, the factory gave them a day off. This made Mabri and Pablo happy for a long time, because on such important holidays, they also wanted to spend more time with their families.

Hearing his friend Mabri praise Carlo, Pablo not only didn’t object but also had an approving look on his face. “You’re right, Mabri. His Majesty Carlo and Prime Minister Primo are already providing free education and dinner. What’s there to hesitate about?

I won’t overthink it. Tomorrow, I’ll have Patrick go to the literacy center and ask. If they’re still accepting people, then he’ll start studying tomorrow.

I’ll handle the family expenses. I refuse to believe we’ll starve with one less person earning money.”

Hearing his friend Pablo agree to let his son Patrick receive an education at the literacy center, Mabri nodded happily.

The two had been friends since childhood and were naturally very close. Mabri really didn’t want to see his friend prevent Patrick from studying over such a small amount of income. Now that he had finally succeeded in persuading him, he felt a sense of relief.

Such scenes were taking place in factories, on farms, and in homes across Madrid and all of Spain.

Whenever they discussed the policies enacted by the government, the people were always filled with gratitude for Carlo and Prime Minister Primo.

Especially after learning that the free dinners were jointly provided by the royal family and the government, the Spaniards finally began to develop a favorable impression of this young king from Italy.

In truth, providing a free dinner was not a monumental feat, especially since the literacy education itself was already free. The issue was that when compared to Carlo’s predecessor, Queen Isabella, the Spaniards were astonished to find that the current King Carlo was more virtuous than even the most legendary sage-kings.

Then, thinking back to the Spanish government’s oppression of the peasants during Queen Isabella’s reign, and now the current government’s continuous reduction of the agricultural tax under Carlo’s rule, the difference between the two was like a great chasm.

Regardless of the country, public support is always accumulated bit by bit like this.

It is impossible for the populace to suddenly express intense love and support for someone. It is only through long-term, subtle influence that their attitude towards a person or a faction gradually changes.

Carlo did not expect the Spanish people to develop a fervent love for him in a short period. His short-term goal was for Spain to accept him, a king of foreign origin, and to be willing to accept and submit to his rule.

The long-term goal was to gradually win the hearts of the people through various policies and systems, allowing the Spaniards’ attitudes towards him to change over a long period of influence.

Although this approach might be slow, once the Spanish people truly accepted him, neither the Bourbon dynasty nor any other opposition forces would be able to affect his ruling position in Spain.

The future House of Savoy was destined to leave a magnificent mark on Spain. Savoy and Spain would be bound together, becoming a legendary story that accompanied the revival of Spain.

“Your Majesty, your propaganda has been incredibly effective.” A few days after Carlo launched his public opinion offensive, Prime Minister Primo came to see him with a smile on his face, reporting on the progress of the literacy campaign over the past few days.

“In the first ten days of this year, the number of people who have signed up for free literacy education across the country has already exceeded one hundred thousand. Currently, there are at least three hundred thousand people in total undergoing literacy education.

This figure is a massive increase compared to the same period last year. If all goes well, the number of people receiving literacy education this year might exceed two million.” Prime Minister Primo reported the numbers of participants, unable to contain the broad smile on his face.

“Two million people?” Carlo nodded. Such a number was still manageable. According to the previous estimate for one million people, the cost of providing free dinners was at least five million pesetas.

If the number increased to two million, the cost of providing free dinners would be over ten million pesetas. However, since it was jointly funded by the royal family and the government, the royal family only needed to contribute half, which was still five million pesetas. For Carlo, it was a completely affordable expense.

Chapter 102: On the Great Powers

While it was a good thing that more and more people were enthusiastically participating in the free literacy education, an excessive number of participants also placed considerable pressure on the government.

After all, both the simple schools required for literacy education and the teachers to impart knowledge were limited. Prime Minister Primo could only do his best to free up more space for the program while providing as many qualified teachers as possible.

Since literacy education only required teaching some commonly used Spanish words, basic historical and cultural knowledge, and simple scientific concepts, anyone with a secondary school education or higher could actually serve as a teacher.

Prime Minister Primo set his sights directly on university students studying literature. Their knowledge base was more than sufficient, and teaching simpler subjects was naturally a breeze for them.

These students, who had just entered university, were also the easiest to persuade. By simply appealing to their sense of contribution to the nation and throwing in a free dinner, he could attract many of them to volunteer for the literacy education program.

Of course, the government couldn’t just use these students for free. As long as they were willing to serve as literacy teachers in their spare time, the government would pay them a salary equivalent to the national average annual income.

Although this wasn’t a huge sum, for many university students, it was an excellent way to earn extra money.

While many who entered university were children of wealthy families, there were also gifted students from impoverished backgrounds.

This opportunity to earn additional income would allow them to cover their tuition fees and continue their studies at the university.

Although Spain’s literacy education program was proceeding with great fanfare, Carlo knew that its greatest success would only be in the first few years.

During these initial years, there was a large number of illiterate children who didn’t contribute much to household income by staying at home. Thus, their families were naturally willing to send them to simple schools for a free education.

However, once these younger children and adolescents had received their education, the adults who were also illiterate would not necessarily accept the free program.

They all had jobs and needed to work constantly to earn an income to support their families. In their view, while free literacy education cost nothing, it also meant a loss of labor for the family.

For some low-income families, that small amount of lost earnings could cause a drastic decline in their entire family’s standard of living.

Nevertheless, Carlo was already satisfied with achieving such an effect.

Given Spain’s illiteracy rate of over seventy percent, there were at least eleven million illiterate people in the country. After a few years of literacy education, the illiterate population could be reduced to below eight million, or less than half of the total population.

Although there was still a gap compared to other European countries, it was undoubtedly a massive improvement compared to the Spain of a few years ago.

On January 25, 1871, Carlo had only been reveling in the success of the widespread literacy education for a few days when Kadir brought him even better news: the mission to the United States had been completed.

The United States of this era was not the mighty world police of later times, but a weak nation that had just ended its civil war not long ago.

It wasn’t that Carlo looked down on the United States; it was just that its foundation at this time was far inferior to that of the European nations.

Although the United States’ economy and industrial scale were at the level of the great powers, if one were to disregard other factors and engage in a real fight, the United States would most likely lose to Spain.

Spain’s weakness was relative. Compared to superpowers like Britain, France, and Germany, Spain was naturally weaker.

But when compared to small and medium-sized European countries like Belgium, the Netherlands, and Portugal, Spain still held a considerable advantage.

In all of Europe, besides Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Austria, which could a.s.suredly overpower Spain, not even Italy could claim certain dominance.

If Spain hadn’t squandered the wealth plundered from its colonies on pleasure and luxury for so long, it would probably still be a formidable colonial empire.

Of course, based purely on the gains from colonization and the current size of its colonies, Spain was still the world’s third-largest colonial empire, second only to the two superpowers, Britain and France.

Even though Spain’s colonies in the Americas had gained independence one after another, Spain’s influence over these former colonies still existed.

Currently, apart from Britain, France, and Germany—three nations that completely overshadowed Spain in terms of population, industry, economy, and military—there were few other countries that Carlo considered significant.

The Russian Empire appeared powerful, but like the former Kingdom of Spain, it was rotten to the core.

Alexander II’s reforms seemed to have given Russia a shot in the arm, but in reality, they only changed the surface without altering the country’s corrupt foundation.

History had already demonstrated the success or failure of Alexander II’s reforms; the Russian Empire had less than fifty years of existence left.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire also looked strong, but in reality, it was plagued by countless internal problems. The transformation of the Austrian Empire into the Austro-Hungarian Empire already revealed the issues within the country; the Austrians could no longer stop the rise of Hungary. How long this dual monarchy could last depended entirely on whether the Hungarians were willing to remain under the empire’s rule.

The two great powers poised to rise in the future, the United States and the island nation, also posed a limited threat to Spain. The United States became powerful not because of its vast industrial and economic strength, but because it crazily preyed on Europe during the two World Wars, absorbing a large number of European technical experts.

Without this advanced technology and talent from Europe, even with its enormous industry and economy, the United States would have been seen by Europeans as nothing more than an upstart nouveau riche.

Now that Carlo had arrived in an era before America’s rise, he naturally couldn’t allow it to ascend as it had in history.

Moreover, the United States was not as strong as it appeared. The racial conflicts between blacks and whites, the tensions among the vast immigrant populations, and the divisions between the American North and South were all too fatal for a country whose history could be written in a single book.

The American Civil War was, in fact, a microcosm of the domestic conflicts in the United States at the time. And the war did not resolve these conflicts; it merely suppressed them through force.

Unless the United States could rapidly rise to become a world hegemon, making all immigrants’ sense of identification with America far stronger than their opposition to its government, perhaps it could suppress the conflicts and clashes between certain domestic groups.

But if the United States couldn’t quickly become one of the world’s top three superpowers, these internal conflicts would persist until they were resolved or erupted.

Such problems were not unique to the United States; they also appeared in other countries that had gained independence from colonial rule and were continuously absorbing immigrant populations.

If immigrants came from a single country, it would be fine, as the conflicts would be fewer, primarily just between the colony and the suzerain state.

But for a country like the United States, which continuously absorbed immigrants from all over Europe, including a large number from Asia and Africans brought over through the slave trade, it was truly a tumultuous drama.

The mission to the United States that Kadir mentioned was certainly not to befriend the American government; Carlo had no intention of doing so.

For one thing, the United States’ forces had definitely meddled in the independence movement in the Cuban colony last year.

If Spain hadn’t stabilized quickly and if Carlo hadn’t dispatched Marshal Serrano, a former Governor-General of Cuba, to personally lead troops to suppress the rebellion, this war of independence would likely have dragged on for several years, just as it did in history, dealing a heavy blow to Spain’s economy.

Consider this: Spain’s annual fiscal revenue was a mere three hundred million pesetas, whereas historically, suppressing the rebellion in Cuba cost seven hundred million pesetas.

This meant the Spanish government had to pour the majority of its annual fiscal revenue into military expenditure just to successfully quell the Cuban independence uprising.

And what did the Spanish government gain? A Cuban colony even more desperate for independence, with an economy that was mostly destroyed.

It was only because the current Spain needed to lie low and focus on development that Carlo hadn’t already taken the opportunity to cause some trouble for the American government.

The Cuban colony currently belonged to Spain, and the Americans would certainly not give up their covetous gaze upon it.

Fortunately, the United States did not yet possess such formidable industrial and economic power, and the Spanish government had not weakened, so the American government did not have the guts to wage war on Spain.

Historically, the United States waited until 1898 and even preemptively expressed its request to the Spanish government to purchase the Cuban colony for one hundred million US dollars.

Although it was nearly thirty years later, the US dollar was not cheap back then; it was roughly equivalent to twenty million pounds.

Remember, 1898 was the pre-dreadnought era, the age of battleships. The construction of one of the most powerful main battleships of the time cost just over one million pounds.

The twenty million pounds the Americans were willing to pay would have been enough for Spain to build a navy ranked among the top eight in the world. This shows that the Americans were somewhat unconfident in their own strength at the time and still held some respect for Spain.

However, after the war began, the Spanish government’s performance stunned the then-underconfident Americans. It led the United States to not only seize the Cuban colony but also snatch away the Philippines, one of Spain’s few remaining large colonies, consigning the Spanish colonial empire to history for good.

After the Spanish-American War, Spain’s colonies were reduced to just a few smaller territories in Africa. This ultimately forced Spain to set its sights on Morocco, where it had to directly face pressure from Britain and France.

Chapter 103: Maxim: Buy One, Get Two Free

The task Carlo gave Kadir was to find Gatling and Maxim in the United States and, if possible, invite them to work in Spain.

These two men were quite famous. One was the progenitor of the machine gun, while the other was a genius designer hailed as the “Father of Automatic Weapons.”

If he could recruit these two to Spain, the future progress of Spanish machine guns would surely be among the world’s best.

Maxim’s talents even extended beyond machine guns; he had also made significant achievements with smokeless powder. Smokeless powder was a powerful boost for machine guns, and it was undoubtedly one of the key contributors to their power.

The mission Carlo gave Kadir was to do his utmost to invite both Gatling and Maxim to work in Spain, or at the very least, one of them.

Regarding their priority, Carlo indicated that if only one could be chosen, he should try to invite Maxim over Gatling.

The reason was simple. Gatling was already quite renowned in the United States. The hand-cranked Gatling gun he developed had already proven its worth during the American Civil War.

He had not stopped his research and development of machine guns, and Gatling himself had long since caught the attention of the American government. Recruiting him to Spain would be very difficult.

Compared to Gatling, the younger Maxim, who had not yet demonstrated his capabilities, was clearly the easier target.

Furthermore, in terms of sheer impact on Spain, Carlo was more optimistic about Maxim. The Maxim gun played a huge role in the histories of both World War I and World War II. The weapon he developed was widely imitated and improved upon by various countries, which was a testament to his talent in this field.

As the Father of Automatic Weapons, Maxim’s abilities were not limited to machine guns; they could also be applied to artillery.

If the future Spanish army could be equipped with machine guns and semi-automatic artillery, combined with advanced military doctrine, it could undoubtedly forge one of the world’s most powerful armies.

It didn’t matter if Gatling was unwilling to come to Spain. After all, the hand-cranked Gatling gun he had developed was already available for purchase.

If they couldn’t bring Gatling the man, then they could bring back a few Gatling guns. These could be given to the Royal Arsenal to be reverse-engineered and studied, allowing Spain to manufacture its own machine guns.

The current hand-cranked Gatling gun wasn’t actually that reliable. Carlo was more expectant of Maxim’s achievements in the field of machine guns and the Maxim gun he would create—a weapon that could truly influence warfare.

On January 28, 1871, Carlo finally met the man he had been eagerly anticipating: Hiram Stevens Maxim, one of history’s greatest mechanical geniuses and the renowned Father of Automatic Weapons.

Over the past few days, Carlo had also learned the full story of how Kadir recruited Maxim.

The facts were indeed as he had predicted. Compared to Gatling, who was already famous for his hand-cranked gun, Maxim had little reputation in the United States at this time.

Maxim was born in February 1840, making him just 31 years old.

Speaking of which, Kadir had been very puzzled as to why Carlo was so insistent on recruiting Maxim. Although Maxim was a researcher in the mechanical field, the patents he had invented so far were not of immense significance.

To date, Maxim had only a few meager patents, including his first—a curling iron—and a headlight that could be mounted on a train.

In the days leading up to Kadir’s arrival in the United States, Maxim had been hesitating over whether to accept an offer from an American company to become an engineer at their electric light company.

However, after meeting Kadir, Maxim immediately had a new option.

It couldn’t be helped. The terms offered by Carlo were simply too attractive, and the 31-year-old Maxim couldn’t help but be tempted.

When Carlo learned that Maxim was coming to Spain, he was overjoyed. Recruiting Maxim not only meant gaining a top-tier talent in weapons design but was also a buy-one-get-two-free deal. His brother, Hudson Maxim, and his two-year-old son, Hiram Percy Maxim, had also come to Spain.

Although Hudson Maxim was not as famous as his brother, he was also an excellent military inventor with his own achievements in the field of explosives.

And Maxim’s son, Hiram Percy Maxim, was also an exceptional talent. Like his father, he chose to become a mechanical engineer and not only invented the firearm suppressor but also made certain improvements to the internal combustion engine.

Spain was currently short of inventors in the field of military weaponry, so this “buy one, get two free” deal with Maxim was naturally very welcome.

At the Royal Palace of Madrid, Carlo received the two Maxim brothers, welcoming them on their arrival from the United States.

“Mr. Hudson Maxim, Mr. Hiram Stevens Maxim, welcome to Spain,” Carlo said with a smile.

“Thank you, Your Majesty. It is our honor to receive your invitation, and we thank you for this opportunity,” Maxim said respectfully to Carlo.

Despite being born in the republican United States, it didn’t mean Maxim was opposed to the monarchy of European countries.

Given the generous terms Carlo offered him, his gratitude was sincere.

Maxim came from a humble background and had only secured a job through his own diligence and eagerness to learn. When Carlo offered him a higher-paying job that he was more passionate about, Maxim, of course, was unwilling to let the opportunity slip by. This was also why he had convinced his brother to come to Spain with him.

Compared to staying in the United States, Maxim was more willing to leave for a new place.

The reason was simple. By this time, the United States had already formed massive capital forces, and the attitude of capital toward inventors like them was not particularly friendly.

Maxim naturally wanted to earn an income from his inventions, but the reality was harsh. Companies founded by inventors like him would be suppressed by other capitalists. This was the real reason the historical Maxim eventually left the United States for Britain.

Now, with a personal invitation from Carlo, Maxim was certainly willing to leave the United States to seek new opportunities for development.

It was true that he was passionate about invention and design, but what truly interested him was firearms, specifically the design of automatic weapons.

Although the United States had the hand-cranked Gatling gun, in Maxim’s view, such a design was not truly automatic but merely a clever trick.

The hand-cranked Gatling gun also had its share of problems, which was why, despite proving its effectiveness in the American Civil War, it had not yet become widespread in Europe.

Maxim harbored the idea of inventing his own automatic weapon. The position Carlo offered him was that of a weapons design engineer at the Royal Arsenal, which perfectly aligned with Maxim’s ambitions.

Both Maxim brothers would serve as weapon design engineers at the Royal Arsenal, which suited their interests perfectly.

The property and 5,000 pesetas in settlement funds Carlo promised them would allow them to quickly establish a home in Spain and adapt better to their new life.

Carlo held the Maxim brothers in high regard. Although they hadn’t been heavily involved in weapon development before, he was still willing to offer them an annual salary of 2,000 pesetas and promised that as long as their designs made progress, they could receive a raise and a bonus at any time.

The two were naturally very satisfied with this salary. After all, they were not well-known inventors in the United States, so they couldn’t have expected a high salary of several thousand or tens of thousands of pesetas right from the start.

Accompanying the Maxim brothers to Spain was another famous name—Gatling. Or rather, the hand-cranked Gatling gun.

That’s right. Gatling ultimately chose to remain in the United States and did not accept the invitation from the King of Spain.

But for Carlo, this no longer mattered. With the Maxim brothers on board, Gatling’s role was not as crucial anymore.

On Carlo’s orders, Kadir had brought back several hand-cranked Gatling guns to be provided to the Royal Arsenal for research.

Historically, the Maxim gun was born around 1883 and passed its tests to be officially patented in 1884.

This year was only 1871, a gap of at least 12 years. However, considering that Maxim had only spent a few years researching machine guns in actual history, Carlo was optimistic that he could develop the Maxim gun before 1883.

Speaking of this period in Maxim’s history of developing the machine gun, one must mention another famous figure, the so-called great inventor Edison.

Yes, during this period, Edison seemed to be everywhere in the United States, which was one of the reasons for his increasingly poor reputation.

While Edison certainly had some talent for invention, he was more of a capitalist—a capitalist who constantly suppressed other inventors.

Maxim was born in the United States, but due to Edison’s suppression, he was forced to flee to Britain. This ultimately benefited Britain, which gained the famous weapons design genius.

If Maxim could start his research on machine guns earlier, with the support of Carlo and the Spanish government, Carlo believed he could achieve relevant results sooner.

As long as Spain could possess machine guns and more advanced artillery, Carlo would fear no nation in land warfare.

Regardless of the combat effectiveness of other countries, in the land warfare of this era, the disparity in weapons and the advancement of military doctrine directly influenced the outcome of a war.

The reasons why the Prussian army was able to defeat the French army included France’s heavy reliance on line infantry and the fact that the Krupp cannon had a longer range and was more reliable than French artillery.

If both sides had been on the same level in military doctrine and weapon technology, Prussia certainly would not have been able to defeat the French army.

This was why Carlo was so determined to develop machine guns and semi-automatic artillery. Once Spain took the lead in these areas, its army would leap to become one of the top armies in Europe.

With a powerful army, the Spanish government would finally have the confidence to truly control its own destiny.

Carlo’s military development plan for Spain in the coming years would be entirely focused on the army.

Of course, the overall size of the Spanish army would not change significantly. The focus was more on improvements in weapon technology.

As for the navy, its development would have to wait until Spain had built up a sufficient industrial and economic base.

It wasn’t that Carlo was unwilling to develop the navy; it was just that a navy was far more cash-intensive than an army and much more difficult to build up.

Why did only a handful of great powers participate in the naval arms race before World War I? Because other countries simply couldn’t afford to build a navy.

The current ironclads cost anywhere from one hundred thousand to several hundred thousand pounds each, and future battleships would cost over a million pounds.

As for the later dreadnoughts, a single one could cost over a million pounds, with super-dreadnoughts costing two or three million.

What was even more daunting was that naval construction wasn’t just about the upfront shipbuilding costs; fleet maintenance was also a massive expense.

Then there was the training of naval soldiers, the cost of fuel for the warships, and so on. All told, it amounted to an astronomical sum.

The current Spanish government couldn’t afford to play the naval game. Even if it managed to build a navy, it would only consist of a few small- to medium-sized warships.

If the Spanish government were to bite the bullet and build ironclads now, it would be truly foolish.

Never mind whether the Spanish government’s finances could support naval maintenance; it would stir up considerable trouble with the British.

Spain’s geographical location was already very important. If it were to blindly develop its navy, the British would certainly become uneasy.

And when the British became uneasy, would Spain’s troubles be few? Their reputation as a “shit-stirrer” wasn’t for nothing. If Spain were to draw up a naval development plan today, Britain could support Cuban and Philippine independence tomorrow and completely oppose Spain’s colonial expansion in Africa.

This was why Carlo had formulated a plan for army development. Limited by its population size, Spain’s army, no matter how powerful, would not pose as great a threat.

Unless Spain could become the number one land power in Europe, developing its army would not cross Britain’s bottom line, which meant that Britain and Spain could enjoy a period of peace.

It couldn’t be helped. This was still Britain’s glorious Victorian era. Never mind Spain; even the Germans had to acknowledge Britain’s splendor.

As long as Spain kept a low profile for now, the British wouldn’t go out of their way to provoke them.

Because Britain also had vast interests and its own conflicts with other nations.

After Prussia defeated France, the conflict between Britain and France was no longer as intense. Currently, Britain’s fiercest competitor was Russia, and the two were engaged in an extremely intense colonial competition in Central Asia.

Compared to the Russians, the Spaniards were not a major concern for the British. As long as Spain behaved itself and developed quietly, the British wouldn’t create trouble for themselves.

Chapter 104: Labor Policy

As time entered 1871, one matter captured the attention of the Spaniards and many European royal families: the marriage of King Carlo of Spain.

Carlo had now secured his throne in Spain, and as he was about to turn twenty, he had reached the age for marriage negotiations among European nobility.

As the King of Spain and a member of the House of Savoy, there were quite a few European royal families who wished to form a marriage alliance with the Spanish royal family, including the imperial families of the great powers.

Firstly, Spain’s geographical location was undeniably important. Secondly, Spain’s comprehensive national strength was not to be underestimated; it was in the first tier of nations just below the great powers.

Furthermore, Carlo was the son of King Vittorio Emanuele II of Italy. A marriage alliance with the Spanish royal family was, in effect, a marriage alliance with the Italian royal family as well.

Because Carlo’s mother, Adelaide, had already passed away, the royal houses of Europe proactively approached both Carlo and his father, Vittorio Emanuele II.

Looking at the letters pouring in from various European royal families, along with the photographs tucked inside, Carlo felt his head was about to split.

He could understand the inclusion of princesses of a suitable age, but why were there even little girls who had just turned ten? Then he looked at the letter from his own sister, Princess Maria Pia, which was actually recommending a Portuguese princess.

Carlo rubbed his brow and wrote a reply to his sister, stating that he had no plans for a marriage alliance with Portugal at the moment.

Putting all else aside, a union between Portugal and Spain was simply impossible at present. The British would absolutely not want to see Portugal and the Spaniards unite. A unified Iberian Peninsula would be a formidable enemy for Britain in the western Mediterranean.

As the saying goes, one mountain cannot accommodate two tigers. Relations between the Portuguese and the Spaniards had never been particularly friendly. For sixty years, from 1580 to 1640, Portugal was briefly under a personal union with Spain, and the two established the Iberian Union.

However, this union was clearly not as smooth as the one between the Kingdom of Castille and the Kingdom of Aragon over a century earlier. While the union of Castille and Aragon created the powerful Kingdom of Spain, the union of Spain and Portugal only made the people of the two nations begin to despise one another.

Besides, marrying a Portuguese princess did not align with Carlo’s own interests. Even if it could secure an alliance with Portugal, the disadvantages for Spain would far outweigh the benefits.

Britain would surely move to crush any alliance between Portugal and Spain. Not only would this cause the Spanish government to miss a golden opportunity for development, but the constant British provocations would also create even more friction between the Portuguese and the Spaniards.

Due to Queen Victoria’s hemophilia, Carlo had excluded the British royal family from his list of potential marriage partners from the very beginning.

Among all the European great powers, the only royal families Carlo could now consider for a marriage alliance were those of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia.

If Carlo had to choose, he would be more inclined to select Germany. Germany itself had no major issues, and its performance in the future World War I would be formidable.

Conversely, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia were riddled with internal problems, most of which were practically unsolvable.

However, after the end of World War I, all three of these countries—Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia—abolished their monarchies. Therefore, the shortcomings of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia were not as significant from that perspective.

Among these three countries, Carlo would definitely prioritize Germany, with Austria-Hungary as a backup, and Russia as the last resort.

Germany and Austria-Hungary were stronger industrially, and their military technology could help Spain achieve tangible and effective improvements.

Russia, on the other hand, aside from its larger population and richer resources, lagged far behind Germany and Austria-Hungary in terms of industry and economy.

In fact, before the outbreak of World War I, the initial alliance was the League of the Three Emperors between Germany, Russia, and Austria-Hungary. But why did it eventually evolve into the Franco-Russian Alliance? Because the French, through continuous financial aid, had firmly grasped the economic lifelines of the Russians.

However, there was a problem at present: it seemed the House of Hohenzollern and the House of Habsburg did not have many princesses of a suitable age for a marriage alliance with Carlo.

Fortunately, Carlo was not in a hurry. He could take his time selecting a candidate he preferred while waiting for news from other royal families.

In February 1871, the Spanish government approved another major project: the construction of a railway through the entire colony of Southern Morocco.

Since there were virtually no railways in Morocco, this railway had to be fully funded and constructed by the Spanish government. Its total length would exceed three hundred kilometers.

The railway would start in Agadir, the capital of the colony of Southern Morocco, and end in the southernmost city of Tantan, passing through smaller cities like Tiznit and Guelmim.

To strengthen control over the interior of the colony, the railway would also have a branch line running east from Agadir, passing through Taroudant and Tata, connecting almost all of the colony’s larger cities and towns.

As it was a colonial railway, the Spanish government had no intention of opening it to tenders, opting to finance and build it themselves.

The good news was that the colony of Southern Morocco had over a million Moroccans, who could all be used as laborers for the railway construction.

A portion of the reparation payments from the Moroccans could also be invested in the project. A three-hundred-kilometer railway would not consume too much capital, so overall, the project was a surefire profit.

Once the railway was completed, all the resources from the Southern Morocco region could be easily transported by rail to Agadir and then shipped to Spain via the port.

Morocco’s mineral resources were quite abundant, as most of the country was mountainous. Southern Morocco also possessed considerable mineral resources, including phosphates, which could be used to produce fertilizer.

Speaking of phosphates, an uninhabited area in the southern part of Southern Morocco—what would later become the Western Sahara—also held extremely rich phosphate reserves.

According to the agreement reached between the Spanish and British governments in the last treaty, the British government would not obstruct Spain’s colonization of the Western Sahara region. This meant that the entire Western Sahara was essentially within Spain’s grasp.

The British agreement to Spanish colonization of the Western Sahara was quite understandable. The Western Sahara was, after all, a region composed mostly of desert, with a sparse population and very low overall economic value.

If they could use this region to distract the Spanish government and temporarily halt Spain’s expansion into northern Morocco, it was an acceptable trade-off for the British.

What the British truly cared about were regions rich in mineral resources and fertile land. A region like the Western Sahara was naturally one they could afford to give up.

For Spain, however, both Southern Morocco and the Western Sahara were extremely useful.

The rich phosphate mines in these two regions would allow Spain to vigorously develop its chemical fertilizer industry and rapidly popularize its use.

Although Spanish soil inherently had many disadvantages, the large-scale application of chemical fertilizers could still increase the nation’s overall crop yields.

An increase in crop yields meant the ability to support a larger population, which was a good thing for the Spanish government.

In Carlo’s future plans, Spain’s population needed to exceed twenty million for it to have the confidence to return to the ranks of the great powers.

If Spain wanted to control its own destiny and avoid becoming a pawn on the world’s chessboard, it would need a population of at least thirty million and an industrial and economic base ranked among the world’s top five.

This was still a formidable challenge for the current Spain. Achieving this goal might take decades.

It was basically out of sight within the first ten years. Simply completing Primo’s reforms within a decade would be a significant achievement. For Spain to become powerful, it might have to rely on the opportunities presented by the future Boer War and World War I.

Regarding its colonial policy in Southern Morocco, the Spanish government had no intention of taking a soft approach.

Although Moroccans were white, they were not orthodox Europeans and were destined never to be integrated into Spain’s core ethnic group.

Except for a small number who could be assimilated or were willing to accept Spanish rule, the rest of the Moroccans were to be treated as ordinary African natives.

Their only value was to generate a continuous stream of economic benefits for the Spanish government; they had no other worth.

However, compared to the small number of black natives, the treatment of Moroccan whites was slightly better.

Although Moroccan white laborers also had to perform strenuous work, their working hours were limited to twelve hours, and they received two meals a day.

In contrast, the black laborers worked for more than fourteen hours a day and received only one meager daily meal of black bread to stave off hunger.

This so-called black bread was made from flour mixed with sawdust and bran. Its production cost was extremely low, and it was the food most European nations provided to the natives.

Of course, many capitalists also supplied it to their factory workers. After all, what mattered most to a capitalist was how to reduce factory expenses. As for whether eating such black bread could kill people, what did that have to do with the factory?

Prime Minister Primo could understand Carlo’s attitude of disgust towards black people. In this era, such an attitude was not strange; Primo himself had no good impression of them either.

Because the two highest-ranking and most powerful individuals in the Spanish government both held a deep aversion to black people, the colonial policy in Southern Morocco became a hellish torment for them.

From the official start of railway construction in February 1871, an average of at least a double-digit number of black laborers died at their posts every day, and the daily death toll was still increasing.

It might not be long before the colony of Southern Morocco would become a pure land inhabited only by whites, and black people would completely disappear from this region.

Chapter 105: Archduchess Sophie

While Carlo was in no hurry to find a queen, Vittorio Emanuele II, far away in Rome, was becoming exceedingly anxious about his marriage.

Vittorio Emanuele II and Archduchess Adelaide had eight children in total, but three had died in infancy.

Now that the rest of his children had finally reached adulthood, Vittorio Emanuele II was eagerly awaiting their marriages, hoping to see the House of Savoy flourish.

Crown Prince Umberto and Duke Amedeo were already married, so it was now Carlo’s turn, who was approaching his twentieth birthday.

Upon learning that Carlo had specific requirements for his future queen, Vittorio Emanuele II dispatched his new wife, Rosa, to visit Germany, Austria, and Russia personally in search of a suitable match.

Although relations between Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were strained, Emanuele II still included the empire in the search, hoping to find a queen for Carlo who would both serve their political interests and meet his approval.

Vittorio Emanuele II would have preferred a match from Germany or Russia, but after Queen Rosa visited both countries, she found no suitable candidates of the appropriate age among their royal families.

There was one princess from the House of Romanov, but her appearance was rather plain, and she had a tomboyish personality—clearly not Carlo’s type.

With no other options, only the Austro-Hungarian Empire remained to be considered.

Despite the rather tense relations between Italy and Austria-Hungary, Queen Rosa was welcomed by the House of Habsburg upon her arrival. Although she was a queen from a morganatic marriage, the royal houses of Europe knew the purpose of her journey was not on behalf of Italy, but for the King of Spain.

On both principle and sentiment, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had no reason to refuse a marriage alliance with Spain. Furthermore, Carlo’s own mother, Archduchess Adelaide, was an Austrian noblewoman, meaning Carlo himself had half-Austrian noble blood.

Unlike the royal families of Germany and Russia, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had not one, but two suitable candidates—both daughters of Emperor Franz Joseph.

The elder daughter, Archduchess Sophie Friederike Dorothea Maria Josepha, was born on March 5, 1855. At sixteen, she was of a perfect age for marriage.

The second daughter, Gisela Louise Marie, was a year younger than her sister Sophie. At nearly fifteen, her age was also very suitable.

Austria-Hungary also fulfilled Carlo’s requirements. Austria’s industrial might was formidable, and the empire as a whole could be of great assistance to Spain. This was one of the conditions Carlo himself had laid out for Vittorio Emanuele II.

It seemed that after all their searching, the most suitable candidates were in the Austro-Hungarian Empire all along.

Vittorio Emanuele II felt a bit resigned, but for the sake of his son’s marriage, he had Queen Rosa prepare several photographs of Archduchess Sophie and Archduchess Gisela, along with brief introductions, and send them to the Royal Palace of Madrid.

If all went smoothly, an engagement could be finalized this year, with a wedding to follow in the next year or two.

The thought that Carlo’s marriage might finally be settled brought a faint smile to Vittorio Emanuele II’s face, which had been somber for days. He seemed to relax a little.

The letter, with the photographs enclosed, reached the Royal Palace of Madrid several days later.

Despite Vittorio Emanuele II arranging for a dedicated escort, the journey from Vienna to Madrid still took several days, as logistics in that era were far from the convenience of modern times.

Carlo felt a touch of exasperation upon receiving the letter. He had never imagined that even after being transported to this world, he would still have to endure the pressure to get married. Who would believe that the great King of Spain was actually struggling to find a queen?

Then again, this predicament was largely due to Europe’s rigid emphasis on bloodlines.

Marriages between nobles placed an extreme premium on bloodline and social standing. While marrying a commoner was possible, it came at a tremendous cost.

If Carlo were to marry a woman of lower status, their children would have no right of succession to the Spanish throne.

This alone was a critical limitation, drastically narrowing his options for a queen to a small pool of princesses from Europe’s royal houses and daughters of some grand dukes.

When he added his requirement that the marriage must also benefit Spain, that already small pool of candidates shrank even further, leaving only a handful of possibilities.

Factoring in age and personality compatibility made finding a suitable match an almost insurmountable challenge.

Despite his resignation, Carlo decided to read the letter. After all, it had been sent in the name of Vittorio Emanuele II, and Carlo had already informed his father of his conditions for a marriage alliance. He reasoned that his father wouldn’t have sent a letter without a good reason.

He opened the letter and found several photographs and a sheet of paper with a brief introduction.

A detailed introduction wasn’t really necessary; members of the various royal families were not much of a secret, and information about them could be found with a bit of research.

The photographs were what mattered. There were four in total, two of each archduchess. From what he could tell, both princesses were quite beautiful.

However, upon reading their introductions, Carlo grew puzzled.

He had some recollection of Archduchess Gisela. She had married Prince Leopold of Bavaria, a formidable man.

Prince Leopold had been awarded the Grand Cross of the Iron Cross, a distinction given to only five individuals during World War I: Kaiser Wilhelm II, Hindenburg, Ludendorff, Mackensen, and Prince Leopold himself.

All five were legendary figures. With the exception of Wilhelm II, the others were all brilliant military commanders of the German Empire during World War I, possessed of exceptional strategic talent.

The love story of Franz Joseph and his wife, Empress Sisi, was well-known in later eras, and as an avid student of foreign history, Carlo was familiar with it.

The imperial couple had four children in total, so Carlo knew perfectly well who this Archduchess Sophie was: Franz Joseph’s eldest daughter.

However, his hazy memory suggested that this archduchess had died of typhoid fever at the age of two. How could she possibly still be alive?

Could his arrival have altered the timeline? Carlo was baffled. But then he remembered that his own original self had also died young. His fate bore a certain resemblance to Archduchess Sophie’s, and a flicker of interest sparked within him.

A marriage alliance with the Austro-Hungarian Empire had merely been a contingency plan for Carlo, but now it appeared to be his only viable option.

The letter also detailed the current state of the German and Russian royal families. Unless he was willing to consider a match from the collateral branches of the Hohenzollern or Romanov houses, there were no suitable princesses available for him to marry.

After carefully examining the photographs, Carlo made up his mind.

Compared to the fifteen-year-old Archduchess Gisela, Carlo preferred Archduchess Sophie, who was already sixteen. Age was one factor, but another was simply that Sophie was more beautiful than Gisela.

Since their stations were identical, Carlo naturally preferred the more attractive candidate. At the very least, she would be more pleasant to look at, wouldn’t she?

But making a choice was one thing; the actual arrangements would fall to Queen Rosa. They would need to meet at a banquet once or twice before any formal marriage negotiations could begin.

After penning a reply to Vittorio Emanuele II, Carlo began preparations for a visit to the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

He needed to see for himself whether the match was truly suitable; he wouldn’t make such a momentous life decision based on photographs alone.

Besides, the visit to the Austro-Hungarian Empire served other purposes, such as seeking loans from Austrian capitalists and securing industrial support from the empire.

Though the Austrian Empire had been defeated in its war with Prussia, the current Austro-Hungarian Empire was still an upper-tier great power, far stronger than Italy, which ranked near the bottom of the great powers.

In terms of national strength, the Austro-Hungarian Empire could easily be ranked fifth in the world, after Britain, France, Germany, and Russia, and the gap between it and the latter three was not particularly large.

At present, only Britain held a commanding lead among the great powers, an advantage built upon its formidable navy and the vast resources of India.

However, this lead would not last long. With the successive rise of Germany and the United States, the gap between Britain and the other great powers would continue to shrink, ultimately being erased by a series of wars.

As one of the German states, Austria’s industrial capabilities had always been first-rate in Europe. Their artillery designs were excellent, and the nation had produced numerous brilliant minds in physics and chemistry.

If nothing else, with the support of both Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Carlo would be in a much stronger position to claim the entire Congo River Basin.

His greatest rivals there were Britain and France, with Germany playing the role of a spoiler. Given the power disparities, Germany would certainly not side with Britain and France; it was far more likely to support Spain.

Even if Germany remained neutral, Carlo, backed by Austria-Hungary and Italy, would not have to fear colonial competition from Britain and France.

Moreover, the League of the Three Emperors was set to be formed in a few years, originating from an alliance between Austria-Hungary and Russia.

From this perspective, a marriage alliance with Austria-Hungary could help Spain forge connections with both Germany and Russia.

While these ties wouldn’t be ironclad, Russia’s opposition to Britain was a certainty, a fact that could be exploited.

By offering a share of the benefits to Austria-Hungary and Germany, he could likely secure their support for Spain’s colonial ambitions in the Congo.

Besides, the scramble for Africa and the contest over the Congo River Basin were still several years away. By then, Spain would have regained some of its strength through reforms.

To a certain extent, Carlo truly did not fear British threats. As the saying goes, he who is barefoot does not fear the one wearing shoes. Spain could endure the loss of Cuba and the Philippines, but could Britain afford to lose India?

A drawn-out conflict with Spain offered no advantage to the British, whose global empire was rife with colonies and the countless troubles that came with them.

Tired, Taking a Day Off

Tired, taking a day off.

I saw a comment from one of the brothers in the comments section saying I delete comments, so I’d like to explain here:

First, I didn’t delete it. Your comment was just a normal discussion, and I had no reason to do so (book reviews also contribute to the novel’s popularity).

Second, I only delete comments when I am personally attacked, at which point I also issue a ban. If you haven’t been banned, then I wasn’t the one who deleted it.

Third, this book’s performance is already quite poor, and it’s relying entirely on the support of the brothers from my previous book. Even if people say this book is bad or illogical, I accept it with an open mind and do my best to improve. I don’t even plan on deleting negative reviews, so why would I delete your perfectly normal discussion comment?

I’m a bit speechless. Being personally attacked without the person even getting their facts straight is just mentally exhausting.

I want to state solemnly once again: anyone who spends money to subscribe to this book is someone who truly likes it. I will accept even a negative review with an open mind. There is no such thing as me deleting comments, unless it is a personal attack.

If this happens again in the future, you can come and ask me directly. The group chat number is available. I just want to write my book in peace. I’m already very tired, so please, give me a break.

Two chapters tomorrow. Today, I’m going to brainstorm for ideas.

(I know this book’s performance is poor and I am aware of my own shortcomings, but I’m incredibly grateful that you brothers continue to support me as always, even under these circumstances.

To be honest, I’ve never thought of you as just fans or anything like that. We are all fellow readers, enjoying books together. I’m very grateful you’re here to support me, and if you think the writing isn’t good enough, I sincerely accept that. I only hope my next book will be better and attract more fellow readers.)

Thank you all for your support. I’m going to sleep now. Good night.

Chapter 106: A Visit to the Austro-Hungarian Empire

Whatever the future held, from Carlo’s current perspective, a marriage alliance with the Austro-Hungarian Empire was undoubtedly one of the best options available.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was one of Europe’s five traditional great powers (Britain, France, Germany, Austria, and Russia), possessing a formidable economic and industrial foundation.

Although defeated by Prussia a few years ago, the mighty French Empire had also fallen to Prussian cannons. This comparison made it clear that the Austro-Hungarian Empire was not as weak as one might imagine.

In fact, speaking of the wars between France, Prussia, and the Austrian Empire, the famed power of the Prussian Krupp cannons was not something they possessed from the very beginning.

Back in 1859, the nation with the most advanced artillery technology on the European continent was France. The Second Italian War of Independence showed the Austrian Empire the power of French artillery, prompting them to reform and build new, more powerful cannons of their own.

These upgraded Austrian cannons played a crucial role in the Austro-Prussian War a few years later, causing the Prussian army considerable trouble.

If not for the significant gap in rifle technology between the Austrian and Prussian armies, the Austro-Prussian War might not have ended so quickly.

At the time, the Prussian army was already being equipped with faster-loading breech-loading rifles, while the Austrian army still used muzzle-loading rifles with paper cartridges.

In terms of rate of fire, for every shot an Austrian musketeer fired, the Prussian soldiers could return fire four to five times.

Combined with the well-worn tactic of lining up to be shot, Austria’s defeat was practically inevitable.

Because the line infantry tactics resulted in such massive casualties for the Austrian Empire, the French government didn’t even have time to intervene before the Austrian government requested peace talks with Prussia.

It was precisely because they had suffered at the hands of Austrian artillery that the Prussian army reformed its own artillery technology and began mass-producing new steel cannons.

The outcome was obvious. In last year’s Franco-Prussian War, Prussia’s newly manufactured Krupp steel cannons dealt a fatal blow to the French army, causing the mighty Second French Empire to collapse in an instant.

This piece of history shows that the gap in comprehensive strength between Germany, France, and Austria during this era was not that large. All three nations’ military industries were at the pinnacle of the age, and any one of them would be an immense asset to Spain.

Since the decision to pursue a marriage alliance with the Austro-Hungarian Empire had been made, Carlo had no reason to hesitate.

Regardless of what Archduchess Sophie was like, as long as the Austro-Hungarian Empire behind her could provide Spain with assistance, Carlo’s objective would be achieved.

If he happened to like Archduchess Sophie’s personality, then it would be a joyous outcome for all. Even if she wasn’t to his liking, Carlo could always keep a few lovers he did like to ensure he wasn’t selling himself short.

At the very least, Archduchess Sophie’s looks were certainly more than acceptable. Even without an emotional foundation, the marriage would be tolerable for Carlo.

If her appearance had been unsatisfactory, Carlo might not have been so willing to accept this political marriage. After all, looks could be passed down to the next generation.

On March 25, 1871, at the invitation of the Austro-Hungarian government, Carlo announced a diplomatic visit to the Austro-Hungarian Empire to promote economic cooperation between the two nations.

In the eyes of the common people, this was just a normal diplomatic visit between two countries. Although Spain was not a great power, it was an old colonial empire and undeniably one of the top nations among the non-great powers of Europe.

Economic cooperation between two such powerful countries was mutually beneficial, and it elicited no unusual reaction from the populace of either nation.

However, in the eyes of other European royal families and high-ranking government officials, this was no simple diplomatic visit.

A king would not typically be mobilized for an ordinary diplomatic mission. This looked more like a meeting between the two royal families.

And for what reason would they meet? It was, of course, for some form of cooperation between the royal houses, such as Carlo’s marriage, which had previously captured the attention of all of Europe’s royalty.

In truth, Carlo himself was not that important. A single king’s marriage would not normally attract the attention of every royal family in Europe.

But when it was the king of a nation of Spain’s caliber, it was not surprising that it drew the interest of the great powers’ royal families.

It was no exaggeration to say that the royal families of Britain, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia were all paying close attention to Carlo’s marriage. If one included Carlo’s father, Vittorio Emanuele II, it would mean that every great power in Europe was watching this matter.

The reason, of course, was not Carlo himself, but the Kingdom of Spain behind him.

The Kingdom of Spain was by no means weak, and its geographical location was of paramount importance. Britain was naturally unwilling to see Germany or Russia form a marriage alliance with Spain, as this could disrupt its strategic layout in the Mediterranean.

The French were also watching closely. After all, who would want to be caught between two fronts? If the German and Spanish royal families were to unite, France, sandwiched between them, would be in a very uncomfortable position.

Although Russia’s desire for a marriage alliance with Spain was not as strong, the Russians were always willing to cause a bit of trouble for the British.

The last remaining power, Austria-Hungary, was naturally willing to form an alliance with Spain. Like Italy, Austria-Hungary’s entire coastline was on the Mediterranean.

This meant that if the powerful Austro-Hungarian Empire wished to develop its navy, it would inevitably be constrained by Britain.

The Austro-Hungarian navy needed to consider the British attitude just to exit the Mediterranean. For a great power like Austria-Hungary, how could this be tolerated?

If they established good relations with Spain, there was hope that in the event of a major conflict, the Austro-Hungarian navy could pass through the Strait of Gibraltar and enter the Atlantic.

The reactions of various nations to Carlo’s diplomatic visit were markedly different. However, considering the existing friction between Austria-Hungary and Italy, this marriage alliance was generally deemed acceptable.

For the British Empire, a union between Spain and Austria-Hungary was far better than one with Germany or Russia.

For France, it was good news as it averted the scenario of being pincered from two sides.

After a long journey by sea and land, Carlo and his entourage finally arrived at the center of power of the Austro-Hungarian Empire: Vienna, the capital of Austria.

It was worth noting that his previous trip to the Kingdom of Italy, though just a personal excursion for Carlo, had felt more like a formal diplomatic visit.

A large number of officials had accompanied him to Italy, and several cooperation agreements were reached between Spain and Italy.

This time, the nominally diplomatic visit involved far fewer officials. Accompanying Carlo, aside from a Royal Guard contingent of several hundred to ensure his safety, were only some servants and a small number of diplomatic officials.

The moment Carlo crossed the border into Austria-Hungary, he was warmly welcomed by the Austro-Hungarian government. A unit of the Austro-Hungarian army escorted his party, providing protection to ensure that no incidents occurred during his visit within the empire’s territory.

After all, this era still had its share of extremists, and assassination attempts were frequent, primarily targeting high-level government officials and members of royalty.

Carlo was, after all, the King of Spain. If anything happened to him on Austro-Hungarian soil, it would have enormous repercussions for both Austria-Hungary and Spain.

Therefore, Carlo’s safety was one of the highest priorities for the Austro-Hungarian government, which was why they had mobilized a portion of their army for his protection.

As the train arrived in Vienna, the capital of Austria-Hungary, Carlo was greeted by high-ranking government officials and members of the royal family.

As a unique dual monarchy on the European continent, the government of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was also rather special.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire could be seen as two parts: one formed by the original Austrian Empire, and the other by the Kingdom of Hungary, which possessed a high degree of autonomy.

As the Emperor of Austria-Hungary, Franz Joseph I was the Emperor of the Austrian Empire and simultaneously the King of the Kingdom of Hungary.

Although it appeared to be a single, unified country, the government of Austria-Hungary was divided into two: the Austrian Imperial government and the Hungarian Royal government.

One country, two governments. This highlighted the greatest problem facing the Austro-Hungarian Empire at the time: the conflict between the Austrians, who formed the empire’s dominant group, and the Hungarians, who yearned for greater autonomy.

As the dominant nationality, and with the Austrian Empire possessing a stronger industrial and economic base, the Austrians naturally looked down on the Hungarians to some extent.

Meanwhile, the Kingdom of Hungary had a powerful agricultural sector, and a significant portion of its produce was transported to the Austrian Empire to supply the Austrians.

This led to a great deal of resentment among the Hungarians. Their grain was shipped to Austria, yet the large farm owners received little compensation. Was this not an outrageous injustice?

The various conflicts between the Hungarian and Austrian governments would eventually lead to the direct dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire after its defeat in the future, splintering it into multiple small countries, including Austria and Hungary. The Austro-Hungarian Empire, one of Europe’s five great powers, would thus become a thing of history.

In truth, the decline of the Austrian Empire was already evident from the Austro-Prussian War. The Austrian Empire’s legitimacy stemmed from the Holy Roman Empire, whose former domains encompassed the entire German lands and more than half of Italy.

The House of Habsburg had long held the throne of the Holy Roman Empire, and the Duchy of Austria was one of the most powerful states within it.

But with the rise of the Kingdom of Prussia, Austria’s rule over the Holy Roman Empire faced increasingly severe challenges.

Under the threat from their powerful enemy, France, the then Holy Roman Emperor was forced to abandon his imperial throne and style himself the Emperor of the Austrians, which marked the founding of the Austrian Empire.

The subsequent history is familiar. The Austrian Empire was utterly defeated in its rivalry with Prussia, completely excluded from the German lands, and forced to watch as its competitor became the master of Germany.

Although it formed the Austro-Hungarian Empire with Hungary and maintained its status as a great power, the empire’s dominant German population was small. It contained large numbers of Czechs, Slovaks, Hungarians, and others.

This problem constantly plagued the Austro-Hungarian Empire. If it could not be resolved, it was like a ticking time bomb buried within the empire, ready to detonate at any moment and cause its complete disintegration.

The current Prime Minister of Austria-Hungary was Gyula Andrássy. His previous position was Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Hungary, and he was rumored to be Princess Sisi’s lover.

Of course, setting aside such unsubstantiated rumors for the moment, the fact that a Hungarian Prime Minister could serve as the Prime Minister of the entire Austro-Hungarian Empire already signified that the Austrian Empire had to take Hungarian opinions seriously. They could no longer exercise the same overwhelming dominance over the Hungarians as before.

After a brief meeting with Austro-Hungarian government officials, Carlo was escorted by members of the imperial royal family to one of Europe’s grandest palaces, Schönbrunn Palace in Vienna.

The history of Schönbrunn Palace dates back to 1743, when Queen Maria Theresa ordered the construction of a palace in the southwestern region of Vienna.

Because there was a spring near the palace whose water was said to be refreshing to the mind and spirit, the palace was named Schönbrunn, meaning “beautiful spring.” It served as the summer residence of the Habsburg imperial family of the Austrian Empire and had long been one of their primary residences.

The entire Schönbrunn Palace was immense, befitting its reputation as one of Europe’s largest palaces. It boasted approximately 1400 rooms and, due to its long history, featured a variety of architectural styles, including even classical oriental designs, all epitomizing luxury and grandeur.

Inside Schönbrunn Palace, Emperor Franz Joseph I held a magnificent welcoming ceremony for Carlo.

Regardless of the purpose of his visit, as the King of Spain, he was entitled to a grand welcoming banquet hosted by the Austro-Hungarian government and royal family.

Although Spain had declined, that was only in comparison to its era as “the empire on which the sun never set.” The current Kingdom of Spain was still one of Europe’s more powerful nations. Compared to smaller countries like Belgium and the Netherlands, the Kingdom of Spain was clearly more deserving of Austria-Hungary’s respect.

It was no exaggeration to say that among all the countries in Europe, besides the six great powers of Britain, France, Germany, Russia, Austria, and Italy, Spain ranked seventh—at least, that was the perception in the eyes of all European nations.

Another reason for Carlo’s warm welcome was his half-Austrian noble blood.

Although Carlo’s mother, Archduchess Adelaide, was no longer alive, his bloodline from the Austrian nobility was undeniable.

The aristocracy of Europe was essentially one large, inseparable family. Whether it was his status as the King of Spain, a member of the House of Savoy, or his Austrian noble ancestry, any of these was enough to command the attention of the House of Habsburg.

Franz Joseph also made an appearance at the welcoming banquet for Carlo, but after a brief conversation, he left, citing the pressing demands of affairs of state.

Carlo was perfectly happy with this. He enjoyed a fine dinner accompanied by members of the Habsburg royal family before retiring to a prearranged room to rest.

Chapter 107: On Marriage

The climate in Vienna was still quite pleasant as April approached. Since Carlo had arrived in this world, Austria was the third country he had visited.

Although the three countries were not far apart, their climates were markedly different.

Spain and Italy both had Mediterranean climates, but Italy was humid while Spain was dry.

Vienna, on the other hand, had a mountain climate, making it colder than Madrid and Italy in Southern Europe.

But in terms of development potential and geographical location, Spain was actually superior.

The entire Iberian Peninsula was home to only two countries, Portugal and Spain. Portugal was too weak to pose a threat to Spain, and the northern border with France was blocked by the Pyrenees Mountains, with only two small gaps in the east and west allowing passage.

This meant that Spain only needed to defend these two gaps to turn the entire Iberian Peninsula into an easily defensible strategic stronghold. Moreover, it could command the Strait of Gibraltar, controlling the Mediterranean’s gateway to the Atlantic Ocean.

If not for the poor quality of its land and the fact that, since the time of “the empire on which the sun never set,” Spain had neglected the development of its homeland while its royal family and high officials indulged in pleasure, Austria would probably be the one trying to ride on its coattails now.

The geographical locations of both Italy and Austria had significant flaws. Although the Apennine Peninsula, where Italy is located, was shielded by mountains to the north, its south was wide open.

Worse still, the Apennine Peninsula was long and narrow, lacking strategic depth. Against a nation with a strong navy like Britain, much of Italy’s territory could face the threat of bombardment.

Furthermore, with its entire coastline in the Mediterranean, its navy could hardly pass through the sea’s two outlets to the Atlantic or Indian Oceans, severely limiting its overall development.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was not much better off. Although it possessed greater strategic depth, it bordered three great powers—Germany, Russia, and Italy—and was also adjacent to the Balkan Peninsula, the notorious “powder keg” of Europe.

Though the Austro-Hungarian Empire was indeed powerful, being surrounded on all sides meant that even with overwhelming strength, its fate was sealed.

It was for this very reason that after the Austro-Prussian and Franco-Prussian Wars, the strategic policy of the Austro-Hungarian Empire had undergone a dramatic shift.

The former Prime Minister of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was Friedrich Ferdinand von Beust, a man famous for his hatred of Prussia and his efforts to prevent the unification of northern and southern Germany.

Although Friedrich Ferdinand von Beust was instrumental in the establishment of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and strengthened the international influence of the House of Habsburg, his anti-Prussian policy could have led to a major conflict between the unified German Empire and Austria-Hungary. He was ultimately dismissed from his post as Prime Minister and replaced by the current Foreign Minister, Gyula Andrássy.

The shift in the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s stance from animosity towards Prussia to friendship with Germany was also inseparable from the escalating situation in the Balkan Peninsula.

Although most of the Balkans were currently under the control of the Ottoman Empire, the Ottomans were not called the “Sick Man of West Asia” for no reason.

This empire, which had stood for hundreds of years, was rotten to the core. Despite still possessing a vast territory, its internal problems were becoming increasingly severe.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia were engaged in a fierce struggle for influence in the Balkans. This conflict compelled Austria-Hungary to seek good relations with the German Empire to avoid being caught in a pincer between Germany and Russia.

Moreover, to appease the Hungarians, Gyula Andrássy’s rise to power was inevitable. Before becoming Prime Minister of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, he had served as the Prime Minister of Hungary and was a staunch supporter of the dual monarchy policy, which was the key to his successful appointment.

After becoming both Foreign Minister and Prime Minister of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Gyula Andrássy completely overhauled the policies left by his predecessor, Friedrich Ferdinand von Beust. He summarized the empire’s new foreign policy into two main principles: align with Germany and oppose Russia.

In fact, long before Carlo arrived in Vienna, Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria-Hungary and his empress, Princess Sisi, had already discussed the marriage between Carlo and Archduchess Sophie.

A marriage alliance was not about mutual affection; it was more about a favorable outlook on cooperation and a high regard for each other’s status.

As the King of Spain and a member of the House of Savoy, Carlo naturally commanded the respect of Franz Joseph I.

Besides, Carlo had not been involved in any scandals since his arrival in Spain. Aside from currently lacking control over the government and appearing more like a figurehead king, he seemed to have no major flaws.

This was actually acceptable. After all, Carlo was not yet twenty, and his reign had only just begun.

Moreover, Primo, who controlled the Spanish government, was old. His consolidation of power would not last much longer.

As long as Carlo was clever, even if he couldn’t seize majority control of the Spanish government in the future, he could still avoid being sidelined by a subsequent Prime Minister and would have no problem securing a certain degree of influence in the government.

Considering that absolute monarchs were more likely to face popular opposition, Franz Joseph I preferred to see Carlo possess only a certain degree of influence rather than practice absolute monarchy.

After all, when people overthrew an absolute monarchy, they were very likely to execute the royal family. Even if they weren’t executed, they would lose all their noble titles.

Compared to taking such a great risk, it was better to be a king with limited power. At least the safety of the entire royal family would not be a concern.

As for the intelligence suggesting Carlo might have a lover, Franz Joseph I naturally overlooked it.

Having a lover was perfectly normal for a nobleman of his time, let alone for the king of a country. If Carlo had gone all this time without a single lover, perhaps Franz Joseph I would have had to wonder if there was a problem with his abilities.

“Overall, he’s not bad. There don’t seem to be any major flaws.” Franz Joseph I was quite satisfied after reviewing Carlo’s profile.

“When should we arrange for them to meet? I hope Sophie and Carlo will like each other. That would be much better than a loveless political marriage.” Empress Elisabeth Amalie Eugenie, also known as Princess Sisi, had a hint of reluctance in her expression. After all, Archduchess Sophie was her and Franz Joseph I’s eldest daughter.

Experiencing giving a daughter away in marriage for the first time, Princess Sisi, who had been with Archduchess Sophie for sixteen years, found it a bit difficult to adjust.

“Let’s wait for the banquet in two days,” said Franz Joseph I. At forty, he was still relatively young. He had not yet suffered the grief of losing two heirs, and he appeared quite confident and full of authority.

Franz Joseph I and the Austro-Hungarian Empire he established were, in fact, quite unlucky.

Historically, Franz Joseph had four children, only one of whom was a son: Archduke Rudolf, the current Crown Prince of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

At this time, Archduke Rudolf was only twelve years old, and everything was still normal. But once he married and his relationship with his wife later broke down, the nightmare of the House of Habsburg would begin.

Archduke Rudolf met and became lovers with Baroness Mary Vetsera, and even conceived the idea of divorcing the Crown Princess.

When Franz Joseph learned of this, he demanded that the two break up.

Unexpectedly, the love between Archduke Rudolf and his mistress, Baroness Mary, seemed unbreakable, and they ultimately committed suicide together in a hunting lodge at Mayerling.

To give up his right to the throne and his life for love—one had to admit that Archduke Rudolf was another nobleman who prized a beautiful woman over his kingdom. And he was even more extreme, for he also gave up his life.

After the death of his only son, the right of succession to the Austro-Hungarian throne naturally passed to Franz Joseph’s younger brother, Archduke Karl Ludwig.

However, Archduke Karl Ludwig did not live long either. After drinking water from the Jordan River, he died on May 19, 1896, from complications of an infection. The right of succession then passed to Archduke Karl Ludwig’s eldest son, Archduke Franz Ferdinand.

Speaking of Franz Ferdinand, besides the infamous Sarajevo incident, he was another lord who placed love above all else.

Because his marriage to Sophie Chotek was a morganatic one, Archduke Franz Ferdinand’s descendants had no right to inherit the throne.

After he was assassinated in the Sarajevo incident, the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne reverted to the eldest son of the second son of Archduke Karl Ludwig—that is, the son of Archduke Franz Ferdinand’s younger brother.

It was worth noting that morganatic marriages were quite common in the House of Habsburg during this period.

Archduke Franz Ferdinand’s other brother, Archduke Ferdinand Karl, also entered into a morganatic marriage. The constant changes of heirs and the frequent accidents brought even more grief to the already aged Franz Joseph I, who passed away before the end of the First World War.

In 1871, with all of this yet to happen, Franz Joseph I was in a rather wonderful mood.

Carlo basically met his requirements for a son-in-law, and their statuses were a perfect match, making it an ideal marriage.

Whether Carlo and Sophie took a liking to each other was irrelevant to the marriage itself. Since it was a political alliance, their personal feelings were not that important, as long as no trouble arose later on.

No matter how many lovers Carlo had, as long as he always respected Sophie’s position as Queen, it was acceptable to Franz Joseph I and Princess Sisi.

Chapter 108: The Engagement and the Return Home

For the first two days after Carlo’s arrival in Vienna, he received no notification about when the ball would be held.

However, Carlo was not in a hurry. After all, the House of Habsburg were the hosts, and all he had to do was follow their arrangements.

Among the European nobility, men generally married quite late. If they could find a partner they admired who also suited their political interests, it was fine. But if not, marriage could very well be delayed until after the age of thirty.

After all, noblemen were free to find lovers before marriage, so they were not anxious to wed unless they had a specific purpose in mind.

For noblewomen, however, the time for marriage was before the age of twenty. If a woman reached twenty without a concrete marriage contract, she would typically be ridiculed by other nobles.

This was why the average age of marriage for European noblemen was over twenty-five, while for noblewomen it was under twenty, or even under eighteen.

An unmarried woman over the age of twenty-five, unless her personal circumstances were exceptional, would be considered undesirable.

Finally, after another day had passed, on the third day of his arrival in Vienna, Carlo met the subject of his marriage alliance: Archduchess Sophie, the eldest daughter of Franz Joseph I.

As the Emperor’s eldest daughter, Archduchess Sophie had received a rather strict noble upbringing. Carlo’s first impression of her was that she had a beautiful face and a gentle, refined personality.

Unlike the bold and fiery European girls of his impression, Carlo actually preferred this kind of quiet disposition.

The invited Austrian nobles all knew who the two protagonists of the ball were and, with a tacit understanding, did not try to steal the spotlight.

Of course, this was mostly because they knew their place. Among all the nobles attending the ball, Archduchess Sophie and Carlo were a perfect match of equal social standing. If they were to ruin this marriage alliance, it was likely that not even Franz Joseph I would spare them.

During their interactions at the ball, Carlo gradually got to know and understand Archduchess Sophie’s character, and found that she was indeed his type.

While it wasn’t love at first sight, Carlo would be more than willing to see Archduchess Sophie become his Queen in the days to come.

On Archduchess Sophie’s side, Franz Joseph I and Princess Sisi were also asking her about her feelings and attitude toward Carlo.

Due to her strict noble upbringing, Archduchess Sophie had not had much contact with boys and was still rather reserved when interacting with the opposite sex.

However, Franz Joseph I and Princess Sisi could clearly tell that Archduchess Sophie was not averse to Carlo; in fact, she even held a certain fondness for him.

Since they both had favorable impressions of each other, the marriage was settled simply and decisively.

Yes, it was just that fast. For the marriage alliances of European nobles in this era, there was no need for extensive preliminaries or long waits.

Basically, as long as both parties had a favorable impression of each other and the political interests of their families aligned, the marriage could be easily confirmed.

Franz Joseph I also began formal talks with Carlo. The purpose was to discuss the timing of Carlo and Archduchess Sophie’s wedding, as well as matters of cooperation between their royal families after the marriage.

Considering Archduchess Sophie was only sixteen years old, Carlo suggested holding the wedding a year later, by which time he himself would have turned twenty.

Franz Joseph I naturally nodded in agreement. A year would also be enough time for the Austro-Hungarian Empire to make its preparations—after all, a dowry had to be prepared.

Although there was no concept of a bride price in the West, a marriage between the royal families of two kingdoms would certainly involve corresponding gifts to display the dignity of their royal status and their vast wealth.

As his eldest daughter, Franz Joseph I placed great importance on Archduchess Sophie’s wedding. Although the marriage served a political need, he had only agreed to it after confirming that Carlo’s character met his standards.

However, before the actual wedding could take place, another ceremony had to be held in Vienna: the engagement ceremony of Carlo and Archduchess Sophie.

According to the marriage customs of European nobility, the engagement ceremony was to be held at the bride’s home. Considering the difficulty of travel between Spain and Austria, and the urgency of the matter, the engagement ceremony was scheduled to take place in a few days.

Yes, it was that swift.

And Carlo’s task for the next few days was to spend quality time with Archduchess Sophie and cultivate their affection for each other as much as possible.

After the engagement ceremony in a few days, Archduchess Sophie would officially become Carlo’s fiancée and the future Queen of the Kingdom of Spain.

The engagement ceremony was not a grand affair; most of the attendees were nobles from Austria and Hungary.

Under the witness of numerous nobles and the newspaper companies, Carlo and Archduchess Sophie officially sealed their marriage contract, becoming an engaged couple.

Holding Archduchess Sophie’s hand, Carlo was quite satisfied with this marriage. His trip to Vienna could be considered perfect. The Austro-Hungarian Empire would be able to provide assistance to Spain for a long time to come, which was what Carlo most wanted to see.

After staying in Vienna for a few more days to cultivate his relationship with Archduchess Sophie, Carlo embarked on his journey back to Madrid.

As for discussing matters of industrial technology assistance and loans with the Austro-Hungarian government, that was a concern for the Spanish government.

As the esteemed King of Spain, Carlo certainly wouldn’t personally negotiate with the Austro-Hungarian government for a loan. In any case, since the royal families of the two nations had formed a marriage contract, their governments would not obstruct the two countries from growing closer.

It was certain that the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Spain would form an alliance in the future; after all, the two countries had no conflicts of interest. If Spain could leverage its relationship with Austria-Hungary to board the express train of the League of the Three Emperors, it would be highly beneficial for Spain’s future.

At the very least, Spain’s colonial expansion in Africa would not have to fear threats from Britain and France, as Germany and Russia were still very influential at present.

If Italy could even be brought into the League of the Three Emperors, then the four great powers of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia, and Italy, plus Spain—the strongest nation just below a great power—would form a bloc so formidable that even a united Britain and France would have to consider the consequences of offending these five nations.

However, such a thing was likely just a thought. Firstly, there were intense conflicts between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia. To prevent these five nations from coming together, Britain and France would surely try every means to stir up trouble between Austria-Hungary and Russia, undermining the very foundation of the League of the Three Emperors.

Moreover, besides the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Russia, there was also friction between Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. If Italy wanted to expand on the European continent, it really only had three options.

The first option was to go west, to reclaim territories like Savoy and Nice that had been ceded to France. But this was quite difficult, as it would mean confronting France, the former hegemon of Europe.

The second option was to expand to the northeast. But Italy’s northeast was Austria-Hungary’s access to the sea, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire would naturally be unwilling to yield.

The third option was the Balkan region across the Adriatic Sea. But Slovenia and Croatia to the north were under Austro-Hungarian control, and Serbia was also within its sphere of influence. Any expansion in this direction would inevitably offend the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

This was actually the reason why Italy ultimately chose to join Britain and France in World War I, abandoning its alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary.

If it allied with Austria-Hungary, Italy’s only option for expansion on the continent was toward France. And the Italian army’s combat performance had already predetermined that they could not defeat the French in a direct confrontation. Staying in an alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary would yield the absolute minimum benefit.

But then again, the course of world history had already changed to some extent. For the World War that would break out more than forty years later, the outcome would surely be different.

Spain would definitely play a more important role in World War I, perhaps even possessing the ability to change its final outcome.

Never mind a Spain that had undergone decades of reform and development; even the Spain of today could exert a certain influence on the European situation.

If an alliance of four—Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Spain—could be formed, it might not be impossible to stand against the trio of Britain, France, and Russia.

After all, in World War I, only France truly exerted its full strength. Russia ran into domestic problems halfway through the war, and Britain, with its secure homeland, had always hoped to see Germany and France wear each other down.

If a four-way alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Spain were really formed in World War I, France would be doomed to fall quickly under their combined assault.

Expecting the British army to defeat the Germans was less realistic than expecting France to win a one-on-four fight. While it would be impossible to utterly defeat Britain and France, changing the historical course of World War I was still feasible.

Having come to this world, Carlo had never intended to simply follow the course of history. Although an unchanged timeline would give him more foresight into the future, sometimes, altering it could bring greater benefits.

Take the current alliance with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, for example. It would allow Spain’s subsequent development to proceed more smoothly. Although Austria-Hungary’s industry was not as massive as that of Britain, France, or Germany, its overall economic scale and industrial strength still surpassed Russia’s.

With its early arrangements on the African continent, even if Spain couldn’t restore the mighty power of its “empire on which the sun never set” era, it could still become a colonial power comparable to France.

In a chaotic situation, the partition of Africa by various countries would not necessarily proceed as it did in history. As long as it benefited Spain, Carlo didn’t mind making Europe a bit more chaotic. That way, Spain could fish in troubled waters and reap more rewards.

From a modern perspective, while these European great powers were formidable, they all suffered from various internal problems.

This era itself was a race to the bottom. The victorious nation was not necessarily perfect, but merely less terrible than the other, more terrible countries.

With all the nations making questionable moves, it wasn’t impossible for Spain to achieve a revival. Even if it couldn’t become the world’s hegemon, it could definitely become a top-three superpower in the future, entrenched on the Iberian Peninsula, watching the conflicts of Europe from the sidelines.

Chapter 109: Military Academy Graduates

In the few days he was in Vienna, the news of Carlo and Archduchess Sophie’s engagement spread throughout Europe.

The marriage alliance between the King of Spain and a princess of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was undoubtedly a union of great powers, one that could even change the balance of power in the Mediterranean.

For this reason, more than one or two countries were paying close attention to this marriage. Even King Luís I of Portugal personally sent a congratulatory telegram.

Speaking of Luís I, he was Carlo’s brother-in-law. Carlo’s sister, Maria Pia, was his Queen, and they had two children together. Their married life had once been quite loving.

But after Maria Pia discovered the king’s countless lovers, their relationship had grown increasingly strained.

Who was to blame? If anyone, it was Luís I’s older brother, Pedro V, who had passed away at the age of twenty-four without leaving any heirs. Luís, who had never expected to inherit the throne, had the crown of Portugal simply fall into his lap.

Since he had never been raised as an heir, no one paid much mind to Luís’s philandering. By the time he became king, he was already an adult, so it was even less likely that anyone would try to control him.

As for Luís I himself, the king was relatively popular in Portugal. He implemented the policies his brother had established, such as abolishing slavery and the death penalty for civil crimes.

But when it came to political talent, Luís I could only be described as poor. In a constitutional monarchy like Portugal, his power was greatly constrained, and in the ten years since he took the throne, the country’s situation had not seen much improvement.

As for why King Luís was so proactive in congratulating Carlo and Spain, it was certainly not because of their family ties.

In reality, the royal families of Europe were all related to some extent, and such ties meant little in the face of national interests.

The real reason for Luís I’s proactive congratulations was the vast difference in power between Spain and Portugal.

A power disparity was one thing, but Portugal’s only neighbor was Spain.

As the only two countries on the Iberian Peninsula, conflicts between Portugal and Spain were a common occurrence.

Portugal was often the one being bullied, which was why King Luís I was being so proactive.

Previously, with the backing of the British, the Portuguese didn’t have to worry about Spain making any moves. But now that Spain was on good terms with Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, it was unlikely to fear a Portugal supported by Britain.

Carlo, of course, understood Luís I’s intentions. For the time being, Spain had no plans to provoke the British again.

The British would never agree to Spain having sole dominance over the Iberian Peninsula, not unless Spain possessed the strength to rival them.

After returning to Madrid, Carlo had the steward, Loren, begin preparations for the wedding, which was a year away.

Besides the royal family’s preparations, the Spanish government also placed great importance on the upcoming wedding, offering to contribute two million pesetas to give Carlo a wedding of the century.

Carlo knew the government’s calculus. It seemed like an investment of two million pesetas, but the government stood to gain much more from its cooperation with the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Any bit of industrial technology the Austro-Hungarian Empire shared with Spain would be worth far more than two million pesetas.

With the support of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Spain would no longer have to be so apprehensive on the diplomatic stage, free from worrying about the influence of other great powers. That was what truly mattered.

When the Spanish public learned that Spain’s future queen was Archduchess Sophie of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, their attitude was one of support and optimism.

Thanks to policies like agricultural tax cuts and the abolition of the Tithe, Carlo had already cultivated a positive image in the hearts of the Spanish people.

And Archduchess Sophie, as the eldest daughter of Emperor Franz Joseph I of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, was seen by the Spaniards as a perfect match for him.

Some smaller, independent newspaper companies even published all sorts of colorful love stories about Carlo and Archduchess Sophie to catch the public’s eye.

Tales of love at first sight, mutual affection, and so on attracted many Spaniards to buy newspapers, which was a testament to the popular support Carlo currently enjoyed.

Although these small papers were arguably using Carlo for sensationalism, they did not significantly damage the royal family’s prestige, so Carlo decided to let it be.

Of course, any malicious fabrication of false news in an attempt to undermine the royal family’s reputation and tarnish its image in the public’s mind would be resolutely shut down and punished.

Overall, Spain’s control over newspaper companies remained strict. Though it was much more relaxed than during Queen Isabella’s reign, Prime Minister Primo, on Carlo’s advice, had established a relevant news censorship department to review the papers printed by major outlets.

As long as the content of the newspapers had been approved by the government, using Carlo for a little sensationalism was no great offense.

In any case, neither the large nor the small newspaper companies dared to tarnish the royal family’s name. To some extent, such reports could even increase the public’s affection for Carlo.

Of course, it also prevented the stories from becoming more and more exaggerated through word of mouth. Carlo knew very well how wildly rumors could spread. If these newspapers hadn’t provided a harmless version of the story, who knew what form the tale of Carlo and Archduchess Sophie’s love would have taken after being passed from person to person?

As time moved on to the end of April 1871, Carlo approached a very important day: the first graduation ceremony of the Royal Military Academy of Madrid since its expansion.

Nearly two years had passed since the reforms at the Royal Military Academy, and the students who had been enrolled before the changes were finally graduating.

As cadets who had experienced the academy’s reforms during their time there, they were both fortunate and unfortunate.

They were fortunate because, after the reforms, the Royal Military Academy would receive greater attention from Carlo and the government. As the first batch of graduates produced by the reformed academy, they were destined for important roles in the military.

But they were also unfortunate because the reforms had reset all their previous time of study at the military academy.

Regardless of their original class year, all students at the academy had effectively become new cadets after the reforms. Only after nearly two more years of study were they finally able to graduate, becoming junior officers with the rank of lieutenant.

The first graduating class from the Royal Military Academy of Madrid numbered over four hundred, which was excellent news for Carlo.

Spain’s shortage of young officers could finally be alleviated, and there was even hope that among these four hundred, a few might emerge who could grow into high-ranking officers of the general rank.

As the honorary dean of the Royal Military Academy, Carlo could not miss the graduation ceremony of the academy’s first class.

In theory, these graduates were his protégés, and Carlo would certainly not let go of the opportunity to win them over and make them understand who they should be loyal to.

Moreover, these graduates were almost all Spaniards, so their promotions within the army would face no obstacles. Only when this group of Spaniards rose to the mid-to-high ranks of the army could Carlo’s influence truly permeate the military.

Once Carlo’s influence had truly penetrated the army and he controlled at least half of it, his power would gradually expand, eventually supplanting that of Prime Minister Primo and completing the transfer of leadership within the Spanish government.

On April 28, 1871, on the outskirts of Madrid, within the Royal Military Academy.

Bathed in the warm sunlight, Carlo successfully arrived at the Royal Military Academy and made his way toward the academy’s grand assembly hall.

Gathered here were over four hundred cadets about to graduate, their ceremony to be held today.

It seemed that news of His Majesty’s impending arrival had already spread, and most of the graduating cadets were craning their necks in anticipation, unable to stop themselves from rising to their feet to watch the entrance of the hall.

Suddenly, several soldiers of the Royal Guard opened the great doors of the hall and stood guard at the entrance.

All the teachers and students inside immediately knew the king had arrived. They rose to their feet in unison, welcoming their king with applause and cheers.

Hearing the cheers of these graduates, Carlo’s mood became even more wonderful. These four hundred or so men were not just military academy graduates; they were the instruments through which he would one day control the army.

Under the fervent gazes of many of the graduating cadets, Carlo walked with a smile to the podium in the center of the hall and began his passionate speech:

“To the outstanding graduates of the Royal Military Academy, to the academy’s excellent instructors, good afternoon! It is a great pleasure to meet with you all. The royal family will never forget your hard work over these past years.

Everyone seated here is the elite of Spain, and also the future hope of Spain. I hope that after you graduate, you will continue to work hard, become outstanding Spanish soldiers, and become the heroes that all the people of Spain can trust.

In the past, Spain was glorious and great. Today, Spain has long fallen from its pedestal. We lost our Latin American colonies, we lost Gibraltar. What more can we afford to lose?

Students, I hope that after you enter the army, you will remember your mission, remember the mission of every Spaniard, which is to Make Spain Great Again!

Spain is vast, but we can no longer afford to lose anything more. We must do everything in our power to protect our land, to protect every single Spaniard.

To reforge the glory of Spain is the bounden duty of every Spaniard! When all of us are striving for Spain’s greatness, Spain’s power will be unstoppable.

Let us now, with the loudest voice we can muster, shout together: ‘Make Spain Great Again! Long live Spain!’”

“Make Spain Great Again!”

“Long live Spain!”

Chapter 110: Industrial Aid

Things unfolded just as Carlo had anticipated. For this group of passionate youths about to enter the army from the military academy, nothing was more thrilling than the idea of making their country greater.

Carlo’s personal attendance had already stirred the graduates, and spurred on by this fervor, the excitement and fanaticism in the young men’s eyes could no longer be contained. It was as if they were ready to lay down their lives for the greatness and rise of Spain at any moment.

Of course, things had not yet reached that point.

Carlo’s purpose was to ensure these outstanding graduates from the Royal Military Academy would firmly remember their mission, and at the same time, remember who they ought to be loyal to.

If you’re going to put on a show, you have to see it through. Carlo certainly wasn’t one to quit halfway. Before the rather brief graduation ceremony concluded, he personally conferred the ranks of the Spanish Royal Army upon the more than four hundred graduates and presented them with their diplomas.

The more outstanding graduates from the academy received the rank of Captain, while the rest were all made lieutenants.

One should not underestimate the rank of lieutenant. In the Spanish army, they generally served as military commanders at the platoon level.

The starting point for the military careers of these four hundred-plus graduates was platoon commander or deputy platoon commander, giving them very high potential for the future.

Although it was unlikely that many generals would emerge from these four hundred men, a considerable number could still climb to the threshold of a field officer—that is, a major.

However, to grow from an officer into a general, one needed not only seniority but also substantial contributions.

Carlo had high expectations for these officers from the Royal Military Academy and would naturally give his full support to their promotions within the army.

As long as they avoided causing trouble in the military and steadily accumulated seniority and merit, no one would obstruct their advancement through the ranks.

After the graduation ceremony, Carlo personally inquired about the future assignments of the more than four hundred graduates.

Considering the future development of his Royal Guard, Carlo selected a dozen or so of the more promising talents from among the four hundred graduates, promoting them into the Royal Guard to be nurtured.

Although the Royal Guard was currently only the size of a regiment, as the primary military force under Carlo’s control, it was destined for expansion.

For now, they would not be able to serve as platoon-level officers in the Royal Guard, but it would allow them to accumulate some seniority and experience.

When the Royal Guard expanded in the future, that would be the time for these young officers to truly command troops. The Royal Guard was certain to be expanded to at least the size of a division, so recruiting some academy graduates in advance was also a preparation for the officer vacancies that would arise after the expansion.

The academy graduates who had performed well enough to earn the opportunity to serve in the Royal Guard were naturally ecstatic.

Compared to the regular Royal Army, the Royal Guard was clearly the more elite force. Every expansion of the Royal Guard involved a meticulous selection process from across the army; one could say that every soldier in the Royal Guard was the best of the best.

Furthermore, as King Carlo’s personal army, the prospects in the Royal Guard were certainly far better than those in the Royal Army.

While the Royal Military Academy did not forcefully brainwash every cadet, it constantly exerted a subtle ideological influence.

Throughout their long years of study at the academy, this impression had only deepened for the graduates. To them, serving His Majesty the King was a matter of course.

Of course, Carlo also offered words of encouragement to the remaining graduates who could not join the Royal Guard.

Carlo stated that regardless of which army they served in, they were all preparing for the greatness of Spain. Whether it was the Royal Guard or the Royal Army, there was no essential difference; they were all excellent Spanish armies that he could trust.

Seeing that this subtle form of indoctrination was indeed effective, Carlo even considered implementing this method throughout Spain’s entire education system, to gradually make the next generation of Spaniards forever believe in the ideology of loyalty to the monarch and patriotism.

The so-called “loyalty to the monarch and patriotism,” of course, meant being loyal to the king first, and then loving the country of Spain. The order was crucial; after all, Carlo did not want his grand plans to end up benefiting the government instead.

Naturally, such indoctrination could not be implemented in all schools at once. It could be piloted in a few places first, then slowly expanded to the entire nation’s education system, achieving a process of penetration from points to the whole.

While Carlo concerned himself with the graduation ceremony of the Royal Military Academy’s first class, on the side of the Spanish government, Prime Minister Primo was closely monitoring the developing relationship with the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Since the royal families of the two nations had chosen a marriage alliance, their governments would naturally grow closer in their diplomatic relations.

Franz Joseph I still held considerable prestige in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Through the marriage alliance between the two royal families, it was possible for Spain to obtain significant support from the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Without much hesitation, Prime Minister Primo instructed the Spanish Ambassador to the Austro-Hungarian Empire to strengthen ties with the Austro-Hungarian government and, as much as possible, facilitate a preliminary cooperation agreement between Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Compared to Spain, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was undoubtedly a country with a stronger industry and a more developed economy. Prime Minister Primo would not let this opportunity slip by. He not only intended to seek aid in industrial technology from the Austro-Hungarian Empire but also planned to borrow funds from private capital in the Austro-Hungarian Empire to aid Spain’s industrial development.

Simply put, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would provide money and technology to help the Spanish government develop its industry and economy.

Would the Austro-Hungarian Empire agree to this? In all likelihood, they would.

After all, the aid in industrial technology and the financial support were not free. Spain would have to offer something in return.

First and foremost was the loan interest, which was indispensable. It was practically impossible for the Austro-Hungarian Empire to provide Spain with an interest-free loan, as they had to consider the stance of the capital within their own country.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was currently competing with Russia in the Balkan Peninsula and was naturally looking to win over more allies.

Although Spain was not particularly powerful, it was still of some use, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire would certainly not be averse to an alliance with Spain.

Through negotiations between the two governments, the Austro-Hungarian and Spanish governments quickly reached a cooperation agreement.

Prime Minister Primo reported the finalized agreement to Carlo, who praised it effusively.

One could not help but marvel at how much stronger the Austro-Hungarian economy and industry were compared to Italy’s. In terms of funding alone, the Spanish government had borrowed over 120 million krone from private Austro-Hungarian capital.

The krone was the official currency of the Austrian Empire, and its exchange rate with the Spanish peseta was approximately 1 to 1.08. This loan from the Austro-Hungarian Empire converted to a staggering 129.6 million pesetas, equivalent to one-third of Spain’s total fiscal revenue from the previous year.

Of course, this sum was not so easily borrowed. The annual interest on the loan was about 3.1%, with a repayment period of fifteen years. If repaid precisely at the fifteen-year mark, the cumulative interest would amount to around 60 million pesetas.

Although the interest was a bit high, the good news was that there were no additional strings attached. The Spanish government simply needed to repay the loan and all interest within the stipulated time, and it would be a win-win situation.

Of course, if the Spanish government failed to repay the principal and all interest within fifteen years, the annual interest rate would rise to 5.5% after the fifteen-year period, and an additional late fee of 5.5 million pesetas would be required for each year of delay.

This requirement was also normal; after all, the Austrian capitalists were not willing to see their money end up as a futile effort.

Even with the involvement of the Austro-Hungarian royal family, it was their own money in their pockets, so taking precautions was necessary.

Carlo had never worried about this. 129.6 million pesetas was indeed a large sum. Combined with up to 60 million pesetas in interest, the Spanish government would need to repay a total of 189.6 million pesetas after fifteen years.

But considering inflation and Spain’s economic development over fifteen years, such interest was nothing to worry about.

The return on an investment of 129.6 million pesetas would undoubtedly be far greater than the sum itself for the Spanish government.

Carlo never imagined that the Spanish government would be unable to repay this sum; in fact, they might even be able to pay it off within the next few years.

After all, large-scale infrastructure development spurred extremely rapid economic growth. Spain’s total fiscal revenue last year was just over 300 million pesetas; this year, it would definitely increase, and reaching over 400 million pesetas would not be a major issue.

As long as the economic growth rate remained healthy, the Spanish government would not be short of funds in a few years, at least not to the point of needing foreign capital for domestic development.

In addition to the financial aid of 129.6 million pesetas, the Spanish government also signed a treaty with the Austro-Hungarian government concerning industrial technology assistance.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire would provide Spain with steel smelting technology, chemical technology, and some military-industrial technology over the next five years to help develop Spanish industry.

In return, Spain would be required to share its progress in these three technological fields with the Austro-Hungarian Empire over the next ten years for joint research.

At the same time, the Spanish government also signed a trade agreement with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, lowering tariffs to encourage import-export trade between the two countries and strengthen economic ties.

Spain’s overall grain production was naturally no match for the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s, but its advantage lay in a smaller population, so its per capita resources were no less than those of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Coupled with a long coastline and abundant aquatic resources, Spain could export a portion of its food to the Austro-Hungarian Empire each year, earning foreign currency to purchase other technologies from them and reinforcing economic exchange between the two nations.

Chapter 111: The Barcelona Industrial Zone

Now that industrial and financial aid had been secured from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the next step was predictable: using this assistance to build a larger industrial zone.

The Seville Industrial Zone in the Andalusia region had been planned earlier, but its geographical location now seemed less than ideal.

The main issue was that Seville is in the far south of Spain. Transporting industrial goods from there to the northern regions of Spain would take a considerable amount of time.

The government’s industrial zone development plan required the construction of another industrial zone in the north to complement Seville, creating a north-south correspondence.

Barcelona was chosen because it was already an industrial city. Although its industrial scale was not large, it had the advantage of being coastal, which would make transporting industrial materials more convenient.

Beyond that, there was another major reason for selecting Barcelona as the site for the industrial base: government control over Catalonia.

Once the industrial base was established, it would create a large number of industrial jobs. Some of these jobs would be offered to Catalans, but with the requirement that they be fluent in a Spanish.

Other positions would attract Spaniards to Catalonia, which would serve to reduce the proportion of Catalans in the Catalonia region.

Although the population of Catalonia was predominantly Catalan, the total number of Catalans was not very large.

By diluting the proportion of Catalans in Catalonia, the region could be stabilized.

After all, not all ethnic groups sought greater autonomy or even independence like some Catalans. Many were willing to submit to Spanish rule and supported the country.

Moreover, the Catalans were not a monolithic bloc. The majority of Catalans, led by Prime Minister Primo, had no desire for independence. They largely accepted the broader concept of Spain and firmly considered themselves Spaniards.

Through a two-pronged approach of influencing and assimilating the Catalans while also diluting their population ratio, the Catalonia region could be brought toward stability.

Catalonia was very important to Spain. Only when this region was stable could the Spanish government use the Pyrenees Mountains to form a defensive line against attacks from the European continent.

The industrial zone was located in the suburbs north of Barcelona, and the first phase of its construction alone involved an investment of over 15 million pesetas.

Upon completion, the first phase of the industrial base was expected to provide at least twenty thousand jobs for the Catalonia region and increase Spain’s steel and pig iron production by ten thousand tons and one hundred thousand tons, respectively.

An increase of ten thousand tons in steel production was, of course, very small compared to later eras, and even a drop in the ocean compared to the World War I period.

The issue, however, was that this was 1870, a time when steelmaking technology was not particularly advanced. Although specific figures for various countries’ steel production were not readily available, the annual steel output of the British Empire, the world’s most powerful industrial nation at the time, was just over three hundred thousand tons.

The United States, often thought of as an industrial powerhouse, had a steel output of only about sixty thousand tons the previous year. The newly unified super-great power, Germany, had a total steel output for the entire German Empire that had just surpassed 250,000 tons.

Under these circumstances, the first phase of construction for a single industrial base in Barcelona providing at least ten thousand tons of steel and one hundred thousand tons of pig iron was already quite an impressive level.

The first phase of construction alone would take at least two years, and with the time needed to begin production, the plan might only be realized after three years.

And this was with the aid of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. If Spain were to develop the industrial base on its own, the construction time might very well double.

After all, the most difficult part was not the construction of the industrial base, but the steel smelting technology of various countries. Without relatively advanced steelmaking technology, even the largest industrial base would produce steel that was not only small in scale but also poor in quality due to outdated techniques.

Carlo placed great importance on the construction of the Barcelona industrial base. Although its overall scale was not large, it represented a significant improvement for Spain.

When the industrial base was completed in three years, Spain’s industry would have been strengthened to a certain degree, at least placing it at the forefront among the non-great powers.

If subsequent construction went smoothly, Spain’s industrial scale could even begin to catch up with that of Italy and Russia.

Southern Italy was not well-suited for industrial development, while Russia, due to a late start and a chaotic domestic economy, did not begin to significantly scale up its industry until the end of the century.

Tsarist Russia’s steel output remained below one hundred thousand tons before 1878, a figure that was quite low compared to other great powers.

During the same period, British, French, and German steel production had already risen to hundreds of thousands of tons, with France, the lowest among them, maintaining an output of around 300,000 tons.

But the most explosive growth actually came from the United States, far from the European continent. America’s current steel output was only around seventy thousand tons, but in ten years, it would soar to over one million tons—such a rate of growth was simply staggering.

Thirty years later, American steel production had surpassed ten million tons, making it the first among all great powers to do so.

There was a particularly important reason for the explosive growth in steel production among nations: the advancement of steelmaking technology. This was also why Carlo paid such close attention to the construction of the industrial base.

It was not too late to develop industry now; in fact, some countries’ industrial construction was still in its infancy. Carlo did not demand astonishing results from Spain’s industry in a short period. As long as it achieved stable growth through steady progress and laid a solid foundation, that would be enough.

Spain’s colonial history in Latin American countries could be used to foster closer relations, using economic alliances to persuade these nations to open their markets and serve as an outlet for Spanish industrial products.

Coupled with Spain’s planned colonial expansion in Africa and cooperation with neighboring countries like Portugal, there would be no shortage of markets in the future.

As long as industry was not developed blindly and the focus was not on overall industrial scale, a steady and sure-footed approach would prevent any excessively severe economic crises from breaking out.

The economic crises in the United States were precisely because of the country’s blind industrial growth. The leap from hundreds of thousands of tons to tens of millions of tons occurred over a span of just twenty to thirty years, which was what plunged America into the vortex of economic crisis.

As long as Spain’s industry developed steadily, even if affected by economic crises in other countries, the impact would be limited to import and export trade.

With the construction of the industrial base, one matter had to be put on the agenda: the reform of the banking sector.

Besides the Royal Joint Bank established by Carlo, Spain had other banks.

But these banks were either small private banks established by noblemen or capitalists, or semi-official banks created by local governments.

Regardless of their type, the government lacked control over these banks, leading to a corrupt and朽 in parts of the banking system.

The reason Carlo’s Royal Joint Bank was so popular with the public, apart from the good impression and support Carlo had previously built, was his personal promise that the Royal Joint Bank would never go bankrupt and that all depositors’ savings would be guaranteed.

In this era, a king’s promise was still very powerful. Unless the king wanted to abdicate, he had to honor his commitments.

The preparation to reform the banking sector was also in service of Spain’s future industrial development. Industrial growth could not rely solely on the royal family’s wealth; it also required a large number of private enterprises and factories.

Reforming the banking sector to raise sufficient funds to support the development of private enterprises was also part of Carlo’s plan.

Spain was not a large country, so it certainly did not need so many banks. In addition to the royal family’s Royal Joint Bank, the Spanish government would also establish a national bank.

Combined with a few large, consolidated banks, this would basically meet Spain’s banking needs. The public could freely choose which bank to deposit their money in, and competition between banks would foster development.

By consolidating these banks, the royal family and the government could invest in Spain’s private banking sector. This would prevent concerns that these private capitals, upon growing powerful, would in turn influence the government, as the government and the royal family would only earn more.

Furthermore, the government and the royal family would have their own banks. This approach would not only strengthen Spain’s capital but also control it, making capital serve their interests, rather than the government being enslaved by capital.

Another benefit of reforming the banks was that when the state needed funds, these large, consolidated banks alone could provide a portion of the capital.

There was no doubt that banks in this era were profitable. With the growth of Spain’s industry and economy, its banks were poised for a golden age of development.

Spanish banks could also penetrate neighboring Portugal and the African colonies, and even exert influence in some Latin American countries.

Industry and finance were not only the most profitable sectors of this era but also essential for a nation’s development. By vigorously developing the financial sector, Spain could achieve economic control over Portugal and exert greater economic influence over Latin American nations.

Although it was impossible to restore the territories of the “empire on which the sun never set,” Spain still had a chance to become a great power and vie for a position among Europe’s top five.

Since this was a plan to reform the banking sector, it was naturally best for the government to initiate it.

If the royal family were to launch it, it would firstly lack legitimacy and secondly create a negative impression among the public that it was a move to target other banks for the benefit of the Royal Joint Bank.

If the government initiated it, any dissatisfaction from the private banks would be directed at the government, which would naturally have nothing to do with Carlo.

Chapter 112: Military-Industrial Aid

A rather important matter in the banking sector consolidation was to integrate some of the existing small banks into a large joint bank under government control.

Those private capitalists could choose to continue to be part of the large joint bank. Such a government-controlled bank would also receive supportive policies, and its future development would certainly be profitable.

Alternatively, they could choose to exit in a timely manner. After the consolidation, the shares they held would be bought out by the government and the royal family, which would guarantee they could at least recoup their costs.

As for whether they could make a fortune by taking advantage of this banking sector overhaul, that was basically impossible. Neither the royal family nor the government were fools; they would naturally not allow these private banking capitalists to find and exploit any loopholes during this major consolidation.

While consolidating the banks, the government was also preparing to establish the national bank of Spain. The Royal Joint Bank had been welcomed by a great number of Spaniards since its inception, so naturally, the government wouldn’t pass up this opportunity to make a lot of money.

Furthermore, a bank with a truly official background could not only serve as a benchmark for the finance industry but also enable control over the banking sector. Therefore, an official bank was very necessary.

After discussions with Carlo, the national bank of Spain officially entered the preparatory stage. The royal family would invest 8.5 million pesetas, holding 45% of the shares in the soon-to-be-established national bank.

The Spanish government would invest ten million pesetas, holding 55% of the shares in the national bank. The government would oversee the operations of the national bank, and the royal family would not be involved.

Both the national bank of Spain and the Royal Joint Bank would join the Spanish Currency Issuance Committee, which would control the issuance of the Spanish peseta.

In other words, the national bank and the Royal Joint Bank would operate as Spain’s two parallel official banks, gaining the power to issue and control currency.

The government would not interfere with the operations of the Royal Joint Bank, and likewise, the royal family would not interfere with the operations of the national bank. However, both parties could control the issuance of Spanish currency through the Currency Issuance Committee, with the goal of achieving a win-win partnership in the finance sector.

The purpose of doing this, of course, was to completely control Spain’s finance industry through the cooperation of the two official banks.

No matter how powerful private banking capital became in the future, it could never overpower the combined strength of the two official banks. With the royal family and the government controlling these two major banking entities, royal capital and state capital would become the largest in Spain, thereby preventing capital from infiltrating the state.

For Carlo, although the establishment of the national bank would affect the business of the Royal Joint Bank to some extent, it was not a loss overall.

After all, he also owned 45% of the shares in the national bank, meaning 45% of its income belonged to the royal family.

Moreover, the development of the banking industry also requires competition. If the Royal Joint Bank were to become a monopoly, it would not be good for the development of Spain’s finance industry and would more easily breed corruption and embezzlement.

Of course, even with competition, corruption and embezzlement were inevitable. To prevent this phenomenon from harming the two banks, the Currency Issuance Committee, in addition to the two official banks, also included oversight from the royal family and government departments, so as to be able to root out the degenerates within the banks at any time.

It was just that Carlo’s current influence over the government was not high; otherwise, the supervision of government officials would also be put on the agenda.

Corruption and embezzlement occur in every country’s government; it is fundamentally impossible to eradicate or avoid. Although the current government originated from the revolutionary government, sitting in high positions for a long time would surely give rise to other ideas.

In the future, after Carlo gains a certain amount of power, he will enact stricter policies to exert more supervisory control over the government.

Besides the development of the banking industry, another point Carlo was quite concerned about was the development of the military-industrial sector.

After receiving military-industrial support from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Spain would also usher in a golden age of development in its military industry.

The development of the military industry certainly couldn’t rely solely on the Royal Arsenal; various government-backed and privately-run arsenals were also crucial supporters.

In an industry like military production, innovation and improvement are paramount. It was quite necessary to develop several arsenals to create a competitive environment. At the very least, it would ensure that Spanish weaponry would be continuously updated and iterated upon in a competitive atmosphere.

If the competition wasn’t intense, the Royal Arsenal’s attitude toward researching and developing new weapons wouldn’t be as strong. After all, they could still make money selling old weapons, so why would they bother developing new ones that cost more?

Therefore, for the sake of the nation’s development, the military industry had to have competition, and the intensity of this competition could only be high, not low.

Carlo would rather see his own Royal Arsenal at a disadvantage in the competition than see it become a monopoly, which would ultimately cause Spain’s weapons development to fall behind.

Regarding the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s military-industrial aid, it was divided into two parts.

The first part was that the Austro-Hungarian Empire would provide Spain with production lines for their existing rifle and artillery technology. The reason the Austro-Hungarian Empire was willing to provide these production lines was, in fact, that they recognized the obsolescence of their current rifles and artillery.

The Austro-Prussian War and the Franco-Prussian War had already proven that muzzle-loading rifles were obsolete products; it was now the era of breech-loading rifles.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was also developing breech-loading rifle products domestically, so they naturally didn’t care much about their existing muzzle-loaders. Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire had not fallen behind the world in terms of artillery, they were at least lagging behind the Prussians.

The steel cannons widely used by the Prussians played a huge role in the Franco-Prussian War, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire also had ideas about reverse-engineering them.

This was also why the Austro-Hungarian Empire was willing to share this technology; after all, in a few more years, this technology would be completely obsolete.

Furthermore, as previously agreed with the Spanish government, any progress Spain made in these weapons over the next ten years was to be shared with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which could be considered an investment on their part.

Of course, since it was an investment, what the Austro-Hungarian Empire gave was certainly more than just that.

In addition to the production lines and related technology for rifles and artillery, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would also provide around a hundred weapons technology experts to be stationed in Spain for five years.

This was the real investment from the Austro-Hungarian Empire: helping Spain quickly master rifle and artillery technology while also collaborating on the research and development of new rifles and artillery.

Such a collaboration was not a bad deal for the Austro-Hungarian Empire. They were trading already obsolete products and technology, plus a group of technical experts, for all of Spain’s military-industrial progress over the next ten years.

Although Spain was not one of the great powers and didn’t have particularly formidable strength in military industry, it at least had some underlying foundation.

Moreover, with the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s help, Spain might achieve a breakthrough in weapons technology within the next ten years.

Of course, even if Spain didn’t make any major breakthroughs in its military industry, the Austro-Hungarian Empire wouldn’t lose much. After all, these obsolete products weren’t worth much, and the hundred or so technical experts only needed to be stationed in Spain for five years.

In Carlo’s view, the military-industrial cooperation with the Austro-Hungarian Empire would be a win-win for both Spain and the empire. First, the hundred or so technical experts provided by the Austro-Hungarian Empire were crucial for the development of Spain’s military industry.

With these hundred-plus technical experts, Carlo was confident he could develop Spain’s own bolt-action rifle ahead of schedule.

Of course, these technical experts would certainly not be allowed to come into contact with Spain’s research on machine guns. The machine gun was being developed by the “Father of Automatic Weapons,” Maxim, and his brother, so Carlo was quite confident in them.

They didn’t need the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s help in this area, so naturally, they wouldn’t need to share the technology with them either.

However, rifle and artillery technology could be shared with the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Especially in the field of artillery, Spain very much needed the help of Austro-Hungarian technical experts to better learn the more advanced artillery design concepts of the time.

As for these hundred or so experts from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Carlo naturally had no intention of letting them go. To put it simply, his plan was to have at least half of them stay and work in Spain after five years.

Although poaching people like this was somewhat unethical, these hundred-plus individuals were all technical experts in weapons design from the Austro-Hungarian Empire and would be very helpful to Spain.

Besides, when the Austro-Hungarian Empire dispatched these hundred-plus people, they must have been prepared for them to be courted. The Austro-Hungarian Empire wouldn’t fall out with Spain over these hundred or so people, so he had to recruit those he could.

According to the information provided by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, most of these technical experts were engaged in rifle and artillery design. If he could successfully recruit them to Spain in the future, he could screen some of them to join the machine gun R&D.

He believed that with the help of more talented people, the development of the Maxim gun would also accelerate. He believed that in this world, the Maxim gun would be born earlier and would display its brilliance even before the First World War.

The bad news was that the Royal Arsenal was destined not to get all of the weapons technology experts. For the development of other arsenals, a portion of the experts would definitely have to be reserved for them.

Since there were only a hundred or so technical experts, their value would have to be squeezed dry. They would be sent to several of Spain’s larger arsenals to help them master the rifle and artillery technologies provided by the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Afterward, these technical experts would be allocated according to the scale of each major arsenal, and each arsenal would be responsible for developing new rifle and artillery technologies.

Considering the scale of the Royal Arsenal, it would certainly receive the largest number of technical experts in the end. The future standard-issue rifle for the Spanish army would be selected step-by-step from the products of these arsenals, choosing only the best.

The reason for involving several other arsenals was precisely to cultivate competition among them. Only through competition could the industry continuously generate innovation, allowing weapons technology to constantly iterate and advance.

Chapter 113: 1872

For the Spanish government in 1871, there were only two matters of utmost importance: the development of national industry and the preparations for Carlo’s wedding.

Carlo was surprised to find that the government placed far more importance on this marriage than he did. Prime Minister Primo was even personally overseeing the procedures and scale of the political wedding.

But on second thought, it was quite normal. This marriage alliance concerned not only the royal families of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Spain but also their respective governments.

The reforms Prime Minister Primo had been longing for finally had powerful support. How could this not excite him?

To maintain good relations with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the original scale of the wedding was repeatedly altered by Prime Minister Primo until it became an ultra-large-scale event, with funds used reaching over five million pesetas.

Do not underestimate five million pesetas; its total value was nearly two hundred thousand pounds. In this era, that sum could purchase a capital ship-class ironclad. To invest such an amount entirely into a wedding was truly extravagant.

Of course, this was without factoring in many hidden costs. If all expenses were accounted for, the wedding might cost around ten million pesetas.

The reason the government valued this wedding so highly was, of course, due to the status of Spain’s future Queen, Sophie, in the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Among Franz Joseph I’s four children, the first three had a relatively good relationship. Archduchess Sophie, her younger sister Archduchess Gisela, and her younger brother Archduke Rudolf were all raised by their grandmother, Princess Sophie of Bavaria.

Having grown up together since childhood, the three siblings shared a very good relationship, one that could even be described as intimate.

Archduchess Sophie and Archduchess Gisela doted on their younger brother, Archduke Rudolf, who was also the future heir to the throne of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

For the Spanish government, nothing was more important than building a good relationship with Archduchess Sophie. If they could win her favor, they could gain even more support from the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the future through her relationship with Archduke Rudolf.

The current Emperor and the next Emperor of the Austro-Hungarian Empire would both be very close relatives of the Queen of Spain. Did this not mean that the close relationship between Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire could be maintained for a long time?

Speaking of the wedding procession, Carlo had actually planned a route to pick up his bride that would go from Spain to France, then to Italy, and finally to the Austro-Hungarian Empire before returning.

However, upon reflection, the French might not be willing to let Carlo lead an army through their territory to fetch his bride, unless he brought only a small force.

But to travel with such fanfare while leading only a small force would be tantamount to gambling with his own life. If some extremists were willing to sacrifice their lives to assassinate him, or simply wanted to disrupt the wedding, Carlo would suffer a great loss.

After all, this marriage alliance between Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire would attract the attention of many nations. If any trouble occurred during the wedding, it would inevitably invite ridicule from other countries.

In the end, after careful consideration, the decision was made to use the navy to escort the bride. Upon arriving in Spain, the party would travel by train from Valencia all the way to Madrid.

To display the grandeur of the royal wedding, the royal train that Carlo usually used would also be modified to ensure both comfort and security.

Carlo’s marriage was also a good thing for Prime Minister Primo. After all, his reforms depended on the king’s support, as well as on Spain’s political stability.

Carlo was currently single and without an heir. If something unexpected were to happen to him, it would cause an immeasurable shock to Spain.

If Spain, which had only just stabilized, were to fall into civil war again, Prime Minister Primo would have nowhere to turn to cry.

For Prime Minister Primo at this moment, the more stable Spain’s situation, the better. Regardless of who Carlo’s marriage partner was, as long as she could produce heirs for the current royal family, it was a good thing.

What was more, Archduchess Sophie’s status and position were also beneficial to Spain’s development, which made it an even better thing.

Carlo was surprised to find that, besides preparing for this wedding, there seemed to be nothing else for him to do.

The entire country of Spain was doing its utmost to prepare for the wedding, and the people were also eagerly anticipating the marriage alliance between their royal family and that of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. It was as if the wedding had become the focal point of the entire nation’s attention.

Time passed quietly. The year 1871 became history, and 1872 arrived in the blink of an eye.

On January 1, 1872, after handing a letter he had already written to a subordinate and instructing him to deliver it to Archduchess Sophie in Vienna, Carlo breathed a sigh of relief.

Time flew by, and there was only one month left until the wedding of Carlo and Archduchess Sophie.

In February 1872, the wedding of Carlo and Archduchess Sophie would be held in Madrid, signifying that after this wedding, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Spain would come together as new allies.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire also placed great importance on this wedding.

The Austro-Hungarian Emperor, Franz Joseph I, with a grand wave of his hand, dispatched both the army and navy to provide an escort.

An army of up to five thousand soldiers would escort Archduchess Sophie and her entourage from Schönbrunn Palace all the way to a southern port, where they would then depart on a Spanish warship.

And that was not all. During the fleet’s return voyage to Spain, the Austro-Hungarian navy would also provide an escort, which also served as a way to display the empire’s national might to other countries.

Franz Joseph I did not do this without reason. The Austrian Empire’s national prestige had indeed suffered greatly since its last defeat by Prussia.

Although France was subsequently defeated by Prussia as well, this still did not change the perception among some that the Austro-Hungarian Empire had weakened.

The reason Franz Joseph I did this was to display the military power of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to the other smaller nations of Europe.

It was to make them understand deeply that although the Austro-Hungarian Empire could not defeat the German Empire, it was still a great power far beyond their reach.

The five great powers of Europe were not just an empty title. Compared to the other remaining lesser powers, the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s strength was still very real, and it remained that unassailable world power.

Of course, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had to ask for Spain’s opinion before doing this. After all, they had no intention of throwing their weight around at Spain; in the future, Spain would remain an important ally.

Chapter 114: The Wedding

Both Prime Minister Primo and Carlo understood the intentions of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Franz Joseph I.

Regardless of their considerations, neither would refuse Franz Joseph I’s request.

After all, the larger the scale of the naval and land forces deployed by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the more it demonstrated the importance they placed on the eldest princess, Archduchess Sophie.

Since the Austro-Hungarian Empire valued Archduchess Sophie so highly, didn’t that also mean they would value their ally, Spain?

Although it was of little help in terms of national interests, on the diplomatic front, Spain could still leverage their might. Neither Spain nor the Austro-Hungarian Empire was particularly powerful on its own. But if the two nations united, even great powers like Britain, France, and Germany would have to carefully consider the pros and cons.

This also made one grateful that the relationship between Italy and Spain was excellent at this time, and the King of Italy was Carlo’s father, Vittorio Emanuele II.

If someone else were the King of Italy, they would not necessarily be at ease with the military forces Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were committing to this escort mission.

A more suspicious king might even lie awake all night. After all, if these forces were to launch a surprise attack, it would be more than enough to put Italy in a very difficult position.

Fortunately, Italy was also an ally of Spain at this time, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire had no significant designs on Italy. Otherwise, Italy, caught between the two nations, would have become the most tormented party after this marriage alliance.

Since the Austro-Hungarian Empire was dispatching over five thousand troops for the protective escort, Spain, of course, would not remain idle.

Prime Minister Primo made some modifications to the welcoming procession. After the flotilla docked at the port of Valencia, an army of over ten thousand soldiers would escort them all the way to Madrid.

To ensure security on the road from Valencia to Madrid, Prime Minister Primo even approved a special operation: a month-long clearing operation of the route beforehand to prevent any possible incidents.

Finally, the time came to February 1872.

Carlo personally led his troops, overcoming many difficulties on the journey to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Then, under the reluctant gazes of Emperor Franz Joseph I and Empress Sisi, he escorted Archduchess Sophie away, and they boarded the fleet bound for Spain.

The journey was very smooth. After arriving at the port of Valencia, they boarded a specially modified royal train and traveled at a leisurely pace from Valencia to Madrid.

In February, Madrid had already been meticulously decorated by the government. A single glance revealed that the city was preparing for some grand event.

The closer one got to the Royal Palace of Madrid, the more one could feel the importance the government placed on this wedding. It wasn’t just the area around the palace; even in the main streets and back alleys of Madrid’s districts, one could see fluttering colorful banners and exceptionally prominent Spanish flags.

Over the past few days, Spanish newspaper companies had been printing stories about the friendship between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Spain, as well as articles praising Carlo and Archduchess Sophie as a perfect match, a talented man and a beautiful woman.

On the day of the wedding, the Royal Palace of Madrid was exceptionally lively. A great number of noblemen were scrambling for an invitation, and many officials and capitalists were also trying every means possible to secure a seat.

Those whose status was not high enough to attend the wedding would still find ways to send a congratulatory gift to the royal family, expressing their loyalty to the crown and to Carlo.

Things were very different now from when Carlo first came to Spain. His position on the throne was now secure, and he was no longer the powerless king that anyone could look down upon.

Especially now, after the marriage alliance with the imperial family of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Carlo’s influence in Spain had soared to new heights. The House of Savoy only held a certain degree of influence in Italy, but the House of Habsburg, the imperial family of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, possessed immense influence throughout Europe.

It would be no exaggeration to say that the House of Habsburg was currently the number one family in the world, more influential than even the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha or the House of Hohenzollern.

In its golden age, the House of Habsburg once ruled Spain, the Two Sicilies, Hungary, Austria, and vast swathes of the German lands, while also holding the only imperial title in Europe at the time—that of the Holy Roman Emperor.

Of course, to this day, the House of Habsburg still held the title of Emperor of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, though the current line was a cadet branch, officially known as the House of Habsburg-Lorraine.

The House of Habsburg had also ruled Spain in the past, and their reign began from the very birth of the nation.

The famous Iberian Wedding marked the formal unification of Castille and Aragon into Spain, which was the origin of the Spanish nation.

And the first king of the Spanish Habsburg dynasty was the offspring of Joanna, the daughter of the two protagonists of the Iberian Wedding—Queen Isabella of Castille and King Ferdinand II of Aragon—and Prince Philip of the Holy Roman Empire.

The reason the Spanish throne fell into the hands of the Bourbon dynasty was the result of negotiations between the two houses after the War of the Spanish Succession broke out between the House of Habsburg and the House of Bourbon.

Although the Bourbon dynasty gained the Spanish throne, it also had to cede the Spanish-controlled Netherlands—that is, the Low Countries—as well as the Kingdom of Naples, Sardinia, Sicily, and a portion of its Italian territories to Austria.

Therefore, compared to a royal house with a less distinguished history like the House of Savoy, the history of a dynastic family like the Habsburgs was far too illustrious, and it held a certain sway over the Spanish populace.

And after Carlo’s marriage alliance with Archduchess Sophie of the House of Habsburg, it meant that their future offspring would also carry Habsburg blood.

The Habsburgs’ rule in Spain lasted for nearly two hundred years, a longer history than that of the Bourbon dynasty in Spain.

Compared to the House of Bourbon, whose reputation in Spain was already tarnished, the Spanish people were more supportive of the House of Habsburg. The Spaniards were quite pleased to see the marriage alliance between their king and the House of Habsburg.

After all, under Habsburg rule, Spain had been a hegemon in Europe, even more powerful than France.

At that time, Spain still ruled vast territories, including the Two Sicilies and the Netherlands. The strength of both its army and navy could be called hegemonic in Europe.

Unfortunately, while other countries were continually growing stronger, Spain’s decline was also incessant.

The empire on which the sun never set ultimately became a thing of the past. Spain grew weaker and weaker, trampled underfoot by rising powers like France and Britain.

Chapter 115: Changing History?

The scale of this wedding was nothing short of immense. The lowest-ranking nobles invited were marquises, and the officials were, at the very least, leaders from the Cabinet and core government departments.

Naturally, this grand wedding also drew the attention of numerous domestic and international media outlets, having been the headline story in all of Spain’s major newspapers for a month.

Presiding over Carlo’s wedding was Archbishop Pedro of Toledo, the highest-ranking archbishop in Spain.

What surprised Carlo was that the Church had chosen to remain neutral during the government’s recent reforms, not directly standing up to oppose them.

Although this cost the Church many of its interests, including most of the land under its control, it at least meant that for now, the Church could continue to exist instead of being replaced by new appointees from the government and the royal family.

Spain was indeed a Catholic country, but the problem was that the Catholic Pope himself was not in a very good position, let alone able to interfere in the affairs of the Spanish Church.

With the Carlist rebellion having been thoroughly crushed, the Church’s chances of successfully inciting another rebellion were likely low.

After all, this was no longer an era of religious dogmatism; religion’s influence on Europeans was steadily declining. Perhaps a hundred years ago, there might have been a chance of success, but the Spain of today was no longer ruled by religious decree.

Of course, as the saying goes, a stick in one hand and a carrot in the other. It was impossible to simply oppress a force as influential in Spain as the Church.

When Carlo met with Archbishop Pedro, he personally promised to consider establishing the title of Archbishop of Spain. In the future, the Archbishop of Spain would not only be the highest prelate of Spanish Catholicism but would also control Spain’s churches and have some authority over other religions.

As long as Archbishop Pedro was willing to cooperate with the rule of the government and the royal family, the position of the first Archbishop of Spain would be his for the taking.

Although the alternative was not explicitly stated, Archbishop Pedro understood it clearly. If he was unwilling to cooperate, Carlo might prop up another Archbishop of Spain to challenge the established position of the Archbishop of Toledo.

While the Archbishop of Toledo was already the bishop with the most power and status within the Spanish Church, one could not forget the existence of the Pope.

The Pope was currently holed up in the Vatican, under the control of the Italian government. If the Pope, under duress from the Italian government, cooperated with the Spanish government to create the position of Archbishop of Spain, how much power would the Archbishop of Toledo have left?

After all, the Church’s power was much weaker than the government’s. If the Church was further divided into two factions by a power struggle, it would become nothing more than a fish on the chopping block, at the mercy of the government.

Under the watchful eyes of over a hundred nobles and high-ranking officials, Carlo and Archduchess Sophie exchanged their vows.

Besides Spain’s own nobility, the wedding was even attended in person by King Vittorio Emanuele II of Italy and Archduchess Sophie’s mother, Princess Sisi.

In addition to these two esteemed nobles, King Luís I of Portugal and Carlo’s sister, Princess Maria Pia, as well as Carlo’s eldest sister, Princess Maria Clotilde, who had married Napoléon-Jérôme Bonaparte, were also present at the ceremony.

In fact, beyond these nobles, even the royal families of great powers like Britain, Germany, and Russia sent representatives to attend the wedding, bearing their own gifts.

Whether it was Spain or the Austro-Hungarian Empire, either one was enough to command the attention of these governments. If the two countries were to unite, the level of attention would only increase. The representatives who came to attend the wedding were either crown princes or dukes with considerable prestige in the military.

The royal families and governments of other countries were no fools; they were all contemplating the changes this wedding would bring to the European landscape.

This marriage alliance signified a closer relationship between the Spanish and Austro-Hungarian governments. So, would the Italian royal family, which belonged to the same dynasty as the Spanish royal family, join in?

If Spain, Italy, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire formed an alliance, what kind of impact would it have on the situation in Europe?

Even if the possibility was slim, the matter prompted deep reflection from other governments and royal families, who began to consider their own moves.

The ones most concerned about this were, in fact, the British. Britain’s deployment in the Mediterranean was already common knowledge. The Strait of Gibraltar and the Suez Canal were like two impregnable fortresses, trapping all countries along the Mediterranean coast within its waters.

Aside from the British, those who paid close attention to this matter were Germany and Russia. The Russians and the Austro-Hungarian Empire had conflicts in the Balkan Peninsula, though the current conflicts were not that intense.

After all, the Balkan Peninsula was still ruled by the Ottoman Sultanate. Many countries, including Bulgaria, had not yet gained their independence. They couldn’t possibly go to war with the Austro-Hungarian Empire over countries that were not yet independent.

The conflict between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia was at its most intense when the Balkan states gained independence one after another, and both nations sought to exert more control over the Balkan Peninsula.

For now, the friction between Austria-Hungary and Russia was not that severe, which was why the League of the Three Emperors had been able to form historically.

So why did the League of the Three Emperors break apart after it was formed? Firstly, the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Russia intensified, partly due to the British constantly sowing discord between the two nations.

Furthermore, the Germans, who should have been mediating, repeatedly sided with the Austro-Hungarian Empire in conflict after conflict, which caused German-Russian relations to drift apart.

But in any case, while relations between Austria-Hungary and Russia were not particularly good at the moment, they had not reached the point of being mortal enemies.

For the Russians, if there were indeed signs of Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Spain growing closer, they would attempt to sign a non-aggression treaty with Austria-Hungary, temporarily ending their dispute in the Balkans to focus more energy on their competition with the British.

As for Germany, this marriage alliance allowed the Germans to see a possibility—the possibility of completely blockading the French.

A close look at the locations of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Italy, and Spain revealed a solid line of defense forming to the east, south, and southwest of France.

Coupled with Germany’s own blockade of France’s northeast, this would effectively trap France within its own borders. This aligned perfectly with Bismarck’s policy of isolating France, and it was also why the Germans were paying such close attention to this marriage alliance.

After all, Italy was also an ally of the Germans, which gave Germany some advantage on this front. Since Austria-Hungary and Spain had the intention of forming an alliance, why not expand this alliance indefinitely and simply create a four-power alliance of Germany, Austria, Italy, and Spain?

Even if this alliance was not aimed at war, but merely a symbolic isolation of the French, it would be more than enough to give them a headache.

Because a union of these four countries would completely isolate France in its small corner of Western Europe. The only regions France could exert influence over, aside from the Low Countries, would be Britain, just across the English Channel.

The more Prime Minister Bismarck thought about it, the more he felt that such a four-power alliance was possible. The greatest conflicts within this alliance would be between Germany and Austria-Hungary, and between Italy and Austria-Hungary.

But in truth, both of these major conflicts had been properly resolved. The German-Austrian conflict was essentially the Prussian-Austrian conflict, and since Prussia had unified the German Empire, this conflict no longer truly existed.

Moreover, the Austrians were constantly making friendly overtures to Germany, a sign that they undoubtedly saw this as well.

As for the conflict between Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, it was also more or less solved. This conflict revolved around the regions of Venetia and South Tyrol. Venetia had already been completely occupied by the Italians, and the southern part of South Tyrol, where the Italian population was largest, had also been taken.

The remaining northern part of South Tyrol was predominantly Austrian. No matter how ambitious Italy was, it was impossible to seize it from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which was still in a phase of strength.

So, from the current situation, both conflicts had been mitigated, and there were no significant obstacles to the formation of a four-power alliance.

Of course, if one had to speak of obstacles, the British might be unwilling to see the birth of a four-power alliance. Because such an alliance could not only target the French but could also be used against the British.

If these four countries—Germany, Austria, Italy, and Spain—united, what room would be left for other nations? Let alone the once-mighty Britain; even a combined Britain and France might not be a match for these four countries.

Germany alone was enough of a headache for the French, not to mention that Germany, Italy, and Spain could attack mainland France from three directions.

Adding the equally powerful land army of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the four-power alliance would represent a massive threat to the French, one capable of marching on Paris at any time.

But such external interference no longer mattered to Prime Minister Bismarck. If the four-power alliance could be formed, it would isolate the French government to an unprecedented degree.

In that case, the internal German concern that France might launch a war of revenge in the near future would vanish into thin air.

After all, if isolated by the four-power alliance, France would find it impossible to break through the blockade of four nations, unless it were the era of the Napoleonic Empire.

And if the French still dared to declare war on Germany after the formation of the four-power alliance, Prime Minister Bismarck wouldn’t mind teaching them a lesson for the second time.

Carlo, happily celebrating his wedding in Madrid, had no idea that, perhaps because of him, the course of history had already undergone some major changes.

On the day of the wedding, Madrid itself was filled with a remarkably joyous atmosphere. To celebrate the occasion, Carlo painfully took over two million pesetas from his private coffers to distribute free gifts to the Spanish people.

The gifts were not of high value, but the beauty of it was that everyone could participate. As long as a Spaniard queued up at the gift distribution points set up by the government and offered their heartfelt blessings to the King and Queen, they could receive a gift.

After the wedding ceremony, an even larger celebratory banquet was held in the largest hall of the Royal Palace. As one of the three great royal palaces of Europe, the Royal Palace of Madrid’s largest banquet hall was naturally quite vast.

Even with hundreds of nobles, officials, and foreign guests in attendance, it could still accommodate them with ease.

To showcase the royal family’s hospitality, the banquet featured sumptuous delicacies from all over Spain, fresh seafood and fruit, and specially supplied red wine from the royal winery.

To celebrate the wedding of Carlo and Archduchess Sophie, the winery had already produced 1,872 barrels of wine in advance. Of these, 225 original barrels would be sealed and stored as a memento of the wedding.

Barring any major events, these two-hundred-plus barrels of wine would be cellared for a very long time. After all, older wine becomes more expensive, just like the legendary 1982 Lafite that became so famous in later years.

In reality, though, there wasn’t that much 1982 Lafite, and most of what was found on the market were forgeries.

With the publicity from the newspapers, the wedding was already being hailed as a union of powerful Catholic nations.

Spain was a Catholic country, and so was the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Of course, Italy was also a Catholic country.

Many newspapers were already speculating about an alliance between these three Catholic nations, dubbing it the “Catholic League.”

Faced with such reports, different people held different attitudes. Prime Minister Bismarck was naturally pleased to see reports like these.

The existence of such reports proved that the people of these three countries were also favorably disposed to the idea of their nations growing closer.

Did this not mean that the four-power alliance he had previously envisioned still had a chance of becoming a reality?

For the British, however, the mood was not so wonderful.

The union of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Spain was already a bit of a headache. If Italy were to insert itself into the equation, it would truly become Britain’s biggest problem in Europe.

The British government was already worried that the Spanish government might harbor ambitions of retaking Gibraltar. This worry was exacerbated after the marriage alliance between the Austro-Hungarian and Spanish royal families.

If a triple alliance of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Italy, and Spain were truly formed, it would mean they could not possibly remain indifferent to Gibraltar.

Losing Gibraltar would destroy more than half of Britain’s strategic plans in the Mediterranean. But holding on to Gibraltar would mean a direct conflict with the so-called triple alliance, which was precisely what the British did not want to see.

Britain’s policy was to maintain a regional balance of power, supporting two relatively balanced forces to oppose each other in a region, rather than getting involved itself.

If this so-called triple alliance had no intention of forming, that would be for the best. But if they truly did have such intentions, then it seemed Britain would also have to form a related alliance to ensure the threat of the triple alliance was minimized.

At this thought, the British representative, who had been wearing a smile, gradually adopted a solemn expression and began to scan the nobles attending the banquet, including some of the foreign guests, with his eyes.

Chapter 116: Chaos in the Army

Of course, Carlo would not see the machinations of the various foreign diplomatic representatives at the banquet. As the protagonist of the wedding, Carlo had left halfway through the dinner, leaving Duke Primo and Grand Duke Serrano to entertain the foreign guests.

As for Carlo, he had naturally gone to enjoy the bliss of their wedding night. Archduchess Sophie, exquisitely dressed, looked even more beautiful and enchanting. Now that she was his wife, Carlo certainly wouldn’t hold back.

For a proper king, the most important duty was to produce heirs for the royal family. All other matters, including the development of the country, could be considered secondary. Only the procreation of children was paramount.

Why? Because the royal line needed to be inherited. If the throne were to fall into the hands of others due to a lack of heirs, even the greatest of achievements would ultimately be for naught.

As the king of Spain, Carlo would naturally not use any form of contraception. For one, things like sheep intestines were uncomfortable to use, and for another, the royal family was in dire need of new additions.

After a long night, Carlo woke up early the next morning. After washing up and dressing with the help of the maids, Carlo instructed them to take care of Archduchess Sophie, then left the room himself.

Of course, Archduchess Sophie now had another official title: the mistress of the Royal Palace of Madrid, Carlo’s Queen.

Basking in the warm sunlight outside his room, Carlo’s mood became exceptionally pleasant. There was nothing more comfortable than sleeping in, especially with a very cooperative and beautiful queen by his side.

“What is on the schedule for today?” Carlo asked, turning his gaze to Steward Loren with a smile.

“Prime Minister Primo needs to report to you on the government’s foreign policy matters. The meeting is scheduled for two o’clock this afternoon, after lunch. In the evening, there is a farewell banquet for the foreign guests and noblemen. So far, those are the only two events,” Steward Loren replied instantly upon hearing Carlo’s question.

As the steward of the Royal Palace, Loren was quite busy. Besides managing some of the royal family’s assets, he also had to liaise with government officials on Carlo’s behalf to plan his schedule.

Generally, however, Carlo had relatively few things to do in a day, most of which consisted of banquets and meetings. Other than that, there were occasional leisure activities like going out for a hunt or enjoying the scenery.

It wasn’t Carlo’s fault that he seemed to have little to do all day. The truth was that Prime Minister Primo handled most of the government’s affairs, whether it was reform or national development, leaving Carlo with little to worry about.

Currently, the progress of reform and national development was very smooth, so Carlo naturally wouldn’t interfere.

For Carlo, the most important thing at the moment was to extend his influence into the Spanish army. Only by gradually gaining control of Spain’s military power could he continuously solidify his own authority and exert influence over the government.

The matter of Prime Minister Primo’s report on foreign affairs was, in fact, about discussing an alliance with the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The royal families of the two countries were now joined by a marriage alliance, which had already created the prerequisite for a formal alliance. The Austro-Hungarian Empire was in urgent need of a few allies to put on a brave front. Besides the Germans, whom they had been in contact with, Spain was the most promising candidate for an alliance.

“How are the graduates from the Royal Military Academy doing?” Carlo asked suddenly, as if he had just remembered something.

It had been over half a year since the first class of the Royal Military Academy graduated. By all rights, they should have all successfully joined the army and begun their true military careers.

However, aside from the few who had joined the Royal Guard, Carlo was not very familiar with the current situation of the others.

After all, he had spent the past six months preparing for the wedding, on top of some government meetings. In the midst of it all, he had forgotten about the matter.

“Things are going relatively smoothly at present, Your Majesty,” Steward Loren replied. “Of the more than four hundred graduates from the Royal Military Academy, apart from a small number who went to the Royal Guard, the rest have all joined the Royal Army and have been dispersed among various units.

However, because the current Royal Army does not have that many officer positions, many of them are currently serving in auxiliary roles such as deputy platoon commander. It will likely be a long time before they can be promoted to a full command.”

Hearing Steward Loren’s reply, Carlo was stunned for a moment, then nodded as he recalled the current state of the Spanish army.

The Spanish army was not large to begin with, its numbers consistently maintained at around one hundred thousand. If one only counted the troops stationed on the mainland, the number was even smaller, between seventy and eighty thousand.

The ranks of these military academy graduates were mostly around lieutenant, which theoretically qualified them to serve as low-level officers from platoon commander to deputy company commander.

But the existing Spanish army simply didn’t have that many officer vacancies for them to fill. The fact that some deputy positions could be created for them was already a rather good outcome.

It was important to remember that the term of military service in this era was vastly different from later times. While conscripts in later generations typically served for only two years, soldiers in this era often served for more than ten years.

But there was another problem: the foundation of the current Spanish army was still the revolutionary army, and the military proficiency of its officers was not actually that high.

If the current state of the army was not changed, not only would Carlo’s arrangements at the Royal Military Academy be rendered ineffective, but the overall combat effectiveness of the Spanish army would also remain unchanged.

Ultimately, the Spanish army also needed a reform. This reform had to weed out the soldiers and officers whose overall skills were subpar and downsize a portion of the army, giving the vacant officer positions to these outstanding graduates from the formal military academy.

With this in mind, Carlo nodded and instructed Steward Loren, “It seems this matter must be discussed with Prime Minister Primo.

Let’s move the meeting to lunchtime. Inform Prime Minister Primo that I will be waiting for him at the Royal Palace.”

Time passed quickly, and Prime Minister Primo arrived at the Royal Palace punctually, waiting respectfully in the small dining room where lunch had already been prepared.

While enjoying a delicious lunch, Carlo casually brought up the current situation of the military academy graduates and asked for Prime Minister Primo’s opinion.

How could Prime Minister Primo not know about the situation of these graduates? In fact, it had been his idea to assign them to temporary positions like deputy platoon commander.

There was no other choice. They couldn’t very well make these graduates serve as common soldiers. But if they were to be made officers, there were not enough vacancies, so this was the only viable, if suboptimal, solution.

“Your Majesty, what you mean is…?” Prime Minister Primo asked, waiting for Carlo to express his thoughts.

In truth, Prime Minister Primo had also considered reforming the army. But military reform was a major undertaking, one that could even affect the stability of the government.

After all, most of the men in this army had participated in the last revolution. It was precisely because of the support of these men that Primo and Serrano had become the two pillars of the current Spanish government.

If they were to act rashly against the army, they might very well lose the support of these soldiers, causing the greatest pillar of support for Prime Minister Primo’s reforms to vanish into thin air.

The problem, however, was that the army’s issues were already laid bare, and leaving them unaddressed was not in Prime Minister Primo’s nature.

First and foremost was the low proficiency of the army’s officers, which severely impacted the Spanish army’s combat effectiveness. An army composed of revolutionary soldiers and surrendered troops from the kingdom’s former government was, to put it mildly, far too chaotic in terms of both organization and internal factions.

“Prime Minister Primo, I believe it is necessary for us to push for a reform to improve the combat effectiveness of the Spanish army.” The army’s combat strength was of the utmost importance; Spain’s power depended on the strength of its military.

Therefore, for Carlo, army reform was a necessity, and the sooner, the better.

Hearing Carlo’s words, Prime Minister Primo did not rush to respond, a thoughtful expression on his face.

While reform was indeed important, the pros and cons had to be considered. If they were to push for military reform, the biggest beneficiary would undoubtedly be Carlo.

After all, Carlo controlled the military academies in Madrid and Zaragoza. Just the four hundred-plus graduates each year already ensured that Carlo could control the majority of the lower-ranking officers in the Spanish army.

If these junior officers were allowed to climb the ranks step by step, perhaps in ten years, the mid-to-lower echelons of the army would be entirely under Carlo’s command.

And for an army, it was precisely these mid-to-lower-ranking officers who were the most important. The orders of high-ranking officers had to be passed down to the mid-level units to be executed, and the army’s combat effectiveness was determined by these lower-echelon troops.

This was one of Prime Minister Primo’s considerations. Pushing for reform would inevitably accelerate Carlo’s consolidation of power.

Although Prime Minister Primo was not particularly concerned about this, would doing so affect Spain’s other reforms? This, along with other potential problems that might arise from military reform, made Prime Minister Primo fall into deep thought.

Carlo, of course, understood what Prime Minister Primo was hesitating about. At this moment, reforming the army, for the Prime Minister, was like performing surgery on himself.

If the surgery was successful, all would be well; a period of recovery wouldn’t cause any major issues. But if the surgery failed, the consequences could range from a minor infection and inflammation to something fatal.

“Prime Minister Primo, our army’s combat effectiveness has fallen far behind that of Europe’s first-rate powers like Germany, France, and Austria. If our goal is to compete with these nations, I believe this military reform is essential.

Only through comprehensive national reform does Spain have a hope of restoring the glory of the empire on which the sun never set. And you, as the driving force of this reform, are destined to be remembered in Spanish history, to become a hero to all Spaniards.” Carlo once again reiterated his support for the reform, implying that he would shape Prime Minister Primo into a hero of Spain’s revitalization, in an attempt to win his support for this military overhaul.

Chapter 117: Military Reform

What began as a meeting for two eventually evolved into a small conference for three. The additional person was, of course, the man with the highest prestige and status in the army aside from Prime Minister Primo: the current Minister of Defense, Grand Duke Serrano.

When hastily summoned to the Royal Palace, Grand Duke Serrano clearly had no idea what Carlo had in mind. But when Carlo himself declared that Spain needed military reform, the Grand Duke was startled at first, then quickly came to his senses and offered his opinion:

“Your Majesty, I support the reform you propose. Since the end of the Austro-Prussian and Franco-Prussian Wars, a significant gap has opened up between the Spanish army and the first-rate armies of Europe. If we cannot catch up to the formidable German army, our own Royal Army may become like stagnant water, its combat effectiveness deteriorating over time.”

The Austro-Prussian and Franco-Prussian Wars, the conflicts that birthed the German Empire, had an absolutely massive impact on the nations of Europe. These wars marked the definitive end of line infantry and muzzle-loading rifles, pushing breech-loading rifles and advanced artillery technology to the forefront of military importance for every country.

The Spanish army currently numbered just over one hundred thousand men. Of these, the garrisons in the various colonies accounted for approximately thirty thousand.

This means that only about seventy thousand troops are stationed on the Spanish mainland. If we decide to implement reforms, we should be able to do so quickly.

However, Grand Duke Serrano immediately raised a concern based on the army’s current state. “I believe, however, that we must carefully consider the Spanish army’s unique circumstances when it comes to military reform. The composition of our forces is simply too complex. A rash reform could incite dissatisfaction among some soldiers and potentially lead to a coup.”

The bulk of the current Spanish army consisted of troops from the revolutionary period and the surrendered forces of the former royal government. The revolutionary army included not only conservative factions like Grand Duke Serrano’s but also radical factions that supported a republic.

Should we hastily initiate military reforms, these radical republicans would certainly not remain idle. It would severely disrupt Spain’s current stability and could even provoke another civil war.

“I am aware of these risks, Grand Duke Serrano,” Carlo said, nodding at him. “The very purpose of this meeting is to devise a military reform that can effectively address this situation.”

“The difficulties are numerous, but this military reform is absolutely necessary. Military expenditure makes up 25.1% of our total fiscal expenditure, and at least a third of it can be trimmed.

If we complete the army reform, we can reduce the total number of troops to around sixty to seventy thousand. The money saved on military expenditure can then be used to purchase new weapons and equipment.

Even if we later expand the army back to one hundred thousand, we can ensure the new force is far stronger than the one we have now. For the good of Spain, this must be done.”

Carlo was quite resolute about military reform. While the Spanish army certainly had capable officers, it also had many who were simply coasting.

Many of the soldiers were essentially peasants armed with rifles, completely ignorant of military science. In a fight, all they knew was to point their guns and fire wildly.

While this was a common sight in many European armies, it was not something Carlo was willing to tolerate in Spain’s.

Spain’s population was relatively small, which meant the army it could field was far smaller than those of the other great powers.

If it couldn’t even guarantee the combat effectiveness of its limited forces, it might as well abandon any hope of competing with the other great powers.

To protect its colonies while also securing the Spanish homeland, the country needed a first-rate European army numbering over two hundred thousand.

Meeting this requirement in terms of numbers was currently impossible. After all, merely maintaining a force of one hundred thousand was already straining the Spanish government’s finances.

A reckless expansion to two hundred thousand would likely bankrupt the Spanish economy in just a few years.

Thus, with expansion being out of the question, the only way to enhance the army’s combat effectiveness was to improve the military skills of every single soldier.

With no means to develop the navy in the short term, Spain had to possess a formidable army to deter any great power from even thinking about invading the homeland.

Prime Minister Primo, who had been silent, finally spoke after a long period of contemplation. “Your Majesty, the greatest challenge in this military reform is what will become of the discharged soldiers. If we can’t solve the problem of their employment, the reform might stir up significant discontent.”

Carlo had already considered this. The root of the issue was that the current Spanish government, born from revolution, was overly concerned with the opinions of the revolutionary army.

A traditional government of the Kingdom of Spain would hardly have cared about the opinions of discharged soldiers. After all, if they were unemployed, they could always return to being peasants; tilling the land would at least keep them from starving.

“The construction of the industrial base in Seville should be nearing completion, correct?” Carlo said. “The first batch of discharged soldiers can be given the option to work in the factories there.”

“I will ensure they receive wages equivalent to the national average, which will be enough to support their families. For now, the reform will not touch the colonial armies; we will focus only on the seventy thousand troops here on the mainland.

This force of seventy thousand must be trimmed down to at least fifty thousand, removing soldiers with poor military skills and mixed loyalties.

After this downsizing is complete, we can initiate the next phase: expansion. We will bring our mainland army back up to around seventy thousand.

From now on, every soldier conscripted in Spain must meet two criteria: physical fitness and ideological soundness. I want our one hundred thousand Spanish soldiers to be proven, outstanding men, not mercenaries just in it for the pay.

As for any who insist on causing trouble, we need not tolerate them. I trust you can handle such problems. If anyone attempts to incite a rebellion, crush it without mercy. Let them understand who is truly in charge of Spain.”

Hearing Carlo’s words, both Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano nodded in agreement, having no further objections.

In truth, their main concern had been for the soldiers who supported the government, not the radical dissenters.

Many of the unqualified soldiers and officers were loyal to the government; they simply lacked competence.

If a future could be secured for them, the military reform would be feasible.

As for the radical Republicans within the army, they were a minority. Even if they managed to incite a portion of the army to rebel, Carlo was not particularly concerned.

After all, with the two major military leaders, Primo and Serrano, firmly in control of the capital, even if the radical Republicans joined forces with the Carlists, they would be doomed to fail in any attempt to take Madrid.

It was true that Prime Minister Primo had offended certain factions, but his reputation among the peasants and the new Liberals was quite high.

Grand Duke Serrano, on the other hand, had become the de facto representative of the Spanish nobility. As Serrano drew closer to the throne, Carlo was naturally pleased to see this military heavyweight express his loyalty. The two of them were perfectly aligned in their purpose.

Prime Minister Primo’s New Liberals and Reformists, Grand Duke Serrano’s Conservatives, and Canovas’s old Royalists collectively formed the pillars of support for Carlo within the Spanish government and military.

The opposition to these factions, which was to say, the opposition to the Spanish monarchy itself, naturally came from the so-called Democrats and Republicans.

However, after a series of policies and reforms, the Conservatives and Reformists now controlled the government and held a majority of the seats in the Spanish Parliament.

The New Liberals and Royalists had also established themselves as significant forces, meaning these four factions effectively controlled the entire parliament.

The Republicans had little remaining support in Spain. The monarchy and the nation were seen as inseparable; without a king, Spain would surely fracture.

This very belief had led to a continuous growth in factions supporting the monarchy, giving them an overwhelming advantage over the pro-republican groups.

Especially after the defeat of the Carlists, the peasants—who made up the majority of the population—had also voiced their staunch support for the monarchy.

In such a climate, not even Prime Minister Primo could alter the fact that Spain was a monarchical state.

Now that the decision to proceed with military reform was made, the next critical step was to discuss the specific process and timeline for its implementation.

On this matter, Grand Duke Serrano, as Minister of Defense, had the most authority.

He understood the condition of the Spanish army better than anyone and thus knew exactly how the reforms should be conducted and where the cuts needed to be made.

After more than two hours of deliberation, Carlo and the two military leaders finalized a preliminary plan for the reform of the Spanish army.

The plan stipulated that after the reforms, the seventy thousand troops on the mainland would be expanded to one hundred thousand. This meant Spain would possess a standing army of at least one hundred thirty thousand.

However, before this expansion, the seventy thousand mainland troops would first undergo a rigorous downsizing to remove all soldiers and officers who failed to meet military standards.

The officer corps would be filled by graduates from the military academy. With over four hundred graduates joining the army each year, the supply of officers was not a concern.

Once the army was thoroughly streamlined, the expansion would begin. The recruitment requirements for this expansion would be exceptionally strict. Not only would recruits need to be in excellent physical condition, but they would also need to have a clean family background—ideally, they would come from families that had been peasants for generations.

The reason was simple: peasants currently offered the strongest support for the monarchist government and were the least likely to participate in anti-government activities.

Upon completion of the military reform, the government would also increase the pay for soldiers and officers as finances permitted. This plan to boost morale through better wages was part of the agreement between Carlo, Prime Minister Primo, and Grand Duke Serrano.

Downsizing was bound to shake morale, and a timely pay raise would certainly do no harm to the effort of building a new army.

Chapter 118: The Vetterli M1872 Rifle

Since the decision for military reform had been made, it was naturally best to proceed as quickly as possible.

No matter how the situation in Europe changed, possessing a strong army would always give Spain peace of mind.

Currently, Spain lacked the strength to develop its navy, and even if it could, it wouldn’t get very far. After all, with the British Empire, the world’s number one naval power, constantly looking for trouble, it was better to abandon naval development unless Spain wanted to engage in direct competition with Britain.

To avoid attracting British attention, the navy’s size had to be kept below the level of the great powers, and its capital ships could not pose a threat to the British Royal Fleet.

Coupled with the fact that navies were extremely cash-intensive, Carlo currently had no plans to develop one. Spain’s fleet consisted of only two or three rather small ironclads, which looked quite shabby.

Since the navy wasn’t being developed, the army became Spain’s only hope for strengthening its military. On this point, Carlo, Prime Minister Primo, and Grand Duke Serrano were in tacit agreement.

Military reform also had to be accompanied by something else: reform in weapons technology.

Spain’s current standard-issue long guns were quite a mixed bag. There were outdated muzzle-loading rifles with paper cartridges, as well as more advanced breech-loading rifles with metallic cartridges.

Since a large-scale reform of the army was underway, it was also a natural opportunity to comprehensively upgrade the rifles equipped by the Spanish military.

The good news was that after more than a year of effort, Spain had made some progress in the area of breech-loading rifles.

Drawing on technology from both Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Spain only needed to integrate these two technologies with the help of Austro-Hungarian technical experts to improve upon them and create its own standard-issue rifle.

Under these circumstances, a new model was developed based on the Italian Vetterli rifle, and the Spanish Vetterli M1872 rifle was successfully born.

The Vetterli rifle was a first-generation breech-loading rifle developed by the Swiss, which the Italians then improved upon. Spain, in turn, made further improvements on the Italian version, essentially remedying the rifle’s shortcomings.

This rifle had a caliber of 10.35 millimeters and uniformly used the 10.35x47mm black powder cartridge.

Smokeless powder had not yet been developed, so all countries in the world used black powder cartridges, which had significant drawbacks in terms of power and accuracy.

Carlo’s arsenal was currently engaged in the research and development of smokeless powder. Once there was some headway, Spanish weapons would be refitted to use smokeless powder cartridges.

The rifle weighed a total of 4.6 kg, with an overall length of 1350 millimeters, and a muzzle velocity of 415 meters per second.

Italy retained the basic appearance of the Swiss Vetterli rifle but changed the loading mechanism from a tubular magazine to single-shot loading.

The Spanish arsenal improved upon this by adding a box magazine that could hold four cartridges.

The Spanish Vetterli M1872 rifle and the Italian Vetterli rifle used the same caliber, a decision made to simplify logistical supply.

If Spain’s ammunition production capacity proved insufficient in the future, it could easily purchase cartridges from Italy, as their ammunition was interchangeable.

Likewise, if Italy faced a shortage of rifles or cartridges, Spanish-produced ammunition could be loaded into Italian rifles. This was a tremendous help to the logistical supply of both countries.

Standardizing the army’s weapons greatly facilitated logistical supply. After all, if all soldiers used the same type of long gun, only one type of cartridge needed to be transported and supplied.

But if several different types of rifles were used, especially those with different calibers, it would create a huge logistical headache.

Imagine the front line finally receiving a large shipment of supplies, only to find that none of the cartridges fit their rifles. That shipment would be completely useless to the army.

Carlo understood this perfectly, which is why he specified during the rifle’s development that its caliber must be consistent with the Italian rifle.

When smokeless powder was successfully developed in the future, it wouldn’t be too late to change the rifle’s caliber. For now, since they all used black powder cartridges, it was best to maintain consistency for the convenience of logistical supply.

Since the decision for military reform had been made, Carlo ordered the Royal Arsenal to conduct a final test of the Vetterli M1872 rifle. As soon as the military gave the nod, mass production could begin to equip the army.

Hearing that Carlo had even prepared the army’s new standard-issue long gun, Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano were naturally very curious and expressed their wish to attend the rifle’s testing.

Carlo had no objection. Prime Minister Primo was in charge of the Ministry of Finance, and Grand Duke Serrano headed the Ministry of Defense. Gaining their approval would essentially seal the deal for the Spanish army’s procurement of the Vetterli M1872 rifle.

Carlo had no personal motives in this. The main reason was that the Vetterli M1872 was indeed Spain’s most advanced rifle, and even one of the most advanced in Europe at the time.

Even the technical experts from the Austro-Hungarian Empire marveled at the rifle’s design, let alone Spain, whose military industry was not as developed.

If this rifle could be widely equipped, it would definitely enhance the combat effectiveness of the Spanish army. Combined with the military reforms, a successfully reformed Spanish army would see a significant leap in combat power, which was what Carlo hoped to see.

The Vetterli M1872 rifle was compared against a variety of rifles currently in Spanish service, as well as the Austro-Hungarian Werndl M1867 rifle and the Italian Vetterli M1870 rifle.

Carlo was quite confident in the Vetterli M1872 rifle improved by the Spanish arsenal. The comparison with these other rifles was, of course, intended to showcase the advanced nature of the M1872.

The Royal Arsenal was naturally informed that Carlo, Prime Minister Primo, and Grand Duke Serrano were coming to observe the rifle trials.

The personal attendance of His Majesty the King and the two top government officials prompted the Royal Arsenal to treat the matter with the utmost seriousness. Before the public test, the Royal Arsenal conducted thorough inspections and tests on the M1872 rifle to ensure no problems would arise during the demonstration.

However, the concerns of the Royal Arsenal’s technical staff were somewhat superfluous. After all, the Vetterli M1872 was an improvement on the Italian Vetterli M1870. It couldn’t possibly have gotten worse through modification.

Moreover, most of Spain’s existing rifles were muzzle-loaders. How could a muzzle-loader possibly compare to a breech-loader?

The only real competitor to the Vetterli M1872 was, in fact, the standard-issue rifle of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Werndl M1867 rifle.

The full name of the Werndl M1867 rifle was the M1867 Werndl–Holub rifle, jointly developed by Werndl and Holub.

The reason for developing this breech-loading rifle was, naturally, seeing the excellent performance of the breech-loaders in the hands of the Prussian army in several wars.

In fact, it wasn’t just the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This period was a crucial time for all of Europe, marking the transition from muzzle-loading to breech-loading rifles, and from paper cartridges to metallic ones.

Furthermore, it was also the critical period for the transition from ordinary black powder to smokeless powder.

This meant that during this time, the weaponry and military technology of European nations would experience a phase of explosive development.

In addition to these army weapons, navies would also see tremendous progress. Ironclads would evolve into battleships, which would then evolve into dreadnoughts, and then super-dreadnoughts, and so on.

Although it might seem like many generations of evolution, in reality, this entire period spanned only thirty to forty years.

This was also why Carlo was vigorously building arsenals. If Spain couldn’t catch up during this golden age of military technology development, it would fall too far behind in the future.

Although Spain did not currently plan to develop its navy, Carlo still placed great importance on shipyards and related shipbuilding technology.

Italy’s shipbuilding expertise was quite excellent, and Carlo had imported Italian shipbuilding technology through his cooperation with the Italian government.

However, this cooperation was relatively secretive. The expansion of the Valencia shipyard was essentially kept confidential. As long as they didn’t start building warships with great fanfare, other countries were unlikely to notice the changes at the shipyard.

Returning to the rifle tests.

Under the watchful eyes of Carlo, Prime Minister Primo, and Grand Duke Serrano, the Vetterli M1872 rifle formally began its competitive tests against a series of other rifles.

This test would directly determine the future rifle of the Spanish army. Whichever rifle emerged victorious would essentially become the primary procurement target for the military.

As expected, the Vetterli M1872 rifle was victorious.

As mentioned before, only the Austro-Hungarian Werndl M1867 rifle was truly qualified to compete with it.

But the Werndl M1867 rifle had two fatal flaws.

First, the 11.15x42mm rimmed metallic cartridge it used had a bullet weight of less than 20 grams, resulting in insufficient stopping power.

Second was its breech-locking mechanism. Although many breech-loading rifles of this era had locking mechanisms, the Werndl M1867 required rotating the locking block during loading, which significantly reduced its rate of fire.

With its already insufficient bullet power and a slower rate of fire than the Vetterli M1872, the Werndl M1867’s performance in the tests fell far behind.

However, one could tell from the designations of the two rifles that there was a five-year gap between them. Even compared to the Italian Vetterli M1870, there was a three-year difference.

In this era, a three-year gap in military technology was immense. The Austro-Prussian War and the Franco-Prussian War were only three or four years apart (in this world), but the Prussian artillery went from being inferior to Austria’s to overwhelming that of the French. This shows how much military technology could change in just three or four years.

Since the Vetterli M1872 rifle had achieved final victory, what came next was a matter of course. Grand Duke Serrano, with a smile, stated that he would use the Ministry of Defense’s military funds to procure a batch of Vetterli M1872 rifles.

Once the military reforms were complete, the Vetterli M1872 rifle would be fully adopted to increase the combat effectiveness of the Spanish army.

In addition to the order from the Ministry of Defense, Carlo also placed an order for his own Royal Guard.

The Royal Guard could have been equipped by purchasing Vetterli rifles from Italy. However, considering that Spain was also developing its own breech-loading rifle, Carlo had refrained from equipping them on a large scale with the Italian Vetterli.

Now that Spain had developed its own breech-loading rifle technology, it was naturally time for the Royal Guard to be equipped with the new Vetterli M1872 on a large scale.

Chapter 119: Development of the Arsenal

Although neither Prime Minister Primo nor Grand Duke Serrano said it outright, their attitudes had already shown their support for the Royal Arsenal.

On the surface, the government was encouraging private arms companies to grow bigger and stronger, but in reality, it also hoped for a larger arsenal to serve as a showpiece for Spain.

Regardless of who owned the arsenal, as long as it could develop more advanced weapons for Spain and continuously manufacture them for the Spanish army, that was all that mattered.

Spain truly needed a leading enterprise in its arms industry. A single large arsenal could accomplish far more than dozens of smaller ones, and at present, Spain desperately needed a massive arsenal to bolster its prestige.

This was true for all nations. It was just like the German Empire’s Krupp Armaments Factory or Austria’s future Škoda Works.

Only such arms giants could open up the weapons market. Relying on small and medium-sized arsenals to expand the arms trade was less realistic than hoping foreign weapons would become cheaper.

Currently, within Spain’s arms industry, only the Royal Arsenal possessed the scale and capital to qualify as an arms giant.

After all, there were no extraordinarily advanced weapons in this era; rifles and cannons were the most common light and heavy armaments.

Spain had a fair number of arms companies—hundreds of factories and private workshops of various sizes.

However, most of these companies produced old hunting rifles, pistols, and the like, which required little technical skill. Even the quality of these firearms could not be guaranteed.

Even the arsenals capable of producing muzzle-loading rifles and artillery were destined to fall short of the Royal Arsenal when it came to developing breech-loading rifles and manufacturing more advanced cannons.

The Spanish government’s current stance on these arms companies was to support other medium-sized arsenals as much as possible, while prioritizing the Royal Arsenal.

Naturally, it would be best if multiple ventures could flourish. But if these medium-sized arsenals proved unequal to the task, all efforts would ultimately be concentrated on making the Royal Arsenal the leader of Spain’s arms industry.

Of course, the small and medium-sized arms companies would not be eliminated. After all, there was a market for hunting rifles and pistols. The Royal Arsenal had no intention of competing for orders of these lower-profit, smaller-batch weapons.

After receiving orders from the military and the Royal Guard, the Royal Arsenal entered a rather busy period.

Although it had only been established for a few years, the Royal Arsenal was already one of the largest arms companies in Spain.

However, compared to the larger arsenals in Europe, the Royal Arsenal was still relatively small in scale.

The entire Royal Arsenal had fewer than one thousand employees, and there was no definitive figure for its weapon output. But based on its current production capacity, it could produce at least 500 rifles, 10 artillery pieces, 75,000 rounds of ammunition, and 1,200 artillery shells each month.

Of course, this was when producing a little of everything. If it concentrated its efforts on rifles and ammunition, the monthly output could likely increase to 1,000 rifles and over 150,000 rounds of ammunition.

This figure also highlighted the current scale of the Royal Arsenal—it was simply too small for Spain.

To give one example, just to re-equip Spain’s one-hundred-thousand-strong army with the latest Vetterli M1872 rifle, it would take at least eight years, even with the Royal Arsenal working overtime.

This meant that the Royal Arsenal’s greatest mission in the future was to expand, increasing its workforce to at least ten thousand and its annual weapon output to over 50,000 rifles.

Right now, the Royal Arsenal’s production capacity couldn’t even meet Spain’s domestic demand, let alone develop Spain’s arms trade market and earn a steady stream of foreign income by trading weapons with other countries.

The good news was that with technical experts from the Austro-Hungarian Empire on hand, the expansion of the Royal Arsenal would proceed much more smoothly. New employees could master certain skills after short-term training from these experts, making their integration into weapons production seamless.

The large-scale expansion of the Royal Arsenal had not been approved earlier for two reasons. First, the development of the breech-loading rifle had yet to show promise; expanding the factory would have been pointless if it had no weapons to produce.

Second, there were no confirmed orders from the military. If the arsenal expanded to a sufficient size but lacked a steady stream of orders, it would have just been draining the royal family’s funds.

Now that there was a continuous flow of orders, the Royal Arsenal’s income was secure for the next few years. As for where to find orders after this contract was completed, they could look to the Americas across the Atlantic Ocean.

Breech-loading rifles were still in their infancy in Europe, so it was impossible for the nations of Latin America to have mastered this technology. With the help of Italian and Austro-Hungarian experts, Spain’s breech-loading rifle technology could be considered first-rate in Europe.

A standard-issue long gun that was being widely adopted in Spain would naturally have a market in Latin America.

American nations like Argentina and Mexico were once Spanish colonies. Although they had gained their independence, this had resolved the primary conflict they had with the Spanish government.

Theoretically, Argentinians and Mexicans shared a common heritage with the Spaniards. Although long periods of colonization and intermarriage had distanced this connection, these people were naturally more amicable toward Spain than other nations.

As long as the Royal Arsenal’s weapons had no quality issues, it would be easy to secure orders from these countries. While they might not be large-scale orders, as long as they could sustain the Royal Arsenal, it wasn’t a problem.

The nations of Latin America could together account for orders of tens of thousands of rifles. Combined with the expansion and attrition of the Spanish army and smaller orders from other regions, the Royal Arsenal would not lack for weapon orders in the next five years.

Besides, even if rifle orders were scarce, they could prioritize the production of artillery. Moreover, ammunition and artillery shells were consumables, which would generate a continuous stream of orders.

The future Spanish army would place greater emphasis on infantry marksmanship and artillery training, leading to a steady consumption of bullets and shells.

These orders combined would be more than enough to support a Royal Arsenal with over ten thousand employees. Even if it operated at a loss, as long as it wasn’t too severe, it was acceptable to Carlo.

After all, the great powers of Europe were facing many wars ahead. As long as Spain’s weaponry was not too outdated, it could still secure a share of the orders.

Furthermore, the upcoming expansion into African colonies would involve military action. Carlo had no worries about the development of the Royal Arsenal.

However, the expansion of the arsenal could not be done blindly. The expansion of such factories was always interconnected, with the growth of one enterprise driving the simultaneous development of many other industries.

Take the arsenal, for example. The production of rifles and artillery required large amounts of steel. The first step would be to expand the steel mill to meet the increased demand for steel after the arsenal’s expansion.

And that wasn’t all. A production line for rifles or artillery required a lot of machinery and equipment, which in turn would aid the development of machinery manufacturing plants.

The expansion of the Royal Arsenal would not only create over ten thousand direct jobs but also thousands of unseen indirect jobs.

This would have a tremendous effect on the development of Spain’s economy, benefiting both the Spanish government and the public.

For one thing, a large factory with over ten thousand employees would pay a huge amount in taxes each year. Based on the current average annual income of approximately 97 pesetas in Spain, the salaries paid to these workers would exceed one million pesetas per year.

Once the workers received this income, regardless of which industry they spent it on, it would continuously stimulate Spain’s economic growth.

The government would also receive a steady stream of tax revenue from this consumption, creating a win-win-win situation for the arsenal, the people, and the government.

Of course, the one who stood to gain the most was perhaps Carlo’s royal family.

The arsenal was a royal industry, and the salaries it paid would make the workers feel a debt of gratitude to Carlo.

It was well known that the wages and various welfare policies offered by royal industries were among the best of any factory in Spain.

A ten-hour workday, monthly leave, overtime pay on holidays, and so on, made Spaniards very optimistic about working for a royal industry.

By rights, Carlo was now a major capitalist. In fact, his capital far exceeded that of any other capitalist in Spain, and his wealth could already rival some of Spain’s top noblemen.

If the lands of the former Bourbon royal family had not been confiscated by the government, the royal family would likely be the wealthiest family in Spain at this moment.

But this was also a good thing. When the people learned that the Bourbon royal family’s lands had been taken by the government and distributed to the public through various means, their goodwill toward the royal family naturally increased.

Knowing he couldn’t get these lands back, Carlo took the initiative to offer them to the government and advocated for various policies to ensure the people could genuinely benefit.

For example, a significant portion of these lands would be leased to the public at low prices. With the reduction in the agricultural tax, the income of the peasants who rented this land would also increase substantially.

Although it was the government that actually leased out the land, with the help of Carlo’s extensive propaganda machine, the people naturally felt grateful to the royal family and to Carlo.

The government couldn’t very well come out and declare that the land leasing had nothing to do with the royal family, so Carlo earned a good reputation among the people at little cost to himself.

Although Carlo had made no major moves, through this gradual accumulation of influence, the Spanish people’s approval of him was quite high. They no longer held any aversion or prejudice toward this foreigner from Italy serving as their king.

Compared to many of Spain’s previous kings, even if Carlo couldn’t be ranked as excellent, he had at least earned a good grade for now.

As Prime Minister Primo’s reforms progressed and Spain’s economy developed, Carlo’s achievements would continue to grow.

At least for now, Carlo was not in a hurry. He had now firmly secured his throne, and no one could drive him from it.

The next step was to gradually exert influence in the government and the military, and then wait for the right moment to take control of power.

Once he had complete control over the government and the army, Carlo would have to set his own goals, all while maintaining the rapid development of Spain’s economy and industry.

His sole objective was to make Spain stronger, to once again become a great power in Europe, a player on the world stage, not just a pawn on the chessboard.

And there was only one symbol of whether Spain was strong, of whether it could rise: the ownership of Gibraltar, right on its doorstep.

As long as Spain could retake Gibraltar, it would have achieved its goal of becoming strong and would have rejoined the ranks of the great powers of Europe.

But if Gibraltar, right on its doorstep, remained in the hands of another country, Spain would not have completed its task of becoming strong and would still be some distance from being a great power.

The reason Gibraltar was seen as the goal of Spain’s rise was because it was immensely important to Spain and the Spaniards.

In later times, Spain never gave up its claim to Gibraltar, but unfortunately, the window of opportunity to retake it had long since passed. The ownership of Gibraltar has always been a topic of great concern to the Spanish people.

If he could reclaim Gibraltar from the British, it would be a tremendous boost to Carlo’s prestige. It is no exaggeration to say that if Carlo could take back Gibraltar from the British, he would become one of the greatest monarchs in the hearts of all Spaniards today—perhaps even the greatest.

This would be a massive boost to the morale of the military and the public, and it would greatly increase the loyalty of all Spaniards to Carlo.

After retaking Gibraltar, even if Carlo were to declare his ascension as the Emperor of the Spanish people, not a single Spaniard would object.

The fact that it could inspire the people and infinitely raise the military’s morale alone meant that Carlo had to take Gibraltar.

What’s more, Gibraltar’s geographical location was also crucial, as it could command the Strait of Gibraltar, cutting off the sea route between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic Ocean.

However, it was precisely because of Gibraltar’s extremely important geographical location that the British also valued it highly.

If Spain wanted to retake Gibraltar, a war with the British was inevitable. The British were not fools; it was impossible for Spain to trade any land for Gibraltar.

Therefore, in Carlo’s mind, the British were never Spain’s allies—not now, and not in the future.

The only suitable allies for Spain in all of Europe were Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. They were also the only countries that could realistically help Spain retake Gibraltar.

As for Italy, it was basically out of the question. Firstly, it was unlikely that Italy would go to war with the British for Spain’s sake, as they had no major conflicts with the British.

Secondly, even if the Italian government were willing to go to war with Britain for Spain, Carlo wouldn’t dare to trust the Italian government’s performance in a war.

Although Carlo was a member of the Italian royal family, this did not mean that the relationship between Spain and Italy would be so close.

Both countries were powers on the Mediterranean coast and were therefore competitors. In Carlo’s mind, Italy was not necessarily as reliable as the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and he never expected Italy to help Spain.

Chapter 120: Agriculture is No Match for Finance

Beginning in March 1872, a vigorous military reform was officially launched in Spain. To avoid major disruptions to the armed forces, the reform would be implemented in phases across the entire Spanish army.

Naturally, the first to undergo reform were the garrison troops surrounding Madrid. The good news was that the army defending the capital was the elite of all Spanish forces. Most of the soldiers and officers in this unit were competent, so the number of personnel slated for dismissal was actually quite small, minimizing the impact on the army itself.

Choosing this force as the primary target for reform was, of course, due to the fact that it would be least affected by the changes.

Once this army’s reform was complete, the military reforms for other forces throughout Spain could be pushed forward with greater confidence and boldness.

With this army protecting the capital, Madrid, and the Royal Guard stationed near the palace, the Spanish government could be assured of its safety, allowing the military reform to proceed steadily.

It was only when Spain officially initiated this large-scale military reform that Carlo gained a detailed understanding of the current organization and deployment of the Spanish army.

At present, the combined forces of Spain consisted of twenty-eight line infantry regiments, eleven light infantry battalions, twelve cavalry regiments, one engineer regiment, and fourteen colonial garrison regiments.

All told, the number of soldiers exceeded one hundred thousand, with roughly seventy thousand stationed in mainland Spain and over thirty thousand in Spain’s various colonies.

It was worth noting that among all of Spain’s military formations, there was no independent artillery regiment.

Spain certainly had artillery, but it existed in the form of artillery companies integrated into infantry and cavalry regiments.

Moreover, the total number of artillery pieces in all of Spain was just over two hundred, a figure that lagged significantly behind the great powers of the Austro-Prussian War and Franco-Prussian War eras.

However, this was understandable. Artillery technology and the scale of its deployment had only undergone significant changes in the last decade.

It was particularly after Prussia used new steelmaking methods to forge steel cannons, delivering a fatal blow to the French army, that nations began to place greater importance on artillery.

This was not the World War I of decades later, where nations would possess innumerable machine guns and artillery pieces. In this era, infantry and cavalry were still the mainstays of every country, and the machine gun had not yet been invented.

To enhance the combat effectiveness of the Spanish army, beyond implementing military reform to improve the military quality of its officers and soldiers, it was also necessary to equip them with artillery on a large scale, and in the future, with machine guns.

The most effective way to improve the Spanish army’s combat power was to advance its weaponry while simultaneously raising the military素质 of its officers and soldiers.

However, these were clearly not matters Carlo could push for at present. While Prime Minister Primo did not oppose some of Carlo’s opinions, he would certainly not allow the king to continuously dictate matters of government and the military.

Fortunately, the current military reform would still effectively increase the Spanish army’s combat strength. Other matters could wait.

As time moved into April of 1872, the Spanish government grew even busier. Prime Minister Primo not only had to oversee the army’s reform but also devote substantial energy to the reform of the Spanish government and the development of the economy.

At the same time, following the marriage alliance with the Austro-Hungarian royal family, Spain needed to make diplomatic moves. An alliance treaty between Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire was already under negotiation, which also demanded a portion of Prime Minister Primo’s attention.

For Primo, a man nearing his sixtieth birthday, such a heavy load of state affairs was indeed a considerable strain. Spain’s development in various areas had reached a critical juncture, making it nearly impossible for the Prime Minister to get a good night’s sleep.

In contrast to the busy and high-pressured Prime Minister Primo, Carlo, as the king of Spain, was quite at ease during this period, living his life as a carefree king.

After the wedding, Carlo and Queen Sophie began their honeymoon.

Carlo and Queen Sophie first resided at the Royal Palace of Madrid for a time, then traveled to cities like Toledo, Valladolid, Seville, and Valencia, enjoying the beautiful Spanish scenery as they went.

However, the regions Carlo passed through were all in the central and southern parts of Spain, areas firmly under the government’s control where security could be guaranteed.

Of course, during Carlo’s travels, the Royal Guard dispatched a cavalry battalion and an infantry battalion to accompany and protect him. Under the protection of these soldiers, Carlo’s safety was essentially assured.

Even if faced with several thousand rebels, the Guard Cavalry and Infantry Battalions could hold out until government troops arrived. Unless they encountered a rebel force of over ten thousand, no situation could threaten Carlo’s safety.

Carlo placed great importance on his personal security. In addition to mobilizing the Royal Guard for his protection, the long-established Royal Security Intelligence Bureau also accompanied him.

The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau was founded on May 17, 1870. After a year-long trial period, Carlo affirmed the abilities of its director, Cadiel Bruno, and officially appointed him as Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, making him one of his trusted loyalists.

After nearly two years of development, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau had long since grown into a formidable organization operating in the shadows.

To date, Carlo had invested over 2.4 million pesetas into the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau.

Director Cadiel had not wasted Carlo’s investment. Those 2.4 million pesetas had bought Carlo over four hundred intelligence officers and several hundred informants who collaborated with the bureau.

These informants were not even aware of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau’s existence. The bureau’s public name was the Royal Military Liaison Group, nominally responsible for communication and cooperation between Spain’s various armies during wartime.

In reality, however, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau had evolved into Carlo’s eyes, gathering intelligence for him on all matters, major and minor, both at home and abroad, and investigating any person of interest to him.

It is worth mentioning that the reason Carlo affirmed Cadiel’s ability was that the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, in less than a year of its existence, had identified the culprits behind the assassination attempt on Prime Minister Primo.

When Carlo learned that the true culprit behind the assassination of Prime Minister Primo was the Duke of Osuna, a nobleman of high standing within the Spanish aristocracy, he was initially unwilling to believe it.

But when Director Cadiel presented a relatively complete chain of evidence, Carlo had no choice but to accept that the Duke of Osuna was the true mastermind behind the assassination.

Now that the true culprit of the assassination attempt had been found, the subsequent steps were much simpler.

Considering the stability of Spain and the potential impact on the noble class, it was naturally better to handle the matter discreetly.

After all, the attempt had not caused any significant harm to Prime Minister Primo; it had ended in complete failure, and he had not even been injured.

When the bureau’s personnel delivered the complete chain of evidence to the Duke of Osuna, the once-confident Duke who had orchestrated the assassination finally panicked.

However, he also understood that the fact Carlo had someone deliver the evidence to him, rather than handing it over to Prime Minister Primo for his arrest, meant there was still room for maneuver.

Carlo had no fondness for someone like the Duke of Osuna. However, considering the Duke’s high status and influence within the Spanish nobility, treating him too harshly might further alienate certain nobles who were already wavering.

After final consideration, Carlo offered the Duke of Osuna two choices.

Either the Duke could keep the chain of evidence himself, on the condition that he sell at least sixty percent of his lands and properties to the royal family at market value, with the proceeds being donated to the government.

Or, the evidence would be submitted to Prime Minister Primo, and the government would arrest and try the Duke of Osuna, ultimately deciding the fate of the properties under his name.

The first choice at least left the Duke of Osuna with less than forty percent of his property, enough for him to continue living as a wealthy nobleman without any issue.

If he chose the second option, even if the title of Duke of Osuna were to be preserved, it might not necessarily remain with the current Duke.

More importantly, the government would not be too lenient with a nobleman. Especially a traitor like the Duke of Osuna who plotted to assassinate the Prime Minister; most of his assets would likely be confiscated by the government.

Without much thought, the Duke of Osuna chose the first option, willingly selling over sixty percent of his assets to the royal family.

He had no choice. Facing the current Spanish government and royal family, he had few means of resistance.

Moreover, the royal family already held sufficient evidence. Any resistance at this point would be futile and would only subject the Duke of Osuna and his family to an even greater crisis.

This affair was more like an exchange of interests. The Duke of Osuna traded over sixty percent of his land for a chance to live, while the funds from the sale were handed over to the government in exchange for Prime Minister Primo’s forgiveness.

And Carlo, by purchasing the land, could restore the royal family’s estates to among the largest held by European nobility, ensuring the Spanish royal family would no longer be known for having more money than land.

Although the land in Spain was not as fertile as in other countries, and the income from farming was not as high as one might imagine.

But for more traditional nobles, the amount of land they owned could, to some extent, determine their influence.

For example, the influential nobles and Grand Dukes in Spain certainly controlled the most land and property.

The less influential Marquises and Counts would never have as much property and land as a Duke.

This matter had also been discussed with Prime Minister Primo. To Carlo, Prime Minister Primo was certainly more important than the Duke of Osuna.

Prime Minister Primo also agreed with Carlo’s idea of handling it discreetly, as the government would also gain some funds from the incident. The only one who lost out was the Duke of Osuna.

Besides losing over sixty percent of his property, the armed force he had trained had to be completely disbanded, and he would be under long-term government surveillance.

If it weren’t for the sake of national stability, Prime Minister Primo would have even considered having the Duke of Osuna executed directly.

However, handling it this way was beneficial in its own right. Firstly, it would stabilize the noble class, which was helpful for Spain’s stability.

Secondly, it would make some figures among Spain’s major powers think carefully about the consequences of opposing the government. The Duke of Osuna had a vast fortune to use as compensation, but other nobles might not.

The Duke of Osuna was one of the most influential nobles in Spain. The loss of over sixty percent of his property was a massive blow to his entire ducal family.

After all, the primary source of income for such traditional nobles was agriculture. They would rent their land to peasants, who would not only pay them rent but also taxes.

Of course, this was likely the reason the Duke of Osuna had tried to assassinate Prime Minister Primo. Although the Duke’s lands were not quasi-autonomous domains, nobles like him did have the right to levy taxes on their lands.

The government’s reduction of the agricultural tax would, in fact, affect their income. For these great nobles with vast tracts of land, the actual reduction in agricultural tax revenue represented an extremely large sum of money.

This also made one appreciate how astute The Church had been. If the reduction of the agricultural tax affected a portion of the great nobles, then the abolition of the Tithe was a major blow to The Church.

One of The Church’s main sources of income was the Tithe paid by peasants; the other was the agricultural tax revenue from church lands.

Of these two major income streams, one was directly abolished by the government, and the other was significantly reduced by the government’s tax reduction policy.

It was a good thing Archbishop Pedro was so reasonable; otherwise, whether the Spanish Church would have rebelled was a real question.

From this, one could also see how many powerful groups were affected by Prime Minister Primo’s reforms. Even nobles who ostensibly supported the royal family were impacted, though many were still able to grasp the bigger picture.

The reason Carlo established the Royal Joint Bank was, naturally, to bring the nobles along to make money together, allowing them to find new sources of income in industries other than land.

If they only focused on land taxes and other related income, the nobles would never forget the impact of the government’s tax cuts.

But if they turned their sights to finance and industry, the nobles would discover that in Spain, finance and industry were where the real money was to be made.

Spain’s land was inherently poor, and being a landlord didn’t earn much. A very simple example illustrates this. If a German nobleman and a Spanish nobleman owned the same amount of land, the German nobleman’s income would often be several times that of the Spanish one.

The difference in soil fertility already dictated that Spain could not become an agricultural powerhouse. It was good news enough if it could meet the needs of its own population. To hope to make a fortune from agriculture was simply a fool’s dream.

Chapter 121: Development of Royal Industries

Carlo’s current power within the Spanish government was not extensive. The executive, legislative, and military powers of Spain were primarily concentrated in the hands of the government and parliament.

For a monarch like Carlo, this arrangement had its pros and cons. The downside was obvious: Carlo would not possess great power, nor could he develop the nation of Spain according to his own vision.

But there were benefits as well. Firstly, Carlo could remain independent of the government and parliament, thus avoiding being implicated in any unexpected turmoil.

In the case of successful reforms or military victories, Carlo, as king, could still claim a share of the credit. However, if reforms or wars ended in failure, the primary responsibility would naturally fall upon the government and parliament, leaving Carlo and the royal family largely uninvolved.

The royal family could even make a show of concern under the right circumstances. Essentially, such mishaps would not affect the royal family’s standing, and the populace would naturally not blame a royal family that held little power and could not influence the government.

For a monarch who favored the status quo and harbored no great ambitions, having little power was perfectly fine. But for a monarch as ambitious as Carlo, such a situation was not necessarily a good thing.

More importantly, the current structure of the Spanish government was somewhat imbalanced.

During Queen Isabella’s reign, although power was concentrated in the hands of the Prime Minister, the monarch possessed the authority to appoint and dismiss him, which significantly curtailed the Prime Minister’s power.

In the current Spanish government, however, while it appeared on the surface that power was shared between the Cabinet and parliament, in reality, parliament had virtually no supervisory or restrictive role over the Cabinet.

The political party holding the majority of seats in parliament had the right to form the Spanish Cabinet. This resulted in Prime Minister Primo not only controlling the entire Cabinet but also commanding a majority in the Spanish Parliament.

It was no exaggeration to say that the current Spanish government was Prime Minister Primo’s one-man show. Any policy decided by the Cabinet would meet little opposition in parliament, and any law passed by parliament would be swiftly implemented by the Cabinet.

If not for Minister of Defense Serrano controlling Spain’s military forces, Prime Minister Primo would likely have achieved the rare feat of holding military, political, and legislative power all in his own hands.

This was also why Prime Minister Primo’s reforms had proceeded so smoothly thus far. The Cabinet was composed of Reformists he had promoted, most of whom were members of his own Progressive Party.

The Progressive Party also held a majority of seats in parliament, and the Liberal Party was also very supportive of the reforms. Although the Conservative Party opposed the reforms, the problem was they were not in power. Coupled with Carlo’s public support for the reforms, there was no resistance to be found in either the government or parliament.

However, this situation would eventually have to change. Prime Minister Primo was capable and loyal to the royal family.

His primary reason for holding power was to advance Spain’s reforms. But such immense power was not suitable for every subsequent Spanish Prime Minister.

For Carlo, it was precisely his desire to see the reforms succeed that led him to permit Prime Minister Primo to wield such great authority.

No prime minister after Primo would be allowed to possess such power. Even Prime Minister Primo himself would have to relinquish a portion of his authority after the reforms were successfully completed.

Prime Minister Primo naturally understood his position. The saying “achievements so great they outshine the master” was not just an empty phrase. Although Carlo could gain a degree of credit and public favor by openly supporting the reforms, it could not compare to the immense prestige Prime Minister Primo would earn as the one actually driving them forward.

If, after successfully implementing the reforms, Prime Minister Primo still clung to such considerable power, it was likely that even if Carlo could remain patient, the members of the royalist faction would not.

However, successful reform was still a distant goal for Spain. During his honeymoon, Carlo had witnessed the changes throughout the country firsthand. While things were generally changing for the better, a significant gap still remained between Spain and the other great powers of Europe.

One of the primary objectives of this trip was the Seville Industrial Base, established earlier by the Spanish government.

Although the Seville Industrial Base was now less important than the one in Barcelona, it remained one of Spain’s few medium-to-large-scale industrial complexes to date.

More importantly, the Seville Industrial Base was the first to be officially launched and constructed in Spain since Carlo became king, giving it a commemorative significance for him.

Of course, besides inspecting the construction and production situation at the industrial base, another purpose of his visit to the Seville Industrial Base was to check on the progress of the steel mill and other factories owned by the royal industries.

Speaking of the royal industries, initially, the only person in charge was Steward Loren. By now, however, Steward Loren had several talented individuals under him responsible for managing the royal family’s assets. They controlled a wide variety of industries and assets, which all together constituted the total wealth of the royal family.

If Carlo were asked to state the exact value of the royal family’s assets, he honestly wouldn’t know. Although he had only been in Spain for two or three years, the growth of the royal assets could no longer be described as merely “rapid.”

The Royal Joint Bank alone was enough to place the Spanish royal family among the top five wealthiest families in Spain, not to mention that the royal family also held 45% of the shares in the national bank, which was established a year ago.

These two banks ensured that the development of the royal industries would never again be short on capital. It was now easy to borrow sufficient funds from either bank for expansion.

The two massive, state-backed banks directly consolidated the Spanish banking sector. While they did not directly suppress the smaller and medium-sized banks, these institutions were utterly unable to resist the expansion of the two larger ones.

The Royal Joint Bank had already established a total of twenty-six branches across fifteen of Spain’s mainland regions. The total number of depositors had surpassed three hundred and ten thousand by the beginning of the year, with total deposits exceeding eighty-five million.

Of course, with the bank’s expansion and the continuous increase in customers, the average deposit size per customer was bound to decrease significantly.

At present, the average deposit at the Royal Bank was only around 270 pesetas. Government statistics from 1872 showed that the per capita annual income had already exceeded 107 pesetas, making the average deposit roughly equivalent to two and a half years of an individual’s average annual income.

These figures pointed to two things. First, Spain’s per capita annual income was steadily growing. The policies of reducing agricultural taxes and abolishing the Tithe were undoubtedly significant factors. The rising income of peasants, who constituted the majority of Spain’s population, was the truly good news for the country.

Furthermore, with the ongoing construction of industrial bases, state-owned factories, and privately-owned factories, the number of workers and their incomes were set to rise in the future.

This, in turn, would drive the growth of Spain’s per capita income and serve as a catalyst for the nation’s economic expansion.

As long as Spain’s infrastructure and other industrial construction projects continued, the corresponding growth in per capita annual income and the economy would also continue unabated.

While Spain could not catch up to the other great powers in a short period, it was a significant improvement compared to the nation of just a few years ago.

Spain’s per capita annual income before the revolution was less than 87 pesetas, and this figure did not even account for a large portion of the low-income population, meaning the reality was even bleaker.

Now, the per capita annual income had surpassed 107 pesetas. Although only four years had passed since 1868, per capita income had already increased by at least 23%.

This rate of improvement was still relatively slow, as the primary factor driving the increase in per capita income was the growth in peasant earnings.

The subsequent rise in workers’ wages would be a much stronger driver of per capita income growth, and the changes it would bring would be far more pronounced.

According to the Spanish government’s projections, by around 1875, Spain’s per capita annual income could rise to at least 145 pesetas. By 1880, it was expected to exceed 160 pesetas, which would be nearly double the 1868 figure.

By around 1880, the various reforms promoted by the Spanish government would be largely complete. At that point, in both the industrial and economic spheres, Spain could proudly claim to be the foremost nation beneath the great powers—in other words, the gatekeeper to their ranks.

Those stronger than Spain would naturally qualify to vie for the title of a great power, while those weaker than Spain would naturally be unworthy of the name.

The good news was that Carlo had already begun implementing his plans for the African colonies. This meant that once the reforms were complete, Spain would not miss the golden opportunity to partake in the scramble for Africa due to a slow pace of change.

The African colonies were extremely important. Not only did they have large indigenous populations that could serve as a source of free labor, but their vast resources could also be exploited by Spain.

Aside from the rather significant issue that most of Africa’s population was black, the colonies in Africa offered almost nothing but benefits.

After all, the African natives were still very underdeveloped at this time. Most African tribes had no ability to resist colonization by the European great powers.

Italy’s attempt to colonize the Abyssinian Empire was ultimately an anomaly, and even they eventually succeeded. As for the other regions of Africa, their native peoples could only tremble helplessly before the steel rifles and cannons of the great powers.

Carlo’s arrival caused a stir throughout the entire Seville Industrial Base. Over a third of the factories in this industrial complex were established by the royal family, so these factories naturally publicized news concerning Carlo.

The workers in the royal factories enjoyed less demanding work requirements and received higher pay than those in other factories. This naturally made them feel indebted and grateful to the true owner of the factories, Carlo.

While the working hours in other factories were commonly upwards of fourteen hours, the royal factories maintained a workday of around twelve hours and even provided one fixed day off each month. Such conditions were something that workers elsewhere could only dream of.

And towards Carlo, the one who provided such working conditions, the workers harbored no other feelings but endless gratitude and curiosity about their young king.

Chapter 122: Inspecting the Industrial Base

At the Seville Industrial Base, Carlo met with the director of the base, as well as the head of the royal family’s assets in the Andalusia region.

Due to the vast scale of the royal family’s assets, in addition to Steward Loren overseeing the grand scheme from Madrid, each region in Spain had its own primary director.

They would regularly report to Steward Loren on the expansion of the royal family’s assets in their respective regions. Corresponding income and expenditure would be compiled into statements and reported once a month.

The director for the Andalusia region was José Isis Goras, a tall, thin, middle-aged man.

José Isis Goras was a thoroughbred Spaniard who not only held a university degree but had also served as a manager at a bank.

However, after the establishment of the Royal Joint Bank, the bank where José Isis Goras worked quickly went bankrupt. The entire bank was acquired by the royal family and converted into one of the Royal Joint Bank’s branches.

This was the reason for the Royal Joint Bank’s rapid expansion. As large banks expanded, many smaller banks would often go bankrupt due to the loss of clients.

The Royal Joint Bank would then acquire these bankrupt banks, and after renovations, they would be transformed into new branches of the Royal Joint Bank.

As the manager of a previously bankrupt bank, José Isis Goras’s abilities were recognized by Steward Loren, and he was eventually promoted step-by-step to become the director for the Andalusia region.

Of course, José Isis Goras was primarily responsible for managing the factories within the industrial base and the two Royal Joint Bank branches in the Andalusia region.

Other businesses were managed by other directors. Steward Loren would not vest too much power in a single individual, as that was the easiest way to breed corruption.

Unlike the tall, thin José Isis Goras, who had the air of an intellectual, the director responsible for the construction of the Seville Industrial Base looked more like he had come from a military background.

But this was normal. The Seville Industrial Base was not only the first industrial base Carlo had ordered to be built since becoming king, but it was also the first one Prime Minister Primo had ordered to commence work on since taking office.

The success or failure of the Seville Industrial Base was of great importance. It was not just the first step in Spain’s large-scale industrial construction, but also the first step for Prime Minister Primo in pushing his reforms and for Carlo in launching his own reign.

To oversee the construction of the entire industrial base, the director, Leonardo Alessio, was transferred from the army. The industrial base also had a small military contingent to protect and supervise the construction.

Being in charge of the entire industrial base’s construction was a great merit for Leonardo Alessio. Although he was one of Prime Minister Primo’s men, Carlo still offered him encouragement, stating that the nation and the royal family would not forget his contributions to the industrial base.

This word of encouragement from the king naturally thrilled Leonardo Alessio. Although Carlo was a young king, no one could ignore his influence in Spain at this point.

As the director of the industrial base, Leonardo Alessio was certainly aware of how deeply grateful the workers in the royal family’s factories were to the king.

But that was also normal. If anyone could provide jobs like those offered by the king—with shorter working hours and higher pay—he believed those workers would be just as grateful to them.

To put it bluntly, the workers’ gratitude stemmed not from Carlo’s status as king, but from the welfare and benefits he provided.

The overall scale of the Seville Industrial Base was not large. It took Carlo just over an hour to tour practically the entire base.

Of course, during the tour, a squad of soldiers escorted Carlo for his protection, and the workers and other employees of the industrial base were not allowed within one hundred meters of him.

But this did not dampen the workers’ enthusiasm. Especially when he approached the royal factories, the workers had already gathered together. They shouted words of gratitude to Carlo, occasionally interspersed with cheers of: “Long live His Majesty the King!”

Carlo, naturally, smiled and waved in response as he toured the entire industrial base under the guidance of José Isis Goras and Leonardo Alessio.

Although he appeared outwardly calm, Carlo was, in fact, quite pleased and proud of the workers’ cheers.

At the very least, it proved that his plans so far had not been in vain; a considerable number of Spaniards already held him, their king, in high regard.

What Carlo needed to do now was to turn this group of supporters from a minority into a majority—preferably a vast majority.

As long as he could achieve this grand goal, his plans in Spain would be thoroughly complete. In the future, he could lead the Spanish government and its people forward with relative ease.

If he were to lead the Spaniards in retaking Gibraltar in the future, it would go without saying. Carlo would instantly become one of the greatest monarchs in Spanish history, his contribution to Spain comparable to the union of Castille and Aragon.

If he could accomplish that, the Spanish people’s approval of the royal family would likely transform into an endorsement of the House of Savoy.

Only then could Carlo completely erase the influence of the House of Bourbon’s rule of over one hundred years in Spain, making all Spaniards embrace the rule of the new royal family, the House of Savoy, from the bottom of their hearts.

After touring the Seville Industrial Base, Carlo also conducted a practical inspection of its transportation situation.

Because the industrial base was not on the coast and had no rivers for shipping, it required a relatively well-developed railway network nearby. This was essential to transport needed mineral resources in and to ship out finished industrial products for sale.

The good news was that as Spain’s southernmost region, Andalusia’s capital, Seville, was relatively close to the sea.

This meant the transportation situation for the Seville Industrial Base was not that difficult. Raw materials and finished products only needed to be transported by rail to a port on the coast to be conveniently shipped by sea to various parts of Spain or even abroad.

Furthermore, Spain’s current railway development was not as bad as one might imagine. Although it couldn’t compare to the tens of thousands of kilometers of railway in other great powers, the current five-thousand-plus kilometers were sufficient for Spain’s needs.

As the capital city of the Andalusia region, Seville was naturally part of Spain’s railway network plan. By simply connecting the railway line to the industrial base, various goods could be transported along the network to different cities or ports.

In truth, there wasn’t much to inspect. It was highly unlikely that the Seville Industrial Base would have any problems. If even this industrial base, built only a few years ago, had issues, then the Spanish government could forget about industrial construction altogether.

Long before the construction of the industrial base began, the Spanish government had invited professional teams to plan its entire development.

In any case, the industrial base was not particularly large, so there was no need to worry about attracting the attention of other great powers. A small to medium-sized industrial base like this was already quite common in other great powers, and they had relatively mature construction experience that the Spanish government could naturally leverage.

In fact, Europe did have such construction teams with considerable experience. The transportation of goods was one of the primary factors considered in the construction of an industrial base, so it was naturally taken into account during the planning phase.

This included the Barcelona Industrial Base, which was currently the main construction project. It too had all sorts of conditions considered before construction began.

However, the Barcelona Industrial Base was located near the sea, so the transportation of goods would be more convenient compared to the Seville Industrial Base.

Moreover, the city of Barcelona was larger than Seville and closer to other European countries. Apart from being too close to France and vulnerable to attack from naval fleets, it had no other shortcomings.

Of course, Madrid was also a suitable location for building an industrial base. Located in the center of Spain, it was relatively close for transporting goods to any region in the country.

But considering the damage that modern industry inflicted on the natural environment, Carlo chose Barcelona as the site for the industrial base.

As the capital, Madrid was a strategic asset for Spain, and its status was non-negotiable in the short term.

If Madrid’s natural environment were to be severely damaged, perhaps even creating a “city of fog,” then Carlo, who would have to live near Madrid in the future, would suffer greatly.

Besides, Madrid’s main advantage was in land transport. As a port city, Barcelona’s advantage lay in sea transport.

Carlo was quite satisfied with his inspection of the Seville base. It was not only a new starting point for Spanish industry but also the first step in the plan for Spain’s rise under his rule.

For now, the construction of the industrial base was proceeding very smoothly. The various factories within the base had already entered production. The several steel mills and other factories built with royal investment were fully staffed and were working overtime.

Before the Barcelona Industrial Base was completed, the Seville Industrial Base would serve as one of Spain’s few “large” heavy industry hubs, providing the steel and other important materials needed for Spain’s industrial development.

After offering some final words of encouragement to the base’s director, Leonardo Alessio, and the director of the royal family’s assets in Andalusia, José Isis Goras, Carlo, along with Queen Sophie and their retinue of servants and soldiers, began the journey back to the capital, Madrid.

Chapter 123: The Hispano-Austrian Alliance

While Carlo was on his travels, the Spanish government was not idle. Considering that Spain’s reforms urgently needed the support of a nation with a certain industrial and economic foundation, the Spanish government entered into lengthy consultations with the Austro-Hungarian government, culminating in the signing of a new Austro-Hungarian-Spanish Alliance Treaty.

However, this alliance was not a military one in the true sense of the word, but more of a cooperative partnership in economic and diplomatic affairs.

The treaty greatly strengthened the economic exchange between Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Spain’s abundant mineral resources and other goods could be conveniently transported to the Austro-Hungarian Empire by sea, and Austria-Hungary’s grain and other industrial products could also reach Spain by the same means.

In addition to strengthening economic cooperation, the two sides also engaged in consultations on tariff issues, agreeing to mutually lower customs duties to enhance economic exchange between the two nations.

What interested Spain the most, naturally, was the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s more advanced industrial and other scientific technologies.

Most of the equipment for Spain’s industrial development was imported from the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy, with a smaller portion coming from the German Empire. This was one of the reasons for Spain’s relatively rapid industrial growth.

After signing the treaty with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Spanish government also signed a similar treaty with the Italian government.

Although Italy’s overall strength was no match for the Austro-Hungarian Empire, its industry and economy were of a considerable scale. In any case, as long as it could provide help to Spain, that was enough.

With the assistance of Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Spain’s industrial development was proceeding quite rapidly. Construction of railways and roads was underway in various regions, and all kinds of factories, spearheaded by steel mills and chemical plants, were constantly being built. The entire country presented a thriving picture.

However, alongside this rapid development, the overall pace of construction in Spain was being kept within a reasonably controlled range.

It couldn’t be helped; the reputation of the 1873 economic crisis was too infamous, its impact on the world economy second only to the Great Depression that began in 1929.

Carlo had some recollection of the economic crisis due to occur next year, so he naturally had to ensure Spain’s development remained within controllable limits, rather than expanding without restraint.

Speaking of this impending economic crisis, the true cause was the frantic construction of railways by various countries, which ceaselessly stimulated the growth of their domestic industries and economies.

As is well known, when the scale of industrial production far exceeds a consumer’s demand, an economic crisis is bound to follow.

Just how exaggerated was the development of various countries during this period? After the end of the American Civil War, the entire United States entered a new wave of industrial development.

In the seven years from 1865 to 1872, the total length of railway constructed in the United States exceeded thirty-one thousand and ninety-two miles, which is over fifty thousand kilometers of track.

This was nearly ten times the size of Spain’s existing railway network, and the Americans had built such a vast mileage in just seven years, a testament to how tremendously their industry had grown during this period.

It was under this wave of railway construction that America’s pig iron production grew from seven hundred fifty-five thousand tons in 1865 to over two million tons, and coal production increased from twenty-two million, one hundred fifty-nine thousand tons in 1865 to nearly fifty million tons.

Spain’s current industrial scale couldn’t even compare to a fraction of America’s, and American industry was still expanding at an incredibly exaggerated pace. This was precisely the reason for the outbreak of the economic crisis.

So, the question was, why did an American economic crisis affect the entire world?

First, with the development of colonialism and technology, the economic ties between the world’s nations were growing ever closer.

Second, more than half of all the capital used to build railways in the United States came from investors in Britain, France, and other European countries. This was the exact reason why the American railway crisis affected the whole world.

Moreover, the problem of overproduction was not unique to the United States; the same phenomenon was occurring in other European countries.

Since its victory in the Franco-Prussian War, Germany had entered a period of rapid industrial and economic development. After acquiring Alsace and Lorraine, France’s extremely important industrial and mineral regions, German industry already had a very solid foundation.

Coupled with the five billion francs that the French had practically handed over to Germany for free, German industrial development now had more than enough startup capital.

Under such circumstances, it would have been strange if German industry had not developed at an explosive rate.

And the British were not to be outdone. As the most powerful country in the world, Britain’s industrial development was also quite rapid. At this point in time, Britain was still the world’s foremost industrial nation; it would be a long time before the United States and Germany could surpass it.

It could be said that, with the exception of France—which had lost industrial and mineral territories and was required to pay massive reparations after its defeat in the Franco-Prussian War—the other European nations were all in a state of rapid development.

This led to a boom in the European economy starting in late 1871, with 1872 being exceptionally prosperous.

This economic crisis could potentially affect Spain, and Carlo was paying close attention to it.

Spain also had a stock exchange. The Madrid Stock Exchange was founded in 1831 and had been in existence for over forty years.

However, compared to the exchanges in Vienna and London, the Madrid Stock Exchange was small and not very influential, which could be considered good news.

After all, the larger the stock exchange, the greater the impact it would suffer in an economic crisis. Despite the massive amounts of capital flowing in and out of the London and Vienna exchanges every day, once the economic crisis erupted, thousands of companies could go bankrupt.

The economic crisis that erupted in 1873 is also considered the marker of capitalism’s transition from free competition to monopolistic practices. In the aftermath of this crisis, a large number of small and medium-sized private enterprises faced bankruptcy and were ultimately acquired by larger corporations.

One by one, monopoly giants emerged from this economic crisis. Capital in various countries consolidated from numerous small and medium-sized holdings into large capital, which began to exert a more profound influence on their respective governments.

For Carlo, the question to consider was how to reap sufficient benefits from this economic crisis.

The good news was that for Spain, with its small-scale industry and economy, the impact of the crisis would ultimately be limited.

The main epicenter of the economic crisis was in the United States, and the most affected nations would be the economically and industrially powerful ones like Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Spain did not need to worry too much about the effects of the crisis. On the contrary, it could use the opportunities presented by the crisis to acquire some important foreign companies and enterprises.

Although these companies would go bankrupt, the technology they possessed and their employees were tangible assets.

If they could acquire these factories and enterprises that went bankrupt during the economic crisis and take the opportunity to lure some of the laid-off employees to Spain, it would be an excellent way to supplement Spain’s skilled workforce.

At the same time, the means of production and equipment from these companies could also accelerate Spain’s industrial development.

For the royal family, acquiring these bankrupt enterprises at low prices and restructuring them would allow them to build industry giants in various sectors.

Chapter 124: The Coming Economic Crisis

After this economic crisis, the industries and economies of various countries would enter a period of downturn. This period would also be an excellent opportunity for Spain’s industry and economy to catch up.

Who would they catch up to? In reality, Spain’s industry was currently at a middling level.

It was a bit difficult to surpass the great powers, yet Spain held an advantage over countries like Belgium and the Netherlands. It was somewhat hard to even choose a target to overtake.

But as the saying goes, slogans are meant to be shouted. Whether they could actually succeed was not important; what mattered was shouting the slogan.

Setting a relatively difficult goal for the Spanish people could also unite them, from top to bottom, encouraging them to strive together towards this objective.

Before the outbreak of the economic crisis, the securities markets in Europe and the United States would experience a period of prosperity.

Carlo naturally wouldn’t let this opportunity pass. This boom period was also a prime time for the royal family to make money.

The boom period would last for quite a while. Based on the course of history, it would continue for at least another year.

During this time, any company listed on the stock exchange could make a fortune.

Any enterprise related to railways and industry could easily borrow large amounts of funds from banks for construction.

At this time, many countries lacked a national bank to regulate the banking sector, relying primarily on private banks to issue government bonds.

While this did contribute to economic prosperity, this boom was too unrestrained and clearly beyond the control of national governments.

The economic crisis erupted amidst this uncontrolled, rapid economic and industrial development. Furthermore, because it was difficult for state power to exert control in the early stages, the impact was quite severe.

The reason the national bank of Spain was established so early was precisely to control the development of the Spanish economy in a timely manner, allowing Spain to avoid the effects of the economic crisis as much as possible.

Of course, completely avoiding it was impossible. But every little bit of impact they could mitigate would increase the possibility of Spain growing stronger.

After all, the economic crisis was unavoidable for every country. If Spain could maintain stable development while other nations suffered from its effects, the gap between them would be further narrowed.

Since the beginning of 1872, Carlo had sent people to the London and Vienna stock exchanges to purchase large quantities of stocks from newly registered companies.

During the economic boom, the value of these stocks would maintain relatively stable growth. It was basically a no-lose situation, which was why so many capitalists were in a frenzy.

Of course, it was this very frenzy that accelerated the outbreak of the economic crisis. To ensure the royal family’s money could be withdrawn safely from the stock exchanges, Carlo ordered the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau to investigate the situation in the United States and various European countries.

As soon as the industrial and railway construction in these countries entered a stage of stagnation—whether due to an accident or as a precursor to the crisis—the royal family’s capital had to be withdrawn from all major European stock exchanges.

While a premature withdrawal might lead to reduced earnings, it was far better than having that money rot in the stock exchanges after the crisis hit.

It was worth mentioning that after the signing of the alliance treaty between Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Spain not only welcomed Austrian capital but also many immigrants from the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

In any case, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was one of Europe’s most populous nations. In 1872, its population had already surpassed thirty-seven million, more than double the total population of Spain.

Although the relatively stable environment had allowed Spain’s population growth to improve compared to Queen Isabella’s reign, its total population was limited, currently standing at around 16.9 million.

After welcoming a certain number of immigrants from Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Spain’s future population growth was expected to increase.

However, seeing Spain’s population surpass twenty million would likely take at least another decade or so.

Currently, the Spanish government had no plans for large-scale immigration. The immigrants it did accept were mostly skilled professionals, including talents in education and healthcare.

This was unavoidable. Spain was already a multi-ethnic country, and bringing in more people from other ethnic groups would certainly affect its stability.

Although Spaniards constituted the majority of the total population, the Spanish people themselves were composed of Castilians and Aragonese.

Until the Catalans and Basques were fully assimilated, Spain would not engage in large-scale immigration.

Of course, this excluded people from Spain’s former colonies in Latin America. In theory, those people also had Spanish ancestry, spoke Spanish, and were more easily assimilated as Spaniards.

Currently, of the immigrants Spain received each year, over thirty percent came from Italy and nearly twenty percent from the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Additionally, about thirty percent came from other parts of Europe, with only twenty percent coming from the former colonies in Latin America.

Although the colonies in Latin America had all gained independence, it was still necessary to maintain good relations with these newly independent American nations.

Spain held a natural advantage among these countries, as they were inherently more inclined toward Spain. Carlo’s goal was not to re-colonize them, but to expand markets for a future industrialized Spain through cooperation.

As long as its influence over these American nations remained, Spain would still be the third-largest colonial power, ranked just behind Britain and France.

This was precisely why the United States had historically launched the Spanish-American War. Although Spain had lost most of its colonies in the Americas, this did not mean its influence had vanished.

America’s dream was to turn the entire Americas into its own backyard, so it naturally couldn’t allow a country with significant influence like Spain to stand behind the South American nations.

However, Carlo would not give the United States so many opportunities. Once Spain became powerful in the future, it would not fear threats from the Americans.

If the Americans dared to challenge Spain’s position, Carlo wouldn’t mind using them to demonstrate Spain’s strength once again.

Spain’s weakness was relative. Even now, Spain was not a weak country, let alone after completing its reforms and building a stronger industry and economy.

Carlo was confident he could restore Spain’s military to the level of a great power within ten years and return it to the throne of the great powers within twenty years.

And with forty years remaining until the outbreak of World War I, by the time it erupted in this world, Spain might have grown into a top-tier great power, second only to Britain, France, and Germany. It would then naturally have the right to play its own pieces on the world’s chessboard.

Chapter 125: Encouraging Economic Data

The good news was that the Spanish government was no longer short of money, at least for the time being.

The economic growth brought about by industrial and infrastructure development was difficult to estimate, but it had allowed Spain’s economy to take off rapidly.

By April 1872, Carlo had received the estimated economic data from Spain’s Ministry of Finance, which showed a significant increase compared to sleigh the previous year.

Seeing such staggering economic figures, Carlo finally understood just how much damage the incompetent rule of the Bourbon dynasty had inflicted upon Spain.

It could even be said, without exaggeration, that Spain’s decline happened under the Bourbons. While Spain was also weakening during the Habsburg dynasty, its overall strength was still on par with a hegemon of Europe.

After the House of Bourbon came to power through the War of the Spanish Succession, Spain began a long period of decline. Both Queen Isabella and her father, Ferdinand VII, were notoriously incompetent monarchs in Spanish history.

Queen Isabella needs no further mention. She was licentious and dissolute, and there were even questions about the legitimacy of her own son, Alfonso.

As for Queen Isabella’s father, Ferdinand VII, he was the most infamous king in Spanish history. Napoleon had once installed his brother, Joseph Bonaparte, as the king of Spain, but this was met with fierce opposition from the Spaniards.

Ferdinand VII was eventually restored to the throne with Napoleon’s permission, and the Bourbon dynasty resumed its rule in Spain. Upon regaining his crown, Ferdinand VII carried out an extremely brutal suppression of Spanish revolutionaries, and the period of his rule after his restoration became known as the Ominous Decade.

Furthermore, it was under Ferdinand VII’s rule that the Spanish colonies in the Americas gained their independence.

In addition, he forcibly broke the rules of the Bourbon dynasty by naming his daughter, Isabel, as his heir instead of his brother, Don Carlos, which led to the Carlist Wars that plagued Spain for decades.

It could be said that the decline of the Spanish monarchy was inextricably linked to the House of Bourbon, and especially to Ferdinand VII and Queen Isabella.

This father-daughter duo ruled Spain for a total of 54 years, single-handedly dragging Spain down from the status of a great power to that of a second-rate European power.

If not for the unexpected arrival of Carlo, the successive reigns of the two mediocre kings, Alfonso XII and Alfonso XIII, would have completely extinguished Spain’s hopes of a revival.

However, this also demonstrated the Spaniards’ support and affection for the monarchy. The incredibly incompetent Bourbon dynasty’s rule in Spain somehow persisted into later eras.

Although Spain became a republic several times in between, the fact that the monarchy was ultimately restored proved the standing of the House of Bourbon in the hearts of the Spanish people.

In other words, the Spaniards of this era still held a strong belief in the monarchy. It was just that for the past century, the Bourbons had been the ones ruling Spain, so the people’s support for the monarchy had become conflated with their support for the Bourbon dynasty.

But now, with the unexpected arrival of Carlo, the Spanish people naturally had a different choice.

The historical King Amedeo failed for several reasons. First, he lost his greatest supporter of royal authority, Prime Minister Primo, before he even arrived in Spain.

Second, Amedeo did not fully grasp the responsibilities of a Spanish king. His Italian identity garnered him little support in Spain, and with the combined opposition of the Republicans and the Carlists, the House of Savoy’s reign in Spain lasted only a few years.

But things were different now. With Prime Minister Primo’s support, Carlo’s throne was quite secure.

Moreover, with the Carlists eliminated, the Bourbon dynasty no longer posed a significant threat to Carlo. Through Carlo’s propaganda campaigns, even uneducated Spanish peasants knew of the pain inflicted upon them by the decadent and foolish Bourbon dynasty.

The reduction of the agricultural tax and the abolition of the tithe were Carlo’s gifts to all Spanish peasants, and also the best way to win their favor.

Under the widespread propaganda from numerous newspaper companies, the people might not know what Carlo looked like, but they certainly knew that this young king from Italy had enacted policies to reduce the agricultural tax and abolish the tithe.

Comparing this to the previous reign of Queen Isabella, the conservative Spanish peasants naturally knew who they should support.

At the very least, their taxes had been genuinely reduced, and this was Carlo’s most effective tool for winning public support. Only by letting the peasants taste real benefits would they know who deserved their loyalty.

As long as he had the support of these conservative peasants, Carlo’s rule in Spain would be irreplaceable. The reason Spain remained a monarchy in later eras was precisely because of the support for the institution from so many conservatives.

Since the peasants, who currently made up the majority of the population, supported Carlo’s rule, it was as if the greater part of Spain supported him.

With the backing of these peasants, the remaining opposition, including that from the Church and the Republicans, could be easily handled.

What’s more, the Church at present was far from a monolithic entity. The Church was undoubtedly one of the major powers in Spain, its status and influence no less than that of the Spanish nobility.

The problem, however, was that the Spanish Church now had no real military power; they only possessed countless lands and immense wealth.

This was like a plump, fat sheep before a butcher wielding a cleaver. Other than fleeing in a panic, perhaps all it could do was close its eyes and await the blade’s descent.

The Pope couldn’t possibly support them either. Within Spain, while the Church was powerful, it was the least likely entity to pose a real influence or threat to the government.

Of course, if the Church dared to incite a rebellion, that would actually be a good thing. Carlo and Prime Minister Primo were looking for a suitable excuse to move against the Church.

Carlo’s idea of establishing an Archbishop of Spain was not just a passing thought; it was something he genuinely intended to do. The title of Archbishop of Spain was precisely the tool Carlo intended to use to win over loyalists within the Church and divide it.

If the Archbishop of Toledo, Pedro, was unwilling to pledge loyalty to Carlo for the title of Archbishop of Spain, there would naturally be other bishops willing to do so.

After all, this was an Archbishop of Spain in the truest sense, possessing authority over all Catholic churches and bishops within the country.

As for whether the Pope was willing to see Spain establish an archbishop to control the country’s Catholic Church, that was not something the Pope himself could decide.

After all, the Pope was still in the Vatican. The Catholic Church as a whole was like a lamb to the slaughter, let alone just the Church in Spain.

Although Spain had not yet reached Carlo’s ideal state, it had made immense progress compared to the era of Queen Isabella’s rule.

The public trusted the government. After all, various policies were being enacted by the current administration, which was a new government formed after the revolution. The people’s hatred for the royal government of the Bourbon era would not be transferred to the current government.

And thanks to the fact that Carlo was a king elected by the new government, the people’s hatred for the previous monarch would not be transferred to him either.

This was the advantage of an elected king. The disadvantage was that it was difficult for an elected king to grasp power, but Carlo’s influence was already growing through his own machinations, and there was great hope for him to acquire more power in the future.

With the public’s trust in the government, its construction and reform efforts proceeded much more smoothly.

In the full year of 1871, Spain’s Gross National Product reached 6.6778 billion pesetas, a growth rate of over eight percent compared to 1870.

Such a growth rate was relatively normal. After all, Spain was still at war in 1870, whereas 1871 was a year of peaceful development.

In 1871, Spain also received aid from Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the government secured substantial low-interest loans, which was another reason for such strong economic development.

Fiscal revenue also saw a rare breakthrough, exceeding four hundred million pesetas – more than the previous year’s fiscal expenditure – reaching a new high for the Spanish government at a total of 475.3 million pesetas.

However, due to increased industrial construction and the building of railways and roads, Spain’s total fiscal expenditure in 1871 also broke records, reaching 512.5 million pesetas.

The good news was that the fiscal deficit in 1871 was only 37.2 million pesetas, a reduction of over 22 million from 1870.

The increase in fiscal revenue was mainly due to the re-stabilization of order in Cuba, which provided Spain with substantial income.

Other factors included the rise in the public’s real income and the increase in jobs created by extensive infrastructure and industrial bases, which continually boosted government tax revenue.

A few years ago, agricultural taxes made up the largest share of the Spanish government’s fiscal revenue. But now, taxes from industry and finance had also grown to a considerable scale, indicating that Spain was transitioning from an agricultural nation to an industrial one.

However, such a transformation could certainly not be completed in just a few years. Based on Spain’s current progress, it could develop into an agro-industrial country within the next ten years.

Perhaps after more than twenty years of effort, Spain could hope to completely shed its identity as an agricultural nation and become a powerful industrial country.

The increase in fiscal expenditure of over one hundred million pesetas in 1871 compared to 1870 was mostly invested in the construction of railways, roads, and industrial development.

This investment was clearly worthwhile, as these funds would feed back into the future economy and revenue of the Spanish government in various ways.

Moreover, based on the current development of the Spanish economy, both total fiscal expenditure and fiscal revenue were expected to increase significantly in 1872, further narrowing the gap with the great powers.

In truth, the biggest disparities still lay in population and colonies. A major reason for Spain’s relatively low fiscal revenue was its population of less than seventeen million people.

This population was less than half that of Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and France, nearly half that of Britain, and a little over half that of Italy. Naturally, the government’s total fiscal revenue could not catch up to these great powers.

Chapter 126: The Land Lease Act

Don Carlos was quite satisfied with Spain’s current pace of development.

By the end of 1870, Spain’s total railway mileage was already approaching 6,000 kilometers.

And at the beginning of this year, the total mileage had surpassed 6,440 kilometers.

This meant that in the three and a half years from late 1868 to early 1872, Spain’s total railway length had increased by over a thousand kilometers.

Although the average annual construction was only about 300 kilometers, this was still significant progress for the Spanish government.

After all, from the advent of the railway until late 1868, Spain’s total railway mileage was only about 5,400 kilometers.

Spain’s land area is by no means inferior to that of other European great powers in their home territories, and with its limited plains, it needed railways all the more to strengthen economic exchange between regions.

Currently, Spain had built an extensive railway network centered on Madrid. The capital cities of the major regions, including other important cities, were all part of this railway network’s plan.

The Spanish government’s next goal for railway construction was to include more cities in the plan, allowing the Spanish people to travel conveniently to other cities by rail, which of course also included the transport of goods.

The construction of railways would enhance Madrid’s importance in Spain, while also strengthening economic exchange and stability between the various regions.

As the center of the Iberian region, Madrid’s advantages were clear. From Madrid, any city in Spain was only a few hundred kilometers away.

Even the relatively remote Barcelona in Spain’s northeast corner was only just over 600 kilometers from Madrid.

At the current speed of trains, a trip from Madrid to Barcelona took just over a day. Not counting stops at stations, the journey could even be completed in just over twenty hours.

Under these circumstances, no matter which region of Spain experienced unrest, troops from Madrid could arrive within a day. This was one reason why Spain remained a unified country even into later eras.

No matter how brazen the separatists in Catalonia and the Basque Country became, the Spanish heartland was situated in the center of the country, allowing forces to be dispatched at any time to rebellious regions to suppress any uprising.

Even if Portugal were included, Madrid would still be at the center of the entire Iberian Peninsula. This was Madrid’s geographical advantage and the reason it became Spain’s capital.

At the end of April 1872, the first phase of the Spanish government’s reforms was declared a success, and the reforms smoothly entered their second phase.

On May 1st, a member of a liberal party submitted the “Land Lease Act” to the Spanish Parliament, demanding the government enact a law stipulating that land rent could not exceed 40% of the land’s annual income.

The purpose of this act was to protect the rights of tenant peasants, ensuring they would not face starvation after being exploited by nobles and landlords.

This act was aimed squarely at the landowning nobility and the Church, and Prime Minister Primo naturally understood the risks involved.

Therefore, the bill was proposed by a member of a liberal party, not Prime Minister Primo’s own Progressive Party.

If the bill’s proposal led to widespread discontent among the nobility, Prime Minister Primo would call an emergency session and have parliament repeal it.

To prevent a radical reaction from the nobles, Prime Minister Primo had also changed the rent cap from 30% of the annual income to 40%. This level was not much different from the 40-50% rent the nobles had originally demanded from the peasants, a move intended to avert a fierce backlash.

Of course, besides introducing this bill, Prime Minister Primo had also made preparations in advance.

First, he and Grand Duke Serrano, as the most powerful representatives of the Spanish nobility, would persuade a portion of the nobles to agree to the bill.

He also requested that Don Carlos step in to persuade some nobles to accept the bill, thereby dividing the aristocratic class.

Ultimately, the problem was that there were too many nobles in Spain. These nobles controlled vast amounts of land, which had an extremely severe impact on Spain’s future development.

With the situation already hindering Spain’s progress, the government could not simply ignore it. If these nobles were allowed to continue holding such enormous tracts of land, Spain’s future development would be severely affected.

Of course, as the most influential force in Spain, the nobility was not something Prime Minister Primo could deal with too radically.

First, Prime Minister Primo had no intention of completely confiscating the nobles’ lands. The government would only persuade some nobles to voluntarily sell their land to the government, which would purchase it at a price higher than the market rate as a reward.

Second was this test of the nobility. If successful, it would ensure that landless peasants could secure a portion of their income when renting land, at least enough to feed themselves.

But if it provoked strong opposition from the nobles, there would be room for maneuver, preventing a major conflict between the nobility and the government.

Don Carlos had a major headache when he learned of Prime Minister Primo’s plan.

After much thought, he concluded it was not appropriate for him to take a direct stance on the matter.

If he stood with Prime Minister Primo, he would undoubtedly offend a large number of Spanish nobles.

But if he sided with the Spanish nobles, he would not only offend Prime Minister Primo but also derail Spain’s reform process.

Don Carlos naturally understood the harm that the nobility’s vast landholdings did to Spain and wanted to reclaim as much of their land as possible.

However, as the greatest nobleman himself, the king could not possibly come out in direct opposition to the aristocratic class. After receiving Prime Minister Primo’s request, Don Carlos stated that he would have the loyalist noble, Duke Jacopo, offer some “friendly advice” to certain Spanish nobles, but he himself would not get involved.

Don Carlos was not about to offend a large number of Spanish nobles at a time like this. Although many of them had become pests to the nation, they were, in fact, his greatest supporters at present.

He would only attempt to move against some of the nobles after he had fully consolidated his power over the country and minimized their influence over the military.

For now, it was best to keep his distance from Prime Minister Primo’s reforms. The nobility still held considerable influence, with many nobles serving in the government and the military. This was why Prime Minister Primo, despite holding both military and political power, had to test the nobles cautiously rather than move against them directly.

Although he expressed support for Prime Minister Primo’s reforms, Don Carlos also made his own demand: if the nobility strongly opposed the bill, he would be the one to convene the Spanish Parliament and forcibly repeal it.

This was Don Carlos’s contingency plan, a way to declare to the nobles that he had nothing to do with the whole affair.

The king still needed the support of the nobility at present, and Don Carlos would not damage his good relations with them unless he was forced to choose.

As expected, the bill immediately attracted the attention of numerous nobles after it was proposed in parliament.

In Spain, the higher a noble’s title, the more land they typically controlled.

The nobles, being great landlords, were naturally unwilling to see the government enact a law reducing peasant land rents, as it directly affected their own profits.

Although the nobles could still keep 40% of the land rent after the act was enacted, their income would decrease by at least twenty to thirty percent compared to before.

To prevent an uprising among the nobles, Prime Minister Primo even mobilized the original revolutionary army to guard Madrid and went personally to persuade Grand Duke Serrano.

Compared to power, Grand Duke Serrano did not place as much importance on land. Like Prime Minister Primo, he was a noble who had been granted a title, not one who had inherited it.

Although he had reached the pinnacle of the Spanish nobility with the title of Grand Duke, Serrano’s land holdings were not extensive. Instead, his shares in the Royal Joint Bank constituted the bulk of his income.

Then there were the new-style nobles ennobled by Don Carlos earlier. Although these new-style nobles also owned some land, it was a pittance compared to that of the old-style nobles.

They were not opposed to the bill, as it did not significantly affect their interests.

Under the influence of Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano, although the nobility as a whole expressed dissatisfaction with the bill, quite a few nobles still approved of it.

Although most nobles owned vast amounts of land, this did not mean they were all fabulously wealthy.

In fact, countless noble families across Europe were poorly managed, and nobles forced to sell their property due to bankruptcy were a dime a dozen.

Spain certainly had many nobles, but its economy was what it was; only the great nobles could become truly wealthy.

Counts and barons were not especially rich, and their fortunes could be wiped out at any time by poor management.

With the government’s policy of purchasing land at a high price, many bankrupt nobles in urgent need of funds took the initiative to sell their land to the government.

Prime Minister Primo was also in urgent need of nobles to make a statement by voluntarily selling their land, so he raised the purchase price to 1.5 times the market value.

To prevent nobles from buying up peasants’ land and reselling it to the government for a profit, the Spanish government also enacted the “Land Sales Act,” which stipulated that peasants could only sell their land to the government. The government would offer a price above market value to ensure the peasants did not suffer a loss.

Of course, unless they were truly desperate, most peasants were unwilling to sell their land. Peasants relied on the land to eat. If they lost the very tool they used to feed themselves, how would they survive?

The only ones who actually sold their land were landlords with vast holdings and those peasants who could no longer survive by farming.

With these nobles stepping forward to voluntarily sell their land, the once-furious aristocratic class was split in two, creating a division.

Moreover, the bill was not that harsh on the nobility. Their income was indeed reduced, but not by too much.

At least, the reduction in income was not enough to make the nobles unite against the government. The nobles were in frequent contact with the peasants, so they were naturally aware of how much public support the current government enjoyed.

Furthermore, with Marshal Serrano and Prime Minister Primo, themselves members of the nobility, not opposing the bill, some nobles saw something more profound at play.

Perhaps this bill had been submitted to parliament with Prime Minister Primo’s backing? If both Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano supported this bill, what could they possibly do?

At Don Carlos’s signal, Duke Jacopo also persuaded some nobles, which resulted in the bill being debated in parliament for several days without any overly fierce reactions from the nobility.

After learning that the nobles had not reacted fiercely, Prime Minister Primo finally breathed a sigh of relief. Although the nobles were surely still dissatisfied, at least the situation had not escalated to the point of an uprising.

As long as the nobles did not make any major moves, they would have no choice but to hold their noses and accept the bill once it was passed by parliament.

Moreover, this bill targeted not only the nobles but also the Church, which also possessed vast amounts of land.

If Prime Minister Primo showed some consideration and concern for the nobles, he had no such patience for the Church.

The vast lands controlled by the Church were also detrimental to Spain’s development, and these lands were a target for confiscation by the Spanish government.

First came the abolition of the tithe, and now a bill to limit land rent; the Church’s income had already been drastically restricted.

If the Church could not withstand such a loss and ultimately chose to rebel against the government, then events would unfold in the direction Prime Minister Primo most wanted to see.

The army would crush the Church’s rebellion in a short time, and the government would then have a legitimate excuse to confiscate the Church’s lands.

Of course, Prime Minister Primo knew that by affecting the interests of both the nobility and the Church, there was a small chance of them uniting to oppose the government.

However, after being divided, it would be difficult for the nobility to become a monolithic bloc to resist the government; after all, the nobles had their own interests to consider.

During Queen Isabella’s reign, the nobility had almost complete control of the army. The vast majority of mid-to-high-ranking officers in the Spanish army were nobles, and the royal army was essentially a private army led by the aristocracy.

But after the revolution, the number of high-ranking nobles in the military had decreased significantly. Many noble officers had previously joined the Carlist rebellion and were subsequently eliminated by the government.

The suppression of the rebellion had also given rise to a large number of new-style nobles. Unlike the old-style nobles, they were supporters of the government’s policies.

Coupled with the large number of officers trained by the Royal Military Academy, the nobility’s influence over the military had already been greatly reduced.

Unless their interests were truly threatened to an extreme degree, such as the government forcibly confiscating their lands, the nobles were unwilling to openly oppose the government.

After all, opposing the government was not without consequences. If the army they assembled could not defeat the government troops with a crushing advantage, the result for these rebellious Spanish nobles could be catastrophic.

There were plenty of smart people among the nobility. Although accepting this bill meant a loss of some profit, the final outcome was still acceptable, as most of their income would be preserved.

If they took the risk of launching a rebellion against the government and failed, they might not even be able to keep their noble titles.

With the aristocratic class remaining silent, the Church became a lamb to the slaughter. Faced with the choice of either selling their land or accepting a reduction in land income, the Church’s bishops, led by Archbishop Pedro, knew they had to make a decision.

Chapter 127: The Laborer’s Minimum Income Act

The government’s strategy of repurchasing land from the nobility at high prices proved quite effective. After enacting the law for high-priced land buybacks, many nobles on the verge of bankruptcy chose to sell a portion of their land to the government in exchange for emergency funds.

In just over a week, the amount of land the government acquired from the nobility had already exceeded 2,500 acres, which is roughly ten square kilometers.

This was not a large amount of land, in truth, merely the combined holdings of a few minor nobles with modest assets.

Why were the nobles considered the pests of Spain? Because at the height of their power, the nobles, who made up only two percent of the population, occupied ninety-five percent of Spain’s total farmland.

Of course, a large number of clergy, merchants, and professionals were also included in that figure, but the statistic was still extraordinarily exaggerated.

At the time, ninety-five percent of Spain’s population consisted of peasants, and the land they owned accounted for only five percent of Spain’s total territory.

Not only did the nobles possess vast tracts of land, but their lands were all fertile plains and valleys, leaving only barren soil for the peasants.

Although long periods of development and revolution had significantly reduced the amount of land in the hands of the nobility, they still held forty percent of the country’s farmland.

The land held by the nobility and The Church combined exceeded that owned by the peasants. This not only hindered the development of Spanish agriculture but also forced a large number of peasants to become tenant farmers for these nobles and The Church.

The nobles and The Church not only collected rent from these tenants but also made them pay numerous agricultural taxes, including the Tithe and land taxes.

This was the true cause of the revolutions in Spain. The luxurious lifestyle enjoyed by the nobility and The Church was predicated on the relentless exploitation of the peasants. When the Spaniards could no longer afford to eat, they naturally had to find a way to survive.

Currently, after the revolutions, the proportion of land held by the nobility had fallen below thirty-five percent of the total farmland, which was good news.

The government acquired a large amount of land from the nobility and The Church, which was then leased to peasants at low rents for cultivation.

With no shortage of land to farm and no excessively harsh taxes to exploit them, the peasants’ lives became manageable, and they naturally had no cause for other ideas.

In reality, in this era, engaging in industry and finance had significantly more potential than being a landlord. Compared to the more traditional landed aristocrats, Carlo clearly favored the new-style nobles.

The new-style nobles did not own much land; they invested their wealth in industry and finance, stimulating the development of the Spanish economy.

The combined capital of the nobility was a considerable force. Rather than holding onto land and antagonizing the vast peasant population, it was better to become capitalists under the control of the government and the royal family, enjoying a life of counting money until their hands were sore.

As time moved into mid-May, the Royal Joint Bank and the national bank of Spain, under the supervision of the Currency Issuance Committee, manufactured and issued the Kingdom of Spain’s latest peseta currency system.

The exchange rate between the peseta and the pound was 26.02 to 1, with the value of one peseta being approximately 0.282 grams of gold.

The two banks issued two types of pesetas: paper currency bearing the seals of the bank and the Currency Issuance Committee, and a silver coin with a total weight of 4.23 grams.

Based on the current value of gold and silver, 4.23 grams of silver was exactly equivalent to 0.282 grams of gold. The silver coin made of 4.23 grams of silver was the coin version of the peseta and also the most common version.

The silver coin made of 4.23 grams of silver was worth 1 peseta, equivalent in value to 1 peso from Spain’s colonial period.

In addition to the 1 peseta coin, there were also a 5 peseta coin made of 21.15 grams of silver and a 10 peseta coin made of 2.82 grams of gold.

Of course, these weights represented pure gold and silver, and other metals would be mixed in to make these precious metal coins more durable.

Below the larger denomination of 1 peseta, there were also smaller-denomination coins made of copper. One peseta was divided into 100 copper coins, with one copper coin being worth one cent. Depending on their weight, copper coins came in denominations of 1, 5, 10, 20, and 50, serving as the most commonly used currency for the public’s daily life.

This was a characteristic of currencies in various countries during the era of the gold standard. There were generally two types of currency. One was coinage made of gold, silver, and copper, which had intrinsic value. The specific content of gold and silver in the coins also determined the currency’s exchange rate.

The other type of currency was paper money, equivalent in value to the gold and silver coins. Paper currency issued by national governments typically circulated domestically, while international trade mostly utilized gold and silver coins, as their value was higher and more widely recognized in international business.

Currently, Spain’s gold and silver coins were engraved with Carlo’s bust, a larger portrait of him, and the House of Savoy’s coat of arms.

The copper coins, on the other hand, were engraved with images of Prime Minister Primo, Grand Duke Serrano, and other famous figures from Spanish history.

After issuing the new peseta currency, the Spanish government also promulgated a new law: The Laborer’s Minimum Income Act.

According to this law, anyone holding Spanish citizenship was considered a Spanish citizen.

When Spanish citizens engaged in various kinds of work within Spain, exchanging their labor for income, business and factory owners must adhere to The Laborer’s Protection Act and The Laborer’s Minimum Income Act, and pay Spanish citizens at least the minimum guaranteed income.

The minimum weekly wage for an adult male Spanish citizen was 1 peseta and 75 copper coins. The minimum weekly wage for an adult female Spanish citizen was 1 peseta and 15 copper coins.

The minimum weekly wage for a male Spanish citizen over the age of fifty was 1 peseta and 10 copper coins. The minimum weekly wage for a female Spanish citizen over the age of fifty was 85 copper coins.

The minimum weekly wage for child workers was a flat rate of 75 copper coins. Furthermore, child workers were entitled to at least one day of leave per month, and their daily working hours could not exceed twelve hours.

Due to the varying levels of economic development across Spain’s different regions, the minimum income had a certain degree of flexibility.

To prevent high-income regions from exploiting loopholes in the minimum income law, the government added a provision allowing for adjustments based on the actual average annual income of each region, but these adjustments could only be increases, not decreases.

In more developed regions like Madrid and Barcelona, the actual minimum income would have to be increased.

In Barcelona especially, once the industrial zone was completed in the future, the minimum income for workers would certainly not be as simple as what was stipulated by law.

If any capitalists tried to exploit legal loopholes and mercilessly squeeze the Spanish people, Carlo wouldn’t mind letting them get a taste of what it’s like to be hanged from a lamppost.

All factories and enterprises owned by the royal family naturally complied with the new laws enacted by the government. The good news was that the income of employees in royal enterprises was already fundamentally above the government’s minimum income, which meant the new law had little impact on the royal family’s businesses.

As for those capitalists who had been ruthlessly exploiting the populace, and especially child workers, if they wanted to continue their exploitation, they would now have to consider the government’s stance.

Needless to say, the populace was quite pleased with the law enacted by the government. This law directly benefited the people of Spain, guaranteeing them a minimum income when they worked and protecting them from excessive exploitation by capitalists.

Most noteworthy was the minimum wage for child workers stipulated in the law.

The issue of child workers was a topic that could not be avoided in this era, or even in later times.

Simply put, every country has impoverished groups. Forcing children to go out and work was not because their parents didn’t love them, but because their families simply could not survive otherwise. These underage children had to work to earn an income.

Although the minimum weekly wage for a child worker was only 75 copper coins, this was already at an upper-middle level among the incomes of all child workers in Spain at the time.

Ensuring a minimum wage for child workers would not only effectively improve their own income but also improve the living standards of the families who were forced to send their children to work.

However, once the income of adult citizens increased, it would be best for these children to receive an education. After all, only through education could they enter a higher social class. The notion that “knowledge changes destiny” was not just an empty saying.

Of course, this so-called knowledge was not limited to what was found in books but included any knowledge that could be practically applied, encompassing a wide range of skills and ways of thinking.

This minimum income level was carefully calculated by the government. It would be difficult to be well-fed and well-clothed on this minimum income, but it could ensure that most Spaniards at this level could at least afford to eat.

As for leading a better life, pursuing being well-fed and well-clothed, or even eating and dressing well, that would require the masses of Spaniards to work hard in their jobs and during their working hours. This included, for instance, sending their children to school so they could enter more advanced positions.

The wages of an ordinary worker were different from those of a skilled worker, and the wages of a skilled worker were different from those of a technical worker.

Even if only for the sake of their families’ future quality of life, the Spanish people would eventually choose to climb higher, or have their children climb higher, to enjoy better jobs and salaries.

If the Spanish government in 1871 focused mostly on industrial and economic development, then in 1872, with Spain having achieved a degree of stability, it officially began to explore legal reforms.

From the current perspective, both The Land Lease Act and The Laborer’s Minimum Income Act had achieved quite impressive results.

The former catered to the vast peasant population of Spain, while the latter catered to the emerging group of workers and laborers.

Although this had offended a large number of conservatives, including the nobility, the good news was that there had not been a significant reaction from the nobles.

As for the power of the capitalist class, it was still very weak in Spain at present. As long as the more powerful nobility, The Church, and radical Republicans did not react, Spain’s capitalist forces could not possibly affect the stability of the government and the country.

Chapter 128: The Cabinet Meeting

Carlo had also been keeping an eye on the Primo government’s recent flurry of activity. Although both bills had yielded excellent results, enacting such legislation was bound to stir discontent among those with vested interests.

A single bill might not have caused a major stir, but the cumulative effect of several was difficult to measure.

Fortunately, the second bill had little impact on the nobility. The old-style nobles controlled vast tracts of land and had not yet transitioned into the new, capital-oriented new-style nobles.

The new-style nobles, however, did not possess much capital. Their primary involvement was in the operations of the Royal Joint Bank, from which they received dividends.

To win over these new-style nobles, Carlo had truly gone all out. The royal family held seventy-five percent of the shares in the Royal Joint Bank, with the remaining twenty-five percent divided among the United Nobility Conglomerate.

The conglomerate’s shares were, in turn, divided into numerous portions. Any new-style nobleman wishing to join would need to purchase shares in the conglomerate.

All future investments made by the conglomerate would generate dividends, which would then be distributed to its member nobles in proportion to their shareholdings.

Of course, to accommodate new-style nobles who might lack the funds to purchase many shares, Carlo had also established a system of rewards.

For instance, all the nobles ennobled after Carlo’s ascension to the throne, though possessing little land, were directly granted some shares in the United Nobility Conglomerate.

While the initial value of the shares granted to them was not particularly high—totaling only a few hundred pesetas—as the United Nobility Conglomerate developed, their value would eventually rise to over a thousand, or even several thousand, pesetas.

Furthermore, once these new-style nobles had accumulated some wealth, they could purchase additional shares in the United Nobility Conglomerate, increasing their stake and, consequently, their future dividends.

One should not underestimate the United Nobility Conglomerate, even if its current scale was modest.

The Royal Joint Bank had already become a behemoth in the Spanish banking industry, to the point that even the national bank of Spain, established by the government at great expense, could not compare.

Of course, the primary reason was that the national bank of Spain had gotten a late start. The Royal Joint Bank had established itself as a titan of Spanish banking long before the national bank was founded and had now become the largest banking conglomerate in the country.

Compared to the Royal Joint Bank, the national bank of Spain was smaller in scale. But compared to other banks in Spain, the national bank was still a behemoth.

The Royal Joint Bank and the national bank of Spain were not just the top two banking giants in the country; their combined customer base and total deposits accounted for roughly eighty percent of all banking activity in Spain.

Of that eighty percent, over fifty-five percent belonged to the Royal Joint Bank, while the national bank’s customers and deposits accounted for about twenty-five percent.

The remaining banks in Spain, combined, held less than twenty percent of the market, which demonstrated that the Royal Joint Bank and the national bank had effectively established a monopoly over the Spanish banking industry.

The formation of monopolistic giants was a necessary stage of development, an inevitability for every nation.

For Spain, having two giants dominate the banking sector was far better than having a landscape dotted with numerous small and medium-sized banks.

Two banks with official backing would garner more public trust, allowing them to attract more deposits and, in turn, leverage the nation’s private capital to more effectively develop the Spanish economy.

Although both quasi-official banks harbored some self-interest, they would not shy away from their duty when it came to the greater cause of national development.

Should the government face a shortage of funds, it could have these two banks purchase government bonds, which would at least temporarily alleviate any financial crisis.

If private capital were dispersed among countless small private banks, not only would consolidating it be a cumbersome task, but these smaller institutions would also be more susceptible to bankruptcy.

A monopoly might not be suitable for Spain’s long-term development, but for a nation currently in a state of rebuilding, it was the best choice for progress.

However, Spain’s development was not without its challenges, and various industries faced numerous problems.

On June 3, 1872, at a regular meeting of the Spanish Cabinet, the government discussed the problems currently facing Spain’s development.

Carlo, who had not attended a Cabinet meeting in a long time, made a reappearance, listening in on the government’s discussions.

The reason for Carlo’s presence was, in fact, an invitation from Prime Minister Primo. The rationale was simple: at present, only Carlo possessed the surplus funds necessary to invest heavily in certain industries.

After his maids helped him into a white military uniform, custom-made by the royal tailor, Carlo donned the insignia of a Marshal of Spain. With his custom longsword at his side, he bid farewell to Queen Sophie and headed for the government meeting, a confident smile on his face.

It was difficult for Carlo not to be confident. He had become the king of a major European power before the age of nineteen and, now at twenty-one, had already begun to consolidate his power. Anyone in his shoes would wear a smile of self-assurance.

The good news was that noblemen and kings of the nineteenth century had shed the cumbersome aristocratic robes of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in favor of simpler and more dashing military uniforms.

Adorned with rank insignia, a series of medals, and aiguillettes, the military uniforms worn by kings and nobles were, in fact, more imposing than the old robes, lending them an air of greater dignity and style.

In any case, Carlo was quite fond of this military attire. Aside from the requisite formal regalia for state occasions, he much preferred to appear in his military uniform.

First, the uniform wasn’t as cumbersome. Second, it was just so damn sharp. As king, Carlo could also have his uniforms custom-tailored to his own specifications—the more dashing, the better.

As he walked into the government conference room, the members of the Cabinet were already waiting respectfully for his arrival.

The moment the guards pushed the doors open, all the Cabinet members rose to their feet, greeting Carlo with the utmost deference.

Carlo smiled and nodded, walking to the head of the conference table under everyone’s gaze and slowly sitting down.

Regardless of who held the most power in the government, whenever the king attended a meeting, the seat at the head of the table was always reserved for him.

After all, the king was theoretically the supreme ruler of a country, and even the current Spanish government had to serve the king.

Power and status were two different things.

Once everyone was present, the Cabinet meeting officially commenced. As the head of the government, it was Prime Minister Primo’s duty to set the agenda for the discussion.

Chapter 129: Technical Schools

Prime Minister Primo first reported to Carlo on the government’s recent achievements before shifting the topic of the meeting to the problems the government was currently facing—namely, Spain’s shortage of skilled technical personnel amid its industrial development.

In truth, this was not a problem unique to Spain. Any nation seeking to industrialize would eventually face a shortage of skilled technical personnel.

Industry could not be built simply by accumulating wealth. In addition to large amounts of advanced technology and equipment, it required a pool of knowledgeable, skilled personnel.

Even the most basic process of steel smelting placed remarkably strict demands on the technical proficiency of its workers. The skill level of the workers not only determined the quality of the steel but also dictated efficiency and safety.

Carlo had long anticipated Spain’s shortage of skilled personnel.

Although the establishment of universities and the recruitment of foreign talent had filled some of the vacancies, the shortage of technical personnel, especially skilled workers, remained largely unaddressed.

Previously, when Spain’s industrial scale was still small, such a shortage was acceptable. But now, as Spain’s industry gradually took shape after a long period of development, the lack of skilled workers had become a problem that could no longer be ignored.

Spain’s current reserves of technical talent and skilled workers were only sufficient to meet the needs of the small Seville Industrial Base. They were completely inadequate for the Barcelona Industrial Base, which was currently under construction.

Compared to the Seville Industrial Base, the Barcelona Industrial Base was not only much larger in scale but also entirely different in its importance.

The Seville Industrial Base could, at most, provide about thirty thousand jobs, but the first phase of the Barcelona Industrial Base alone would provide an estimated one hundred thousand jobs.

If all three phases of the Barcelona Industrial Base were completed, the entire industrial complex was projected to create over five hundred thousand jobs, which meant a corresponding shortage of hundreds of thousands of skilled personnel.

A shortage of hundreds of thousands was not so easily filled. It would require a massive investment in the construction of relevant technical schools dedicated to training skilled personnel outside the university system.

“Your Majesty, these are the developmental challenges the government is currently facing. The issue is not yet severe, but once the Barcelona Industrial Base is completed, our shortage of technical talent and skilled workers could exceed fifty thousand, and it is highly likely to affect the development of the industrial base,” Prime Minister Primo said respectfully to Carlo after concluding his report on the Spanish government’s progress.

“Does the government have any viable solutions at present?” Carlo nodded and inquired.

“We do,” Prime Minister Primo affirmed. “We can establish related comprehensive technical schools to help us train the skilled personnel we need for specific roles. However, because we require a large number of them in a short period, establishing these schools presents certain difficulties.”

In fact, if it were merely a matter of building comprehensive technical schools, the government could easily accomplish it on its own.

The problem, however, was that Spain’s demand for skilled personnel wasn’t in the thousands or tens of thousands; the deficit was in the tens of thousands, even hundreds of thousands.

Faced with such a massive gap, the government’s strength alone was insufficient. Even if the government could build so many technical schools, it would expend too much energy and capital in this area, thereby neglecting development in other sectors.

The best approach was to collaborate with the royal family. The royal family had sufficient funds; after all, the Royal Joint Bank had become the largest bank in Spain.

It was precisely because Prime Minister Primo knew this that he had invited Carlo to this Cabinet meeting, hoping to persuade him and the royal family to participate in the construction of technical schools, allowing Spain to remedy its shortage of skilled personnel sooner.

Carlo, of course, understood Prime Minister Primo’s intentions. However, the royal family certainly wouldn’t squander vast sums of money to help the government build technical schools without some form of beneficial exchange.

Carlo’s goal was not just to help the government build technical schools, but to have the royal family lead the charge in their construction and popularization, thereby taking the primary credit.

In the future, when large numbers of skilled personnel graduated from these schools and entered factories and enterprises, they would be grateful to the royal family, for it was the royal family that had given them this opportunity.

If the royal family had not built these technical schools to help them master crucial technical skills, they would never have been able to qualify for more demanding technical positions, and their incomes naturally would not have increased so substantially.

Prime Minister Primo was, in fact, aware of some of Carlo’s demands. No matter how much Carlo cooperated with him on reforms, it did not change the fact that Carlo was a young king.

Young kings were ambitious. Not a single one of them didn’t desire to hold power in their own hands and have a say in the government’s work.

Although Prime Minister Primo understood this, he would not obstruct Carlo’s actions or demands. For the Prime Minister, Spain’s reform and development were paramount at present; everything else was secondary.

Moreover, it would take Carlo at least a few years to cultivate his own loyalists and influence and gradually assume power. During these years, Carlo would support the Prime Minister’s reforms as much as possible, which was what Primo most wanted to see.

As for Carlo’s desire for more power a few years down the line, that would not have much to do with Prime Minister Primo.

Prime Minister Primo was almost sixty years old; he wasn’t going to worry about things so many years in the future. Besides, with the support of Grand Duke Serrano and the allegiance of the Royalists originally loyal to the House of Bourbon, it was only a matter of time before Carlo gained a portion of the power in the government and the military.

Currently, the only person in the entire Spanish government who could stop Carlo from seizing power was Prime Minister Primo himself, but he had no intention of doing so.

Because Prime Minister Primo understood deeply and clearly that the stability of the Kingdom of Spain depended heavily on the current monarchy.

The moment Spain became a republic, the various factions would lose much of their restraint. He would rather allow Carlo’s consolidation of power than let radical republicanism destroy Spain.

At least, based on his observations over the past few years, Carlo did not seem to be an incompetent monarch like Queen Isabella; he was, at the very least, a reasonably qualified king.

Furthermore, even if Carlo wanted to take control of the government and the military, his path would not be smooth.

The other political parties would not necessarily want to see a king monopolizing power. Even if Carlo gained some authority, he would still be constrained by parliament and the government.

This was another reason why Prime Minister Primo was not worried. If Carlo’s own abilities were not particularly strong, the opposition from these parties would be enough to ensure his power was not too great, and Spain would remain a constitutional monarchy. Thus, there would be no need to excessively restrict Carlo’s acquisition of power.

If Carlo could consolidate his power despite the opposition of numerous parties and other forces, and also win the deep trust and affection of the people, then it would prove that he was an exceptionally capable king.

In that case, what reason would Prime Minister Primo have to stop him from taking power?

“A shortage of hundreds of thousands of skilled personnel is indeed difficult to fill.” Carlo nodded, feigning a thoughtful expression, and only spoke after a moment. ”

Faced with such a major challenge to Spain’s development, the royal family cannot stand idly by. How about this: I will allocate a portion of the royal family’s assets to establish the Madrid Comprehensive Technical School and build as many branch campuses as possible.

The construction standards for these schools don’t need to be too high, as long as they can train the necessary technical personnel. Admissions can also be relaxed; anyone with a primary school education can enroll, and upon graduation, they will receive a diploma equivalent to a high school education.”

He certainly had to help; after all, the stronger Spain became, the more benefits Carlo would gain.

As for the role and contribution of the royal family in building these technical schools, he believed that with Prime Minister Primo at the helm, his intentions would be understood.

Moreover, Carlo himself owned a large number of newspaper companies that served as propaganda outlets. With a little large-scale publicity, the public would naturally know who had put in the real effort to build the technical schools.

Hearing Carlo agree to let the royal family fund the construction of technical schools, the expressions of some Cabinet members shifted slightly.

Prime Minister Primo’s Cabinet government followed a principle of reform-first, and indeed, a considerable number of its members supported the monarchy and Carlo.

At the same time, however, there were some within the Cabinet who opposed the monarchy or were not particularly optimistic about it.

This was mainly due to the impact of the Bourbon dynasty, Queen Isabella, and her father on Spain. The Spaniards had endured over fifty years of dark rule.

Carlo’s decisive agreement to have the royal family provide funding clearly exceeded the expectations of some Cabinet members.

After all, during Queen Isabella’s reign, not only would she have been unwilling to waste royal money on such matters, she would have even used government funds to accomplish the royal family’s affairs.

While this would not directly change the attitudes of certain Cabinet members, it at least made it clear to them that Carlo was not the same as Queen Isabella.

This was also one of Carlo’s objectives. Although most of the current Cabinet would bid farewell to Spain’s core political stage after Prime Minister Primo’s retirement, a portion of them would continue to strive in Spanish politics, some even aiming for the position of Prime Minister.

What Carlo needed to do was change some people’s views on the Spanish monarchy and, if possible, screen out some talent he could utilize to become his supporters.

Chapter 130: The Colonial Question

Of course, this Cabinet meeting was not just about the technical schools. The implementation of the two previously enacted laws was also within the scope of discussion.

Naturally, there were also new issues arising in the colonies, including the construction of railways and so on. All in all, the meeting was quite long, with dozens of topics under discussion.

Carlo sat through the entire Cabinet meeting but rarely expressed his own opinions. After all, the current Cabinet was still controlled by Prime Minister Primo. Although he was happy to see Carlo attend, he would not necessarily be pleased to see Carlo meddling in government affairs.

In order to push forward the reforms of the Spanish government, Prime Minister Primo surely had his own plans. Regardless of whether these plans aligned with Spain’s future development, now was not the time for Carlo to intervene in government reform.

In the future, once Carlo gradually gained a certain amount of power, he would participate more in the government’s decision-making. He would then make more extensive revisions to Prime Minister Primo’s reforms and the systems from the earlier era of the Kingdom of Spain, ensuring that the great ship of Spain could sail forward at a steady pace.

Aside from Spain’s domestic development and reforms, the most frequently discussed topic during the Cabinet meeting was the current issues in the colonies.

It was true that the rebellion in the colony of Cuba had been successfully suppressed, but the Spanish government had made a major concession to the Cuban government in the process. The Cuban government now possessed more power, and the large number of Cubans who harbored hatred for Spain made the situation there far from stable.

Perhaps this suppression would bring a few years of peace, but new problems were bound to arise in Cuba’s future. It was not even out of the question that another rebellion could break out in a few years.

Compared to Cuba, Carlo was actually more concerned about Spain’s newly established colony of Southern Morocco.

Although the annual revenue Cuba provided to the Spanish government was several dozen times that of the colony of Southern Morocco, Cuba was also plagued by frequent internal problems.

No matter how significant the problems in the colony of Southern Morocco became, the cost of suppressing a rebellion would be relatively low due to its proximity to the Spanish mainland.

But the colony of Cuba was different. Even for an internal rebellion, Spanish troops would have to travel far across the ocean, crossing the Atlantic Ocean to suppress it.

The cost of transporting supplies across the ocean alone was enough to give the Spanish government a headache, not to mention that on the other side of the ocean, another country coveted Cuba.

Merely dealing with an internal rebellion in Cuba was enough to make the Spanish government waste vast amounts of funds, manpower, and resources, which was not beneficial for Spain’s development.

If the United States were to get involved, the cost for Spain to suppress the rebellion would multiply, and the difficulty would increase exponentially.

For Carlo, the issue with the colony of Cuba was not a question of whether it could be held, but whether it was necessary to hold it.

The colony of Cuba’s value to Spain was that it was the last remaining colony in the Americas and the only one that generated a positive and substantial income.

The colony of Cuba had only one pillar of its economy: the sugar industry. According to the Spanish government’s intelligence on the colony, Cuba’s current annual sugar production was approximately six hundred thousand tons, with over two thousand five hundred factories specializing in sugar production.

Consider that Cuba’s total population was only about one million, and the core population—people of Spanish or mixed Spanish descent—accounted for only about fifty-five percent of that. For a population of just a few hundred thousand to support over two thousand sugar production factories was a testament to how crucial the sugar industry was to Cuba.

The sugar industry not only created immense wealth for Cuba but also provided Spain, as its suzerain state, with a large annual income.

But no matter how one looked at it, there was a ceiling to the scale of the colony of Cuba and its pillar industry.

Moreover, with a large number of Cubans yearning for independence, it would become increasingly difficult for Spain to control Cuba in the future.

Rather than being bogged down in a small place like Cuba, it would be better to find a suitable opportunity to let it go and, at the same time, expand the colonies in Africa as much as possible to begin a new round of colonial exploitation.

The era of Spain’s empire on which the sun never set was long past, which was why many people were unfamiliar with its colonial policies.

People only knew of the brutal exploitation of African colonies by the European great powers in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, but they were unaware that in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Spain’s exploitation of its colonies was far more ruthless than that of the European great powers of this later period.

Although Europeans were generally indifferent to the lives of the colonial natives, they would not go so far as to butcher them indiscriminately.

Take, for example, the King of the Belgians who acquired the Congo. Due to his brutal colonial policies there, the great powers eventually intervened, and the Congo was transformed from the Belgian king’s private domain into a colony controlled by the Belgian government, finally putting an end to the cruel colonization of King Leopold II.

Spain’s rule in its American colonies was similar to Leopold II’s rule in the Congo, basically consisting of four activities: mining, establishing plantations, capturing slaves, and genocide.

The original inhabitants of Cuba were Indians, but as of now, Spaniards, people of mixed Spanish descent, and Black people are the three largest ethnic groups in Cuba. After them come Asians, with the native Indian population ranking last.

The fact that the native Indian population became one of the smallest ethnic groups in Cuba is inextricably linked to Spain’s brutal colonial policies during its rule.

Spain carried out a massive ethnic extermination in Cuba, slaughtering the vast majority of the Indians and forcibly making white people the dominant ethnic group.

As for why the Black population is so large, most of them were slaves on the plantations. They had no human rights and were treated like livestock owned by white people.

Although the Spanish government had issued laws and regulations to abolish slavery as early as the Provisional Government era, that is, in 1869.

But Spain’s laws did not affect the colonies. Slavery still existed in the colony of Cuba, where the vast majority of Black people were slaves to whites, with only a small number possessing freedom.

However, this did not mean that free Black people could become normal Cuban citizens. Whether in a colony like Cuba or in Europe, Black people, regardless of whether they had so-called freedom, were discriminated against by whites.

This phenomenon also existed in the United States and was quite common. Although the United States abolished slavery and emancipated Black people through the American Civil War, their human rights did not see any effective improvement in practice.

Black people in America only gained freedom in a legal sense; in political, economic, and social terms, they remained at the very bottom of American society.

So-called Black citizens in the United States faced extremely strict restrictions on their right to vote and be elected, which made it very difficult for an official of Black descent to emerge.

Easy positions in factories and businesses were basically not open to Black people. The only jobs they could apply for were the arduous, tiring, and low-paying ones.

In addition to this, Black people and their children also faced significant restrictions in education and healthcare.

Although they were all American citizens, it was fundamentally impossible for Black people and their children to attend school with whites. They could only crowd into inferior Black schools and often could not even complete elementary school.

Large numbers of Black people were confined to certain areas and could not move freely within the United States. These areas where Black people gathered gradually evolved into America’s slums, where order was chaotic and crime was a frequent occurrence.

In fact, even in later generations, Black slums still existed in the United States. Coupled with the fact that the US did not ban firearms, the slums were not only rife with all sorts of criminal activities but were also frequently the scene of homicides.

In the current era, discrimination against Black people by whites is unprecedented. Because most police officers in the United States were white, when a Black person encountered a white officer, their life or death was solely at that officer’s discretion.

However, white police officers generally did not venture into areas where Black people congregated. After all, if pushed to the brink, those Black people were capable of anything.

But if a Black person was discovered to have left their designated area without permission, what awaited them might well be an emptied magazine.

Returning to the situation in Spain’s colonies.

In reality, compared to the African colonies, Cuba and Puerto Rico, as well as the previously independent Mexico, Argentina, and others, had larger white populations, all of whom were Spaniards or of Spanish descent.

But because of the Spanish government’s brutal exploitation of the colonies, the desire for independence in these places was strong, and many people of mixed Spanish heritage held little fondness for Spain.

The only ones who truly still loved the country were the pure-blooded Spaniards who had not been in the colonies for very long.

But the very fact that these people had-emigrated proved that they could not make a living in mainland Spain or that there were better incomes and opportunities abroad.

It would be very difficult to get them to return to Spain, at least not in the short term. Since they could not absorb a large population from Latin America, it would be better to shift the current focus to assimilating the population of Morocco.

Moroccans were also white, and their physical appearance was quite similar to that of Spaniards.

The biggest differences between Spaniards and Moroccans were language and religion, but these differences could be eliminated through long-term assimilation.

Compared to the distant colony of Cuba in the Americas, Morocco, separated from mainland Spain by only a strait, was clearly the better choice.

In any case, Morocco’s development potential was greater than Cuba’s. Its population was several times that of Cuba, and its land area was more than ten times larger.

Although Cuba currently generated economic value that Morocco could not hope to match, in terms of future impact and importance to Spain, two Cubas might not even measure up to one Morocco.

Chapter 131: The Debate on Military Expansion

In truth, for every colonial power, resistance in the colonies was always the most troublesome issue and also the largest expense in colonial administration.

Spain currently had three major colonies: Cuba, the Philippines, and Southern Morocco.

Of these three, besides Southern Morocco, which was recently occupied and had yet to see any large-scale resistance, the other two colonies were both dealing with significant opposition.

The Spanish government naturally hoped that its colonies in Cuba and the Philippines would stabilize and provide a continuous stream of revenue to fuel development in the Spanish mainland. Only by making the mainland stronger could Spain better secure these colonies, continually expand its sphere of influence, and ultimately achieve a Spanish revival.

To ensure stability in the colonies of Cuba and the Philippines, the Cabinet decided after deliberation to increase the size of the garrisons in both locations.

As mentioned before, Spain’s total military strength was only around one hundred thousand men, with the mainland army comprising about seventy thousand and the colonial garrison forces about thirty thousand.

As one of Spain’s most important colonies, Cuba had a total of twelve thousand garrison troops, making it the most heavily garrisoned Spanish colony.

The second largest was the colony of the Philippines, with a garrison of about four thousand men. In the vicinity of the Philippines, Spain also possessed a colony in Kalimantan, with a garrison of about three thousand.

Yes, Spain had also possessed a colony on the island of Kalimantan. Although the history of the Sulu colony was only thirty years long, it was currently, undeniably, a Spanish colony, and its total area was not insignificant.

Spain had a total of about seven thousand troops stationed in the Philippines and Sulu, which indirectly proved that the Philippine territories, including Sulu, were still very important to Spain.

Besides the two crucial colonies of Cuba and the Philippines, Spain’s garrisons in the northern Moroccan cities of Ceuta and Tétouan also exceeded eight thousand men.

Apart from these three colonies with garrisons several thousand strong, the remaining colonies, including Puerto Rico, Guinea, and the Canary Islands, each had garrisons of just over one thousand soldiers.

Of course, the colony of Southern Morocco was also currently expanding the size of its garrison. Although the number of these colonial garrison troops might seem large, only about half were actual Spaniards; the rest were native soldiers recruited from the local populace.

If one counted only the Spaniards, the number of troops in each colony was still somewhat low. This was especially true for Cuba and the Philippines, two colonies that could clearly support larger armies and where it was necessary to bolster local military strength to ensure stability.

All the colonial garrison forces combined amounted to about fourteen regiments, with a total strength of about thirty-two thousand two hundred men.

With a force of this size, it was difficult enough to maintain stability in Spain’s existing colonies, let alone provide support to the Spanish mainland in specific situations.

Expanding the size of the existing colonial armies was absolutely necessary. It was not only a matter of stability in Spain’s various colonies but also, to a certain extent, a matter of stability within Spain itself.

On the matter of colonial armies, Carlo had a relatively significant say. The colonial forces were under the command of the colonial government and the Governor-General, and the Governor-General was appointed by the king.

In this regard, Prime Minister Primo’s influence was not as great as Carlo’s. However, because the Prime Minister had actually served as a Governor-General, his influence over certain individual colonies was certainly much greater than Carlo’s.

“Mr. Prime Minister, I propose we increase our fourteen colonial garrison regiments to twenty-five. This would solve the problem of insufficient manpower in the colonies,” said the Colonial Secretary, Scotty Alvarez, offering his opinion on the matter.

But before Prime Minister Primo could express his view, Minister of Finance Ewald Battle stood up and retorted, “Mr. Alvarez, have you considered that the kingdom’s finances simply cannot bear the cost of a colonial army of this size? Twenty-five garrison regiments would be nearly sixty thousand men. Do our colonies truly need so many people?”

Conflicting opinions between the Colonial Secretary and the Minister of Finance were already quite common in the Cabinet, as they naturally approached issues from different perspectives.

As the Colonial Secretary, Scotty naturally wanted to expand the colonial armies to strengthen the influence of the colonies, which would in turn indirectly enhance his own influence as Colonial Secretary.

As the Minister of Finance, Ewald’s first priority was to protect the nation’s treasury. If any cabinet minister could pass proposals that carved away large portions of the budget, the Ministry of Finance would lose its purpose.

The treasury is a crucial core of the state apparatus, and Ewald was one of Prime Minister Primo’s loyalists.

It was precisely because he understood that Prime Minister Primo prioritized reform and domestic development over the colonies that Ewald was the first to stand up and oppose Scotty.

If the government’s entire budget was used to expand the colonial armies, what would become of development on the mainland?

Carlo watched the officials argue without making a move. Even though he had a say in colonial matters, as a king, it was best not to clearly side with one party before the ministers had argued their way to a conclusion.

This would not only keep him in an unassailable position but also allow him to use others to achieve his own goals.

If Carlo were to express clear support for one side during the meeting, he would not only offend the opposing party but also become closely associated with the side he supported.

Currently, the Spanish Cabinet was clearly run by Prime Minister Primo, and Carlo was also waiting for the Prime Minister’s opinion.

Seeing that his subordinates had argued for a long time without a clear result, and that the other influential figures, Grand Duke Serrano and Carlo, showed no intention of intervening, Prime Minister Primo had no choice but to step forward and halt the Cabinet’s debate.

“There is nothing more to argue about. Our armed force in the colonies is indeed somewhat weak, but we cannot expand it drastically,” Prime Minister Primo began. “Considering our government’s financial capacity, I believe expanding the number of colonial garrison regiments to around twenty is most appropriate. Any more would strain the government’s finances and harm domestic development. But if we don’t expand the military, the problems in the colonies will persist, which is also detrimental to Spain’s development. Your Majesty, I believe we should expand the number of colonial garrison regiments to twenty, while also assigning a certain number of Spanish officers to these units. The soldiers can be recruited from among the local natives. As long as we have Spanish officers maintaining order in the army, we can ensure the stability of these colonial forces.”

Chapter 132: Reforming the Army’s Structure

Now that Prime Minister Primo had stated his position, it was time for Carlo to speak.

Carlo nodded, looking very much in agreement. “Let’s proceed as the Prime Minister suggests. While expanding our armed forces in the colonies is important, we must not forget the development of Spain itself.

Also, when forming the colonial armies, we must, to a certain extent, consider the perspective of the native soldiers. We can appropriately raise their salaries and improve their treatment, distinguishing them from the ordinary natives in the colonies.

This way, we can ensure these native soldiers will be more loyal to us, rather than trying to cooperate with the other natives.”

It was clear that the European nations, including Spain, lacked sufficient troops to garrison their colonies. The method they adopted was to maintain order by forming armies composed of natives within the colonies.

However, this created a problem: the loyalty of these native armies was not entirely reliable. Some among them might even oppose or harbor hatred for the colonizing nation.

The main issue was that these native soldiers were also among the oppressed, no different from the common, oppressed natives.

By slightly improving their treatment and granting them more rights relative to the general native population, a natural division would be created between the native soldiers and the common folk.

After all, while the natives certainly hated the colonizers, they would also hate the native soldiers who bowed and scraped before the colonizers and took up arms against their own people.

Once they received a degree of preferential treatment and enjoyed rights that ordinary natives could never access, the common natives would treat them with hostility.

In truth, this strategy had already been submitted to Carlo’s office before Prime Minister Primo convened this meeting.

The reason Prime Minister Primo had deliberately omitted it was, naturally, to leave some proposals for Carlo to make. After all, Carlo was the king of Spain; he couldn’t attend a Cabinet meeting without having any presence at all.

Allowing Carlo to offer some opinions was a good thing for both Carlo himself and for Primo.

Carlo, of course, understood the Prime Minister’s objective. In other words, this was likely a compromise from Prime Minister Primo to encourage the royal family’s active participation in the construction of technical schools.

Though it might seem like a small suggestion, if the subsequent expansion of the colonial army ensured the stability of Spain’s colonies, Carlo would also receive some of the credit.

When soldiers earned merit, they were promoted in rank. When officials made political achievements, they were promoted in office. It was also beneficial for a king to earn merit; his subordinates would trust him more, and the public would view him more favorably.

Prime Minister Primo’s proposal was to expand the colonial garrison regiments to twenty, bringing the total number of troops stationed in the colonies to 46,000.

Considering that the vast majority of the more than ten thousand new recruits would be native soldiers, it would not have a significant impact on Spain’s finances.

After all, the salaries and specific benefits for these native soldiers were much lower. Colonies like Cuba and the Philippines were fully capable of bearing the expense of the additional native soldiers.

The weaponry they required was also easy to resolve. Spain’s mainland army was about to be re-equipped with the latest Vetterli M1872 rifle, which would leave a considerable number of muzzle-loading rifles to be phased out. Selecting some of these to equip the colonial armies would be more than sufficient.

Although these muzzle-loading rifles were already obsolete, it all depended on the comparison. The colonial armies had to contend with local natives and some opposition forces within the colonies. These groups would find it nearly impossible to acquire advanced weaponry in large quantities, so muzzle-loading rifles were enough to handle them.

This move would not only resolve the issue of the large stockpile of muzzle-loading rifles and ammunition being retired by Spain’s mainland army but also minimize military expenditure and reduce the impact of the colonial army’s expansion on the Spanish government.

With Prime Minister Primo’s final decision and Carlo’s go-ahead, a consensus on the expansion of the colonial army was quickly reached.

The Colonial Secretary and the Minister of Finance were both very satisfied, as the final outcome was within their acceptable range.

The expansion of Spain’s colonial army was indeed beneficial to the Colonial Secretary’s work. At the same time, the expansion did not affect the Spanish government’s finances, so it posed no extra burden for the Minister of Finance and the Ministry of Finance.

Since the topic of expanding the colonial army had been raised, Carlo also inquired about the progress of reforms in Spain’s mainland army.

Before the reforms, Spain’s mainland army had a strength of 70,000. However, more than 50,000 of these troops were government troops from Queen Isabella’s era, and the quality of these soldiers was inconsistent. The purpose of this reform was to conduct a wide-ranging screening of the officers and soldiers of the mainland army, retaining only the outstanding officers and soldiers who passed muster in both physical fitness and ideological standards, and then to expand the mainland army.

According to the military reform plan submitted by Prime Minister Primo, the 70,000-strong mainland army would ultimately be downsized to around 50,000 to ensure that the remaining officers and soldiers were elites.

Then, the mainland army would be expanded by recruiting from the civilian population, selecting individuals with good physical fitness who were devoted to the country and the royal family, bringing the number of mainland troops back up to over one hundred thousand.

If the size of the newly expanded colonial army was added to this, Spain, after completing its military reforms, would possess an army of around 150,000.

While this army size was no match for great powers like Britain, France, Germany, or Austria, it was not far off from Italy’s and would be considered a large and powerful force in Europe.

Warfare in this era was not yet as frantic as it would be during World War I, nor were there wars on the scale of a World War.

In conflicts like the Austro-Prussian War and the Franco-Prussian War, which had captured the attention of most of Europe a few years ago, the total number of soldiers mobilized by both sides was just over one million.

Forty or fifty years later, during World War I, a single campaign could involve over a million soldiers, sometimes reaching levels of two or three million.

The total number of soldiers mobilized throughout the entire war would exceed ten million, a figure unimaginable for the great powers of this era.

Currently, the great powers with the largest mobilized armies were Germany, France, and Russia. With its large population, it was not difficult for Russia to field an army of a million men.

However, due to limitations in its industrial production capacity and the combat effectiveness of its soldiers, the Russian army’s fighting strength was inferior to that of Germany and France.

Germany and France also had large populations, and with their relatively advanced military mobilization systems, they too could arm a million-strong army if they pushed themselves.

But unless they were facing a war that would decide the fate of their nation, no country would be so reckless. Mobilizing an army of a million men, regardless of the final outcome, would have a profound impact on a country’s industry and economy.

If heavy casualties were incurred during the war, it would not only affect industrial and economic production at the time but also impact the nation’s future development.

Once the Spanish government decided to reform its military, it never hesitated.

While enacting laws for agricultural rent reduction and a minimum wage, the military reforms of the Spanish army proceeded with great momentum.

To date, Spain’s 70,000-strong mainland army has been officially downsized to 50,000. Most of the 20,000 discharged soldiers have been well-resettled; they will head to the Seville Industrial Base, while some will await the opening of the Barcelona Industrial Base.

In short, these men would all receive decent jobs, and their lives would not be much worse than they were in the army.

Upon learning that the army’s downsizing was complete, and after consulting with Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano, Carlo decided to begin expanding the mainland army as well, with the goal of increasing its size to over one hundred thousand.

However, before expanding the Spanish army, it was necessary to make certain modifications to its current organizational structure.

Spain currently had six types of military formations: the line infantry regiment, the light infantry battalion, the cavalry regiment, the engineer regiment, the colonial garrison regiment, and the Guard Regiment.

The colonial garrison regiment and the Guard Regiment were excluded from the reforms of the mainland army.

This meant the reforms would only affect the line infantry regiments, light infantry battalions, cavalry regiments, and engineer regiments.

As former military men, both Prime Minister Primo and Serrano naturally had their own ideas about army reform.

Drawing from the experiences of the Austro-Prussian and Franco-Prussian Wars, line infantry was destined to exit the stage of history. Spain’s line infantry regiments could be merged with the light infantry battalions and reformed into Spain’s new infantry regiments.

There wasn’t much to say about cavalry, which remained very useful. The cavalry and engineer regiments did not require major reorganization; they just needed their firepower and structure strengthened.

As Minister of Defense, Serrano presented his own plan for the reorganization of the Spanish army.

Spain’s new infantry regiment would consist of four infantry battalions, one grenadier battalion, and one artillery battalion.

Grenadiers were a relatively old type of soldier, and their function was evident from their name. With the development of weaponry, the primary purpose of grenadiers was no longer to throw grenades, but the formation was still retained.

Currently, Spain’s grenadiers were essentially elite infantry. Although it was called a grenadier battalion, it was, in fact, just a smaller, more elite infantry battalion.

Previously, a line infantry regiment had only a single artillery company as heavy fire support. Under Grand Duke Serrano’s plan, the new infantry regiment would have an entire artillery battalion providing fire support.

The old line infantry regiment’s artillery company had only four artillery pieces, whereas the new infantry regiment’s artillery battalion would have four artillery batteries, with each battery equipped with six artillery pieces.

This meant that a single infantry regiment would possess twenty-four artillery pieces, a many-fold increase compared to the firepower of the original line infantry regiments.

Chapter 133: The Infantry Division and the Guard Division

The Franco-Prussian War had already revealed the dangers of having a military structure that was too small. Namely, when forming larger military units during a large-scale war, troops at various levels would often lack coordination, thereby reducing the overall combat effectiveness of the army.

In the Franco-Prussian War, most of the French army was organized at the regimental level. When they formed larger, division-level units, the combat effectiveness of each division was not as outstanding as expected, which was one of the reasons for the French defeat.

Establishing a division-scale military structure was a necessity for the current era, and Spain had to follow the trend.

The good news was that Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano already had a preliminary plan for reforming Spain’s military structure. Through their joint efforts, a new table of organization for the Spanish army was created.

A Spanish infantry division would consist of five infantry regiments and one artillery regiment. At full strength, a division would have 12,500 men and a total of 248 cannons, making its firepower quite excellent.

In wartime, a full division could be expanded to eighteen thousand men, becoming a reinforced infantry division with both firepower and manpower.

The twelve cavalry regiments were also consolidated into three cavalry divisions, with each division comprising three cavalry regiments. The cavalry divisions would not have their own subordinate artillery units, which meant an entire cavalry division would only have sixty cannons.

However, considering the mobility of cavalry, being equipped with fewer cannons also had its advantages.

Next was an entirely new type of unit: the artillery division. The Austro-Prussian and Franco-Prussian Wars had already proven the power of artillery in this era, making a separate military branch for it a necessity of the times.

If relying solely on the number of cannons in infantry and cavalry units, it would be difficult to detach artillery for a siege. Artillery units, however, were different. They were equipped with a large number of cannons; dispatching just one artillery division could inflict a fatal blow on an enemy fortress.

A Spanish artillery division would command four artillery regiments. Each regiment would command four artillery battalions, each battalion would command four artillery batteries, and each battery would be equipped with seven cannons.

This meant an entire artillery division would possess an astonishing 448 cannons. With the two artillery divisions that were about to be formed, Spain would have nearly a thousand cannons.

The engineer units and colonial garrison regiments were not being restructured. Simply expanding the colonial forces was enough to handle the situation in Spain’s various colonies; there was no need to reorganize them into divisions.

After all, the restructuring of the Spanish army would require a large number of rifles and cannons. This was already a huge burden on the Royal Arsenal, and there was no production capacity to support the reorganization of the colonial army.

After the Cabinet meeting, Carlo held a special small-scale military meeting with Grand Duke Serrano and Prime Minister Primo. Once the reorganization of the Spanish army was confirmed, he ordered the Ministry of Defense to implement the new military structure.

Regardless of its previous state, the subsequent Spanish Royal Italian Army would consist of six infantry divisions, three cavalry divisions, two artillery divisions, and two engineer regiments, totaling 101,000 men.

The twenty colonial garrison regiments numbered about forty-six thousand men. Together, the two forces totaled nearly one hundred fifty thousand troops.

And one mustn’t forget that Carlo also had his own Royal Guard. This meant that after the military reform was complete, Spain’s army would be significantly strengthened.

That being said, after the Royal Italian Army was reorganized, Carlo also had to follow suit and reorganize his own Royal Guard.

Previously, due to the royal family’s financial constraints, the Royal Guard had been limited to the size of a single regiment.

Now that the royal family had money, it was only natural to expand this Guard Regiment into a Guard Division and train it into his own ace unit.

Moreover, the Guard Division’s structure would be even larger than a Spanish infantry division. It would be less of a pure infantry division and more of a reinforced combined-arms division composed of infantry, cavalry, and artillery.

In any case, the royal family’s funds were abundant, and for now, he only needed to form a single Guard Division. Naturally, it would be equipped with whatever weapons it could get.

After the brief military meeting with Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano, Carlo returned to the Royal Palace and summoned Ricciotti, the regimental commander of the Royal Guard, to discuss the matter of the Guard’s structural reform.

The reform of the Royal Guard was based to some extent on the Spanish infantry division, but its organization would be far more “luxurious.” Considering the importance of cavalry and artillery in this era, it was natural to consider integrating them into the Royal Guard Division’s structure.

The final structure decided upon for the Royal Guard Division would include four Guard Infantry Regiments, one Guard Cavalry Regiment, and two Guard Artillery Regiments. At full strength, it would have over fifteen thousand men and be equipped with 280 cannons.

Such a formation could be said to be capable of both attack and defense; to a certain extent, it was a well-balanced force.

The four Guard Infantry Regiments would be the main force of the division, undertaking the more arduous offensive and defensive tasks. The two artillery regiments would serve as crucial fire support, compensating for the fact that the infantry regiments lacked their own artillery batteries.

As for the separate cavalry regiment, it would be responsible for more traditional cavalry missions, making full use of its mobility.

In an age before the advent of machine guns and tanks, such a unit structure could effectively utilize the combat power of each branch, making it a well-integrated combined-arms force.

The divisional commander of the Guard Division would naturally be the meritorious Ricciotti. Ricciotti had made an indelible contribution to the formation of the Guard Regiment, and Carlo was quite at ease making him the commander of the Guard Division.

As for the other regimental commanders, after careful consideration, Carlo decided to promote some outstanding officers from within the existing Guard Regiment.

The large number of vacancies for junior and mid-level officers was not a concern, as many promising officers graduated from the Royal Military Academy every year.

Carlo had also considered transferring Andrew and Kaman, who were currently serving in the Royal Italian Army, back to serve as regimental commanders in the Guard Division.

But after much thought, Carlo ultimately decided to let them remain in the Royal Italian Army.

After all, they had been honing their skills in the Royal Italian Army for several years, and Grand Duke Serrano had taken notice of them and given them high praise.

Since they had already established a firm foothold in the Spanish Royal Italian Army, Carlo was naturally unwilling to undermine their efforts.

In any case, with the upcoming expansion of the Royal Italian Army, they would face numerous opportunities. It was not impossible for them to become regimental commanders or even higher-ranking officers.

Although returning to the Royal Guard would have made them high-ranking officers at the regimental commander level right away—and they might even have served as deputy divisional commanders thanks to Carlo’s trust—the size of the Royal Guard was ultimately limited, and their avenues for promotion would eventually be constrained.

Becoming a regimental commander was simple enough, but rising further to become a divisional commander would be extremely difficult. After all, the Royal Guard only had one division, and its commander, Ricciotti, also enjoyed Carlo’s trust.

The Royal Italian Army, on the other hand, had six infantry divisions, three cavalry divisions, and two artillery divisions. The opportunities for advancement were much broader, with greater possibilities.

From Spain’s current military structure, it was clear that the importance of regimental-level officers had slightly decreased, while the importance of high-ranking divisional-level officers had increased significantly.

After all, Spain only had about a dozen divisions in total, and each one was crucial to the country.

As a divisional commander, one would not only command nearly a tenth of Spain’s home army but also become one of the top figures in the Spanish military.

In Spain, the minimum rank for a regimental-level officer was colonel, while a divisional-level officer had to be at least a major general.

Currently, Spain’s military ranks were divided into: Private, NCOs (Lance Corporal, Corporal, Sergeant, Sergeant Major), Junior Officers (Warrant Officer, Second Lieutenant, Lieutenant, Captain), Field Officers (Major, Lieutenant Colonel, Colonel), and General Officers (Brigadier General, Major General, Lieutenant General, General).

General was the highest rank in the Spanish military and was, in most cases, largely honorary. The ones who truly held power in the army were the lieutenant generals and major generals, who typically commanded the more elite forces or held significant influence in the Ministry of Defense.

The rank of Marshal, held by Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano, was rather special within Spain’s ranking system.

Theoretically, Marshal was not a rank but a military position, usually granted to the Governors-General of various colonies, bestowing upon them military jurisdiction over that colony.

Over a long period of development, Marshal had also taken on the significance of a rank and was only bestowed upon military members of the Cabinet.

For example, Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano both had military connections and were thus granted the rank of Marshal.

Then there was Carlo. As the king of Spain, he was born a Marshal of both the Spanish Army and Navy, and his rank of Marshal carried actual authority.

According to Spain’s current constitution, the King of Spain held supreme command over the army and navy and was the Generalissimo of both forces.

This made Carlo’s Marshal rank different from those of Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano; they were simply all called “Marshal.”

After the reform, the total number of cannons equipped by the Spanish army would be as high as two thousand and eight. This figure was several times greater than before the reform and was one of its main objectives.

Artillery had already become an incredibly important weapon for delivering firepower and played a crucial role in warfare.

Two thousand cannons would also allow the Spanish army to catch up with other European nations in terms of heavy firepower, ensuring they would not, at the very least, be at a firepower disadvantage in land warfare.

Equipping so many cannons at once was also beneficial for the development of Spain’s artillery industry.

Artillery was a weapon that could not only be equipped by the army but could also be used extensively by the navy.

Although Spain currently had no plans to develop its navy, it was still very necessary to research larger-caliber cannons with longer ranges in advance.

In the future, when Spain finally decided to develop a navy, the experience accumulated in artillery could be readily applied to naval guns, allowing them to design powerful warships for Spain.

Chapter 134: Temporary Technical Training Courses

The reorganization of Spain’s army was good news for the vast majority of people.

Existing officers now had much broader avenues for advancement, and the eleven new divisional commander positions would become hotly contested prizes among Spain’s senior officers.

Fortunately, Carlo did not hold much real power in the military; otherwise, he would have had no peace during this time.

After all, there were only eleven such senior officer positions in all of Spain. The question of how to become one of the country’s future divisional commanders would likely trouble these officers for a long time.

Below the rank of divisional commander, the army’s expansion also created a large number of vacancies for regimental and battalion commanders. This meant that Andrew and Kaman, whom Carlo had previously promoted, as well as the officers who had graduated from the Royal Military Academy, might all have opportunities for advancement.

If Carlo remembered correctly, Andrew and Kaman were both currently majors. They were his men, after all, and Grand Duke Serrano would likely give them some consideration during this expansion.

At the very least, a promotion to lieutenant colonel and a post as a regimental commander should be no problem. If not, they could serve as deputy commanders and rise to regimental commander after a few years of service.

Although Spain had many regimental commanders, this did not mean they were junior officers. On the contrary, in Spain’s relatively small army, a regimental commander could be considered a senior officer.

Should a war necessitate a large-scale expansion of the military, an officer like a regimental commander would quickly be promoted to divisional commander, taking charge of a force of ten thousand men.

Besides, Andrew and Kaman had only been in Spain for a few years, and they had joined the Spanish Royal Army as Italians.

To have achieved what they had was already quite impressive. They were still in their twenties, young, with plenty of time to build their careers and await the outbreak of war.

For the Royal Arsenal, the military’s large-scale expansion was excellent news.

Currently, the Royal Arsenal was the only armory in Spain capable of producing the Vetterli M1872 rifle. This meant that the rifles needed to arm an army of over one hundred thousand men would all have to be produced by the Royal Arsenal.

While it was an incredibly daunting task, it was also a prime opportunity for the Royal Arsenal’s growth.

Upon completing this order, the Royal Arsenal would become the largest armaments company in Spain, with no competitor able to match it.

This was a necessity of the era; the birth of a monopoly giant was not necessarily a bad thing for the country. For Spain, whose military production capacity was already limited, the Royal Arsenal becoming a leader and behemoth in the armaments industry would actually strengthen the nation’s research, development, and manufacturing capabilities in military technology.

After all, the R&D capabilities of a super-corporation were completely different from those of many small and medium-sized enterprises. The combined R&D power of several thousand smaller companies might not even match that of a single giant corporation. Research and development required real capital and a significant investment of time, expenditures that small armories simply could not afford.

However, the most pressing issue at the moment was how to increase the Royal Arsenal’s production capacity.

The current output of the Royal Arsenal was far too low to meet the Spanish army’s needs. It was nowhere near enough to satisfy the military’s equipment requirements.

Fortunately, the reforms and conscription for the Spanish army would also take time, providing a golden window for the Royal Arsenal to ramp up its production.

At present, the Royal Arsenal’s workforce had just surpassed one thousand employees, and its annual weapons output was seven thousand rifles, 150 artillery pieces, 1.2 million rounds of ammunition, and 15,000 artillery shells.

To fully meet the demands of the Spanish army, the Royal Arsenal would need to work around the clock for over a decade.

To solve this problem, Carlo issued a directive for unlimited expansion, requiring the Royal Arsenal to triple its weapons production within the next year.

Of course, Carlo also provided substantial financial support. Over eight million pesetas were made available for the Royal Arsenal’s use, and the hundred-plus weapons experts provided by the Austro-Hungarian Empire were all transferred to the Royal Arsenal to help increase production.

The government also offered policy support for the expansion, such as approving land in the Seville Industrial Base and setting aside a large industrial zone exclusively for the Royal Arsenal in the future Barcelona Industrial Base.

Currently, the Royal Arsenal had two large branch factories, located in Madrid and Seville. Once the branch factory in the Barcelona Industrial Base was completed, it too would significantly boost the Royal Arsenal’s weapons output.

As for the workforce, that was not a major concern for the time being.

After that Cabinet meeting, Carlo had already instructed Steward Loren to begin preparations for establishing comprehensive technical schools.

Large comprehensive technical schools were set to begin construction simultaneously in Madrid, Seville, and Barcelona. Each school was projected to accommodate over three thousand technical students.

This meant that once the schools were completed, the three institutions combined could enroll over three thousand students annually.

Moreover, the training period for technical students was shorter than for a typical university. It was expected that these students could graduate in two to three years and join the effort to build up Spain.

Of course, a two-to-three-year training period was still too long for Spain’s immediate needs. Considering that the construction of these technical schools would take at least a few months, the first batch of students would not graduate for at least three years.

To cultivate the technical talent Spain needed sooner, while simultaneously starting construction on the three comprehensive technical schools, Carlo ordered Steward Loren to work with the government to establish technical training courses in several of Spain’s industrial cities. These courses would last three to six months and would produce a batch of personnel with a certain level of technical skill on a temporary basis.

These temporarily trained technicians were not expected to be brilliant, just proficient enough to barely meet the factories’ demand for skilled personnel.

Although three to six months of training was not long, it was enough for them to gain some experience with factory equipment so they wouldn’t be completely unfamiliar when they started work.

Basically, holding one such temporary technical training course in each industrial city would satisfy Spain’s short-term needs for industrial development.

In the future, once the three new technical schools began enrolling students, these temporary training courses could be gradually phased out.

Among all the industries owned by the royal family, the arsenal was currently showing the fastest growth.

After all, the military had provided it with a massive number of orders, which meant the arsenal would not lack for business for the next few years.

This also meant that even when the future economic crisis arrived, the arsenal, buoyed by military contracts, would not have to worry about being affected.

With the arsenal remaining strong, it could also help the steel mills and other factories better weather the economic crisis.

The production of rifles, artillery, and various types of ammunition all required large amounts of steel, which would also benefit the steel mills.

Factories producing various small components would also have a better chance of surviving the crisis.

As for whether the arsenal would face a decline in orders after expanding its production capacity, Carlo was not particularly worried.

After the economic crisis passed, the Tenth Russo-Turkish War would soon break out. This war would be centered on the Balkan Peninsula, making the region a flurry of activity.

These conflicts would create a massive demand for weapons and ammunition. Although Spain’s military industry was not famous, getting a piece of the pie would be no problem.

After all, the two belligerents in the Russo-Turkish War, the Russian Empire and the Ottoman Empire, did not have particularly strong arms production capabilities and relied heavily on foreign weapon imports.

No matter which side they did business with, it would ensure that Spain’s armaments industry would not face a large-scale reduction in orders in the future.

Furthermore, the countries of Latin America were also potential partners for Spain, as were the nations of East Asia; they were all importers of weapons.

As long as Spain’s weapons were not too far behind those of other European countries and were offered at a reasonable price, there would be no trouble finding buyers.

At the end of June 1872, Carlo once again attended the Royal Military Academy’s annual graduation ceremony.

Compared to last year’s graduates, this year’s class was much luckier. They had been met with the news of the Spanish army’s reform even before they graduated. Upon graduation, they would be given positions equivalent to, or even higher than, their rank.

The expansion of the Spanish army created a large number of vacancies for junior officers like platoon and company commanders. These new graduates mostly held the rank of lieutenant, making them a perfect fit for these roles.

The first class of academy graduates had to wait for a long time as deputy platoon commanders before the army’s reform finally gave them the opportunity to be promoted to platoon commander, or even deputy company commander and company commander.

The second class of graduates, however, was quite fortunate. Their lowest starting position would be platoon commander, and some might even be promoted directly to company commander—something the first class wouldn’t have dared to dream of at their graduation.

Considering that the Royal Guard would also be expanding, Carlo conducted a small-scale selection among the second graduating class, just as he had with the first, choosing a small number of officers to join the Royal Guard.

These academy graduates were more than willing to join the Royal Guard. Though also part of Spain’s armed forces, the Royal Guard’s pay and benefits were much better than those of the Royal Army.

Of course, the main reason for this was that the Royal Guard was the royal family’s private army, and all its expenses were currently covered by the royal family.

To ensure the loyalty of the Royal Guard, Carlo not only established higher salaries for its soldiers than those in the Royal Army but also offered better subsidies and a clear pension and compensation policy, allowing them to serve without any worries about their families.

It was no exaggeration to say that if a soldier of the Royal Guard died in combat, his family would receive a substantial sum in compensation. At the same time, all his children would be supported by the royal family up to university, not only receiving priority for university admission but also having all their tuition fees from primary school to university waived.

Compared to the Royal Army, whose bereavement system was less defined and whose compensation was not as generous, the benefits offered by the Royal Guard were truly excellent.

However, the Royal Guard had previously consisted of only a single regiment, and its soldiers were handpicked from the Royal Army, making it very difficult for an ordinary person to join.

The selection from among these young officers was a relatively easy way to enter the Royal Guard, and they would directly serve as officers.

An officer’s treatment was certainly better than that of an ordinary soldier. For these graduates, fresh from the Royal Military Academy and deeply influenced by its pro-military and patriotic ideology, the Royal Guard was the elite army that swore direct allegiance to His Majesty the King. Being able to join was, of course, an honor.

This year’s graduating class was slightly smaller than last year’s, but it still numbered over 300. However, considering the Royal Army’s massive need for junior and mid-level officers after its expansion, Carlo had no intention of competing with them for talent.

After selecting about a dozen officers with above-average performance from the more than 300 graduates, Carlo concluded the academy’s graduation ceremony.

The remaining 300-plus graduates would be assigned to various units across Spain within a month, where they would help implement the army’s reforms.

Although they were just ordinary graduates at the academy, once they joined their units, they would be rising stars, holding at least the rank of platoon commander and commanding at least dozens of soldiers.

Including the more than 400 graduates from last year, the Royal Military Academy had produced over 700 outstanding graduates for the Spanish Army in just two years.

These 700-plus graduates were crucial to the reform. After the official expansion, the six infantry divisions alone would have over 400 company commander positions to fill.

Adding the three cavalry divisions and two artillery divisions, the Spanish army’s previous reserve of junior and mid-level officers was simply insufficient.

Even with all 700 of these academy graduates being assigned to the army, it would only be barely enough to meet the demand.

What was certain, however, was that the military proficiency of these academy graduates was undoubtedly superior to that of the junior and mid-level officers being discharged from the army.

The Royal Military Academy was famous for its rigorous training of cadets, and Carlo had personally inspected its training system and found no major issues.

He could even guarantee that under the academy’s demanding training standards, even if the graduates were not brilliant generals, they were more than qualified to serve as company-level officers.

After a few years of tempering in the army, they would be more than capable of serving as battalion or even regimental commanders. The reason Spain had not produced any famous generals during this period was entirely because it did not participate in World War I and World War II, and because a large number of officer positions were monopolized by the nobility.

Previously, the officer corps in Spain was practically a hereditary system. It would have been strange if the quality of such officers had been any good.

Junior and mid-level officers had a significant impact on an army’s combat effectiveness. After all, no matter how brilliant a high-level general was, his orders had to be passed down through the ranks to be executed.

The ones responsible for carrying out these orders were the junior and mid-level officers, and their military competence determined the baseline of an army’s strength.

If an army’s junior and mid-level officers were all slackers who were just coasting by, then even a famous general leading them would be destined to fail in bringing out their combat potential.

Senior officers determined an army’s upper limit of combat effectiveness, while junior officers determined its lower limit.

Chapter 135: Reforming the Bureaucracy

After the end of the Franco-Prussian War, the nations of Europe entered a relatively stable period of development.

Every country had recognized its own shortcomings and was now desperately carrying out reforms and improvements. As history shows, this was the period when emerging industrial nations, led by Germany and the United States, continued to rise, eventually surpassing old great powers like Britain and France in industry.

Did the British give up during this time, wallowing in complacency and allowing Germany and the United States to overtake them?

Not at all. Britain’s industry and economy also grew significantly during this period. The main reason for being surpassed was the limitations of Britain’s own scale, which capped its potential.

Britain’s strength was due to its role in driving the first Industrial Revolution and colonizing nearly half the world. Without such vast colonies, Britain would not necessarily have been superior to Germany.

Since the time of the Holy Roman Empire, the German lands had been one of Europe’s hegemons. However, the numerous factions and incessant wars among the various states within the country were the reason a top-tier great power had not emerged from the German lands.

Now that the German lands were on the verge of unification, Germany’s development could no longer be constrained by any country. When all the German states were combined, their territory and population surpassed those of Britain and France, which was one of the foundations of Germany’s strength.

While a country with a large population is not necessarily powerful, a powerful country is certain to have a large population. The gradual decline of European nations in later generations, to the point where they needed the European Union to contend with great powers like the United States, was precisely because the populations of individual European countries had fallen far behind those of powers like the United States.

The reason is easy to understand. A larger population means more labor, and more labor means a faster rate of economic expansion. Between two countries with equal industrial and economic scales, the one with the larger population will have greater development potential.

Before the advent of extremely advanced technology that could replace manual labor, population was one of the standards for measuring a nation’s strength—and a rather strict one at that.

The good news was that Spain’s population growth, which had stagnated for several years, was finally beginning to increase steadily.

Only six months had passed in 1872, but Spain’s population had already grown by at least one hundred fifty thousand, nearly matching the increase for the entire previous year.

Although there were no precise figures for Spain’s total population, it was certain that it had officially surpassed seventeen million, standing somewhere between seventeen million fifty thousand and seventeen million one hundred thousand.

If this positive trend in population growth could be maintained for the rest of the year, it was projected that by the end of the year, Spain’s population would exceed seventeen million two hundred thousand.

Compared to the great powers, this population was naturally not large. But for Spain itself, achieving such a decent rate of population growth was proof that the Spanish government’s efforts had not been in vain.

A major factor influencing population growth was the increase in the average income of the Spanish people.

It makes sense when you think about it. Only when people are well-fed and can sustain themselves will they consider having children.

If they could not even survive themselves, having a child would not only add to their burden but also subject the child to a life worse than death.

The birth rate can, to a large extent, measure the happiness index of a nation’s populace, because those who are unhappy will not even consider the question of having children.

Although Spain was not performing exceptionally in this regard, it had made significant progress compared to previous governments.

As time moved into July 1872, the winds of reform finally blew into the Spanish government itself.

Prime Minister Primo had only two main goals for the internal reform of the government: to simplify government departments and reduce the number of office staff, and to monitor corruption and improve the government’s efficiency.

Corruption exists in every country. A decrepit government will always breed corruption; this is unavoidable for any political system or nation.

Although the current Spanish government was established after the revolution, the revolution did not have a very deep impact on the various regional governments.

The main impact was on the Spanish Cabinet government, and it was very difficult for these Cabinet officials to engage in corruption.

After all, they had Prime Minister Primo above them, and the even more powerful parliament watching over them. But for the state and municipal governments, corruption was still quite easy.

Spain’s annual budget was limited, and it certainly could not afford to waste a portion of it on corrupt officials.

However, to avoid causing any far-reaching impact on the government, Prime Minister Primo decided to let bygones be bygones for past acts of corruption and to focus on supervising corrupt behavior going forward.

In addition to focusing on supervising government corruption, Prime Minister Primo also issued a decree ordering the various regional and municipal governments to reduce the number of officials as they saw fit.

Some regional governments had far too many officials, some of whom were completely fishing in troubled waters and coasting through their days. Since the salaries of Spanish officials were generally higher than those of the common people, it was better to remove these individuals as soon as possible.

Carlo was naturally pleased to see the government taking the supervision of corrupt officials seriously. This was currently beyond Carlo’s purview, so it was best that Prime Minister Primo was taking the initiative to monitor corruption.

To make all levels of the Spanish government more incorruptible and effective, Carlo, after careful consideration, also recommended to Prime Minister Primo the establishment of a bill concerning performance assessments for officials.

Carlo did not explain it in detail; the specific bill still needed to be drafted by Prime Minister Primo himself.

The specific regulations were simple: officials would be subjected to various assessments based on their different responsibilities at each level of government.

Those who passed would accumulate political achievements, and once they met a certain threshold of achievements, they would be eligible for promotion. Conversely, if their performance was too poor, they had to be prepared for demotion or even direct dismissal.

However, doing so would certainly offend a large portion of the officials. After all, they were comfortable in their current positions and were not necessarily willing to be passively moved.

Therefore, it was better for such a bill to be submitted and enacted by Prime Minister Primo. Carlo did not intend to get too involved.

Prime Minister Primo did not object to this. This method could effectively improve the administrative efficiency of officials and also serve the purpose of supervising them.

Although it would offend some mediocre, coasting officials, these people were purely detrimental to the Spanish government, and it was better to remove them sooner rather than later.

Offending people was no big deal for Prime Minister Primo. The reforms had already offended a large number of factions; what was the harm in adding one more?

Because he approved of the performance assessment system proposed by Carlo, Prime Minister Primo personally submitted a draft of an “Officials’ Performance Assessment Bill” to parliament within a few days.

He submitted it personally to demonstrate the importance he placed on reforming the bureaucracy.

Only by having Prime Minister Primo personally submit such a bill would those officials take it seriously, thereby achieving the effect of proactively reforming the system.

If anyone still thought Prime Minister Primo was just putting on a show, they would have no say in the matter when the blade of integrity was held to their necks.

In the draft of this bill, Prime Minister Primo divided the Spanish government into three levels: the national government, regional governments, and municipal governments, all of which were to be included within the scope of the performance assessment.

Officials from the three levels of government who performed outstandingly could be promoted to a higher level of government, bypassing normal procedures. Those who performed unsatisfactorily would face demotion as a light punishment, or direct dismissal from office in severe cases.

Considering that this assessment bill involved a large number of officials, the assessment criteria would not be overly harsh.

Basically, as long as officials completed their duties within their scope of responsibility, they could receive a rating of “satisfactory” or higher. If they made certain political achievements, they would receive a rating of “excellent” or higher and be prepared for promotion.

As for those officials who couldn’t even handle matters within their scope of responsibility, letting them remain in their positions would only have a detrimental effect on the country.

For the current officials in Spain, there were many ways they could add to their political achievements. For example, promoting local economic and industrial development, reducing the illiteracy rate, popularizing literacy education, promoting national integration, and even increasing the population could all add to their records.

As long as they made even the slightest contribution, it would not be difficult to achieve a satisfactory rating.

The main purpose of this was to weed out corrupt and incompetent officials. Anyone with even a sliver of ability would not be so useless as to produce no accomplishments at all.

According to the Spanish constitution, parliament has the power to appoint and dismiss officials at all levels of government. Therefore, as long as this bill was passed by parliament, the performance assessment for the three levels of government could be smoothly implemented.

Such a proposal caused an uproar in parliament. Even the senators who had originally supported Prime Minister Primo were somewhat hesitant.

This kind of assessment system was unprecedented. It would shatter the long-standing system in Spanish bureaucracy of appointing based on nobility and prioritizing seniority.

A large number of noblemen could easily obtain fairly good official positions simply by virtue of their bloodline, and old hands in the bureaucracy could compete for high-ranking positions based on their seniority.

Meanwhile, those who were truly capable rarely managed to obtain noble titles and official positions through their own efforts. For commoners, besides emigrating, it seemed the only path was to gain their status and position through revolution, like Prime Minister Primo.

The new performance assessment system for officials completely overturned Spain’s original bureaucratic system, shifting the focus from bloodline and prestige to individual ability.

From a national perspective, this was certainly a form of progress. Only when these officials tried every means to create political achievements could Spain’s economy and industry advance rapidly under their efforts.

If the officials in the various regions and cities were not very enthusiastic about economic and industrial growth, how could Spain’s comprehensive national strength make rapid progress?

By linking the nation’s economic and industrial progress, including some of the laws and decrees issued by the Cabinet, to the political achievements of these officials, they would strive for their personal interests, for their political records, and for higher official positions, even if not for the sake of the country’s development.

There is a significant difference between doing something passively and doing it proactively. For Spain at present, there was an urgent need for more passionate and energetic young officials to change the landscape of the bureaucracy.

“Mr. Prime Minister, isn’t this bill of yours a bit too radical?” a senator in parliament raised an objection, clearly dissatisfied with the content of the bill submitted by Prime Minister Primo. “This completely shatters Spain’s previous bureaucratic system. Am I to understand that this will cause a severe shock to our existing bureaucracy and cause a great number of officials to lose the jobs they should have?”

“I admit that you are right,” Prime Minister Primo nodded calmly in the face of the challenge, then questioned back, “But why not? Instead of letting those who do nothing of substance remain in high positions within the regional and municipal governments, it would be better to let capable and motivated young men take on such roles. Or perhaps, you are willing to forsake Spain’s future development for the sake of your own position?”

Prime Minister Primo’s question immediately caused cold sweat to break out on the forehead of the senator who had raised the objection. He waved his hands repeatedly and hurriedly explained, “I am not willing to forsake Spain’s future development. I am just worried that such a bill will shock the existing bureaucratic system and destroy the stability that Spain has worked so hard to maintain.”

“You need not worry about that.” A playful smile appeared on Prime Minister Primo’s face as he spoke with a profound look, “This bill is essential for Spain’s reforms, and it is crucial to the success of those reforms. Gentlemen, are you willing to see important posts in our regions and municipalities occupied by people who are unwilling to contribute to the nation? For Spain, we are willing to endure any pain. Only by allowing those who are truly willing to strive for the revival of Spain to take up important positions can Spain’s revival become a reality, rather than just a dream of ours. Any fluctuations caused by the bill will be temporary, but its impact on Spain will be long-lasting. For Spain to become stronger in the future, I believe we can tolerate temporary pain in exchange for the opportunity to make Spain more powerful.”

After Prime Minister Primo’s persuasion, the Reformist senators also expressed their support for the bill.

After all, most of the Reformists were young men with ideals, ambitions, and a certain degree of ability. They did not have a strong voice in politics, so this bill would not affect them negatively. On the contrary, it would become a powerful tool for their advancement in the bureaucracy.

In fact, prioritizing seniority was common in the bureaucracies of all countries. After all, everyone was more willing to trust an official who seemed more mature and experienced, rather than a hot-blooded youth who had just started out.

For other jobs, one’s twenties and thirties were a time of great drive. But for work in government departments, thirty or forty was still too young; one’s forties and fifties were considered the golden age for a mature politician.

The prime ministers of various countries were generally old men in their forties, fifties, or even sixties, as this was the only way to command the trust of officials and the public.

In truth, the harm of a seniority-based system was not so great for the prime minister and important government departments. But in the regional and municipal governments, the harm was quite significant.

If the more senior officials did not move from their positions, the younger generation could not advance. Currently, in Spain’s regional and municipal governments, young officials under the age of thirty were a very small minority; the majority were middle-aged officials over thirty.

A large proportion of these people were conservatives. When faced with reform decrees issued by the Spanish government, even if they did not openly object, they would secretly obstruct the implementation of the decrees in various ways.

The inability to effectively implement decrees was Spain’s biggest problem at present. Edicts issued by the kingdom’s government were difficult to carry out smoothly and quickly in the various regional governments.

The solution to this problem was simple: replace those pedantic, conservative officials with young officials who supported reform.

These newly promoted young officials, in order to keep their positions and advance further, would be more supportive of the reforms, which would naturally promote Spain’s reform efforts more effectively.

Reform in any country is incredibly difficult because it requires confronting the vested interests and pedantic conservatives within the nation.

Regardless of whether they were willing to pledge allegiance to the kingdom’s government, as long as they obstructed the progress of Spain’s reforms, this problem ultimately had to be solved.

“Mr. Prime Minister, I am not against the implementation of this law. But I have a question: if we implement an appointment system that prioritizes political achievements, might it cause some officials to go to extremes for the sake of their own records? Also, how can we guarantee the loyalty to the government of these officials who are promoted based on their achievements? If they are not loyal to the government, then promoting them will also harm the nation,” another official raised his own question, though it was clearly more moderate than the previous direct and explicit objection.

“That is also simple.” Prime Minister Primo nodded and gave his answer, “Regarding the assessment of political achievements, parliament can take full responsibility and establish a corresponding body to evaluate officials’ performance. Anyone who falsifies their political achievements will have their record annulled and will be given the worst possible result in the assessment. What we need are genuine political achievements that can improve the livelihood of the Spanish people and advance the economy and industry, not falsified results created by officials for their own self-interest. Secondly, we can also add requirements regarding political ideology to the officials’ assessments. All officials in Spain must be officials who love this country. I do not want to see those who have no affection for the nation rise to high positions in the government. We can even set up certain assessments in this area to ensure that our officials are both capable and ideologically loyal.”

This was a point Prime Minister Primo had already considered. Although individual ability was more important in the new performance assessment system, it did not mean that an official’s personal character and ideological assessment should be abandoned.

No matter how capable an official is, if there is a problem with his ideology, he will become a detriment to the country.

Flawed ideology can lead to corruption at the very least, and at worst, to betraying the country and the government. Either choice would cause immense harm to Spain.

Prime Minister Primo was unwilling to see the officials selected through his performance assessment system fall back into the vortex of corruption, or worse than corruption, directly betray the country and the government.

Chapter 136: Implementing the Bill

Although some in parliament clearly held reservations about the Officials’ Performance Assessment Bill, they were in no position to obstruct its passage.

Over half the seats in the Spanish Parliament were occupied by Prime Minister Primo’s Progressive Party, and the reform-supporting Liberal Party held nearly twenty percent of the seats.

Together, they held over seventy percent of the seats in parliament. According to the Spanish constitution, a bill could be established and implemented with an approval vote of over seventy percent.

However, Prime Minister Primo had no intention of completely alienating the conservative faction. While he established a corresponding performance assessment system for the existing bureaucratic system, the department responsible for the assessments would be jointly formed by parliament and the Cabinet.

At the same time, parliament also had supervisory power over the Cabinet. Cabinet members were also required to complete these so-called performance assessments. In the event of several consecutive poor assessments, parliament had the power to impeach any member of the Cabinet, including the Prime Minister, and the final decision on the member’s tenure would be based on the outcome of a Cabinet meeting.

This move clearly strengthened parliament’s power, which was why the bill ultimately passed.

But for Prime Minister Primo, it made little difference whether the power of the Cabinet or the power of parliament was strengthened.

Prime Minister Primo held a firm grip on both the Spanish Cabinet and parliament. It was less an increase in parliament’s power and more an increase in his own.

The bill did not have a major impact on the Spanish populace; in fact, the people lauded it.

But for Spain’s officialdom, the promulgation of this bill was no less than a small-scale earthquake.

However, neither Carlo nor Prime Minister Primo intended to conduct a large-scale purge of Spain’s bureaucracy at this time.

The bill was actually aimed at officials who were both corrupt and utterly devoid of political competence. Keeping such people in office would only harm the country, without bringing a single benefit.

As for those who were clean but incompetent, or those with some ability but were corrupt, they were not actually on Prime Minister Primo’s purge list.

After all, to put it bluntly, these officials had their own value. A relatively clean but incompetent official could be assigned to a less demanding post.

And those with some ability but who were corrupt could be used for temporary tasks. To some extent, these people could become livestock reared by the Spanish government; once fattened, they could be slaughtered to fill the nation’s coffers.

It’s not that we fear corrupt officials; we fear officials who are incompetent and only know how to be corrupt. As long as they could accomplish something tangible for their cities and regions, promoting local industry or economic development, Carlo and Prime Minister Primo would not be overly concerned.

After all, every person had their own selfish thoughts, and Carlo could not demand that every official in Spain be a paragon of integrity.

As long as the corruption wasn’t too outrageous—for example, embezzling a few tens of thousands from a one-million-peseta fund was a minor transgression.

But if they embezzled hundreds of thousands from a one-million-peseta fund, they would undoubtedly end up on Prime Minister Primo’s purge list, no matter how capable they were.

Of course, the methods and means of corruption also mattered. Embezzling directly from Spanish government appropriations was to be strictly prohibited, but if they found ways to squeeze the old nobility and The Church, greater tolerance was not out of the question.

Before announcing the bill, Prime Minister Primo made a special point of conveying a message to the vast majority of Spanish officials through Progressive Party senators, by word of mouth: past acts of corruption would be forgiven.

As long as their prior corruption was not too egregious and the funds involved were less than one million pesetas, the Spanish government would let bygones be bygones and not pursue past wrongdoings.

If the embezzled funds exceeded one million pesetas, the solution was also simple: as long as they promptly surrendered most of the illicit gains to the government, it was possible to have their name removed from the list.

In short, this was Prime Minister Primo’s stance—or rather, the shared stance of Carlo and Prime Minister Primo.

As long as one had some ability, a few minor flaws were acceptable. If one had no ability and was full of flaws, it was best to make way for someone else sooner rather than later.

Of course, rebels and traitors were an exception. No matter how capable a rebel or traitor might be, upon discovery of any act of rebellion or betrayal against the country, they would be dealt with severely to ensure the stability of the Spanish government.

The one-million-peseta limit was the result of Prime Minister Primo’s careful deliberation. This would spare the majority while making an example of a few who were notoriously corrupt.

If these people were sensible, they could also clear their names by promptly surrendering their illicit funds to the government, thereby avoiding a purge.

It also served as a message to other officials that the government truly had no intention of dredging up the past and was letting bygones be bygones for everyone.

But if these people were clueless, Prime Minister Primo wouldn’t mind showing them the rigor and cruelty of Spanish law, letting them understand the ultimate fate of the corrupt.

In terms of impact, the group most affected by this bill was still the old nobility.

It couldn’t be helped. Spain had once been too decadent, with the government and military almost entirely controlled by the nobility. How did these nobles acquire their vast estates? It was during the era when the noble class controlled all of Spain, using every means possible to annex land from the Spanish peasants.

Since the nobles could accumulate vast amounts of land during that period, they could naturally embezzle through various means as well.

The former colonies in The Americas had provided Spain with immense amounts of gold and silver. Only a portion of these resources went into the coffers of the royal family and the government; huge quantities became the private property of the nobility and The Church.

Some of this wealth was surely earned through legitimate business by the nobility and The Church, but it was doubtful that all of it was obtained through legal means.

In any case, the bill did affect a great number of old noblemen, as they were the most likely candidates to have embezzled over a million pesetas from the government.

Although a million pesetas was not a huge sum for the Spanish government, it was still equivalent to nearly forty thousand pounds—a massive amount of money, and quite valuable in this era.

If converted to gold, it would be a full 290 kilograms, almost half a ton.

As the greatest of the nobles, Carlo naturally noticed the bill’s impact on the old nobility.

However, Carlo could not stand by and do nothing. After all, these nobles still pledged their loyalty to the royal family on the surface, and Carlo couldn’t just ignore them.

Taking advantage of a shareholders’ meeting at the Royal Joint Bank, Carlo held talks with many of Spain’s great nobles, discussing the recently announced “Officials’ Performance Assessment Bill” and the handling of past corruption.

Carlo secretly expressed his true attitude toward the bill but also offered protection to the old nobility.

Carlo stated that any nobleman whose past embezzlements exceeded one million pesetas only needed to make a gratuitous donation of one million pesetas to the Royal Joint Bank, and Carlo would let the matter rest.

The reason for donating to the Royal Joint Bank was that it was a bank jointly founded by the royal family and the nobility.

When these corrupt nobles donated to the Royal Joint Bank, it was the royal family and the other nobles who would actually benefit.

This decision of Carlo’s received the support of the other nobles. After all, for most of them, they stood to gain real benefits without having to do anything.

If even one nobleman donated to the bank, the rest of the nobles could receive 250,000 pesetas based on their shares. That was from just one person; if more nobles donated, the remaining nobles who were not implicated would receive even more.

During the meeting, it was clear that several nobles were already considering it, but they would not publicly express their intention to donate to Carlo.

And indeed, after the meeting concluded, several nobles approached Carlo privately, expressing their willingness to use donations to wash away their past sins.

But most nobles remained indifferent. After all, their family wealth had been accumulated over one or even several centuries; it wasn’t possible for a single generation to amass such fortunes.

The personal embezzlements of most nobles did not reach one million pesetas, and Carlo couldn’t very well purge their deceased ancestors.

Regardless, the final result was in line with Carlo’s expectations. The incident also served as a warning to the old nobility, making them understand that the current Kingdom of Spain was not the same as the previous government, and the royal family would not allow them to wantonly exploit the common people of Spain.

Prime Minister Primo was clearly much more focused on the implementation of the Officials’ Performance Assessment Bill.

Ever since the Spanish Parliament passed the bill, Prime Minister Primo had required the governments of all major regions to formulate performance assessments for all officials in their region within one month and submit them to the Officials’ Assessment Department formed by parliament and the government.

Assigning reasonable tasks to all officials in an entire region became the primary duty of each regional governor. Doing a good job would count as their political achievement; failure would naturally be a demerit.

From the day the bill was promulgated, the Spanish government’s assessment of all officials had already begun.

Prime Minister Primo had no patience for officials who were both incompetent and immoral. His immediate task was to swiftly remove these incapable and deeply corrupt officials from the government.

To motivate the officials, Prime Minister Primo also had the Officials’ Assessment Department establish a specific system of rewards and punishments.

While a poor assessment score could lead to government penalties or even dismissal from office, a good score could result in a higher salary, the accumulation of merits, and promotions.

Just as military merits could earn a noble title, accumulating political achievements could also lead to one. Knowing that promotions and salary increases alone could not attract all Spanish officials, Prime Minister Primo specially requested Carlo’s approval to clarify that accumulating political achievements could also provide an opportunity to be granted a noble title.

Even someone of commoner background, if they made significant achievements in their official post and consistently performed well in their assessments, would have a chance to be ennobled.

As long as one worked diligently for a lifetime without making any serious mistakes, obtaining a Baron’s title was relatively easy.

Times had changed. Nobles were indeed common in Spain, and a Baron was nothing rare.

In fact, for Spain, even the title of Count was like an honorary one, having become a dime a dozen.

There was even a large number of Dukes, which was why Carlo had always had a headache dealing with the old nobility—there were simply too many of them, a frighteningly large number.

Being granted a title and position held little appeal for the great nobles. They were already at the apex of Spanish nobility, and it was difficult for their titles to advance any further.

Only those at the very top of Spain’s political and military spheres, like Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano, could reach new heights and find room for advancement in their noble titles.

For most Dukes, it was already a considerable achievement to hold onto their family’s existing property and build upon it.

As for the title of Grand Duke, which was above Duke, one had to achieve extraordinary merits to obtain it, which was no easy feat.

To motivate the large number of officials from commoner backgrounds, Prime Minister Primo also assigned many relatively simple tasks, such as lowering the illiteracy rate in various areas and promoting the use of the Spanish language on a wider scale—all things that could be achieved with a little effort.

It wasn’t exactly free merit, but it was certainly easy to accomplish.

Take reducing the illiteracy rate, for example. This was something the government was already vigorously promoting. As long as the local officials were not fools and actively cooperated with government policy, a drop in the illiteracy rate was inevitable.

As for promoting the Spanish language, this was primarily aimed at officials in Catalonia and Basque Country.

If officials wanted political achievements, they had to promote the use of Spanish in these regions and reduce the use of local languages.

Previously, it was the Spanish government that confronted these nationalists. Now, the regional governors of Catalonia and the Basque Country would be responsible for these tasks.

Nationalists promoting the use of local languages would jeopardize the political achievements of local officials. Thus, even if they were reluctant, they would have to do their best to reduce the use of local languages for the sake of their own careers.

And since the officials in these regions were mostly from the local ethnic groups, this method could also create a conflict between local nationalists and officials, weakening the threat of local separatism through division.

The bureaucratic reform caused a considerable stir, but in reality, only a small number of officials were affected.

In the two months from July to August 1872, the assessment department dealt sternly with at least two hundred officials, including mayors and heads of minor government departments.

Fortunately, Prime Minister Primo had overhauled the Cabinet upon taking office. The current ministers were all from the reform-supporting Progressive Party or Liberal Party. While they might not be completely loyal to Carlo, their abilities were commendable and, at the very least, they were not incompetent.

Chapter 137: A Visitor from France

Compared to those purged from the military, the officials kicked out of the bureaucracy were far more pitiful.

The government wouldn’t offer them any work, and for some officials guilty of severe corruption, their past transgressions would even be prosecuted.

However, the effects were immediately apparent. The crackdown on the bureaucracy put every official on their toes. Not only did corruption decrease significantly, but the administrative efficiency between the Cabinet and the various regional governments also improved markedly.

If decrees issued by the Cabinet previously took several weeks to be implemented across the country, now it took at most a week to see them being enforced everywhere.

In truth, the regional governors and city mayors had no choice but to cooperate. After the Performance Evaluation Act was promulgated, the implementation of any bill could affect their performance reviews.

Unless they truly didn’t care about their future in politics, they had to take the various tasks assigned by the Cabinet seriously and do their best to improve their political achievements while complying with the law.

Spain was, after all, a relatively small country, making it easy to review the performance evaluations of regional and city officials.

In other words, if an official tried to falsify their performance evaluation, even if they could deceive the initial assessment department, they might not get past the review by the Cabinet and Parliament.

Prime Minister Primo had also made it clear in advance: any discovery of falsification or fraudulent practices in performance evaluations would be treated as a crime against national security. Not only would the official be dismissed from their post, but all their assets would also be seized.

Although it was only a verbal warning from Prime Minister Primo, it commanded the attention of Spain’s many officials.

It couldn’t be helped. Since becoming Prime Minister, Primo’s methods had been swift and decisive.

His reforms had taken a knife to both the nobility and the Church, and the officials of Spain certainly didn’t believe they held a position comparable to these powerful forces. Naturally, they dared not challenge Prime Minister Primo’s authority.

If they ended up on Prime Minister Primo’s chopping block, they would truly be courting death. Many officials understood the principle that the Prime Minister currently needed a “chicken to kill to scare the monkeys.”

Why had the Church remained silent despite repeatedly facing the impact of government reforms? Because the Catholic Church in Spain had no desire to be that chicken.

Prime Minister Primo needed great resolve to push his reforms, which meant that the first power to fall to his blade would face a punishment far harsher and more cruel than imaginable.

At the same time that Prime Minister Primo was wielding his knife against the bureaucracy, Carlo was expanding the scale of his Royal Order of Knights.

The so-called Royal Order of Knights was, in fact, a special unit for the sons of noblemen to enhance their personal abilities and build their resumes.

The members who could join the Royal Order of Knights were almost all sons of Spanish noblemen, members of a faction that naturally stood on the king’s side.

Carlo placed great importance on the training of these noble sons. If their abilities proved to be outstanding, they could be of great help to him in the future.

Carlo not only invited excellent professors from the Royal Military Academy of Madrid to teach part-time at the Royal Order of Knights but also carefully prepared personalized training experiences for each knight.

To put it bluntly, the current Royal Order of Knights was an institution for the elite education of noble sons, grooming them into the outstanding high-ranking officers that Carlo needed.

In the Royal Order of Knights, in addition to various levels of military and cultural courses, they also had to study noble etiquette, art, equestrianism, swordsmanship, religious studies, and more.

The number of knights in the Royal Order of Knights had now surpassed one hundred. The vast majority were the sons of Dukes and Grand Dukes, with only a few sons of Marquises and Counts managing to squeeze in.

It couldn’t be helped; the financial cost of such an elite noble education was very high, so it was naturally impossible to open it to all noble sons at present.

The total number of nobles in Spain was at least several thousand, if not ten thousand. The number of all their children might even exceed ten thousand.

Even if only a fraction under the age of twenty were eligible for education, the number would still be in the thousands.

To provide an elite noble education to all these thousands of individuals would require more funds than maintaining an entire division of the Royal Guard.

For now, Carlo’s approach was, of course, to limit the number of knights as much as possible, prioritizing the training of the sons of Dukes and Grand Dukes.

However, in the future, the Royal Order of Knights would have to undergo a large-scale expansion. This was because the number of new-style nobles would continue to grow, and the foundations of these new-style nobles were not as strong.

Spain’s old-style nobles could afford the cost of educating their children because they had deep foundations and could cover any expenses.

But the wealth of the new-style nobles was far inferior to that of the old-style nobles, so they would fall a step behind in their children’s education.

Since the new-style nobles were likely unable to bear the expenses of an elite education, Carlo had no choice but to expand the scale of the Royal Order of Knights as much as possible to incorporate the sons of new-style nobles into the elite training system. The new-style nobles were equally important to Carlo.

Moreover, compared to the sons of old-style nobles, the descendants of new-style nobles would have a higher degree of loyalty to Carlo.

After all, the titles of the old-style nobles had nothing to do with Carlo. It was only because Carlo was the king of Spain that they had to pledge allegiance to him.

The new-style nobles were different. Their noble titles came from grants by Carlo; everything they had was bestowed by him, so their loyalty to him was naturally higher.

Furthermore, compared to the old-style nobles, they had no other choice. The old-style nobles could fall back on their vast fortunes and live as wealthy squires, but if the new-style nobles did not cluster around the king, they were merely small landlords with noble titles, their wealth in no way comparable to that of the old-style nobles.

The Royal Order of Knights generally recruited sons of noblemen aged twelve and above. They would receive a four-year elite noble education in the Order, followed by at least two years of practical experience.

After completing all their education and training, they would be assigned to serve in the Royal Guard or the Royal Italian Army, or to pursue other careers.

But no matter where they worked, their future potential would be high. The noblemen knew this well, which was why they not only had no objections to the establishment of the Royal Order of Knights but actually tried every means possible to get their sons into it.

Of course, those sent were generally the second sons and those further down the line of succession. The eldest son was destined to inherit the noble title in the future, while the second son would inherit less wealth, making it better for him to join the Royal Order of Knights to seek more opportunities.

Although the Royal Order of Knights focused more on military training, it did not neglect the cultural education of the noble sons.

If there were any who were better suited for civilian roles than military ones, Carlo didn’t mind grooming them to become officials.

In any case, after these noble sons entered the military or the bureaucracy, they would strengthen the royal family’s influence in those spheres.

This was the advantage of Europe’s system of nobility: no matter how high a nobleman’s status, he ultimately had to be loyal to the king.

If the king was gone, the system of nobility would be gone too. The king and the nobility were highly intertwined; the king was the greatest nobleman within the system.

After this military reform, the Spanish army would become even larger. The mainland and colonial troops alone would number close to one hundred fifty thousand, and if the Royal Guard was included, the total would approach one hundred seventy thousand.

Such a massive army could be maintained financially, but the pressure on the logistics departments would multiply.

Carlo also wanted to enhance the training of each unit, which meant the consumption of bullets and shells would increase in the future. With all these factors, it became necessary to make some changes to the army’s logistics system.

The traditional logistics system would most likely be unable to meet the operational needs of the current forces.

The transportation of artillery shells alone was enough to give logistics a headache, not to mention that breech-loading rifles, with their higher rate of fire, would increase bullet consumption severalfold.

There wasn’t much that could be done at the moment, other than to strengthen the local logistics management systems in various regions and, at the same time, ensure transportation was handled well to meet the demand for weapons and equipment from troops everywhere.

Fortunately, expanding the army would take a long time, as would weapon production, so logistics still had a long time to adapt.

Besides expanding the Royal Order of Knights, Carlo also established the Royal Pharmaceutical Company, specializing in biotechnology research and pharmaceutical development.

To facilitate the company’s establishment, he had spent a great deal to hire many top experts in biology and medicine from all over Europe, inviting them to come and work in Spain.

The incentives offered were truly sincere. Besides a salary higher than their previous one, they were offered a house in Madrid and a certain number of shares in the pharmaceutical company.

Although the number of shares given to each was not large, the Royal Pharmaceutical Company was destined to become a major corporation in the future, so even that tiny amount of stock would be immensely valuable.

It was precisely because of this generous remuneration that he had indeed attracted several of Europe’s top-tier experts in biology and medicine.

In addition to their positions at the Royal Pharmaceutical Company, Carlo also had them serve as honorary professors at Spanish medical schools to cultivate more talent in biology and medicine for Spain.

Medical technology at the time was still too backward, resulting in a low infant survival rate, which was affecting Spain’s population growth.

A considerable portion of newborns died each year from various diseases. These children represented Spain’s future population, so it was imperative to save as many as possible.

Carlo’s requirement for the pharmaceutical company was to engage in as much R&D as possible. Regardless of the type of drug, if it could be researched, they should research it, and if it could be manufactured, they should manufacture it.

Carlo had no intention of making the pharmaceutical company profitable in the short term. Even in the long term, he didn’t expect it to generate much revenue.

The main purpose of establishing the company was strategic: to maintain Spain’s world-leading position in the field of medical technology by preemptively developing certain important drugs.

What Carlo hadn’t expected was that in late September 1872, the Spanish government would receive an unexpected guest.

Yes, this guest was the famous Adolphe H—er, no, Adolphe Thiers, the first president of the French Third Republic and the current supreme ruler of France.

Of course, the reasons Thiers was renowned throughout Europe, besides his suppression of a certain movement, included his personal signing of the diplomatic note agreeing to pay five billion francs in reparations to Prussia.

Perhaps the citizens of Paris never imagined that the movement they initiated to protest the government’s weakness towards Prussia would ultimately result in a government that was even weaker.

Of course, the French government did have an extremely hardline side. It was just that the Third Republic’s toughness was directed at the movement of the Parisian citizens. Through cruel and bloody suppression, Thiers successfully gained renown throughout Europe.

Just how cruel was the suppression? A French newspaper once reported on the scene of the massacre: “A channel of blood flowed from a barracks into the Seine, staining the river for several hundred meters and creating a long, narrow river of blood.”

Yes, on the banks of the famous Seine.

This suppression of the Parisian citizens lasted for a full month. Over thirty thousand people were massacred, and more than one hundred thousand were exiled or imprisoned.

However, despite suppressing the movement of the Parisian citizens, the French government remained internally quite chaotic.

The governments and media of many countries were not optimistic about the French Third Republic, because republicanism in France had never had a long lifespan.

The power of the royalist faction in France was extremely strong, strong enough to easily destroy the forces of republicanism.

However, the royalist faction itself was divided into several sub-factions: the Legitimists who supported the Bourbon dynasty, the Orléanists who supported the dynasty of Louis Philippe, and the Bonapartists who supported the Bonaparte family.

If these royalist factions were to unite, they would hold a majority of seats in the French National Assembly and could easily restore the monarchy in France, re-establishing an empire.

But unfortunately, these three royalist factions each supported a different family, and France was destined to have only one Emperor. This meant there could be no compromise between them.

It is worth mentioning that Thiers himself also claimed to be a Royalist. He wanted to restore the monarchy in France, yet he also feared that placing an emperor over the heads of the French people would lead to renewed opposition.

It was because of the fierce conflict between supporters of republicanism and monarchy, coupled with the discontent of many French people over the government’s cowardice towards the former Prussia (now Germany) and the brutality of the suppression of the revolution, that France was currently in a state of internal turmoil.

To suppress the French revolutions, Thiers had gone all out. He passed a law stipulating that anyone promoting a certain ideology would be sentenced to two to five years in prison. He also banned all trade union organizations and abolished the freedoms of the press and of association.

To repay the promised five billion francs in reparations to Prussia, Thiers’s government issued massive amounts of government bonds, and each issuance was oversubscribed.

Coupled with large loans from capitalists, France had, to date, repaid most of the five billion francs.

This was quite an astonishing feat. Five billion francs was not a small sum; for the Spanish government, it was an astronomical amount.

Based on the Spanish government’s fiscal revenue, repaying such a sum would take at least twenty years. Even with the continuous issuance of government bonds and borrowing from private capital, it would be impossible to pay it off in under fifteen years.

But the French government had actually managed it, which proved one thing: the scale of France’s capital development, industry, and economy was still immense, and this was the reason France had become a major great power.

However, although the French government was able to raise five billion francs in a short period, this did not mean the sum was insignificant to them.

The government was saddled with a massive national debt, and a heavy economic burden fell upon the French people.

At the same time, by lending money to the government, capitalists gained a great deal of power. France was gradually transitioning towards capitalism, and the impact of this on its future development would be extremely far-reaching.

Returning to Thiers’s visit to Spain.

The matter was rather sudden; even Prime Minister Primo only learned of it the day before Thiers arrived in Spain.

By the time Carlo learned the news, Thiers was already about to arrive in Madrid.

Fortunately, Carlo did not need to appear in person. Prime Minister Primo’s status and position were sufficient to welcome President Thiers.

Although he was caught somewhat off guard by the French president’s arrival, upon reflection, Carlo understood the purpose of his visit.

It couldn’t be helped; the recent development of the situation had somewhat exceeded the French government’s expectations.

A closer look at the current developments in Europe revealed a situation that was undoubtedly disastrous for France. First, France had been completely defeated in its competition with Prussia, and the status of dominant land power in Europe now belonged to the Germans.

Second, the policy of isolating France proposed by German Chancellor Bismarck seemed to be taking shape.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia were currently in discussions about certain matters, which made the French quite anxious. If Austria-Hungary and Russia reached some kind of compromise, the greatest conflict on the European continent would become the one between Germany and France.

Meanwhile, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was continuously making overtures to Germany. Did this not also mean that Austria-Hungary would draw closer to Germany?

The Germans, of course, would not refuse Austria-Hungary’s overtures, as it would be a great help in isolating France.

At the same time, Italy had been an ally of Prussia before Germany was even founded, and the Germans had not abandoned this ally.

The royal families of Spain and Italy were of the same house, and Spain had an alliance with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, with the two related by a marriage alliance.

From a worst-case perspective, it was highly likely that the Germans could form a quadruple alliance including Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Spain, completely isolating the French in Western Europe.

If the Germans truly achieved this, then France could forget about development. To the north of France lay the Low Countries, where Britain, France, and Germany all held influence; it would be impossible for France to be the sole dominant power there.

Of all its neighbors, only the neutral country of Switzerland would remain, and its southward route for colonizing Africa could potentially be cut off by Spain and Italy acting in concert.

The French had to do everything in their power to prevent the formation of this quadruple alliance, or France’s future development would suffer a devastating blow.

And among the members of this potential quadruple alliance, Spain was currently the easiest to approach.

Why was this? Austria-Hungary was actively drawing closer to Germany, making it impossible for France to win it over.

As for Italy, it was an ally of the Germans and had also eased its conflict with the Austro-Hungarian Empire due to the recovery of South Tyrol.

In contrast, the French occupied the region of Savoy, which Italy had ceded. And one only had to look at the name of the Italian royal family—was it not Savoy? Under such circumstances, winning over Italy was extremely difficult, and its direction for colonization in Africa also happened to conflict with France’s.

The only one left was Spain. Although it was an ally of Austria-Hungary and its royal family was the same as Italy’s, it fortunately did not have a very close relationship with Germany.

For now, as long as France could prevent an alliance between Spain and Germany, it could at least ensure it would not be completely blockaded.

There was another piece of good news: the British would also try to stop Spanish colonization in Morocco, which meant Spain needed a powerful ally.

The Germans might not be willing to offend Britain for Spain’s sake, but the French couldn’t be bothered with such considerations.

France was already struggling to protect itself, so naturally, it had to do everything in its power to win over Spain and thus break the blockade route Germany had designed against it.

Chapter 138: At a Disadvantage

On September 27, 1872, the train station in Madrid, the capital of Spain, was bustling with extraordinary activity.

Early in the morning, the station was already filled with guards enforcing martial law. The entire station had even been temporarily sealed off, permitting people to leave but not to enter.

In a small square to the side, Spanish Prime Minister Primo had been waiting for a long time with several cabinet ministers.

The guest who could warrant Prime Minister Primo’s personal presence was, naturally, a person of considerable status.

He was Louis-Adolphe Thiers, the first president of the French Third Republic, the master of a powerful France, and the current supreme leader of the French government.

Much like the chaotic situation within France itself, the political system of the newly established French Third Republic was also rather convoluted.

France had not only a president, but also a premier. However, there was no power struggle between the president and the premier; rather, a more intense conflict existed between the president and the parliament.

The French president was elected by popular vote, and the premier was appointed by the president. But both the president and the premier were accountable to the parliament, which had the right to pass a vote of no confidence to force the premier to resign.

Unlike the semi-presidential system of the French Fifth Republic, in the current Third Republic, the parliament theoretically held greater power. The French president was not the center of power; members of parliament had supervisory authority over the government, allowing them to easily question its decisions and even use their power to topple the cabinet.

However, in the nascent stages of the French Third Republic, Thiers, as the first president, still wielded a certain amount of power.

If one had to make a comparison, Thiers at this moment was more like the first monarch of a European monarchy during its transition to a constitutional system.

The powers of the French president were similar to those of a king in a constitutional monarchy. Except for the inability to grant noble titles, he was the nominal supreme leader of the country and commander-in-chief of the military.

Although France had been defeated in its contest for supremacy with Prussia, it was, after all, an old European great power and still very strong compared to Spain.

To express the importance he placed on French President Thiers, Prime Minister Primo had specially borrowed the royal family’s orchestra and mobilized a recently reorganized army unit to serve as guards and maintain order.

Of course, this was not without purpose. The mobilized unit was from the Spanish Royal Army’s First Infantry Division, considered an elite force among the Spanish military.

Having this unit welcome President Thiers was not only a show of the Spanish government’s respect for him but also a display of the Spanish army’s strength.

Though Spain no longer enjoyed its former glory, it was still a considerable power on the European continent. If the French wished to win Spain over, they would have to show some sincerity.

The initiative was currently in Spain’s hands. Due to its crucial geographic location, Spain was an object of courtship for nearly every nation.

Of course, there were countries like Britain that simply occupied Gibraltar, taking a vital strategic location directly into their own hands.

But for France, such an action was clearly impossible. After all, France and Spain shared a direct border; the threat to France was not a single region, but Spain’s overall geographical position.

“Honorable President Thiers, welcome to Spain!” In the station square, Prime Minister Primo greeted the new French president with a brilliant smile, expressing his welcome.

“It is an honor to be in Spain, Prime Minister Primo.” President Thiers nodded, also wearing a very friendly smile, and proactively engaged the Prime Minister in conversation. “Spain is truly a great nation. The splendor of Madrid is not so far behind that of Paris!”

Prime Minister Primo did not believe a word of President Thiers’s flattery. Although Madrid was Spain’s largest city, it was still a long way from international metropolises like London and Paris.

In terms of population alone, Madrid’s overall size and economy were fated to be no match for Paris. To say that Madrid was not far behind Paris was, in reality, just a friendly pleasantry.

“Madrid is prosperous, but it is a far cry from Paris. However, Madrid has its own unique character. I hope you will enjoy your time here, Mr. President,” Prime Minister Primo said with a smile.

Thiers nodded and, under the Prime Minister’s guidance, was escorted to the hotel the Spanish government had specially prepared for foreign dignitaries.

Aside from a small welcome banquet hosted by Prime Minister Primo for President Thiers that evening, the two leaders had no official exchanges the following day.

It was as if both men treated the French delegation’s visit as an ordinary trip abroad, neither taking the initiative to broach any affairs of state concerning the two countries’ relations.

In diplomacy, the one who speaks first is often at a disadvantage. The one who speaks later holds the initiative, because the one who speaks first is usually the one asking for something.

Prime Minister Primo knew this well, which was why he had immense patience to wait out the French delegation.

In any case, this diplomatic visit would not cost the Spanish government much; it was all being paid for with French money, so there was no need to be concerned.

It was the French who faced a poor diplomatic environment, and it was they who should be worried. For the Spanish government, facilitating cooperation with France would be for the best, but if no agreement was reached, there would be no loss.

For the French government, however, things were not as rosy as they might have hoped.

The reason President Thiers had yet to speak up was precisely because doing so would cause him to lose the upper hand.

Although France was more eager to secure cooperation with Spain, President Thiers wanted Prime Minister Primo to be the one to initiate the talks. Even if it meant the French government had to offer more loans and assistance with industrial technology, it was still better than speaking first and immediately falling into a disadvantaged position.

But from the looks of it, Prime Minister Primo was definitely an old fox in the political arena. If the two of them continued in this silence, it was likely that not only would they fail to reach an agreement, but to some extent, it would push Spain even further away.

“The Spaniards must have seen through our purpose. Damn those Germans! Otherwise, the great France would not be facing such a predicament!” A few days after arriving in Madrid, French President Thiers was beginning to lose his composure, as the visit to Spain was not going as smoothly as he had imagined.

“I am afraid so, Your Excellency,” said the French Foreign Minister, Jacques-Victor-Albert, nodding with a sense of helplessness. He sighed and continued, “I fear we must show some sincerity to win over the Spaniards. Otherwise, if Germany and Spain reach an agreement, France’s situation will become even more difficult.”

Even the French had to admit that Prime Minister Bismarck was a grave threat to them.

The German lands, which had been a collection of warring states since the time of the Holy Roman Empire, were unified in Prime Minister Bismarck’s hands to form the German Empire.

And one must remember that in this process, Germany’s enemies were not just domestic German states, but also powerful foes like Denmark, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and France.

Moreover, after defeating France, Prime Minister Bismarck showed no pride or complacency, instead proposing a policy of isolating France, which gave the French a massive headache.

“As long as the Germans have not actively approached Spain, we still have a chance.” President Thiers rubbed his furrowed brow and said, “We must ensure, at any cost, that Spain does not join an alliance with Germany. Otherwise, France will be doomed.

If Spain is determined to grow closer to Germany, then for the future security of France, we may have no choice but to protect our country through war.”

On the last day of September, President Thiers, contrary to his usual behavior, was no longer in a good mood for sightseeing. Instead, he sought out Prime Minister Primo early in the morning and, getting straight to the point, stated the purpose of his diplomatic visit to Spain.

“Prime Minister Primo, Spain was once a great nation, and I believe its decline is only temporary. In the future, Spain will surely reclaim its throne among the great powers,” President Thiers said with a smile. ”

France is very willing to help our neighbor become strong again. There are no conflicts of interest between us, are there?

If your country is willing, we can provide a portion of financial loans and sign a trade treaty to deepen the economic cooperation between our two nations.”

When one thinks of France, the most powerful impression is perhaps the glory of the Napoleonic era. Napoleon once conquered more than half of Europe, nearly achieving the legendary feat of unifying the continent.

At that time, France was the most powerful nation on the European mainland. It took a coalition of many nations—the Anti-French Coalition—to finally defeat the ascendant French empire.

But in fact, even before the Napoleonic Empire, France was already a renowned hegemon on the European continent.

Thanks to the grain yields from its vast plains and a denser population compared to other countries, France had been one of Europe’s most prominent nations since the Middle Ages.

France’s glory lasted until the end of World War I, and it ultimately fell into decline due to the immense population losses it suffered in the war.

France in World War II was certainly not as powerful as it was in World War I, but it was still one of the world’s top five great powers.

It was just that after experiencing the brutality of World War I, the French had grown weary of war. They were even more tired of being on the front lines resisting Germany while other countries sat behind them and reaped the benefits.

Other countries did indeed pay a price, but it was nothing compared to what France had sacrificed.

But there was no helping it. The Franco-German conflict was the primary contradiction in World War I, and their shared border meant that the war between them was bound to be the fiercest of the entire conflict.

Although the conflict between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia was also a major one, the military strength of these two countries was clearly a level below that of Germany and France.

It was precisely because it had suffered so many casualties in World War I that France chose to give up in World War II, accomplishing a task most countries could never manage—“It’s impossible to occupy Paris before France surrenders.”

And facts proved that France’s choice in World War II was perhaps the wisest for France itself. While other countries suffered massive casualties, France’s losses were not as severe as others’ due to its early surrender.

“Receiving aid from your government would accelerate the progress of Spain’s industrial construction. On behalf of the Spanish people, I thank the French government for its help. May the friendship between France and Spain last forever.” Prime Minister Primo nodded, a smile on his face, and said, ”

However, in terms of basic industry, the Austro-Hungarian Empire has already given us a great deal of assistance. If possible, we hope to import production technology for heavy industry and chemicals from your country. I wonder if your country would be willing to sell it to us?

Our original plan was to go to Germany to purchase technology. If we could import some technology from your country, that would naturally be for the best.”

Although Prime Minister Primo’s words expressed delight at the French willingness to provide technical assistance, to President Thiers’s ears, it was a blatant reminder that if France was unwilling to aid Spain, the Germans would be happy to step in.

“Of course, that’s no problem.” The smile on President Thiers’s face stiffened slightly before quickly returning to a very amiable expression. He said, ”

As fellow nations on the European continent, it is only natural that we should help one another. Prime Minister Primo, we are of course willing to provide your country with technical data for heavy industry and the chemical industry to help you better build your industrial system.

But as you know, this matter requires not only the government’s approval but also the consent of the parliament.

If possible, I hope we can sign a treaty of alliance. We will provide this assistance to your country in the form of an alliance.

I trust the parliament will not obstruct an alliance between France and Spain. We are natural allies, and we are partners who fight side-by-side.”

President Thiers’s meaning was also clear. The aid could be given; the French were, after all, wealthy and powerful. But the French money and technical data were not free. It required a clear guarantee from the Spanish government, tying Spain to France’s war chariot in the form of a military alliance.

As for whether Spain might tear up this military alliance later, President Thiers was not overly concerned.

First, his presidential term was only five years, and a small part of it had already passed. Once his term ended, the development of relations between Spain and France would have nothing to do with him.

Second, France could also bind Spain to itself by providing extensive loans, industrial equipment, and technical data.

The more Spanish industry adopted French technology and equipment, the deeper its ties with France would become. Once the economic exchange between the two countries grew increasingly close, it would not be so simple for Spain to disentangle itself from France.

After all, Spain’s industry would have been built with substantial French aid. If they were to sever ties, where would Spain find replacements for all the French industrial equipment used in its systems?

“I’m afraid that would be very difficult, President Thiers.” A troubled expression appeared on Prime Minister Primo’s face as he explained, “As you know, Spain is a peace-loving nation.

We have no desire to participate in the military competition among European nations; we prefer a stable and peaceful environment.

For this reason, we do not intend to enter into a military alliance with any country. If possible, Spain is willing to sign an economic cooperation treaty and a customs union treaty with France to strengthen the economic ties between our two countries.”

The alliance the French mentioned was a military one, the very thing Prime Minister Primo wanted to avoid at all costs.

For Spain, it was indeed possible to profit from being courted by various nations due to its superior geographic location.

The problem, however, was that a military treaty would bind Spain completely to France, meaning it would be very difficult for Spain to receive aid from Germany in the future.

To put it bluntly, for Spain to develop better at present, it was far more advantageous to be playing the field.

A military alliance was like a marriage contract, tying Spain firmly to France’s war chariot. Countries opposed to France, like Germany, would then distance themselves from Spain, which was detrimental to Spain’s future plans.

Hearing Prime Minister Primo say that the Spanish government could only sign documents for economic cooperation and a customs union, President Thiers was instantly annoyed.

Simply put, the Spanish government’s attitude was that it had no intention of cooperating closely with France; it was more like they wanted to get French aid for nothing.

If Spain took this aid and then turned around and joined an alliance with Germany, wouldn’t that make President Thiers a clown?

This matter directly concerned his own interests, and President Thiers was not about to yield easily. “Prime Minister Primo, an economic cooperation treaty and a customs union alone will not be enough to persuade the French parliament.

If your country wishes to cooperate with France, a military alliance is a more stable guarantee of our relationship, don’t you think?”

“No, President Thiers.” Prime Minister Primo still shook his head, sticking to his opinion. “Spain will not join a military alliance with any country. We will only accept economic alliance treaties.

However, I can assure your country that Spain has no intention of being hostile to France. As long as your country does not see Spain as an enemy, Spain will not take the initiative to join in any containment of your nation.

What we need is a peaceful environment for development. We are not interested in any conflicts or competitions. Please rest assured, Spain will not join a military alliance with any country, be it France or Germany.”

French aid was very tempting, but to be completely tied to France’s war chariot for the sake of its industrial assistance would be a case of the losses outweighing the gains.

In the current European climate, the Franco-German conflict was the most intense, followed by the Anglo-French and Austro-Russian conflicts.

Outside of Europe, there was also the conflict between Britain and Russia. The relationships between the major European powers were rather complex.

Under these circumstances, Prime Minister Primo had no intention of letting Spain join these competitions. For Spain, reform was the most important matter, with industrial and economic development coming second.

As for participating in the competition among the great powers, that was something for the distant future. Spain did not have that kind of strength right now. If it were to force its way in, it would easily become cannon fodder in the struggle for supremacy.

Hearing Prime Minister Primo’s declaration that Spain would not join a military alliance with either France or Germany, President Thiers’s expression improved significantly.

The main purpose of this trip was, after all, to ensure that Spain would not join in the containment of France. Prime Minister Primo’s promise carried considerable weight.

However, whether Spain was a military ally of France would also affect the extent of French aid.

If Spain were a military ally, President Thiers wouldn’t mind providing more favorable industrial assistance to help Spain return to its throne as a European great power.

But since Spain was unwilling to conclude a military alliance treaty with France, the aid France provided would naturally not be too generous.

After all, this was merely an exchange of interests between the French and Spanish governments—using industrial aid to ensure Spain remained neutral in the Franco-German competition.

Since it was just an ordinary exchange of interests, there was no need to offer France’s more advanced industrial technology. Simply making do with some outdated technology would be sufficient.

Prime Minister Primo seemed to understand President Thiers’s thoughts. Before the president could speak, Primo took the initiative and said, ”

But sometimes, things do not develop as planned. You know, Your Excellency, although Spain is a constitutional monarchy, the power of the parliament is greater than that of His Majesty the King.

If the Spanish people choose to support one side in the European competition, it will greatly influence the parliament’s opinion.

The Cabinet is elected by the parliament, so to a certain extent, the parliament’s opinion represents the Cabinet’s opinion. Although Spain will not conclude a military alliance treaty with any country at present, if your country wins the support of the Spanish people, I am willing to follow the will of the people.”

The smile on President Thiers’s face froze once again.

Prime Minister Primo’s words seemed like an explanation of the Spanish government’s situation, but in reality, they were a reminder to President Thiers that if France lacked sincerity in its cooperation with Spain, Spain might just tilt towards Germany.

In Spain’s political system, the parliament indeed held a great deal of power. The Cabinet was elected by the parliament, with the king only having the right to appoint the chosen candidate.

The problem was, most of the seats in the current Spanish Parliament were controlled by Prime Minister Primo. President Thiers was no fool; he had already familiarized himself with the state of the Spanish government before his visit.

To say that the opinion of the Spanish people influenced the parliament was less accurate than to say that Prime Minister Primo could control the parliament’s decisions.

If Prime Minister Primo felt that France’s aid lacked sincerity, then perhaps the Spanish Parliament would lean towards Germany. This was the reminder in Primo’s words—or rather, a veiled threat.

Chapter 139: The Morocco Agreement (Two-in-One)

Carlo paid little attention to the talks with French President Thiers, though he did take the time to meet him for a brief, friendly chat.

Although the Spanish royal family consisted of only Carlo and Queen Sophie, it was closely connected to the Italian royal family and the Austro-Hungarian imperial family.

Therefore, even though Carlo was a young man who had yet to grasp real power, President Thiers had to show him sufficient respect.

However, because Carlo had no interest in getting too involved in diplomatic affairs, President Thiers left the palace after a short meeting and exchanging greetings, continuing his lengthy negotiations with the Spanish government.

For the French government, Spain was a country they had to win over. Even if it meant paying a certain price, they had to ensure that Spain leaned more toward France than Germany in the balance of power.

This was the only way to ensure France would not be completely isolated, a matter that concerned the future power struggle between Germany and France. The French government would not back down or compromise in any way.

President Thiers had long anticipated that negotiations with the Spanish government would be difficult. Diplomatic talks are never settled in one go, especially when they concern the future national policies and strategic directions of France and Spain. Such a process would require several weeks at the very least.

However, President Thiers did not intend to negotiate the entire cooperation agreement personally. As the head of state of France, his role was to establish a framework for cooperation between the French and Spanish governments. The two governments would then formulate more detailed cooperation based on the framework agreed upon by their leaders.

After confirming that the Spanish government had no intention of fully siding with the Germans, President Thiers’ mood finally brightened.

At the very least, France would not face the worst-case scenario. This was what President Thiers truly wanted to know and ensure.

Although Spain’s land environment was among the worst in Europe, when it came to tourism resources, Spain still had plenty of scenic spots worth visiting.

These diplomatic negotiations continued for a long time, and President Thiers stayed in Madrid for nearly ten days.

The good news was that before he left Madrid, he and Prime Minister Primo finally signed a draft cooperation agreement between their two governments.

Certain key aspects of their cooperation were discussed in greater detail, such as the amount of capital Spain could borrow from the French finance industry.

According to the draft agreement, the French government was willing to provide Spain with a low-interest loan of at least 500 million francs.

If the Spanish government were to borrow more than 500 million francs at once, the French government would disburse the entire loan over five years.

Due to the long disbursement period, the Spanish government would have a full twenty years to repay the loan. They would only need to pay back the 500 million franc principal plus 100 million francs in interest within the twentieth year after borrowing.

While 100 million francs in interest might seem high, spread over twenty years, the annual interest payment was only five million francs, which was one percent of the principal.

Of course, such a low interest rate came with conditions. First, at least 300 million francs of the 500 million franc loan could only be used to purchase goods from France. The remaining 200 million could be freely allocated by the Spanish government.

In other words, of the 500 million franc loan, the Spanish government would only truly receive 200 million francs. The remaining 300 million franc share was more like a virtual currency promised by the French, usable only for importing goods from France and not in other countries.

However, this was acceptable to Spain. France was also a powerful industrial nation, and Spain could indeed import a large amount of industrial equipment and technical data from it.

At present, the value of the franc and the peseta were not far apart. According to the latest exchange rate, 500 million francs was equivalent to 516.25 million pesetas, which equaled Spain’s total government expenditure for the entire previous year.

It had to be acknowledged that for the French to be able to provide a 500 million franc loan to Spain over five years, even after bearing a five billion franc indemnity, demonstrated an astonishingly large economy and scale.

Spain’s total fiscal revenue last year was less than 500 million francs, which proved the current gap between Spain and France. Spain was still a long way from being a true great power, at least in terms of industry and economy.

Prime Minister Primo naturally accepted this low-interest loan offered by the French with a clear conscience. The French would not dare to attach harsh conditions, as their true desire was to win Spain over.

Even if they could not establish an alliance treaty with Spain, they had to at least ensure Spain leaned more towards France and away from Germany.

Besides financial assistance, the French would also provide their industrial technology to help Spain with its development and construction.

With the exception of some highly critical industrial equipment and technology, other more common industrial technologies could be sold to Spain.

This included not only heavy industry and the chemical industry, but also the military industry, mechanical design, and manufacturing.

With the loan provided by the French, Spain no longer had to worry about a lack of funds when purchasing equipment and technology. While 500 million francs was not an astronomical sum for a great power, for a smaller country like Spain, it was enough to purchase a large quantity of industrial equipment and related means of production, helping Spain to better develop its heavy industry, chemical industry, military industry, and other industrial sectors.

To ensure that France and Spain would not come into conflict on a strategic level, President Thiers and Prime Minister Primo also agreed to sign “The Morocco Agreement” concerning African colonization, after their two governments reached a consensus through friendly negotiations.

The main purpose of this agreement was to prevent colonial conflicts in Africa between Spain and France. As long as Spain did not stand in opposition to France and maintained a neutral or pro-French stance in the Franco-German rivalry, the French would temporarily refrain from interfering in the colonization of Morocco and would support Spain’s colonial actions there.

In other words, France was temporarily using Morocco to keep Spain in check. By forgoing the colonization of Morocco for a short period, they would gain Spain’s neutrality or a more friendly attitude in the Franco-German competition.

At first glance, one might be surprised that the French would make such a concession, even to the point of allowing Spain to colonize Morocco with impunity.

But upon reflection, this was, in fact, a blatant scheme by the French.

If Spain wanted to colonize Morocco, it was bound to clash with the British Empire. Even if the French did not participate in the colonial competition for Morocco, Spain might not be able to annex the entire country under pressure from the British.

As long as Spain could not annex all of Morocco, France would still have the possibility of colonizing it after the treaty expired.

As relations between Britain and Spain deteriorated, Spain would surely need a great power of sufficient standing to protect itself.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was clearly not enough. The opponent was, after all, the British Empire, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s naval strength was not much different from Italy’s; it was incapable of posing a significant threat to Great Britain.

Although France’s navy was also inferior to Great Britain’s, it was closer to Spain and could provide more support.

As for Germany, though it had defeated France, its navy was practically nonexistent.

Furthermore, with France situated between Germany and Spain, the help Germany could offer was even more limited than that of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Under this blatant scheme by the French government, even if Spain annexed all of Morocco, it would face immense pressure from the British.

To counter the British, Spain, however reluctant, would have to draw progressively closer to the French, even forming a military alliance with them to ensure its own security.

If Spain couldn’t even annex Morocco, that would be even better. Not only could France plan for the colonization of Morocco again after the agreement expired, but it could also reconfirm that Spain posed no significant threat to it.

At the same time, they could dangle the prospect of Morocco—something the Spaniards could never truly obtain—to keep them on the hook. Throughout the duration of the agreement, relations between France and Spain would be relatively friendly, allowing the French to improve their diplomatic situation without much cost.

To put it bluntly, the French created the Morocco Agreement because they were certain that Britain would not allow Spain to annex the whole of Morocco.

In truth, Prime Minister Primo was also aware of the French intentions, because the British position was completely out in the open.

Perhaps this was the pride of the empire on which the sun never set. The British Empire never concealed its wariness of Spain and would even proactively interfere with Spain’s colonization of Morocco.

Even though there was a power gap between Spain and the great powers, it was still far stronger than an African native country like Morocco. Yet Spain had never occupied Morocco, which was just across a strait, and in the end, had only managed to partition it through cooperation with the French.

The British were currently the biggest obstacle to Spain’s expansion. They were even more worried about Spain’s rise than the French were, because Spain’s first target after becoming powerful would be to retake Gibraltar.

The conflict between Spain and Britain was irreconcilable, unless Spain was willing to give up hope of national revival and content itself with being a second-rate European nation.

In later generations, the two countries would still have various disputes and conflicts over Gibraltar, which in itself demonstrates the depth of the Spaniards’ hatred for the British occupation of Gibraltar and how detestable the British were in this era.

The reason Prime Minister Primo agreed to sign the Morocco Agreement was to set the minds of President Thiers and the French government completely at ease.

However, the Spanish government had no plans to renew colonization efforts in Morocco in the short term. After all, the British were not so easy to deal with.

Maintaining the existing scope of the colony of Southern Morocco and stabilizing the colonies of Cuba and the Philippines—these were all of Prime Minister Primo’s current thoughts regarding Spain’s existing colonies.

For Spain to achieve its revival, the most important thing was the industrial and economic development of the homeland. Although Spain’s land environment was somewhat poor compared to other great powers, its landmass was still considerable.

Spain’s territory exceeded 500,000 square kilometers, which was already considered a country with a large landmass by European standards. Britain’s homeland was only 240,000 square kilometers, and Italy’s was just over 300,000.

Possessing an area of over 500,000 square kilometers significantly boosted Spain’s development potential. Even if it could not support a hundred million or several hundred million people, handling a population of around fifty million would not be a problem.

But Spain had yet to reach this population milestone even by the later year of 2024. For the current Spain, population was its greatest deficiency and the biggest gap between it and the other great powers.

Why were countries like Britain, France, and Germany so powerful? Besides their vast industrial and economic bases, their populations, often numbering in the tens of millions, were a major factor in their strength.

In the current European population rankings, aside from the special case of Russia, Germany had the largest population with nearly forty-two million people.

France and the Austro-Hungarian Empire both had populations exceeding thirty-six million, making them the closest to Germany in this regard.

Germany’s massive population was mainly because it had integrated most of the German lands. Bavaria, the largest state in Southern Germany, was once a middle-power nation itself and was now part of the German Empire, showing just how vast this unified empire was.

Excluding Russia’s exaggerated population, Germany was in a league of its own in terms of population. France and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were a tier below, followed by Britain and Italy in the third tier.

However, because Britain kickstarted the First Industrial Revolution, it was the strongest of all nations in terms of industry and economy.

But the data also revealed Britain’s problem. Its homeland was smaller in both land area and population compared to other nations.

And its lead from the Industrial Revolution was continuously being eroded as other countries caught up, while the influence of the Second Industrial Revolution would only grow stronger.

The British Empire was so powerful because they maintained a massive navy, one strong enough to crush that of any other country.

But the powerful Royal Fleet was supplied by all the colonies of the empire on which the sun never set. The moment the colonial system collapsed, all of the British Empire’s glory would vanish in an instant.

This was why Morocco was so important to Spain. Morocco and Spain were separated only by a strait, making it a region that could be fully integrated into the homeland.

Once Morocco was integrated, Spain would become a nation spanning the continents of Europe and Africa, with a total land area exceeding 770,000 square kilometers.

If the Western Sahara region south of Morocco was included, the land area could even exceed 960,000 square kilometers, not too far from one million square kilometers.

Although Morocco’s land environment was also not ideal, it could still support tens of millions of people. The combined population capacity of Spain and Morocco would approach one hundred million people, which was the greatest hope for Spain’s future revival.

Before technology could completely replace human labor, population was the most important asset for a country. While a nation’s strength could not be solely measured by population, countries with larger populations definitely had greater development potential.

Of course, if one had to name another, Spain had another potential target for annexation: its neighbor on the Iberian Peninsula, Portugal.

Portugal’s land area exceeded 90,000 square kilometers, and being on the same Iberian Peninsula, it was a prime target for Spanish expansion.

However, the Portuguese had better relations with the British. If the British would not allow Spain to annex Morocco, they were even less likely to allow Spain to annex Portugal.

Although both countries were on the Iberian Peninsula, Portugal was in the southwestern corner of Iberia, and its land environment was much better than Spain’s.

A topographical map of Iberia would show that the most fertile lands of the entire peninsula are distributed along its periphery, with the most concentrated area being the southwestern corner where Portugal is located.

It could be said that the most fertile land in Iberia is in Portugal, while most of Spain is desert and mountains, with soil fertility far below that of Portugal’s land.

Although Portugal’s land area is only 92,000 square kilometers, the food produced on this land is more than what can be produced on 200,000 square kilometers in Spain.

Of course, this is in comparison to the less fertile regions. When comparing only the more fertile plains, the difference is not that great.

But Spain, with its 500,000 square kilometers, has fewer plains than Portugal, which highlights the topographical disparity between the two countries.

However, Portugal’s land is not without its drawbacks. Because it directly faces the Atlantic Ocean and is located in the westerlies belt, the winds in the region are too strong, and the diurnal temperature range is small, which is not ideal for crop growth.

There is also the issue of soil salinization, which is why Portugal, despite having more plains than Spain, had a grain output less than one-twentieth of Spain’s in later generations.

But if Portugal could be taken, the Iberian Peninsula would become a single entity. If Gibraltar could also be taken, connecting the Iberian Peninsula with Morocco in the northwestern corner of Africa, Spain would have the potential to become a top-tier great power and the hegemon of the western Mediterranean.

A unified Iberian Peninsula would be extremely defensible. Its only connection to mainland Europe in the north is blocked by the Pyrenees Mountains, with only two gaps in the east and west allowing for easy passage.

Spain would only need to build military fortresses at these two gaps to easily repel armies coming from the direction of France to the north.

However, achieving such a strategic objective would be very difficult. Morocco and Portugal were under British protection, making it very hard for Spain to annex them.

Gibraltar had already become British territory, and taking it would mean a “friendly” war with the British.

But it was precisely because this goal was so difficult that it piqued Carlo’s interest. If he could accomplish it, Carlo would become the greatest monarch in Spanish history, restoring glory to this long-declined empire on which the sun never set.

He would not even need to annex Portugal. Just retaking Gibraltar and colonizing Morocco would be enough to infinitely increase his popularity among the Spanish people, making him a candidate for the greatest monarch in their hearts.

Amid a farewell ceremony organized by Prime Minister Primo, President Thiers left Madrid, embarking on his journey back to Paris.

He left with a smile, clearly having accomplished the purpose of his trip.

Prime Minister Primo was also smiling. For Spain, the meeting with President Thiers had been nothing but beneficial.

The loans and aid in industry and other areas provided by the French would effectively help Spain’s industrial and economic construction.

The loan amount was more than Spain’s entire fiscal revenue from the previous year. Investing all these funds into Spain’s development would naturally yield obvious results.

One could not help but marvel at the financial strength of the French. To become the infamous “moneylending empire” of later eras was a testament to how powerful the French economy was in this period.

To say nothing else, if the Spanish government had to raise 500 million francs on its own, they would absolutely have to sell everything they owned.

Even if they only had to produce this sum over five years, it would still plunge Spain’s finances into a major crisis.

This also showed Prime Minister Primo and Carlo the benefits of cooperating with the French. At the very least, the French truly had money, and they could truly provide money to help Spain.

Of course, the French were not engaged in a losing venture. They would still earn 100 million francs in interest from this loan. With currency exchange rates being relatively stable at the time, French private capital was guaranteed to make a steady profit.

Although the profit was small, such loans between nations were highly unlikely to become bad debts. After all, the countries that could lend money were powerful. Any country wanting to default would not only offend the private capital of the lending country but also the country itself.

So, unless absolutely necessary, such international loans were quite stable.

Chapter 140: Investing in Shipyards

The treaty signed by the French and Spanish governments was not military in nature, so there was no need to keep it secret.

In fact, the French needed to publicize the treaty to help salvage their dire diplomatic situation. After all, it was plain to see how difficult things were for France, with hardly any friendly nations nearby.

Spain, for its part, had no reason for secrecy either. In fact, cooperating with the French could serve as a smokescreen to confuse the British, making them more cautious in their diplomatic policy toward Spain.

Immediately after the treaty with France was signed, the Spanish government dispatched a diplomatic delegation to France.

Their primary objective was to conduct on-site inspections of the industrial equipment and related technical expertise that France could export to Spain. From this, they would select the materials and technologies that Spain needed or that had high strategic value and then find ways to transport them back to Spain.

Regardless of whether the French loan had arrived, conducting a preliminary field study of France’s industrial systems was crucial. The experience the French had accumulated in industry was a valuable asset that could help Spain avoid pitfalls in its own industrial development.

At present, Spain had already made significant progress in its military industry, but these advancements were mostly in the area of army weaponry.

Spain’s Vetterli M1872 rifle could be considered one of Europe’s top-tier rear-loading bolt-action rifles, and the artillery technology acquired from Austria was similarly first-class.

Therefore, when it came to purchasing French military equipment and technology, Spain focused mainly on acquiring naval technology, followed by French artillery technology, while largely ignoring rifles.

After all, with the invention of smokeless powder in the future, rifle technology across all nations would see further improvement. Carlo’s future goal was to develop rifles similar to the British Lee-Enfield and the German Gewehr 98—the predecessor of the renowned 98k rifle.

These two rifles represented the pinnacle of British and German rifle technology during World War I and were the standard-issue weapons mass-produced by both countries during the conflict.

Strictly speaking, the Lee-Enfield rifle had more advantages. Its main strength was its high rate of fire; a relatively skilled veteran could fire at least thirty rounds per minute.

However, its high rate of fire was also a drawback. Accuracy on the battlefield could not be guaranteed, and such a rapid firing rate meant a massive consumption of ammunition, posing a significant challenge to military production and logistical supply capabilities.

But if Spain’s military production and logistical supply could keep up with the consumption of rifles on the front lines, the Lee-Enfield would unleash its maximum potential, becoming the most powerful rifle of the World War I era.

The long rifle version of the Lee-Enfield (MLE) was introduced in 1895. After the Boer War, it was modified into a short rifle version (SMLE) and remained in service until 1965.

The fact that it was procured and used by Britain and the Commonwealth nations for over seventy years, with over seventy-one million units produced, was a testament to the rifle’s formidable power.

The Gewehr 98 rifle developed by the Germans was slightly inferior in performance to the Lee-Enfield but was more famous.

The short rifle version of the Gewehr 98 was the renowned Kar98 rifle, also known as the 98k rifle.

The Gewehr 98 was not without its merits. In terms of handling and accuracy, it was slightly superior to the Lee-Enfield.

As a standard-issue infantry firearm, the Lee-Enfield was undoubtedly superior. But for special purposes, such as long-range precision sniping, the Gewehr 98’s capabilities were by no means inferior to the Lee-Enfield’s.

A lower rate of fire also meant less pressure on military production and logistical supply. For countries with insufficient military production or logistical capabilities, a slower-firing rifle was sometimes the better choice.

A rifle had to be used in conjunction with ammunition. A rifle without bullets was little better than a fire poker; only an ample supply of ammunition could bring out its full power.

But whether it was the Lee-Enfield or the Gewehr 98, both were more than two decades away from being created.

By then, smokeless powder would have been invented, and the industrial foundation and military production capabilities of nations would be far stronger. It was only natural that a more powerful rifle could be developed on that basis, a phenomenon that also applied to warships.

Military vessels have a long history. Hundreds of years ago, sailing warships dominated the world.

But now, the most powerful capital ships of every nation had become ironclads, and industrial strength was endowing them with greater speed and firepower.

In the future, as the industrial scale of nations grew even larger, battleships that were bigger, more heavily armored, more powerful, and faster—the pre-dreadnoughts—would be born.

The reason Spain was temporarily abandoning naval development was precisely to prioritize industrial and economic growth, preparing for the future advent of the pre-dreadnought.

The British Empire was currently the undisputed number one naval power in the world. Under normal circumstances, other countries had absolutely no chance of catching up.

The size of the British navy was determined by the world’s second and third naval powers. They always maintained a naval force larger than the second and third combined, a policy that guaranteed the Royal Navy’s global dominance.

In a simple comparison of numbers, no country could match the British Empire. The British had the whole of India to exploit unscrupulously, and the wealth India provided allowed them to spend lavishly on military expenditure without a second thought.

One of the few opportunities to surpass the British navy, or at least pose a greater threat to it, would be during the technological transition of capital ships.

At present, the capital ships of all nations were ironclads. The navy would undergo two more major upgrades in the future: the transition from ironclads to pre-dreadnoughts, and from pre-dreadnoughts to dreadnoughts.

Pre-dreadnoughts would emerge in over a decade. By then, Spain would possess a certain scale of industry and economy, allowing it to increase its investment in the cash-intensive navy.

The dreadnought was born in 1906, more than thirty years from now. Thirty years was enough time to transform Spain into an industrial and economic powerhouse. As long as they could plan ahead for the dreadnought era, Spain could become one of the great naval powers of the 20th century.

Although Britain’s navy had always held the top spot in the world, the French had followed closely behind, securely occupying the second position.

This was one of the reasons France had been able to become the hegemon of Europe. Before the Franco-Prussian War, France was the most powerful nation on the continent in terms of both its army and navy.

But after their defeat in the Franco-Prussian War, the French shifted their focus from balancing their land and sea forces to prioritizing their army.

Although there were plans for naval construction, the naval race against Britain became less important compared to the Germans, who had already humiliated France once.

Of course, the more crucial factor was that France had no chance of winning a naval race against Britain. In any case, France’s position as the world’s second naval power was secure; no other country could currently surpass it.

While the Germans posed a significant threat on land, their navy was practically nonexistent. The French government had also assessed Germany’s development potential and was confident that even with another ten years, Germany’s navy would not necessarily be able to match France’s.

Forget surpassing France—even with five years, the size of the German navy might not even compare to Spain’s.

Yes, Spain was currently among the world’s naval powers.

The reason was simple. In the early 19th century, Spain was the world’s third-largest colonial empire by territory, with vast American nations like Mexico and Argentina as its colonies.

With colonies spread across Central America, South America, Africa, and Asia, Spain naturally needed a powerful navy to protect them.

In the early 19th century, the Spanish navy could have easily ranked among the world’s top three. But amid political turmoil and the successive loss of its American colonies, Spain could no longer afford the expense of a massive fleet.

Over the past two to three decades, from the mid-19th century to the present, Spain had not invested heavily in its navy, and it had fallen from its former position as the third naval power to somewhere in the top five.

Although it was considered a top-five naval power, a nation like Spain still had a significant gap with Britain and France.

Undeniably, as the former empire on which the sun never set, Spain possessed an incredibly strong naval heritage.

In its heyday, Spain’s Invincible Armada dominated the world, and the Spanish navy was considered the world’s finest.

However, after its defeat by the British, the Spanish navy steadily weakened, and the title of “Invincible Armada” vanished.

The Spanish navy now consisted mostly of old and dilapidated warships. There were very few ironclads, and many were still sailing warships.

But Spain still had a respectable foundation in the shipbuilding industry. The reason Carlo believed Spain could become a new naval power during the next transition of capital ships was precisely because he saw this rich heritage in shipbuilding.

Moreover, Spain had now secured industrial assistance from the Austro-Hungarian Empire and a cooperative agreement with France.

If it could integrate the military shipbuilding experience of these two nations, Spain’s own military shipbuilding sector would also see significant improvement.

Although the current Spanish government had no need to build warships, this did not mean that other countries around the world lacked such a need.

Carlo’s hope for Spain’s military shipbuilding sector was that when there was no domestic demand, it could explore as many warship orders as possible from other countries around the world.

This would not only bring more revenue to Spain’s shipyards but also allow them to accumulate more experience in military shipbuilding, preparing for the future great expansion of the Spanish navy.

After all, if these military shipyards were constantly operating at a loss, downsizing and bankruptcy would be inevitable.

If Spain’s military shipbuilding industry suffered too great a blow, the government might have to re-establish larger shipyards when it wanted to formulate a naval development plan in the future, which would undoubtedly waste a great deal of time.

Before the 18th century, Spain’s military shipbuilding industry was scattered across various regions, with no major shipbuilding centers.

But after the 18th century, the industry was consolidated into several shipbuilding centers, forming four major representative military shipyards.

These four shipyards were the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, the Havana Shipyard in Cuba, the El Ferrol Shipyard, and the Cartagena Shipyard.

Compared to these four, any civilian shipyard paled in size, scale, and the level of government attention they received.

Among them, the Havana Shipyard in Cuba was the most unique. Located in Havana, in the colony of Cuba, it was Spain’s only major overseas shipyard.

Unfortunately, the Havana shipyard was destroyed during the independence movements in the Americas. Although the Spanish government later rebuilt it, the loss of most of its American colonies meant that such a large shipyard in the Americas was no longer needed.

This shipyard, once capable of building large sailing warships, had gradually fallen to the bottom tier of the four major shipyards and was no longer on the Spanish government’s list of priorities for the future development of its shipbuilding industry.

The last ship produced by this shipyard was the heavy frigate Luisa Fernanda in 1845, which was armed with a full forty-four cannons.

In the nearly thirty years from 1845 to the current year of 1872, the Havana shipyard had only undertaken construction tasks for small warships and civilian vessels, without a single order for a large ship.

Currently, Spain’s largest shipyard was the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, which bore the royal title.

It is worth mentioning that although the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard was an industry established by the Spanish royal family, it belonged to the Bourbon royal family, so most of its shares now actually belonged to the government.

Carlo, as king, held very few shares in the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard. Combined with Spain’s decline over the past thirty years, the shipyard had shrunk by more than half and was now operating at a loss, facing a severe financial and bankruptcy crisis.

Besides the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard and the Havana Shipyard in Cuba, the remaining El Ferrol Shipyard and Cartagena Shipyard had also seen their glory fade.

If the Spanish government did not intervene, they would sooner or later be forced into bankruptcy and restructuring, or disappear into history altogether.

For the future of Spain’s shipbuilding industry, Carlo and Prime Minister Primo reached an agreement.

The royal family would use a very small amount of capital to buy back the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard from the government and rebuild it into Spain’s largest shipyard.

The government would be primarily responsible for maintaining the El Ferrol and Cartagena shipyards. With the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard acting as the leader of the Spanish shipbuilding industry, the El Ferrol and Cartagena shipyards only needed to maintain their current scale, which would not require much effort from the government.

As long as these two shipyards could be rapidly expanded to build capital ships when needed, they could meet Spain’s shipbuilding demands.

The royal family’s investment to maintain and expand the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard would require considerable funds. Therefore, the acquisition of the shipyard’s shares could be completed with very little capital.

Afterward, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard would be entirely an enterprise of the royal family. Whether it turned a profit or a loss would be the royal family’s business, unrelated to the government.

Carlo was quite willing to acquire the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard. As Spain’s former largest shipyard, it had extremely rich experience in shipbuilding, especially in the construction of military warships.

This ensured that after the royal family’s investment, it could leverage the shipyard’s own heritage, along with aid from the Austro-Hungarian Empire and technology from the French, to quickly restore the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard to its former glory.

To reiterate, just because Spain had little domestic demand for warships did not mean that all countries in the world lacked such a need.

There were still many countries looking to build new ironclads. If Spain could export the most advanced ironclads, it would certainly be able to attract some foreign orders.

The cost of ironclads currently varied, but even the cheapest ones were over two hundred thousand pounds. For the shipyards, the revenue from building a single ironclad would be at least fifty thousand pounds, and likely more.

This was especially true for more advanced and powerful ironclads; the higher the construction cost, the higher the export price.

By building just a few ironclads each year, they could not only cover the daily expenses of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard but also use the steady stream of income to expand the shipyard’s scale and hire more staff in anticipation of Spain’s future naval construction plans.

At the same time, undertaking foreign orders would allow the shipyard to continuously accumulate shipbuilding experience. With Spain’s reputation as a top-five naval power, attracting some countries to place orders at Spanish shipyards should not be a problem.

Chapter 141: The Two Pillars of Military Industry (Two-in-One Chapter)

Although the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard was a far cry from its former glory, it was crucial to Spain’s future development plans.

For Carlo, it was also the first military shipyard under his control, making it not only immensely significant but also of paramount strategic value.

Although this era had given rise to a great number of powerful land-based nations—the former “European steamroller” Russia, the past hegemon of Europe France, and the current number one land power, Germany—none of them could challenge the splendor of the British Empire. The British sat firmly on their throne as the world’s number one power, thanks to the largest and most powerful navy. They could watch the competition and conflicts among European nations with a smile, dominating the continent’s affairs from the victor’s pedestal.

The primary reason for this situation was the naval superiority the British maintained over the other great powers.

In other words, in this era, a nation could not project its influence abroad without a reasonably strong navy.

Was Germany not powerful after defeating the French? Of course, it was very powerful. But in British eyes, the current threat from Germany was even lower than that from France and Russia.

France and Russia at least had navies of a considerable size; the Germans only had a seemingly formidable army. But no matter how powerful an army was, it could not cross the sea. The English Channel and the Royal Fleet were the guarantees of the British Empire’s strength, and the reason they paid little mind to the German threat.

If navies were so important, why did so few countries possess large-scale ones?

The reason was simple: building a navy required massive investment in capital, manpower, and material resources.

In any era, the formation of a navy has been an immensely costly endeavor. Even in the age of sail, building battleships was no easy task. It required towering trees that were centuries old, as well as the meticulous craftsmanship and design of artisans, just to construct warships that could roam the seas and even fight in distant oceans.

Ironclads, however, were an even greater test of a nation’s industrial level. The steam turbines that powered the warships and the naval guns that served as their main firepower were each the culmination of industrial development to date.

Building a single warship required not only a vast amount of advanced equipment but also enormous quantities of steel, which meant that nations without a strong industrial base could not build their own.

Moreover, having the technology was not enough; a sufficient reserve of shipbuilding experience was also necessary. Warships were not disposable items; they were meant to endure long periods of service and even survive several naval battles.

If a warship’s design had hidden flaws due to inexperience, they might not be apparent during peacetime. But in the event of war, they could endanger the entire vessel.

Add to that the fact that a single warship cost hundreds of thousands of pounds, and the naval officers and sailors on board required extensive resources and time to train.

Unless a nation was a major industrial and economic power, navies in this era were not something an ordinary country could afford to play with.

Furthermore, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had originally been Spain’s largest shipyard and possessed rich experience in warship construction.

Although it had fallen into a period of decline during the transition from sailing warships to ironclads, it had at least built ironclads for the Spanish government and had some relevant experience.

It was for this very reason that Carlo placed even greater importance on the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, determined to save one of Spain’s few remaining excellent ironclad shipyards.

After acquiring all the shares of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard from the government, Carlo decided to immediately begin expansion work. His plan was to spend three years rebuilding it into Spain’s largest shipyard, one capable of constructing the latest types of ironclads.

The good news was that with technical assistance from the Austro-Hungarian Empire and some support from France, it would be relatively simple for the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard to acquire the capability to build the newest ironclads.

The only difficulty at present was the shipyard’s scale. Due to its ever-increasing losses, the shipyard had been repeatedly downsized.

Seventy years ago, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had been the largest on the Iberian Peninsula, building dozens of powerful sailing warships for Spain.

But in 1872, seventy years later, the shipyard had been reduced to less than half its former size, with a workforce of fewer than three hundred people.

Although the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard was theoretically capable of building ironclads, with a staff of fewer than three hundred, constructing even an outdated model would take more than a year, almost two. Building the latest type was out of the question.

If it had to rely on foreign orders to make money, such a slow construction speed would likely be unable to cover the shipyard’s expenses.

On October 27, 1872, Carlo, accompanied by Steward Loren, traveled to the Port of Guarnizo in northern Spain to personally inspect the current state of what was once Spain’s largest shipyard.

Because the shares of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had previously been in the government’s hands, the government naturally had no time to spare for its development and had basically left it to fend for itself.

And the current director of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, Antonio Monali, was a man of exceedingly mediocre ability.

One could say that the decline of Spain’s four major shipyards was influenced by a variety of factors.

The greatest of these was the decline of Spain itself, which led the Spanish government to place less and less importance on the navy and to virtually cease its development.

After losing domestic orders from the Spanish government, the four major shipyards could only survive by seeking foreign warship orders or by building civilian vessels needed by the private sector.

But civilian ships were small in tonnage, some as little as a few tons. While military vessels had evolved into ironclads, most civilian ships were still wooden boats clad in iron sheets, or sometimes without even that.

Building such civilian ships did not generate much profit. As their income dwindled, the shipyards had no choice but to downsize, some even just waiting for the day of bankruptcy.

As Spain’s once-largest shipyard, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had extensive shipbuilding experience and once possessed the most advanced naval construction technology.

Logically speaking, a shipyard of such a large scale should not have fallen into such dire straits, even with the loss of domestic orders.

After all, there were plenty of countries around the world that could be potential partners. Selling just one or two ironclads a year would have been enough to help the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard cover its expenses.

But it was clear that neither the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard under the control of the Bourbon royal family nor the one under the Provisional Government had a sufficiently capable director to save the enterprise.

As the shipyard weakened along with Spain, it naturally could not compete with traditional powers like Britain and France.

Currently, Spain’s shipbuilding industry was surviving entirely on its past legacy, and its overall scale was slowly shrinking.

If not for Spain’s relatively large overall size and the fact that its decline had not been that long, its shipbuilding industry might not even be able to compete with a country like the Netherlands.

But on second thought, the Dutch had once been masters of the sea. They also possessed a considerable heritage in shipbuilding and were certainly capable of constructing ironclads.

If not for the Netherlands’ small land area and population, the country would be even more competitive in naval and shipbuilding matters.

Returning to the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, now that he had acquired all of its shares, the next step was naturally to restore it to the pinnacle of Spanish shipbuilding and to expand Spain’s share of the foreign market for military vessels.

Although Spain did not currently need to build ironclads, that did not mean other countries did not need them to keep up appearances.

The Royal Guarnizo Shipyard was located within the Bay of Santander, in a small port between Cavargo and the Mariano Peninsula.

In terms of overall location, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard was in northern Spain, facing the Bay of Biscay. The other major shipyard, El Ferrol, was in the northwest of the Iberian Peninsula, directly facing the Atlantic Ocean.

Another major shipyard was located in eastern Spain, facing the Mediterranean. The three shipyards formed a triangular layout, though they were mostly oriented toward the Atlantic, where Spain’s vast colonies once lay.

Fifty years ago, the Port of Guarnizo had been quite prosperous. But with the decline of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, it had reverted to its former state as a small village.

Upon arriving near the Guarnizo shipyard, Carlo’s first impression was one of decay.

However, this could be considered good news. In the future, when Spain built its warships domestically, it would be easier to maintain secrecy.

Entering the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard directly, Carlo also met its current director, Antonio.

To put it one way, Antonio’s first impression on Carlo was extremely poor, which only strengthened Carlo’s resolve to replace the shipyard’s leadership.

The Royal Guarnizo Shipyard was vital to the royal family and the future development of Spain. The choice of its director was of the utmost importance, capable of determining the shipyard’s entire future direction.

“Your Majesty, as you can see, these are the existing docks of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard. We are currently repairing a sailing warship for the navy, and we expect to complete the work within half a month,” Antonio said with a smile, introducing the shipyard’s current situation to Carlo, clearly unaware that his career as director had only a few days left.

“Is the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard still capable of building ironclads? Or rather, what is the maximum tonnage of warship the existing docks can build? How long would it take to build one of the most advanced ironclads?” Carlo fired off a series of questions, the ones he was most concerned about.

“We are certainly capable of building ironclads, Your Majesty,” Antonio quickly nodded and replied. “We have retained our largest dock, which can build warships up to a maximum tonnage of 6,200 tons.

“However, because we have not built an ironclad in a very long time, please forgive me for being unable to give you a precise construction time. But if the entire shipyard were to work at full capacity on a single ironclad, I believe we could complete it in three and a half years.”

Carlo shook his head, his disappointment clear.

If the construction time for a single ironclad was three and a half years, then adding the subsequent sea trials and training time, it could take over five years for the warship to go from commencement to combat readiness.

Five years was far too long, especially for just one ironclad. If several were to be built simultaneously, the pre-dreadnought era might arrive just as the ironclads were entering service.

“How many workers does the shipyard currently have? And how many of them are skilled workers?” Carlo asked. “If the royal family were to increase investment in the shipyard, does it have a comprehensive development plan?”

Director Antonio quickly replied, “The shipyard currently has around two hundred workers, of which nearly a quarter are skilled.

“If Your Majesty wishes to expand the shipyard, with just five million pesetas, I can increase its scale to over a thousand workers within three years.”

Carlo nodded but said no more.

The inspection of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard soon concluded, and Carlo had a more detailed plan in his mind.

For the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard to develop, it needed a more capable director to take charge. Director Antonio might have some ability, but it fell completely short of Carlo’s expectations.

However, since he was an old-timer who had devoted a long time to the shipyard, Carlo would not be too ruthless.

Director Antonio would be given two choices. Either transfer to another government-controlled shipyard to continue as director, or take up a less important position in another government department.

Upon leaving the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, Carlo immediately issued an order to Steward Loren: “Steward Loren, do you have any suitable candidates for shipyard director?”

“Not at the moment, Your Majesty. But I will search throughout Spain for a suitable candidate. Please give me some time, and I will present you with a list of names,” Steward Loren replied.

Italy’s shipbuilding industry was just getting started, so any real talent would have to be found in Spain. In terms of shipbuilding heritage, there were few countries that could compare to Spain at present.

Carlo nodded. The development of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard could not be completed in a short time, so there was no rush to select a director.

Until a new, more suitable candidate was confirmed, Antonio could temporarily remain in his position. If the shipyard’s subsequent development met Carlo’s expectations, perhaps Antonio could even stay on.

But if the shipyard’s progress still failed to meet his expectations, or even disappointed him further, then Carlo would have no choice but to bring in someone more capable.

Although Carlo left the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, he left behind a small team to help sort out the shipyard’s financial situation and complete the expansion.

If the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard’s finances were in order, then funds could be allocated to it.

Carlo had only one demand: with sufficient financial support, the shipyard must restore its scale as much as possible and regain the ability to build the most powerful ironclads.

A construction time of three and a half years was far too long. The shipbuilding time needed to be reduced to under two years, at the very least, to meet Carlo’s expectations.

Once the shipyard’s further reforms were complete, they could take the ironclad blueprints designed by the shipyard and find buyers all over the world.

They might even find buyers for ironclads within Europe, such as the two great powers that had only recently completed their unification.

Both Germany and Italy had been unified in recent years, and they were bound to develop their naval forces in the future. This was especially true for Germany, which, after defeating France, had become a veritable top-tier European power and the world’s number one land power.

But Germany’s navy was far too weak; its current fleet was not even a match for Spain’s.

A major reason for this was the Kingdom of Prussia’s choice to prioritize the army over the navy. Prussia was clearly unable to manage both a large army and navy simultaneously, and with the pressure from the Austrian Empire, it was forced to focus on its land forces.

But now, after unifying the German lands, Germany possessed a stronger industrial and economic base and was qualified to develop both a powerful army and navy.

Managing both a top-tier army and navy was extremely difficult; even the British Empire could barely manage it. The strength of the Royal Fleet was beyond doubt, but while the British Army was not weak, it was not particularly strong either.

Spain had once achieved this. During the era of the empire on which the sun never set, Spain’s Invincible Armada was the most powerful navy, and it also possessed one of Europe’s top armies.

The Spanish Tercio was famous for a time, even boasting the achievement of capturing a French king. In its heyday, Spain was the undisputed hegemon of Europe, with both its army and navy being world-class, each with a proud record of victories.

Currently, the British had only achieved hegemonic status at sea; their army was merely at the level of a medium great power.

Still, that was quite impressive. After all, Britain was an island nation, so it did not need to maintain such a massive army to protect its own territory.

The expansion of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard required considerable funds, but that was not a major problem.

After several years of development, the assets under Carlo’s control had grown substantially.

The income from the national bank of Spain and the Royal Joint Bank alone was enough to cover the expenses of the Guard Division and the Royal Palace.

The profits from Carlo’s many factories were all used for expansion or investment in more industries. The total value of the royal family’s assets was now in the tens of millions of pesetas, if not over a hundred million.

Taking out a few million pesetas to help expand the shipyard was not an issue. Even if the shipyard continued to operate at a loss for the next few years, it was of little consequence to Carlo.

The Royal Guarnizo Shipyard and the Royal Arsenal were Carlo’s cornerstones in the military industry. In the future, Spain’s military technology would depend on these two leading military-industrial enterprises for support.

Chapter 142: Reorganizing the Slums

The time was late November 1872, and a new problem had appeared before the Spanish government.

For the moment, development and construction across Spain were proceeding smoothly. The progress in Madrid and Barcelona, in particular, was miles ahead of the rest, earning them the title of “twin stars” among Spain’s many cities.

Of course, the main reason for this was Spain’s very small overall population; the entire country did not have a single city with over one million people.

Among the great powers, London, the capital of Britain, was the most populous city in the world, its population already approaching four million.

A population of this scale was utterly staggering, not much less than that of small countries like the Netherlands and Belgium. Yet Britain’s actual population was smaller than that of Germany, France, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This demonstrated just how astonishing the industrial and economic development of London was as the core city of the first Industrial Revolution.

Although the reputation of “the Foggy City” was not a pleasant one, London at this time was indeed the most brilliant city in the world, a truly global metropolis of the era.

Compared to London, Paris’s star shone a little dimmer. According to current data, the population of Paris was around two million, slightly more than half of London’s.

However, compared to the capitals of other great powers, Paris still ranked among the top. Following behind, Berlin and Vienna were merely cities of a million people, somewhat lacking in both scale and economic size.

The United States was a special case; its capital was not the most developed city in the country. America’s most developed city was New York, but its capital was in Washington.

New York’s population was also nearing one million and was poised for a population explosion along with America’s rapid development.

The New York of the present could not compare to London and Paris, but in the decades to come, it would develop into a global metropolis second only to London, easily surpassing many of Europe’s older, more historic cities.

At present, Madrid’s population had just broken four hundred thousand. While this was considered a large city in Spain, on the European stage, it was merely a good-sized one.

Barcelona, the other of the twin stars, had a population of over three hundred sixty thousand. Besides the two great cities of Madrid and Barcelona, Spain’s other cities were rather small. Even Seville, which had a small industrial base, had a population of just over one hundred thousand.

This also explained why the new industrial base was to be located in Barcelona. Besides the capital, Madrid, only Barcelona had a large enough population to support the construction of a medium-sized industrial base.

The industrial base being built in Barcelona would provide at least fifty thousand jobs. If Barcelona did not have a population of nearly four hundred thousand, it would likely be impossible to fill all fifty thousand positions.

In fact, even Barcelona’s current population was far from sufficient. As the industrial city was built, it would certainly draw in more people from the surrounding villages and small towns.

Large cities like Madrid and Barcelona would see their populations grow ever larger in the future, while the populations of smaller cities and towns would not experience much growth and might even see a decline.

This phenomenon was inevitable, a common occurrence both now and in the future.

The rise of a megacity meant the decline of several small and medium-sized cities. Once Barcelona’s industrial base was completed, it would undoubtedly absorb the population from the surrounding countryside and small towns.

It was foreseeable that Barcelona’s population would enter a phase of rapid growth over the next decade. However, the populations of the towns surrounding Barcelona would not necessarily grow and might even face a decline.

But this was an unavoidable problem in urban development. For the sake of Madrid’s and Barcelona’s growth, it was necessary to make some appropriate sacrifices of smaller cities.

Only such large cities could support the construction of industrial bases, and only the construction of large industrial bases could improve the scale and environment of Spain’s industry.

Returning our focus to Madrid. As Spain’s largest city, Madrid’s population had exceeded four hundred thousand, making it the brilliant pearl of the Iberian Peninsula.

But this did not mean Madrid was an exceptionally prosperous city. Aside from a few bustling streets in the city center, there were not many tall buildings in Madrid, and there were even a great many slums.

The Spanish government during Queen Isabella’s reign had only focused on the construction of prosperous streets, paying no mind to the slums where the lower-class commoners lived.

This had created two different scenes within the single city of Madrid. The streets in the city center were extremely bustling, with foot traffic that seemed no less than that of other major European cities.

But on the outskirts of the city, beyond the center, vast slums were a common sight, filled with dirty, disorderly, and dilapidated buildings.

This not only severely damaged Madrid’s urban image but also increased the likelihood of disease transmission. The sanitary conditions in these slums were exceedingly poor, with some people even openly defecating and urinating in public spaces.

Precisely because the hygiene here was so abysmal, dignitaries and the wealthy were completely unwilling to venture into the slums, which had also become a haven for criminals due to the poor security.

When discussing development, Madrid’s development was of particular importance.

After all, as Spain’s capital and its largest city, Madrid was one of Spain’s calling cards to the world and a means of propaganda to attract immigrants.

If Madrid became famous for being dirty, disorderly, and dilapidated, it would be a blow to Spain’s own immigration efforts.

For the time being, Barcelona was still the territory of the Catalans, making it unsuitable for the government to carry out large-scale reorganization. The most suitable city for such an undertaking was Madrid. If successful, the model could be rolled out nationwide; if it failed, the impact would not be too great.

On November 30, 1872, a Senator submitted a bill to parliament regarding the reorganization of Madrid’s urban order, sparking a heated debate throughout the Spanish Parliament.

The reason for the heated discussion was the scope of the reorganization. Most of Madrid’s outer districts were included, which encompassed a large number of slums and Spain’s lower-class population, numbering at least one hundred thousand people.

To carry out reorganization in these slums meant providing new housing for these hundred thousand-plus people; otherwise, it would undoubtedly cause chaos.

This was no small expense. It would require re-planning Madrid’s urban districts and constructing new locations for the slum residents to relocate to, preferably not too far from their places of work.

The benefits of doing so were many. It would not only allow for the re-planning of Madrid’s urban area, enabling the city to accommodate more people within its existing scale while becoming cleaner and tidier, but it would also make it look more like a modern metropolis.

But the drawbacks were also numerous. Firstly, re-planning the city and providing adequate housing for the slum population would require a significant investment.

On top of that, whether all the residents within the reorganization scope would be willing to relocate, and whether there were enough construction teams to build a sufficient number of new buildings for these residents in a short period of time, were also questions worth considering.

Because of the high stakes involved, the proposal was voted on in parliament for several days, sparking extensive discussion among the Senators, but no clear result was reached.

The hot topic in parliament also attracted the attention of Prime Minister Primo and Carlo. Regardless of Prime Minister Primo’s attitude, for Carlo, reorganizing Spain’s slums was absolutely necessary.

The living conditions in the slums were poor, and the sanitation was extremely bad. This not only damaged Madrid’s urban image but also affected the health of the slum residents.

Reorganizing the slums was an extra expense for the government, but aside from the cost, there were no other negative consequences. If it could effectively reduce the number of slums in Spain and provide the residents with steel-and-concrete houses to live in, it would, in fact, win the support of these people.

However, the houses absolutely could not be distributed for free. This would be unfair to those outside the reorganization scope, and those who received free housing would not necessarily be grateful to the government and the royal family.

As the saying goes, what is easily obtained is often not cherished. If the government distributed houses to the slum residents for free, they would certainly be grateful to the government and the royal family in the short term, but this might not be the case in the long run.

Compared to giving away houses for free, Carlo actually had a better idea: the low-income housing of later generations.

So-called low-income housing was essentially inexpensive housing built by the government for the poor. The rent for these houses was generally very low to ensure that even the impoverished could afford them.

Because they were specifically for the poor, these houses did not need to be built too elaborately. The living area and space could be reduced in exchange for lower rent.

Thinking of the low-income housing policy of the future, Carlo decided not to hesitate any longer and to push for the construction of similar housing in Spain to meet the needs of the slum population.

However, such a proposal could not come from Carlo himself. After all, low-income housing still required rent, and the reorganization of the slums would mean that some people would be unwilling to change their current way of life.

Fortunately, after several years in Spain, the number of people Carlo could call upon was constantly increasing. While Prime Minister Primo controlled most of the seats in the Spanish Parliament, many seats did not belong to his Progressive Party.

The aforementioned Spanish Conservative Party also held seats in parliament. Their ideology leaned more towards the royalist faction, so it was natural that some would choose to align with Carlo.

Jovellar y Soler was just such a person. His party, the Conservative Party, was more supportive of the monarchy, though they did not have many objections to Prime Minister Primo’s reforms.

The Conservative Party not opposing reform might seem strange, but upon reflection, it was quite normal. The truly conservative and hidebound members of the party had been eliminated during the revolution. The remaining members of the Conservative Party were more conservative in their support for the monarchy, not in their opposition to reform.

Those hidebound conservatives had vanished into Spanish history along with the Bourbon dynasty. Unless Prime Minister Primo’s reforms failed completely, or Carlo’s reign experienced several rather unsuccessful wars, the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty was basically impossible.

The pain that Queen Isabella and her father had inflicted upon the Spaniards was too deep to be healed in just a few decades.

The reason the Bourbon dynasty was restored in history was that Amedeo, the chosen king, had failed to advance reforms in Spain, and the republicans who overthrew the monarchy performed even worse than the monarchy had, ultimately allowing the Bourbons to return.

Had Amedeo or the republicans performed just a little less poorly, the history of Spain would have been completely rewritten.

On December 2, 1872, Jovellar y Soler resubmitted a proposal to the Spanish Parliament. It included the large-scale construction of low-income housing in Madrid and a method of saving a portion of the expenses by collecting rent, all in an effort to reorganize Madrid’s slums at the lowest possible cost.

In addition, the proposal included measures to encourage residents of the commoner districts to work in factories on the outskirts of Madrid, effectively increasing the real income of the slum residents and mitigating the impact of the reorganization.

Although the new industrial zone was being built in Barcelona, Madrid itself also had industrial areas. Madrid’s industry was simply more dispersed, with factories scattered throughout the outskirts, and its overall industrial scale was even larger than Barcelona’s.

If these factories on the outskirts of Madrid could be effectively utilized to provide more jobs for the slum residents, it could change their opinions and make them more supportive of the reorganization policy.

Overall, providing housing for the over one hundred thousand Spaniards living in the slums required a large budget, but it was not as much as one might think.

After all, housing prices in this era were not yet that expensive, and Madrid was just a small city with a population of slightly over four hundred thousand.

With sufficient land and building materials, and with the construction of very simple buildings like low-income housing, the overall cost of each building was quite cheap.

Considering the actual needs of these residents, a family of four would require about 50 square meters of living space. Spain had no concept of common area footage, and while 50 square meters wasn’t large, it was indeed enough for the daily life of a family of four.

As for toilets, one or two public toilets could be built on each floor to meet the residents’ sanitation needs. Additionally, a certain number of large public restrooms could be built in each area to effectively improve the hygiene of public spaces.

Based on these requirements, the cost of constructing the buildings would be much lower. For the Spanish government, this was not an unaffordable budget.

After all, the five hundred million franc loan promised by the French was about to arrive in installments. With the help of this loan, the budget for reorganizing Madrid’s slums was only a small fraction of it.

After Jovellar y Soler submitted the proposal to parliament, Prime Minister Primo already understood who was behind it.

Prime Minister Primo knew perfectly well whom these Conservative Party Senators had sided with. Since His Majesty the young king was keen to push for the reorganization of Madrid’s slums, Prime Minister Primo was naturally happy to go along with it.

After all, this was originally part of the reforms; it was simply happening ahead of schedule. Since the king himself actively supported such a plan, he certainly couldn’t oppose it.

With Prime Minister Primo’s signal, the members of the Progressive Party all expressed their support for the proposal. And with Jovellar y Soler’s persuasion, the members of the Conservative Party also cast their votes in favor.

Driven by the two major parties, the Progressive and Conservative Parties, the proposal was quickly passed in parliament. The opposing parties and Senators were ultimately in the minority.

Although the proposal to reorganize the slums was passed, the specific implementation still required careful deliberation.

For the government, reorganizing Madrid was a must, but it couldn’t be done all at once. The reorganization of all slums had to be prioritized. The areas with dilapidated buildings would be dealt with first, followed by the dirtiest and most disorderly areas, and finally, the areas that were merely somewhat messy.

After this allocation, there were not actually that many slums that needed to be prioritized, and the number of residents living within them was only a few tens of thousands.

However, the overall construction volume was still very large, and it would be difficult for Spain’s domestic construction teams to complete it in a short time. The reorganization of the slums had to be done quickly. To achieve this goal, the Spanish government decided to open up public bidding to foreign companies, seeking help from international construction firms to build more low-income housing more quickly.

There was not much to say about the construction of the low-income housing. The requirements for such buildings were very low; they just needed to be sturdy enough and habitable.

Compared to the houses in the slums, a sturdy building made of steel and concrete was already a warmer, more spacious, and brighter place.

What the government needed to study was not how to build the low-income housing, but how to allocate it to the slum residents once it was built.

Again, distributing it for free was impossible, and Prime Minister Primo’s attitude was the same. Just like with the land before, it would still be handled through leasing.

However, considering that those who truly needed this low-income housing were extremely low-income individuals, the rent must not be high.

Based on the current per capita income in Spain, the government ultimately set the rent for low-income housing at 2 céntimos per square meter per month.

A typical family of four would need about 50 square meters of living space, making the monthly rent 100 céntimos, or 1 peseta. The annual rent would be only 12 pesetas, roughly equivalent to one-tenth of the current average annual income.

This was a rent that the vast majority of families could definitely afford. To use a modern example, if the average monthly income was 4,000 yuan, the annual income would be 48,000 yuan. The monthly rent for a 50-square-meter low-income apartment would be 400 yuan, which is not too high.

Of course, considering that there were indeed a small number of extremely poor families, this rent was not completely fixed. For families lacking laborers and with incomes far below the average, the government could offer a certain reduction on the rent for the first three years, or provide them with a certain rental subsidy to ensure that these low-income individuals had a place to live.

In addition, the conditions of these low-income housing units could not be too good; individual units would not be equipped with their own toilets. This was not because the Spanish government was unwilling to provide better living conditions for low-income people, but rather to prevent higher-income individuals from seizing the housing intended for the poor.

Those who needed low-income housing were mostly from low-income groups. If the living environment of the low-income housing was made too good, it would certainly attract the attention of some non-low-income people.

Low-income housing was already a money-losing venture for the government, so naturally, the less they had to build, the better. If these middle- and high-income individuals came to snatch up the low-income housing stock, either many truly low-income people would not get a home, or the government would be forced to build more housing, attracting even more middle- and high-income people to compete for it, creating a vicious cycle.

Chapter 143: Christmas

Time passed quietly, and soon it was Christmas of 1872.

This year, the Royal Palace was set to be much livelier, as it had welcomed its new mistress, Queen Sophie.

Carlo himself was indifferent, but to prevent Queen Sophie from growing bored in the vast palace, he decided to host a grand court banquet to liven up the Royal Palace of Madrid for Christmas.

Banquets were not only an important means of social interaction for noblewomen but also a way for the nobility to strengthen their connections.

Indeed, aside from a few noblemen like Duke Jacopo, Carlo hadn’t seen many of Spain’s aristocrats for quite some time.

It was quite necessary to use this court banquet to reconnect with the nobles and deepen their bonds, as they were, after all, a source of support for Carlo.

In truth, the underlying reason for all this was the small size of the Spanish royal family. With only the king and queen, holidays were indeed quite monotonous.

However, Carlo had never been one to neglect his own comfort. Although the royal family consisted of only two people, the palace staff numbered over a hundred, with more than ten chefs alone, capable of preparing delicacies from various European cuisines.

The clothes Carlo and Queen Sophie wore daily were all custom-made for the royal family by private tailors. Each garment cost upwards of a hundred pesetas, with some expensive formal gowns costing over ten thousand pesetas.

To prepare for this grand court banquet, all dozen or so chefs, each an expert in a different European cuisine, were mobilized to create a wide array of exquisite dishes.

After several years of development, Carlo’s wine business had become one of the more well-known enterprises among Spain’s wineries.

After all, with Carlo himself, the king, acting as a personal advertisement, the wine’s prestige was invisibly elevated. Although the brand sold to the commoners was not the Royal Winery brand exclusive to the royal family, the wine was still produced at the royal vineyards.

The high-end Royal Winery brand had now become one of the primary choices for banquets among the nobility. After all, it was the king’s business, and the nobles had to show some respect, more or less.

Even though most of these nobles owned their own wine businesses, presenting a bottle or two of Royal Winery wine at a banquet not only pleased His Majesty the King but also served as a direct display of the banquet’s extravagance.

The wines from the Royal Winery were all quite expensive, much like the Moutai of later generations. Regardless of the taste, the price spoke for itself.

Precisely because of its high price, the wine produced by the Royal Winery was quite popular among Spanish nobles and capitalists.

Because Portugal was also on the Iberian Peninsula, the Royal Winery’s wines were quite popular among its nobility as well. Furthermore, thanks to Queen Sophie, a significant amount of Royal Winery wine was exported to the Austro-Hungarian Empire each year, where it was well-received by their aristocracy.

As one of the world’s top ten wine-producing regions in later eras, Spain’s wine boasted excellent taste and production volume.

Spurred by the wine industry, many new grape plantations had sprung up across Spain, and they had begun to cooperate with the royal wineries.

Compared to farming traditional crops, growing grapes was more profitable. However, the Royal Winery had strict requirements for the variety and quality of the grapes. Grapes of inferior variety or quality could only be sold to smaller wineries to produce brands for the common people.

Carlo’s winery also had a brand focused on value, called Iberian Estates. The quality of wine from Iberian Estates was noticeably much lower than that of the Royal Winery.

In terms of both quality and packaging, the difference between them was like night and day.

However, lower quality and simpler packaging also meant a lower price. The cheapest bottle from the Royal Winery cost at least a hundred pesetas—equivalent to a Spaniard’s annual income.

In contrast, wines from Iberian Estates were generally priced below ten pesetas, with some ultra-low-priced options available for two to three pesetas.

As for the market for even cheaper, lower-quality wines, Carlo had no intention of entering it for the time being. After all, the royal wineries alone could not possibly dominate the entire Spanish wine market; it was better to focus on the more profitable mid-to-high-end segments.

Although the low-quality wine market had greater sales volume, the profit per bottle was very low, relying entirely on quantity.

Currently, the Royal Winery held over fifty percent of Spain’s high-end wine market and was a common sight at the banquets of nobles and capitalists.

Meanwhile, Iberian Estates held about thirty-five percent of the low-to-mid-range market, with the rest being occupied by a dazzling array of other Spanish wine brands.

The wine market alone generated millions of pesetas in fiscal revenue for the Spanish government and had created tens of thousands of jobs.

Furthermore, the reputation of Spanish wine, bolstered by high-end exports, led the Spanish government to place great importance on the development of viticulture and the wine industry. They even enacted specific support policies, encouraging people to grow grapes and offering tax reductions for the wine industry.

For Spain, much of the land could be used to cultivate grapes and produce wines with a unique Spanish flavor.

This could effectively boost the development of the grape industry, and the income from growing grapes was significantly higher than that from simply planting grain.

The bad news, however, was that to the north of Spain lay a country even more famous for its wine industry: France.

French wine was the true bestseller across Europe, eagerly sought after by the vast majority of European nobility.

Of course, there were historical reasons for this. During the peak of France’s power, French was the language of diplomacy among European nobles.

When aristocrats provided their children with an elite education, the primary foreign language they learned, besides their native tongue, was French.

Along with the spread of the French language, French wine became popular throughout Europe. Although France was in a state of continuous decline, the affection of various countries’ nobles for French wine had not diminished much.

In later generations, there were even legends about Lafite. Although most of the Lafite on the market were counterfeit products, its fame was a testament to how vast and renowned the French wine industry was.

Although Spain was also one of the world’s top ten wine regions, it clearly could not compete with France in the wine market.

And it wasn’t just France; to the east, across the Mediterranean, Italy also boasted one of the top ten wine regions and was another competitor for Spain’s wine exports.

Soon, the nobles of Spain received news that His Majesty the King would be hosting a grand court banquet at the Royal Palace on Christmas Day.

Naturally, these nobles had no reason to refuse a personal invitation from His Majesty. Indeed, no one would decline the king’s invitation. After all, this was not only an opportunity for the king to grow closer to them but also a chance for them to grow closer to the king.

This large-scale court banquet invited most of the grand dukes and dukes from around Madrid, making it a high-level gathering of the Spanish aristocracy.

Including Prime Minister, Duke Primo and Minister of Defense, Grand Duke Serrano, the nobles attending this banquet were either highly influential within the aristocracy or high-ranking officials with considerable prestige in the government and military.

Of course, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo and Jovellar y Soler were also among them.

Cánovas was the current Minister of Agriculture in the Cabinet and a chief leader of the Spanish Conservative Party. And although Jovellar y Soler was just an ordinary senator, he had earned Carlo’s trust and favor by demonstrating his loyalty early on.

After all, Spain had a limited number of parliamentary seats, most of which were controlled by Prime Minister Primo. A senator like Jovellar y Soler who supported Carlo was therefore quite important.

Just like with the previous low-income housing proposal, if Carlo wanted to submit something to parliament, he could have Jovellar y Soler do it on his behalf, thereby avoiding any personal risk.

Moreover, members of parliament not only had the power to elect the Cabinet but also the right to run for positions within it.

In the future, after Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano gradually withdraw from Spanish politics, the next Cabinet would inevitably be formed from an election among the members of parliament.

In other words, the current members of parliament were very likely to be the members of the next Cabinet. Of course, this was contingent on them still being members of parliament when the time came for the next Cabinet election.

According to the Spanish constitution, each region elected a certain number of senators based on its population, who together formed the Spanish Senate, also known as the parliament.

Senators were elected every three years and could theoretically serve an unlimited number of terms. As long as they had the support of the local Spanish populace, they could remain senators indefinitely.

Since the current Spanish Cabinet was elected in February 1869, the next election for the Cabinet would be held five years later, in February 1874.

When February 1874 arrived, the members of the Senate could run for the position of Prime Minister, and the final candidate would be determined after a vote by all senators.

Although there was no party requirement to run for Prime Minister, a candidate had to be either an independent or the actual leader of a political party. Regular party members were not eligible to run for Prime Minister; they could only help their party leader’s campaign and subsequently obtain cabinet minister positions when the Cabinet was formed.

The Prime Minister, after all, is the head of the Spanish government. If one cannot even be the top leader within their own party, how could they possibly handle the position of Prime Minister of Spain, a role second only to one and above all others?

The requirement that a candidate from a party must be its leader was, in effect, a way to screen for a candidate’s prestige. Only a prime minister with sufficient prestige could command the respect of the entire Cabinet; one without it would only lead to more chaos.

While this requirement did not apply to independents, their path to election was actually much more difficult. A party leader could mobilize the entire party’s resources to aid their campaign. An independent, however, could only rely on themselves, increasing the difficulty manifold.

According to the Spanish constitution, anyone who secured more than sixty percent of the votes in the Senate would become the Prime Minister of the Spanish government.

A prime minister who won sixty percent of the vote through their own efforts or those of their party would have the full and free power to form their Cabinet.

However, if a party could not secure sixty percent of the votes on its own, it could form a coalition with other parties to reach that threshold.

But a prime ministership gained through a coalition would come with significant limitations. After all, other parties would not offer their support unconditionally, and concessions would certainly be required when forming the Cabinet.

The Spanish constitution stipulated that if no coalition could achieve over sixty percent of the vote, the individual or party leader with the most votes would become the Prime Minister. However, other parties and independents would gain the right to run for the remaining Cabinet seats.

In other words, if the sixty percent threshold was not met, all of Spain’s Cabinet seats would be filled through election, rather than being appointed by the elected Prime Minister.

In any case, regardless of how the Cabinet was formed, it was required to swear an oath of allegiance to Carlo as king.

This step was a custom from the days of absolute monarchy, intended to demonstrate the king’s supreme authority to the Cabinet and make them understand who was truly the master of the nation. Prime Minister Primo had retained this custom mainly to protect the stability of Spain’s monarchy. After all, ever since he chose monarchy as the foundation of the government, he and the monarchy had become intertwined.

The more stable Spain’s monarchy was, the more energy Prime Minister Primo’s government would have to push for reforms in Spain.

Conversely, if the monarchical system in Spain was unstable, Prime Minister Primo, as a supporter of that system, would naturally have little energy to spare for reforms.

The Cabinet was elected by the Senate, and the regional governors were elected by the regional parliaments. This electoral process extended to cities and towns as well.

The Senate and the regional parliaments also held the power to impeach officials. Spain’s current political system more closely resembled a parliamentary constitutional monarchy, with power largely concentrated in the parliament.

It was quite similar to the British political system; in fact, when drafting its constitution, Spain had drawn heavily upon the provisions of the British constitution.

After all, at the time, Britain was indisputably the world’s most powerful nation and the prime example of a constitutional monarchy, so referencing its constitution was a perfectly common practice.

As the king of Spain, Carlo occupied a rather unique position in the country’s political system. His nominal powers were vast, but exercising them required a great deal of influence.

Without influence in politics and the military, his power was more like a hollow title, practically impossible to wield.

Taking a Day Off Today

Taking a day off today.

As the title says, I feel my writing has been getting worse lately, so I’m taking a day off to look for some inspiration.

Also, if any fellow readers have good suggestions or ideas, please feel free to leave them in the chapter comments. Thank you for your support!

(This is just a one-day break, not dropping the story. I’ll be back tomorrow with an update of over six thousand words.)

Chapter 144: Encouraging Childbirth, Three Major Research Projects

In fact, since his marriage, Carlo had faced a new problem: the matter of continuing his bloodline.

In other words, Carlo’s greatest task after marrying was, in fact, to have children.

This was true not only for the royal family but for the vast majority of noble families. The foremost duty in inheriting a noble title was to produce an heir; expanding one’s estate was secondary.

If there was no suitable successor to inherit one’s estate, what good was a kingdom or even an empire?

A nation would not perish, but a family without descendants to carry on its line would face extinction.

European history was filled with countless examples of a throne falling to a branch family or even another clan due to the lack of an heir. This made European nobles place immense importance on the continuation of their bloodline.

It was one thing before marriage, but for those who remained childless after three years, arrangements would be made to find the cause of the problem.

Finding the problem was simple: the nobleman would be provided with many lovers. If a lover could conceive, it proved the issue lay with the noble’s wife.

If the lovers could not conceive either, then the problem most likely lay with the nobleman himself.

If the issue was with the nobleman, he would need to select a suitable heir from among his relatives in advance, such as a child of his brother or sister.

Carlo currently had no such worries. After all, it had been less than a year since their wedding, and both Carlo and Queen Sophie were still young, so they had no immediate plans to have a child.

Ultimately, it was because the medical technology of this era was too poor. To ensure Queen Sophie’s future health, Carlo planned to wait until she was fully an adult and properly prepared before discussing having children.

In reality, that wasn’t far off. Queen Sophie was born in March 1855, meaning she was only three months away from adulthood.

However, considering the preparations before childbirth, the duration of the pregnancy, and so on, Carlo’s first child would be born in at least two years.

For the sake of the royal family’s need to produce heirs, it was, of course, better for Carlo to have more children. Since the royal family had no financial concerns when it came to raising children, the more, the merrier.

It would also set a good example for the Spanish people. If His Majesty the King was working hard to have children, what reason did the common folk have not to share the burden of increasing Spain’s population?

Of course, to make the Spanish people more enthusiastic about having children, their worries after the child’s birth had to be addressed—namely, the various expenses.

In addition to implementing compulsory education up to at least the primary school level, Carlo also planned to establish subsidies and rewards for having more children in Spain.

However, such a policy of subsidies and rewards would certainly have to be discussed with the government. After all, the government would be the one spending the money. Without its approval, there would undoubtedly be conflicts regarding this policy in the future.

Since population was currently a major weakness for Spain, the proposal to encourage childbirth was naturally best implemented as soon as possible.

Just after Christmas, Carlo had Jovellar y Soler submit a proposal in the Congress of Deputies regarding the encouragement of childbirth to test Prime Minister Primo’s attitude.

The current parliament was controlled by Prime Minister Primo, so whether the proposal passed depended entirely on his stance.

This was why Carlo had Jovellar y Soler submit the proposal directly to the Congress of Deputies. If Prime Minister Primo supported it, the proposal would naturally pass with ease.

But if Prime Minister Primo did not support it, it would be impossible to secure a majority in parliament, even by allying with other parties.

Prime Minister Primo was quickly informed of the proposal submitted to parliament. Because he was already aware that Jovellar y Soler had pledged allegiance to Carlo, he naturally saw the proposal as one originating from the king.

First of all, Prime Minister Primo had few reasons to reject the content of the proposal. The only point worth discussing was the details of the rewards and subsidies for families with many children, but that could be settled within the Cabinet.

After all, it was parliament that submitted and revised laws, but it was the Cabinet that executed them.

Even if the proposal was passed by parliament, the Cabinet still had the final say on how the law would be implemented.

Since Jovellar y Soler was able to submit this proposal in the Congress of Deputies, he must have had Carlo’s support.

That being the case, Prime Minister Primo would not refuse. He was quite respectful of Carlo, just as Carlo respected his authority in the Cabinet.

Carlo knew that Spain’s reforms could not succeed without Prime Minister Primo’s strong push, and Primo certainly knew that the success of the reforms depended on Carlo’s strong support.

Royal authority still held great influence in Spain. As a Prime Minister who supported the monarchy, Primo naturally hoped to gain Carlo’s backing, rather than stand in opposition to the king he himself had helped bring to power.

With Prime Minister Primo’s tacit approval, the proposal quickly passed through parliament. Although the Progressive Party held the majority of seats, the Conservative Party was still the second-largest party in Spain.

In Spain’s current parliament, the Progressive Party was the absolute dominant party and the current ruling party. Its leader was Prime Minister Primo, and most of its members were from the Reformist faction.

The second-largest party was the Conservative Party. Its current representative was the Minister of Agriculture, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo, and it held twenty percent of the total seats in parliament.

The third-largest party was the Liberal Party, which was also Spain’s last major legal political party. The ideas of the Liberal Party members were somewhere between conservative and reformist, and they maintained a relatively neutral attitude towards the monarchical government—that is, they were neither staunchly opposed nor firmly supportive.

Beyond them were only minor parties, some with only one or two parliamentary seats, others with none at all, making them completely insignificant.

The reason the Liberal Party was called Spain’s last major legal party was because there was another large, illegal party within Spain: the party that had supported the establishment of a republican Spanish government during the revolution.

After Carlo was chosen as the King of Spain, the position of the Republican Party became rather awkward. They supported republicanism, which placed them in opposition to the new government of the Kingdom of Spain.

However, for the sake of the Spanish government’s stability at the time, and considering Carlo had just arrived in Spain, Prime Minister Primo did not target the Republican Party, and it remained one of Spain’s top three parties.

But during the Carlist rebellion, many Republican Party members supported the rebels in Catalonia and the Basque region, causing severe damage to Spain’s stability.

Prime Minister Primo acted decisively, declaring the Republican Party, then the third-largest party in Spain, illegal and banning it throughout the country.

This allowed the Liberal Party to leap into the position of Spain’s third-largest party, while the Republican Party became a party with a large number of supporters but was completely illegal.

The good news, however, was that since Spain’s reforms and development had progressed smoothly, the number of people supporting the Republican Party was continually decreasing.

Few were staunch supporters of republicanism; most were simply people who had been disappointed by the previous monarchical government. They had hoped to establish a government with a new system to change Spain’s situation. Their true goal was to change the existing state of Spain, not necessarily the government itself.

Since Carlo became King of Spain, the country had indeed been developing in a positive direction. The real income of the Spanish people had risen considerably, which allowed those who longed for change to see the benefits of the monarchy.

They also came to understand that the monarchy itself was not deeply flawed; rather, the previous Spanish monarch had been severely lacking.

This group of people gradually turned into reformists. They supported the government of the Kingdom of Spain under a constitutional monarchy and were eager to reform some of Spain’s more backward and conservative aspects to make the nation stronger and more advanced.

Under this evolution, Prime Minister Primo’s Progressive Party leaped to become the largest party in Spain, completely dominating the Conservative Party in terms of parliamentary seats, despite the latter having more supporters.

Yes, although the Conservative Party was at a disadvantage in terms of parliamentary seats, it was still Spain’s largest party in terms of its support base.

This was because the Conservative Party had a large number of peasants as its constituents, and most Spanish peasants supported more conservative parties. They did not want major changes in the country; it was best if nothing happened, allowing them to live and work in peace.

It was only because the reforms had brought tangible benefits to the peasants that these mostly conservative-minded farmers did not oppose Spain’s reforms. Some even looked forward to seeing more.

After all, the reforms had concretely reduced and abolished taxes. With the burden on the peasants lightened, the pressure in their lives naturally decreased significantly.

The clearest evidence of the peasants’ reduced burden was the growth of Spain’s population. During the original Kingdom of Spain, annual population growth was very low, sometimes less than one hundred thousand people.

This was an astonishing figure and proved that during Queen Isabella’s reign, the Spanish people were not living well at all, leaving them with no extra energy to have children.

But under Carlo’s rule, with their burdens lightened, people naturally had more time to think about continuing their family lines.

Contraceptive methods were not very advanced at the time. Condom technology was immature and not as thin as in later generations.

The common contraceptive measures used by the populace were made of sheep intestines and linen. These were neither comfortable nor practical; the sheep intestines even had a foul smell, making them extremely unpleasant to use.

But not using them was not an option either. If an accidental pregnancy occurred, childbirth was a life-threatening ordeal. Even if the baby was born, the infant survival rate was not very high.

And even if the infant survived and was healthy, raising a child was a significant expense.

In the future, Spain would certainly have to ban abortion completely. There was no other reason than the fact that abortion techniques were currently too primitive and the risk factor was too high.

Considering the impending subsidies and rewards policy for families with many children that the Spanish government was about to enact, a complete ban on abortion techniques in Spain would not place too great a burden on the populace.

Perhaps they could even consider the royal family and the government jointly establishing foster homes and orphanages to help children from poor families receive a better education.

Of course, the foster homes and orphanages would not be free. Children raised in these two institutions would have two choices in the future.

They could either serve the nation directly, which would exempt them from all expenses incurred at the orphanage or foster home. Or they could find work to earn money and repay the debts they had once owed.

Returning to the topic of subsidies and rewards for having many children, after the proposal was passed by parliament, it was quickly submitted to the Cabinet for implementation.

Following the implementation of the previous assessment system, the administrative efficiency of all levels of the Spanish government had improved significantly. They had no choice but to improve; a poor assessment would result in demotion without any mercy.

The mayors of several cities had already been dismissed by their respective regional parliaments. With their own positions and future prospects at stake, it was impossible for these officials not to take it seriously.

What parliament passed was just a draft; the specific implementation would depend on the financial situation of the Spanish government.

When parliament passed the draft, Prime Minister Primo convened a Cabinet meeting and assigned the task to the Ministry of Public Welfare and the Ministry of Finance.

After a period of discussion, the two ministries finally produced a more detailed “Subsidy and Reward Act for Families with Many Children.”

The act stipulated in detail that a family with two or fewer children was considered an ordinary family. For each additional child beyond this, the family would be eligible for a government subsidy.

The government subsidy would be twenty-five percent of the local average annual income. Based on the current national average annual income, this amounted to about twenty-six pesetas. The subsidy could be claimed once a year, or be directly deposited into the family’s official registered bank account.

In addition to the government subsidy, there were also certain rewards for families with many children. For example, families with more than five children would be given priority consideration when Spanish state-owned enterprises or royal enterprises recruited employees.

Those with more than eight children would be featured in local newspapers and awarded the title of “Hero Parents” by the local government.

Those with more than ten children would receive a personal audience with Carlo and be awarded the title of “Hero Parents” of Spain, and they would be invited to every official event organized by the Spanish government.

Although the corresponding subsidies and rewards were not overly generous, for families that already had more than two children, it was indeed an extra source of income.

While a subsidy of twenty-five percent of the local average annual income was not a large sum, the combined amount for several children could be nearly equivalent to the annual income of an adult.

With the average annual income constantly rising, having many children could indeed become a viable option for Spaniards. After all, procreation was one of the few forms of entertainment available to commoners in this era.

Considering that Spain’s population and economy were constantly changing, this act was currently being implemented on a temporary basis and would likely undergo changes in the future.

This act was not a major expense for the Spanish government either. If a newborn was eligible for a government subsidy of twenty-six pesetas, based on Spain’s population growth, it was estimated that there would be around two hundred thousand newborns next year.

This meant the government would only need to bear a subsidy cost of about five million two hundred thousand pesetas to stimulate even greater population growth in Spain.

In fact, some of these newborns would not fall into the “more than two children” category, so the government’s required subsidy expenditure would be even lower.

This was practically a case of spending a little to achieve a lot. The Spanish government’s fiscal revenue was constantly increasing, and five million pesetas was indeed no longer a large expenditure for the current Spanish government.

When the Ministry of Finance approved this budget, the Minister of Finance did not even blink. If it weren’t for the fact that excessively high subsidies were not necessarily a good thing, he would have even considered increasing the subsidy beyond what the act stipulated to further stimulate Spain’s population growth rate.

After the act was promulgated, Carlo paid it little further attention.

After all, implementing the act was the government’s job. If Carlo paid too much attention, it would damage his current good relationship with Prime Minister Primo.

Carlo was quite confident in Prime Minister Primo. Since the act could pass in parliament, it proved that the Prime Minister held a supportive attitude towards it.

The only thing that might change was the level of subsidy for families with many children in the act, but this could be adjusted later when Carlo held more power. In any case, there was no rush.

Christmas of 1872 had passed, and Carlo’s main concern was the status of the approaching economic crisis of 1873.

Fortunately, the impending economic crisis did not seem to have a major impact on Spain.

But on second thought, it was understandable. Spain’s industrial and economic scale was not large compared to the great powers, so it was natural that it would be less affected.

Furthermore, the reforms carried out by the Spanish government had put the country’s economy in a state of steady growth, without excessive, flashy surges.

In fact, the production of many industries was still insufficient to meet Spain’s domestic demand, so there was naturally no possibility of an economic crisis breaking out.

Carlo had been monitoring Spain’s stock market and industrial market for a long time. Only after confirming that Spain would not suffer a severe impact from the economic crisis did he finally breathe a sigh of relief.

Although the economic crisis that erupted in 1873 was not particularly large in scale, it lasted for quite a long time and had a significant impact.

If a fledgling Spain were to be hit hard by an economic crisis, it would be a devastating blow to its industrial and economic development.

It would also affect the timeline of Spain’s rise. Without the impact of an economic crisis, Spain had a chance to complete its reforms and achieve its revival before 1880.

But with the impact of an economic crisis, the time to complete reforms and achieve revival might have to be postponed by more than ten years.

If that were to happen, Spain would certainly miss the best time to partition Africa. Even if Spain could wait for its reforms and economic revival to be completed, Africa would have already been mostly carved up by the great powers, leaving no place for Spain to rule.

Since the economic crisis would not affect Spain too severely, Carlo did not have to worry too much. Instead, he turned his attention to the development of the royal enterprises, including the research of the talents he had recruited from across Europe.

Currently, besides the more traditional sectors like steel, heavy industry, the food industry, and finance, the royal enterprises also included military industry, agriculture, mining, and machine manufacturing.

There were three research projects that Carlo was paying close attention to: the machine gun and smokeless powder development by the Maxim brothers; the engine development by Benz, Daimler, and Maybach; and Gramme’s research into electricity.

The success of any one of these three research projects would have a profound impact on Spain. If all three could be completed, Spain could significantly increase its comprehensive national strength and make great strides in both civilian and military fields.

But the difficulty of these three research projects was very high, and achieving decent results was even harder.

Take the popularization of electricity, for example. The generator was just the beginning; they also needed to research power transmission and devices that used electricity.

Currently, Gramme was trying to build a large-scale thermal power plant to provide lighting for the most prosperous streets in Madrid.

If it was confirmed that this use of electricity was viable, they would first install wiring in the Royal Palace and government buildings to ensure they had electric lighting.

However, the popularization of electricity would take a long time. For at least the next ten years, it would be very difficult for ordinary people to have access to electricity.

The current power plants generated a limited amount of electricity and could not transmit it over long distances. This meant that to popularize the use of electricity throughout Spain, they would have to build corresponding power plants in every city.

For a large city like Madrid, even several power plants might not be enough. Before the problems of generator power and electricity transmission were solved, widespread popularization of electricity was basically impossible.

The same was true for the engine being developed by Benz. Inventing the engine was one thing, but popularizing machinery that used it would be very difficult in the next few years.

An engine installed on a carriage could create a simple automobile, but the stability, speed, and safety of such a vehicle could not be guaranteed, so it was impossible to produce them on a large scale for commercial use.

Besides, the current engines were also very weak; it would be more practical to use a few more horses.

Carlo was not in a hurry for the research on electricity and engines. As long as they could show some results within the next ten years and make significant achievements within the next twenty, Carlo would be quite satisfied.

What truly held Carlo’s attention and hope was the machine gun and smokeless powder technology being developed by the Maxim brothers.

Smokeless powder was historically developed in 1884, twelve years from now. Considering Carlo’s substantial investment in the Maxim brothers, this timeline should be shortened considerably.

The invention of smokeless powder would be a huge boost to the development of rifles and machine guns. The Maxim machine gun might also be created ahead of schedule, becoming one of the heavy firepower weapons equipped by the Spanish army.

If they could equip machine guns before other nations, they might be able to inflict a major defeat on them in future wars.

Especially since Spain would surely reclaim Gibraltar in the future, it was very necessary to invest in army equipment.

Chapter 145: Annual Work Report

Time passed relentlessly. As 1872 came to a close, 1873 officially began.

For the Spanish government, 1872 was a year of constant progress. The government enacted several decrees to continue advancing reforms throughout Spain, and the completion of the Seville Industrial Base led to significant growth in Spain’s industry.

Combined with the results of various other construction projects, Spain was beginning its transformation from a traditional agricultural nation into an industrial one, striving to join the ranks of Europe’s developed countries.

As the saying goes, Rome wasn’t built in a day. Spain’s reforms and the construction of its industrial economy could not be completed in a short time, and the so-called slogan of surpassing Britain and France was by no means achievable in the nineteenth century.

For the Spanish government and officials at all levels, the most important task at present was to adhere to the Five-Year Development Plan Act promulgated by the Spanish government, to effectively improve the development of Spanish industry and various sectors, and to efficiently drive the nation’s progress.

As was customary, Carlo attended the large-scale year-end parliamentary session, joining the many Senators to listen to the 1872 annual government work report submitted by the Spanish Cabinet to parliament.

Incidentally, the proposal to submit an annual government work report to parliament was Prime Minister Primo’s idea. Its purpose was not only to explain to the Senators the contributions and efforts of the Spanish Cabinet throughout the year but also to take the opportunity to show the people of Spain that the government was doing real work for the country and all Spaniards, rather than doing nothing at all.

For this very reason, the annual government work report session was exceptionally important. Each department would summarize its political achievements over the year into a clear and concise report so that all Senators and the public could understand.

If a government department failed to present an impressive report at the annual work report session, it was taken as indirect proof that the department’s performance for the year was less than satisfactory.

Because of this, all departments placed great importance on the annual work report session, as it was directly linked to their own interests.

It must not be forgotten that the Spanish Parliament had the power to impeach officials. Whether it was the Prime Minister who formed the Cabinet or any minister within it, the Spanish Parliament had the authority to impeach and remove them.

However, the entire impeachment process was not so simple. It required the support of a majority of seats in parliament to complete the entire procedure of impeaching and removing an official.

According to the provisions of the Spanish constitution, the Senators of the Spanish Congress of Deputies possessed the power to impeach any official. When any Senator submitted an impeachment motion to parliament, the entire impeachment process officially began.

What ultimately decided the fate of an impeachment motion was the attitude of all the Senators within parliament. If over sixty percent of the Senators agreed with the impeachment motion, it meant that parliament had formally removed the impeached official from their post.

If the number of Senators in favor of impeachment exceeded forty percent of the seats in the Congress of Deputies but did not exceed sixty percent, a joint session of the Congress of Deputies and the Senate would be initiated for a broader vote.

The Congress of Deputies and the Senate were effectively Spain’s lower and upper houses, which together formed the complete parliament.

Spain’s current parliamentary system was quite complex, extending even to smaller city councils. The council members elected by the various city councils formed the higher-level regional parliaments, which in turn elected a very small number of members to ultimately form the Congress of Deputies, which held real power.

The Spanish people’s true right to vote was only manifested in the city councils of various cities. They could elect the members of the city councils, and only these members had the right to be elected to higher-level parliaments.

Elections beyond that level had little to do with the general populace. After all, public opinion could be controlled, and the votes of a large number of electors would also increase the burden of vote counting, which was unnecessary for Spain at present.

Unlike the Congress of Deputies, the election of the Senate had no direct connection to the public. According to the latest Spanish constitution, the Spanish Senate was elected by the governments of the various regions and colonies, with members of the Cabinet completing the full Senate.

If the Congress of Deputies held legislative power, then the Senate’s greatest power was to conduct a secondary review of laws passed by the Congress of Deputies. Those approved would be formally implemented, while those not approved would be sent back for revision.

Under normal circumstances, apart from reviewing laws submitted by the Congress of Deputies, the Senate had little else of major importance to attend to.

However, when there were disagreements on certain major votes, the role of the Senate became apparent. When the Congress of Deputies and the Senate held a joint session to vote together, the votes of these Senate members were quite influential.

If, in an impeachment case, the number of Senators in the Congress of Deputies who agreed to impeach was over forty percent but less than sixty percent, a joint session of the Congress of Deputies and the Senate would be held for a collective vote.

At this point, if the number of votes exceeded fifty percent of the total, the impeachment case could proceed. If the votes did not exceed fifty percent of the total, the impeachment case would be concluded.

Finally, if the number of affirmative votes in the Congress of Deputies’ vote on the impeachment motion did not exceed forty percent, it also signified the automatic termination of the impeachment case, and the impeachment would be nullified.

From this, it was clear that although the Congress of Deputies had the power to supervise the government, it was still quite difficult to actually remove a particular official or the entire government.

Compared to the Senators of the Congress of Deputies, the Senate did not have the power to supervise the government. However, this did not mean the Senate was unimportant; after all, its attitude was crucial for whether a bill could ultimately be successfully implemented.

Currently, the Spanish Congress of Deputies had the most seats, with a total of 208, distributed among the regions and colonies according to their population ratios.

The number of seats in the Senate was relatively fixed, totaling less than thirty. Each region and colony had only one seat, which was basically held by the regional governor or the Governor-General of the colony.

Besides them, the only others who could enter the Senate were the cabinet ministers and the Prime Minister. This also meant that the members of the Senate were all high-ranking officials in the Spanish government.

After all, these officials had a certain right to express their opinions on whether a bill was suitable for implementation across Spain. The Senators of the Congress of Deputies generally considered matters from a perspective that was too narrow, often forgetting some of the government’s concerns.

At such times, the Senate’s opinion became particularly important. Under the guidance of the Senate, the laws enacted by the Congress of Deputies could be directed toward a path more suitable for Spain’s development, at least ensuring that the enacted laws had a beneficial, rather than harmful, impact on Spain.

Returning to the Spanish government’s 1872 annual work report session, the scene was quite grand.

All 208 Senators of the Congress of Deputies were present, and along with the cabinet ministers and Carlo, the meeting hall was bustling with activity.

Leading the proceedings was, of course, Prime Minister Primo, but his task was to set the tone for the work report session, leaving some room for the ministers of various departments to present their own political achievements.

For Prime Minister Primo, these accolades were no longer important. As long as Prime Minister Primo wished it, he could still win the next cabinet election.

After all, among the 208 Senators in the Congress of Deputies, more than half supported him and the Progressive Party. Under such circumstances, unless Prime Minister Primo voluntarily withdrew, it would be difficult for him to lose the election in the Congress of Deputies.

“Your Majesty, esteemed Senators. It is an honor to stand here in my capacity as the Prime Minister of Spain to report on the Spanish Cabinet’s annual work for the entirety of 1872.

“Throughout 1872, the development of all sectors in Spain has been very rapid. According to estimates from the Department of Public Welfare, at the end of 1872, Spain is projected to have a population of 17.45 million, an increase of at least 230,000 from the previous year.

“Over the past year, our Gross National Product reached 7.212 billion pesetas, an increase of 8.1% compared to last year.

“With the growth of the overall economy, the government’s fiscal revenue also reached a new high of approximately 525.9 million pesetas.

“However, our total fiscal expenditure still exceeds our fiscal revenue. Last year’s total fiscal expenditure amounted to 557.5 million pesetas, resulting in an annual fiscal deficit of 31.6 million pesetas.

“As of the end of 1872, our total railway mileage has surpassed 6,900 kilometers and is expected to exceed 7,000 kilometers within three months.

“From late 1868 to the end of 1872, in just four years, the railway mileage we constructed has already surpassed the total built by the previous government in the ten years from late 1858 to late 1868.

“In the future, we will continue to prioritize the construction of Spain’s railway network and plan to increase the total railway mileage to at least 7,500 kilometers by February 1874.”

Prime Minister Primo’s report was only a rough outline, but Spain’s progress in 1872 was very clear. There was significant development in almost all areas, and the railway mileage was increasing by at least 300 kilometers annually.

Furthermore, according to Prime Minister Primo, the total railway mileage would be increased to around 7,500 kilometers by February 1874.

With just over a year until February 1874, the amount of railway to be built exceeded 600 kilometers.

This was a considerable test for the Cabinet, but by the same token, if it could be accomplished, it would be a significant political achievement.

Although the Five-Year Plan was enacted after the current Cabinet was formed, its timeline was counted from the establishment of the Cabinet.

It was only natural. If the Five-Year Plan could be completed, the political achievements it would bring to the cabinet members would be immeasurable.

The Cabinet would certainly not leave such a huge accomplishment for the next administration. Even if it meant having a few fewer months, they had to ensure the Five-Year Plan was completed during their term.

Even if the results materialized a little later after its completion, the credit would not escape their grasp. But if it were completed under the next government, the credit would have very little to do with them.

The cabinet ministers were no fools, which was why both the Cabinet’s term and the development plan were set for five years.

This phenomenon occurred frequently in various countries, and Carlo naturally would not prevent it. After all, only when the development plan was directly related to their own political achievements and future prospects would these officials do everything in their power to push for its completion.

The real cause for concern was a situation where the government changed frequently, and the policies enacted by the previous administration were not carried out by the next.

In Spain’s history, the period of Amedeo’s rule and the subsequent republic was just like that. Were all of Spain’s prime ministers during that time incompetent? Probably not.

But the biggest problem was that the Spanish government changed too quickly during this period. Often, a cabinet would have just passed a law when the next one was already taking office.

The new cabinet would certainly not continue the policies of the previous one; after all, even if such policies yielded political achievements, the credit would have little to do with them.

Some governments even had ideological stances completely opposite to the previous one—some supported reform, while others opposed it. It would have been a miracle if Spain had managed to develop during this chaotic period.

Historically, during Amedeo’s reign, Spain went through nine governments. Even excluding the earliest periods under Serrano and Primo, there were still seven cabinets.

And Amedeo’s rule over Spain lasted only two and a half years at most. To go through seven cabinets in two and a half years meant that the average term of each cabinet was less than half a year.

Such frequent government turnover destined Amedeo to be unable to rule a stable Spain.

However, this could not be entirely blamed on Amedeo. After all, before he even arrived in Spain, his biggest supporter, Prime Minister Primo, had been assassinated.

It was because he lacked his greatest supporter that the Spanish government changed so frequently during Amedeo’s rule. With little power, the king was naturally unable to intervene in the government’s chaotic situation.

Carlo understood well the disadvantages of frequent government changes, so he was extremely cautious about changing the government and had no plans to replace the Spanish Prime Minister in the short term.

Of course, replacing the Prime Minister was impossible right now anyway. Unless Prime Minister Primo voluntarily withdrew from the election for prime minister, his victory was a foregone conclusion.

However, considering Prime Minister Primo’s age, perhaps after the next cabinet’s term, he would no longer have the motivation to run.

After all, although the position of Spanish Prime Minister represented immense power, second only to one and above all others, it also came with extremely heavy responsibilities and obligations.

Prime Minister Primo’s goal was not to maintain Spain’s status quo, but to reform Spain into an advanced and developed European power.

With this goal in mind, being Prime Minister brought more of a heavy burden than the joy of wielding immense power.

After Prime Minister Primo’s brief work report, the rest of the meeting consisted of detailed reports from the ministers of the various cabinet departments.

Carlo listened carefully to the reports from several departments that he was particularly interested in, gaining a more detailed understanding of Spain’s current state of development.

Spain’s population data was not as simple as just reaching 17.45 million. In terms of the overall population growth rate, the number of newborns in Spain was constantly increasing, which was a good thing for the country.

It at least proved that the government’s efforts were not in vain and that the public’s burdens were being effectively reduced, thus giving them the mood, time, and energy to have children.

For this reason, the Department of Public Welfare estimated Spain’s future population growth rate and total size, projecting that by the beginning of 1875, Spain’s total population could hopefully break 18 million.

If such a healthy population growth rate could be maintained, Spain might even have a chance to increase its total population to over 20 million before 1885.

Although this figure was only an estimate based on the current population growth rate, it was definitely good news.

After all, 1885 was still nearly thirty years away from World War I. If Spain had the hope of increasing its population to 20 million by 1885, it naturally also had the hope of increasing it to nearly 30 million before World War I.

However, this was indeed just an estimate, or perhaps a beautiful fantasy. Whether Spain’s population growth rate could remain so high was a question worth pondering; high growth now did not guarantee the same in the future.

But considering the government’s recently enacted pro-natalist policies, regardless of when the population might reach 20 or 30 million, it was certain that Spain’s population was developing in a positive direction for the next few years.

Among the overall population data, the increase in immigration figures was also noteworthy. During Queen Isabella’s reign, the number of immigrants Spain received each year was not large; in fact, there was a significant outflow of people each year to other European countries, the colonies, and the former colonies in South America.

In recent years, however, the scale of immigration to Spain has been on an increasing trend.

In the whole of 1872, Spain welcomed over 20,000 immigrants, the majority of whom were from Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Carlo’s Italian identity was quite important, at least in the hearts of Italians. Many Italians who could not make a living in their homeland considered Spain when emigrating.

However, they were still a minority. More Italians still chose to emigrate outside of Europe, as Spain was not much different from Italy.

Carlo generally maintained a welcoming attitude toward these immigrants. Firstly, the number of immigrants was not large and would not have a significant impact on Spain’s overall ethnic proportions.

As long as Spaniards remained the dominant ethnic group in Spain and constituted the majority of the population, Spain was not exclusionary toward other ethnic groups.

Of course, Black Africans were out of the question. At present, discrimination against Black people by white Europeans was still quite severe, and it was rare to see Black people choosing to immigrate to Europe.

After all, not only would they not find a better environment by immigrating to Europe, but they would also face discrimination from the vast majority of Europeans.

Some more extreme white supremacists would even unscrupulously bully or even massacre Black people. As long as these white individuals had money and power, the local government would generally not get involved.

It would be a very long time before Black people could obtain true human rights. At least before the World Wars, countries around the world did not lack population. Black people were merely laborers—and laborers whose lives did not need to be worried about.

Chapter 146: An Economic Crisis is Coming

“Your Majesty, your foresight is simply divine. The United States government has already begun to slow down railway construction. According to our investigation, several American railway companies are currently at risk of bankruptcy. The economic crisis might be just around the corner,” Kadir, the director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, reported to Carlo with an excited expression.

“Oh? Is that so? What about the situation in other countries? Has Spain been affected as well?” Carlo’s own anticipation grew upon hearing this, and he posed a series of questions.

Ever since the government work report conference, Carlo had focused all his attention on the economic crisis poised to erupt in 1873.

The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau had even been fully mobilized, gathering intelligence across European nations and the Americas to determine when the economic crisis would strike in each country.

The primary epicenter of this economic crisis was the United States, but European countries would also be affected, and its impact would be long-lasting.

What worried Carlo was that the earlier outbreak and conclusion of the Franco-Prussian War might cause the 1873 economic crisis to erupt either sooner or later than expected.

Preventing this economic crisis was crucial for Spain, leaving no room for carelessness. This was why Carlo had directly ordered the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau to closely monitor the economic trends of various nations, as stock markets and industry movements could provide simple indicators of whether a crisis would occur and a rough timeline for its outbreak.

To put it bluntly, a capitalist economic crisis is when production far exceeds demand, severely disrupting the market.

Determining whether an economic crisis is imminent is also straightforward: one simply needs to observe the state of various industries in different countries to see if they face the threat of widespread bankruptcy.

Economic development in this era was not subject to comprehensive regulation, so the impact of an economic crisis was extremely broad, even capable of triggering chain reactions across industries and nations.

Under the continuous watch of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, the economic situation in the United States finally showed abnormal fluctuations.

Why the focus on the United States? Besides it being the country most severely affected by the 1873 economic crisis, another major reason was that the United States was a beneficiary of the Second Industrial Revolution.

Carlo was keenly aware of the threat posed by the United States. Although at this time it was merely a major power with a decent industrial and economic base, the nation’s potential was absolutely formidable.

Since he had arrived at a time before the United States had become truly powerful, Carlo naturally could not allow it to grow any stronger.

No matter how powerful the European great powers became, they would always be kept in check by each other in the future and would not pose too great a threat.

But the Americans were different. If the United States were to truly become powerful, there would be no other country in all of North America capable of threatening it.

North and South America would become America’s backyard. Shielded by the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, no country would be able to threaten the United States’ position.

Fortunately, there was still a long time before America’s true rise, and plenty of opportunities to curtail it.

It had to be admitted that the fastest way to develop in this era was by building railways. A simple railway was connected to various sectors, the most important of which was heavy industry, including steel.

Steel, in turn, was linked to the production, mining, and smelting of coal and iron ore. Building railways could directly propel the entire heavy industry sector, putting a nation on the fast track to development.

This was precisely what the United States had done. In the eight years from 1865 to 1873, America’s pig iron production increased from 755,000 tons to 2,323,000 tons, a more than twofold increase, which was quite astonishing.

Coal production grew from 22,159,000 tons to 51,917,000 tons, a 1.3-fold increase. From 1865 to 1872, the total railway mileage of newly built railways in the United States reached a staggering 31,092 miles, which is over 50,000 kilometers.

To build 50,000 kilometers of railway in just seven years—how exaggerated was that figure?

Spain’s current railway mileage had yet to break 7,000 kilometers, while super great powers like Britain, Germany, and France each had a total railway mileage of only 20,000 to 30,000 kilometers.

The total length of railway the Americans built in those seven years was already the sum of Germany’s and France’s total railway mileage combined, and twice that of Britain’s.

With such an exaggerated scale of railway construction, it was simply impossible for the 1873 economic crisis not to erupt. Moreover, the funds for American railway construction did not all come from the United States; over half of the investment came from various European countries, with Britain, France, the Netherlands, and Germany being the largest contributors.

This was also one of the reasons why the economic crisis originating in the United States affected Europe. After all, the capital these countries invested in America was real money, and the bankruptcy of American railway companies would naturally affect the capital operations of these nations.

Fortunately, Spain’s domestic capital was not substantial, so it naturally did not participate much in investing capital in the United States.

The collapse of the American railway industry would not have a major impact on Spain. After all, Spain’s small-scale construction of only 300-400 kilometers of railway per year was unlikely to attract the attention of foreign capital.

Currently, Spain’s railway construction employed two methods: one was direct government investment, and the other was issuing railway bonds to domestic capitalists and the public.

The disadvantage was that the funds available for railway construction were indeed scarce, as neither domestic capitalists nor the public could raise a substantial amount of money.

But the advantage was that the construction costs were within the nation’s affordable range, and the railway construction would not trigger negative events like an economic crisis.

Spain’s development was slower this way, but if it could remain unscathed during the economic crisis, it could use that period to develop more rapidly.

At the same time, a Spain that had not suffered much from the economic crisis could also attract the attention of foreign capital, thereby providing more capital to fuel domestic development.

However, development was one thing, but in the construction of Spain, both Carlo and Prime Minister Primo would always be mindful of the influence of capital.

Of course, capital was allowed to exist in Spain, but it was not permitted to possess excessive power, much less to use its power to influence the government.

In the future, the only capital with significant influence would be that of the royal family and the government. These two official sources of capital, when combined, could easily control the workers in Spain, turning the nation into a constitutional monarchy supported by the worker and peasant class.

According to the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau’s current investigation into the United States, the economic crisis was bound to erupt sooner or later, possibly even within a year.

Since last year, the pace of railway construction in the United States had already begun to slow, and the railway industry’s stock market was no longer as profitable.

Since it was now certain that an economic crisis was coming, the most important thing at present was, naturally, to frantically expand their own capital reserves.

Because the monetary systems of most countries at the time were commonly based on the gold standard, even if affected by an economic crisis, currencies would not devalue significantly.

In some cases, currencies might even appreciate. After all, the value of gold is relatively stable, and in a chaotic time like an economic crisis, it would only appreciate, not depreciate.

There was only one reason to expand capital reserves: to prepare as much money as possible to go on a buying spree after the economic crisis hit.

The outbreak of an economic crisis meant that many companies and enterprises would go bankrupt, and that would be when their value hit rock bottom.

Carlo could use less money to easily acquire these companies. Whether he kept them running locally or transported vital equipment and means of production back to Spain, it was a profitable venture no matter what.

In fact, Carlo had considered giving the Austro-Hungarian and Italian governments an advance warning to prepare for the economic crisis, but after much thought, he ultimately abandoned the idea.

Giving prior notice could trigger unforeseen events, which would not be worthwhile for Carlo. Besides, the economic crisis was the responsibility of the governments; it wouldn’t affect the royal families that much.

The Austro-Hungarian imperial family and the Italian royal family were clearly more influential than the Spanish royal family. They could handle this economic crisis more easily, so there was no need for him to create extra trouble for himself.

Even if the two royal families suffered heavy losses in this economic crisis, Carlo could help them in the future through interest-free or low-interest loans. There was no need to take such a great risk now.

Capital reserves and gold reserves were the two most important things in an economic crisis.

The former could be used to purchase low-priced assets from other countries, acquiring a great deal of industrial equipment and means of production.

The latter could serve as the most valuable financial reserve, preventing bank runs from occurring in the country and exacerbating the economic crisis within Spain.

“Continue to monitor the economic situation in all countries. Report immediately if an economic crisis seems likely to erupt.

Also, investigate the companies in the United States and various European countries. I need a detailed report,” Carlo instructed.

After the economic crisis fully broke out, the most important task would be acquiring companies and factories across Europe and the Americas.

But the total number of factories in these countries was at least in the tens of thousands, perhaps even exceeding one hundred thousand.

Under such circumstances, without a proper investigation, he might end up buying shell companies that caused the economic crisis, rather than truly excellent companies with equipment, substantial means of production, and numerous skilled workers.

Acquiring companies with real assets would not only yield a large amount of equipment and means of production, but also allow him to poach a few outstanding workers for Spain.

But if he were to acquire a shell company, besides a few bankrupt railway projects, all he would likely get are the company’s debt notes.

Hearing Carlo’s command, Kadir, the director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, nodded very solemnly and said reassuringly, “As you command, Your Majesty. I will thoroughly investigate the factories and enterprises in Europe and the Americas and submit a report to you.”

Carlo was quite confident in the capabilities of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau. Even the earlier assassination attempt on Prime Minister Primo had been solved with their assistance. Whether it was domestic surveillance or foreign intelligence gathering, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau was quite competent.

Under Carlo’s investment, sparing no expense or effort, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau had already become Spain’s largest intelligence agency, and its intelligence capabilities were outstanding.

The number of registered intelligence officers already exceeded one thousand. They were dispersed throughout Spain, Europe, and the Americas, providing Spain with a wealth of intelligence and firsthand news.

This intelligence also helped Carlo better judge the situations in various countries and the events taking place, allowing him to prepare Spain’s response.

In addition to those thousand-plus intelligence officers, there were thousands more unofficial intelligence personnel collaborating with the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau.

Together, these people formed the vast intelligence network of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, allowing Carlo to learn of the latest news from around the world and the newest policies of foreign governments, all from Madrid.

Having the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau investigate the enterprises of Europe and the Americas would allow Carlo to better discern whether these companies were suitable for acquisition.

After all, only companies with real value were worth acquiring. Those railway companies established just to catch the wave of railway construction, and other enterprises founded purely to make money without any technology, were naturally not on Carlo’s acquisition list.

To Carlo, factories that lacked substantial means of production and skilled workers could be established in great numbers whenever he wished.

But factories with unique production technologies and excellent production workers were things that money couldn’t always buy.

Only during an economic crisis, only when these factories went bankrupt, could he acquire all the shares of these factories and enterprises with very little capital, and then do his best to transfer their equipment, technology, and workers to Spain.

Of course, while monitoring the economic trends and stock market fluctuations of various nations, Spain’s two domestic stock exchanges also had to be watched.

Although the Madrid Stock Exchange and the Barcelona Stock Exchange were not large, they were still stock exchanges, home to various entrepreneurial activities and securities offerings.

In 1872 alone, Spain’s two stock exchanges saw over seventy entrepreneurial activities and securities offerings, with a cumulative total of 46.51 million pesetas.

If close attention wasn’t paid to securities trading activities within Spain, the economic crisis triggered by stock exchanges in other European countries could very well spread to the stock exchanges in Madrid and Barcelona.

Spain’s capital system was already fragile. Even if it only suffered a minor impact from the economic crisis, it would be a devastating blow to Spain’s vulnerable capital.

To protect domestic capital, it was necessary to impose certain restrictions on trading at the Madrid and Barcelona stock exchanges, and to conduct more stringent screening of companies issuing securities to ensure that no companies established solely for securities trading appeared in Spain.

This was no idle concern. Due to the marriage alliance with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, economic exchanges between Spain and Austria-Hungary were also closer.

Entrepreneurial activities and securities offerings on the Vienna Stock Exchange were more frequent than at the two major stock exchanges in Madrid, and the total amount of capital involved was also greater.

In 1872, the Vienna Stock Exchange had over two hundred instances of entrepreneurial activities and securities offerings, three times the combined total of Spain’s two major exchanges.

Although such a scale seemed gratifying, it was not a good thing. Due to a lack of regulation, a large portion of these were banks and construction companies established for speculative purposes.

The influx of these banks and construction companies, created solely for speculation, into the Vienna Stock Exchange did indeed create a brief period of prosperity.

But if they were to face the impact of an economic crisis, these enterprises would absolutely be the first to face bankruptcy. The bankruptcy of a large number of enterprises would inevitably affect the total trading volume of the Vienna Stock Exchange, causing the entire stock market to plummet.

What would follow would be a variety of chain reactions. Because the entire stock exchange market lacked regulation, the chain reaction would be swift and fatal.

By the time the Austro-Hungarian government reacted, perhaps the economic crisis will have already destroyed the Vienna Stock Exchange, along with the numerous shell companies created solely for speculation.

If it weren’t for these speculative shell companies, the order of the stock exchange could be maintained even if an economic crisis arrived.

This was especially true for a stock market like Spain’s. Because its overall scale was not large, the impact of an economic crisis was destined not to be too severe.

Chapter 147: A Cooperative Treasure Hunt

As a former colonial empire, Spain once possessed a considerable amount of gold reserves. However, due to its declining national strength and the fact that a large portion of the wealth belonged to the former royal family, the House of Bourbon, a significant amount of gold and other assets were taken away when they fled north to France.

Currently, the Spanish government controls less than two hundred tons of gold reserves. Carlo’s personal reserves are even smaller, barely totaling ten tons.

It couldn’t be helped. In the era of the gold standard, gold was simply too important to every nation.

Possessing gold meant one could print currency, and the ratio between gold and currency was never a fixed one-to-one.

In some countries with large gold reserves, the actual ratio of printed currency to gold could be as high as ten-to-one or even more.

What did this mean? If a country held gold worth one hundred million pounds, it might issue banknotes totaling over one billion pounds.

However, printing currency was not without its restraints. First, there was the risk of currency devaluation and inflation caused by a large influx of money into the market. Second, there was the concern that frequent gold redemptions would drastically reduce national gold reserves, leading to a monetary crisis where there was no gold left to redeem.

To put it bluntly, the amount of currency issued was also related to the currency’s credibility. And gold reserves were a major factor—one of the most important, in fact—in propping up that credibility.

Currency itself has no intrinsic value; it only gains practical value by being pegged to gold for redemption. Without gold, currency is essentially just a piece of waste paper, completely unable to circulate in the market.

The Royal Joint Bank and the national bank of Spain, as the only two legal currency-issuing banks in Spain, had accumulated certain gold reserves over the past few years of issuing currency.

But the combined reserves of the two banks amounted to just over a dozen tons. While this was a considerable sum for the banks themselves, for Spain, a dozen tons of gold was but a drop in the bucket.

The Spanish government’s gold reserves might be enough to weather this economic crisis, but who would ever complain about having too little gold?

Every extra ton of gold in hand could create a value of over one million pounds, which was more than thirty million pesetas.

Whether for the Spanish government or the two official banks, the more gold reserves they had, the better.

So, where could they obtain enough gold reserves to deal with this economic crisis?

Carlo thought of many methods, but most of them were unreliable, at least for Spain, and practically impossible to achieve.

For example, salvaging sunken treasure ships. During Spain’s colonization of the Americas, many ships transporting treasure had sunk in the Atlantic Ocean.

Although the amount of wealth on any single ship was not enormous, the total from all the sunken vessels would likely be a considerable fortune.

The problem was that the locations of these wrecks were not fixed. Moreover, given the current salvage technology, even if they could find the ships, they might not be able to bring them to the surface.

Besides, the Atlantic Ocean was vast; finding the location of a sunken ship was an extremely difficult task. The technology of the time was not suited for salvaging shipwrecks. Otherwise, countries with more advanced technology, like Britain and France, would have done so long ago.

Besides salvaging shipwrecks, a more reliable method was to prospect for and mine gold. But this would require a great deal of time, and currently known gold mines were mostly already owned. Prospecting for new mines elsewhere would take far too long.

Carlo did know that large gold mines existed in many places, but the question was, how could he ensure that other great powers wouldn’t interfere and that Spain could have exclusive rights to the mine?

Furthermore, even if Carlo pointed out the existence of a gold mine in a certain region, it would still require a mineral exploration team to confirm its location, followed by large-scale mining of the ore to extract the gold.

Such a lengthy process would clearly be too slow to combat the economic crisis, making it an unsuitable solution for Spain at the moment.

After much deliberation, Carlo finally turned his attention to India. The region of India possessed the world’s second-largest population and, similarly, a vast number of unknown treasures.

Carlo was naturally aware of the legendary Indian temple treasures, which would be the subject of various rumors in later generations. In fact, there was more than one temple treasure in India. The largest contained countless riches, while even the smaller ones held plenty of gold, silver, and jewels. Obtaining any one of them would significantly boost their gold reserves.

But the current problem was that India was British territory, and Britain’s relationship with Spain was not particularly good.

Moreover, excavating the temple treasures in India would require complete secrecy from start to finish. With the power Carlo currently commanded, it would be difficult to execute the entire plan perfectly. After all, it would involve dispatching personnel to India to dig for the treasure, keeping it hidden from the entire Indian colonial government and the British government, and then transporting the excavated treasure from India to Spain.

However, to simply give up on the Indian temple treasures would be far too much of a pity.

Although historically the temple treasures would not be discovered for another hundred years or so, who could be certain that things wouldn’t change?

After all, the course of the Franco-Prussian War had already been altered. Whether future events would change was something Carlo could not determine.

Since he couldn’t be certain, it was naturally better to get his hands on the temple treasures as soon as possible. Letting this immensely valuable treasure fall into the hands of the British or the future Indians was a bad deal for both Spain and Carlo.

Now was a relatively good opportunity. The market fluctuations preceding the economic crisis would certainly attract the attention of the British government, making this the most suitable time to go to India and excavate the treasure.

Once the British turned their attention back to India, it would be much harder to dispatch personnel for a large-scale operation.

After careful consideration, Carlo finally decided to cooperate with Prime Minister Primo and use the power of the Spanish government to obtain this treasure.

Of course, by cooperating with the Spanish government, a portion of the treasure would certainly have to be given to them. If Prime Minister Primo was more assertive, the Spanish government might even take the lion’s share, leaving Carlo with only a small portion.

But there was no other way. The royal family’s power was too weak at this time. Although the noblemen held some influence, the matter of the temple treasure was too significant to rely entirely on the old-style nobles.

As for the new-style nobles, there was no need to even mention them. The power they held came from the royal family. If Carlo himself was incapable of hiding from the Indian colonial government and the British government to excavate the treasure, it was even more impossible for these powerless new-style nobles.

Although cooperating with the Spanish government meant giving them the larger share, the good news was that the government did indeed have sufficient power. Besides, there was more than one temple treasure in India. As long as they could obtain the gold and other valuables from several of them, the benefits Carlo would ultimately receive would still be substantial.

Moreover, from Carlo’s perspective, it was also beneficial for the Spanish government to obtain these treasures. Although Spain’s development was proceeding smoothly, it was all predicated on loans from the Italian and Austro-Hungarian governments.

That included France, which had provided Spain with loans amounting to five hundred million francs, with interest payments alone reaching one hundred million francs.

The Spanish government was under immense financial pressure. If it could acquire a temple treasure to expand its gold and capital reserves, it would undoubtedly alleviate a significant portion of this financial burden, allowing for greater investment in development and construction, leading to better results.

Now that he had decided to cooperate with the government, the next steps were simple.

Carlo just needed to confirm the relevant plans with Prime Minister Primo, and the government would handle the specific actions. At most, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau could provide support.

January 15, 1873, at the Royal Palace of Madrid.

“Your Majesty, what matter is so urgent that you summoned me?” Prime Minister Primo arrived in a hurry, his eyes filled with a bit of curiosity and confusion.

In the years since his ascension, Carlo had never summoned him so urgently and mysteriously. This piqued Prime Minister Primo’s curiosity, and he had rushed over without much thought.

“Prime Minister Primo, my men have discovered a mysterious treasure outside Europe. The treasure may contain a large amount of gold, silver, jewels, and other priceless artifacts.”

“But as you know, the royal family doesn’t have enough manpower to retrieve this treasure. I wonder if the government would be interested? If so, I am willing to give thirty percent of the treasure to the government as compensation for its participation in this operation.” Carlo got straight to the point, presenting his proposal.

However, he did not speak truthfully about more private organizations like the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, simply summarizing them as “my men.”

“A priceless treasure outside Europe?” Prime Minister Primo was somewhat skeptical. It didn’t sound very reliable.

“Your Majesty, where did you hear this news? Please forgive me, but if our operation ultimately yields no results, I’m afraid it will be difficult to answer to the government,” Prime Minister Primo said after a few minutes of contemplation, raising his doubts.

Although Carlo was the king of Spain, the Spanish government would not take concrete action based on just a few words from him.

The risks involved and the potential benefits were all things Prime Minister Primo needed to consider. Unless it was certain that the government could gain tangible benefits, the Spanish government would not travel thousands of miles outside Europe in search of a so-called treasure just because of a word from Carlo.

“The source of the intelligence is not for discussion, but I can assure you that it is highly likely to be true. Even if the intelligence turns out to be false, the royal family is willing to bear all the expenses for this operation.”

“If the intelligence is true, the specific costs of the operation will be deducted from the share of the treasure obtained. Prime Minister Primo, I hope you will consider my proposal carefully. This is a treasure that cannot be missed, a great fortune for both the royal family and the government.” Carlo was not foolish enough to reveal everything about the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau he had established.

Although the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau might not be able to remain completely hidden from Prime Minister Primo, he certainly wouldn’t be too familiar with its current state of development.

As the king of Spain, it was only natural for Carlo to build his own power base. Unless Prime Minister Primo wanted to have a complete falling out with Carlo, he would not inquire too deeply about the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau.

As it turned out, things went just as Carlo had anticipated.

Upon hearing Carlo state that the intelligence source could not be disclosed, Prime Minister Primo immediately connected this information with the rumored intelligence agency Carlo had established.

Prime Minister Primo did not have any major objections to the intelligence agency Carlo had built. After all, the government could not possibly stop the king’s actions. While Carlo did not have immense power, the king of Spain was not merely a figurehead.

If pushed too far, it would benefit neither Prime Minister Primo nor Carlo. Maintaining the current balance was the most appropriate choice. It would neither hinder Primo’s reforms of the government and Spain nor interfere with Carlo’s own power arrangements.

Both Prime Minister Primo and Carlo were well aware of the current situation within the Spanish government. Right now, Primo was the undisputed master of the government, and Carlo’s influence was far less than his.

But this power would have to be returned to Carlo in the future. Before achieving their respective goals, neither Carlo nor Primo was willing to damage their relationship with the other.

Since Carlo had offered to bear the costs of the operation, Prime Minister Primo naturally had nothing more to say. Even if there was no so-called treasure, at worst, it could be considered a bit of fun between the government and the young king.

The king did not make many proposals each year, so Prime Minister Primo could not refuse his ideas too frequently.

Moreover, such a proposal posed no significant loss to the government. It was merely a matter of selecting some reliable personnel from the military to cooperate with the king on an operation.

“If that’s the case, then there is no problem. But Your Majesty, according to the plan you’ve described, the government will be the actual head of this operation.”

“If the share of the treasure is too small, the government will not gain much. I suggest changing the split to fifty-fifty. This allocation is fair to both the royal family and the government.” Prime Minister Primo continued, “The government is willing to cooperate with Your Majesty’s operation. If this treasure truly exists, regardless of which country’s territory it is on, we will be able to bring it back to Spain.”

Of course, Carlo knew that a thirty-seventy split was impossible, and Prime Minister Primo would never agree to a thirty percent share.

The reason he proposed thirty-seventy was precisely to achieve a fifty-fifty split. If he had proposed fifty-fifty from the start, there was a high probability that Prime Minister Primo would have pushed for less, and the share the royal family could obtain would be even lower.

It was like negotiating a business deal: start with a high price and then gradually lower it. Prime Minister Primo certainly knew that thirty-seventy was not Carlo’s bottom line. His meaning was also very clear: the government could cooperate with Carlo’s operation, but the split had to be a fair figure.

A fifty-fifty split was completely acceptable to Carlo. The legends surrounding the Indian temple treasures were extraordinary, with their value rumored to be in the tens, hundreds, or even trillions.

Although Carlo was not sure of the exact value of the Indian temple treasures, the half-share the royal family would receive would definitely not be small.

Currently, the total assets of the royal family amounted to only a few tens of millions of pesetas. If they acquired this treasure, their assets could potentially multiply several times over.

What was there to be unhappy about with such a windfall? The share obtained by the Spanish government would be used to develop the entirety of Spain, and the stronger Spain became, the more benefits it would bring to Carlo.

Carlo feigned a hesitant expression, but finally nodded his head. With a pained reluctance over the loss, he said, “Then let’s make it a fifty-fifty split, Prime Minister Primo.”

“But I hope there will be no further changes. The royal family will accept a minimum of a fifty-fifty split. I hope our cooperation will be pleasant.”

“But of course, Your Majesty.” Having secured a fifty percent share, Prime Minister Primo was also quite satisfied. He smiled and nodded, reassuring Carlo, “Our cooperation will be very pleasant. I hope to see this treasure soon. I can hardly wait.”

Chapter 148: In Disguise

When Prime Minister Primo learned that the so-called treasure was located in the Indian colony under British control, his first reaction was surprise, which was quickly followed by a sense of it being perfectly reasonable.

Britain’s power was inseparable from its vast colonies. And among all of Britain’s colonies, the most brilliant was the one known as the jewel of the British Empire, the fertile land of India, which provided the British government with a massive income of funds and mineral resources.

But the British had not always ruled this land. Before them, this land was home to numerous states, large and small, who were its true masters.

If the British could extract so much income and mineral resources from India, what about the land’s original masters? Could their income have been any less?

Even if the annual income of these various states was not as much as one might imagine, the accumulation over tens or even hundreds of years would be staggering.

Moreover, the history of the country of India was certainly not just a few tens or hundreds of years. The accumulation of wealth from even just a few hundred years would be an enticingly enormous sum.

Thinking of this, Prime Minister Primo could no longer sit still, filled with curiosity about the legendary Indian temple treasure.

Since they were going to dig for treasure in the Indian colony under British control, the most important thing was to select the personnel responsible for the excavation and transportation.

The team participating in the operation would not be large. After all, deceiving the Indian colonial government and the British government would not be an easy feat.

There were not many foreigners in India, and they were generally concentrated in a few of the larger colonial cities. If groups of foreigners suddenly appeared in a native Indian city, it would easily attract the attention of the Indians and the colonial government.

The team members sent to India had to be elite soldiers, and there needed to be a reliable leader. Additionally, they had to travel to India separately to maximize their chances of avoiding detection by the Indian colonial government and the British government.

The personnel selected by the government would serve as the main force, while intelligence officers from the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau would act as support, jointly completing this treasure-hunting journey that spanned thousands of miles.

Carlo had considerable trust in the people from the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau. It had been proven that making Kadir the director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau was a very wise choice; he took the formation of the Bureau very seriously, and every intelligence officer was personally selected by him.

Especially for the elite intelligence officers, besides mastering combat skills and infiltration knowledge, they also needed a thorough understanding of the customs and general knowledge of various countries around the world.

In addition, they needed to be skilled in using the weapons of various countries, including pistols, rifles, cannons, horse-drawn carriages, and even some small warships that could be operated by a few people.

To prevent the full capabilities of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau from being exposed to Prime Minister Primo, these intelligence officers providing support would participate under the guise of Royal Palace guards.

As for whether Prime Minister Primo and the others would be suspicious, that was not something Carlo needed to concern himself with.

February 1873, southern India.

Although February was still winter for most of the Northern Hemisphere, in this region of southern India, the climate was like the height of summer.

The average temperature in January was above 24 degrees Celsius, and by February, the average temperature had even reached 28 degrees Celsius.

Spain’s target for this operation was Kerala, a state in southern India across the sea from Sri Lanka, the southernmost region of the Indian subcontinent.

This was one of the most densely populated regions in India and naturally had several sizable colonial cities. Over a hundred people were participating in this operation, formed into pairs, and had made their way to India through various means to eventually rendezvous in Kerala.

Because the total number of personnel was only just over one hundred, and they were all operating separately, it was virtually impossible for the Indian colonial government and the British government to notice.

Although India was a British colony, it was, after all, open to foreigners. Tens of thousands of tourists traveled from Europe every year, so the Indian colonial government certainly couldn’t screen every single one to see if they were foreign spies.

February 4th, overcast, no sun.

Precisely because there was no sun, the weather today was quite cool, with an average temperature of only about 26 degrees.

Perhaps because it had just rained yesterday, there were few pedestrians on the muddy dirt road. Two intelligence officers disguised as foreign tourists walking on such a road did not seem strange at all.

Although the two men’s actions did not much resemble those of foreign tourists, their white skin and European appearance made the local Indians afraid to pay them too much attention.

One should not think that the British colonial policy was benevolent. Their policy in India was still cruel; to put it simply, they did not treat Indians as human beings at all.

This was mainly because the population in this region of India was so large that even the loss of a few million people had little impact on the region as a whole.

The history of British colonization in India is, in fact, a history of blood and tears for the Indian people. If not tens of millions, then at least several million Indians died at the hands of British colonizers, and the number of indirect deaths was as high as tens of millions.

In India’s colonial cities, if an Indian dared to look at a Briton for a few extra moments, what awaited them might be a beating, and they could even be beaten to death.

A Briton would face no punishment for killing an Indian, but if an Indian dared to fight back, perhaps even their family could not escape British retaliation.

Under such circumstances, unless they were the kind of people who dared to stand up and resist British colonial rule, no one would pay attention to the actions of these foreigners. They would rather stay as far away as possible.

This situation, in fact, made things easier for the personnel sent by the Spanish government. With their white skin and European faces, no matter how puzzled the Indians were, they would not dare to show the slightest dissatisfaction.

Of course, it was also possible that the weapons in the hands of these operatives intimidated the Indians.

It was legal for foreigners to carry guns in India, but illegal for Indians. If these Europeans were displeased with an Indian, there would be no recourse if they decided to give the Indian a few bullets.

So, seeing that these foreigners had European faces and were carrying firearms, not a single Indian dared to be foolish enough to approach them.

“Scotty, is there really some temple treasure here?” one of the two men with foreign faces asked, somewhat doubtfully. Looking at the muddy road and the emaciated Indians, he truly could not believe that astonishing wealth could be buried here.

“Who knows, Val?” The operative named Scotty shook his head helplessly and reminded him, “But this is an order. Even if there is nothing, we have to search this place top to bottom. Hopefully, we’ll find it. His Majesty the King personally promised that if we find the temple treasure, every one of us involved in the operation will receive a handsome reward.”

Rewarding those involved in the operation was a consensus reached between Carlo and Prime Minister Primo without much thought.

Excavating a temple treasure in British-controlled India ultimately had to be kept secret, as it would offend the British.

If the British found out, even if it did not lead to war, there would still be considerable trouble.

The best way to maintain secrecy was to ensure everyone involved benefited—in other words, to buy their silence. Although it could not guarantee that everyone would maintain strict secrecy, as long as the vast majority kept their mouths shut, there would be no need to worry about the secret getting out.

Moreover, the participants in the operation had been carefully selected. Those with big mouths who loved to boast had been eliminated in the first round of screening.

Those involved were either soldiers extremely loyal to Spain, selected by Prime Minister Primo, or strictly trained intelligence officers from the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau.

The possibility of them leaking intelligence was minuscule. Even if one or two individuals did eventually leak the secret, Spain could flatly deny it. As long as not too many people leaked it, it would not cause too much of an impact.

Although the participants were very puzzled about traveling thousands of miles to India to search for a so-called temple treasure, they did not have many complaints.

After all, these people were either soldiers or intelligence officers; they naturally understood the necessity of obeying orders.

“Why are there so many so-called temples in this damn place? We’ve already searched more than ten temples in the last few days, and not a single one was large enough to hide a treasure,” the man named Val continued. “Is the information from these Indians reliable at all? We’re looking for a temple, not some dilapidated ruin on the verge of collapse.”

“Let’s just finish checking these last few locations,” Scotty said, shaking his head nonchalantly. “I hope these Indians were telling the truth. Otherwise, I wouldn’t mind killing a few to vent some steam.”

A few days ago, the two had obtained a map from the local Indian villagers. As for how they got it, it was through purchase, of course.

After all, the entire operation needed to be kept completely secret. If they killed people indiscriminately, it could attract the attention of the local natives and thus be discovered by the Indian colonial government.

Many tourists came to India every year, and quite a few were interested in the local places rich in cultural color.

The pair’s request did not arouse the Indian’s suspicion, especially since they offered a purchase price of one pound.

One pound was not a particularly large sum in Europe, but it was quite a lot in India. These native Indians might not even earn one pound after a year of hard work. Faced with such a huge sum, they were naturally diligent in clearly describing all the nearby temples, large or small, regardless of their age.

There were many other small teams like Scotty and Val’s, but they were all disguised under different identities.

There were newly arrived immigrants, mining surveyors from European mineral companies, employees of trading companies, tourists from far-off Europe, and even European noblemen on hunting trips.

No matter what their identity was, the Indians did not dare to be suspicious, nor were they in any position to be.

After all, this land had an extremely strict caste system, and as Caucasians, the ruling British were above even the four main castes.

Regardless of how bizarre the caste system here was, it certainly facilitated Spain’s operation. As white men from Europe, no one in the regions of the native states dared to provoke them.

After several days of investigation, the teams, in twos and threes, all finally focused their attention on a larger local temple, the Padmanabhaswamy Temple.

“If there really is a so-called temple treasure, I think it’s most likely hidden in this so-called Padmanabhaswamy Temple,” Scotty said to Val.

“Damn, that’s not good news,” Val said with a bit of a headache. The Padmanabhaswamy Temple was located between several native Indian cities, and many devotees traveled there daily to worship.

This was not like the small temples they had investigated before, which only had a few scattered believers from nearby villages. If the treasure was really in the Padmanabhaswamy Temple, the difficulty of stealing it without anyone knowing would be much higher than anticipated.

“Let’s rendezvous with the main force first. We must formulate a highly detailed operational plan to ensure the British don’t find out,” Val decided after a long moment of thought, opting to discuss their next move after regrouping with the main force.

Before they departed, Carlo and Prime Minister Primo had repeatedly stressed the importance of secrecy.

Getting discovered by the British would not be the end of the world; it would just mean having to give them a cut. But this was precisely what Spain could not afford. Given the power imbalance between Spain and Britain, the British would certainly take the lion’s share.

Moreover, the temple treasure was located in the Indian colony under British control. If the British discovered it before it could be transported back to Spain, they might just keep the entire treasure for themselves.

When such a great fortune was at stake, the British government would not be polite with Spain. Unless the treasure could be safely transported back home and the aftermath dealt with cleanly, they would not have to worry about British retaliation as long as the British did not have too much evidence.

Only after the main force arrived at the Padmanabhaswamy Temple did everyone realize that their investigations over the past few days had been for nothing.

If there was a treasure, it was definitely in the Padmanabhaswamy Temple. This temple was larger in scale than all the others they had investigated, and unexpectedly, it even had its own guards.

It would be strange if there was not something unusual about this temple. The biggest problem had now shifted from investigating where the temple was to how to steal the treasure from it.

The person leading this operation was a lieutenant colonel from the military, one of Prime Minister Primo’s loyalists. Kadir, the director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, was disguised as one of Carlo’s aides-de-camp and served as the operation’s deputy commander.

After the two met and conferred briefly, they decided to first dispatch a few of their more agile members to sneak into the temple at night. The plan was to first investigate the temple’s internal structure and any buildings that might conceal the treasure.

Since the operation had to be secret, it naturally had to be decisive—to solve a problem once and for all. If they could confirm the treasure’s location, the next step would be simple.

But if they could not determine where the treasure was buried, the subsequent actions would be more difficult. To excavate the treasure, they would certainly have to eliminate the temple guards, and perhaps even everyone inside the temple.

This also meant that they would not have much time for the operation. They had to transport all the treasure out before the local colonial government could react.

Chapter 149: Golden Mountain

At night, outside the solemn-looking Padmanabhaswamy Temple, several people in dark clothing, carrying all sorts of equipment, slowly approached the temple’s vicinity.

To avoid attracting attention, they first wandered casually around the temple. After confirming that no more devotees would be coming late at night, they gathered outside the temple once more.

This ancient temple named Padmanabhaswamy Temple unexpectedly had its own guard force. This increased the difficulty of scouting its internal structure. The personnel involved in the operation not only had to figure out the temple’s internal structure and layout to find the most likely location of the hidden treasure, but also had to be mindful of the patrols of the internal garrison.

If they were discovered, there would be only one option left: to storm the ancient temple and plunder it completely before the British colonial government could react.

But if they did that, regardless of whether there was any treasure inside the ancient temple, the mission to excavate the treasure would come to an end.

If it was confirmed that there was treasure inside this temple, then the subsequent treasure-hunting plan would have to be very cautious. After all, the vast land of India had more than just this one ancient temple; there were many scattered throughout the country.

Even if not all temples held bountiful treasures, some of them surely concealed artifacts from hundreds of years ago.

If they could raid a few more, perhaps the Spanish government could even pay off most of its debts.

Although the temple had its own guard force, it was clearly one organized by the temple itself. Compared to the elite soldiers carefully selected by the Spanish government, they were utterly insignificant.

After a simple calculation of the patrol timings of the monks, several agile operatives quickly slipped into the temple under the cover of darkness during a gap in their patrol schedule.

This temple had a very long history and covered a vast area. Although called a temple, it was not just a single building but a massive complex of interconnected structures.

The vastness of the temple also made it easier for the operatives to hide. However, after searching through most of the temple, the operatives still hadn’t found any likely location where treasure might be hidden.

The vast majority of the temple’s buildings were open to the public, frequented by devotees from the outside for worship and visits. It was highly unlikely that treasure would be hidden in these areas. If there were any, the Indian commoners would have known long ago, and word would have reached the British.

The British had not yet discovered the treasure within the temple, which proved that if any treasure existed, it must be hidden in a place rarely visited by people—the very heart of the temple.

Sure enough, after a thorough search, several operatives finally discovered a very dilapidated building in the innermost part of the temple.

Compared to the outer buildings, this more dilapidated structure was clearly much older. The outer buildings showed signs of renovation, more or less, but this run-down building had no traces of repair and was obviously rarely visited.

Weeds grew thick in front of the building, making it look like an abandoned house one might find in the wild.

But placed within the vast temple complex, it looked rather strange. The entire temple was not only large but also featured magnificent and resplendent architecture.

This also revealed the influence of religion in India. While most Indian commoners struggled to even fill their stomachs, these temples were built to be magnificent and resplendent. The contrast was thought-provoking.

“Damn it, this must be the place.” Scotty and Val had been selected for the temple exploration team due to their agility.

Seeing the dilapidated building before them, which stood out conspicuously within the magnificent temple, Scotty immediately stopped and looked at Val beside him.

“We might actually be about to find the temple treasure,” Val nodded in agreement, clearly very suspicious of the building. “Let’s go. We’ll check it out first.”

Being in the innermost part of the temple complex, and rarely visited, actually made it easier for the team to investigate the dilapidated building.

After circling around to the front of the building, the group immediately noticed something even more amiss.

Although the entire temple complex had its own guard force, it wasn’t very large. The patrol teams totaled only a little over twenty people, and they only patrolled the temple’s perimeter; there were virtually no patrols inside the complex.

But at this obviously dilapidated building, there were actually several monks standing guard at the entrance. If this was really just an ordinary, run-down building, why would anyone be posted here as a guard?

These guards were proof enough of the building’s special nature, and it immediately strengthened the team’s initial belief: the temple treasure was very likely inside this building.

To avoid alerting the enemy, after scouting almost the entire temple complex and pinpointing the location of the treasure, the few men exploring the temple exchanged a look and tacitly chose to retreat.

The treasure was too much for just a few of them to move. The plan to excavate it would require the entire team to be deployed.

Additionally, the monks and the guard force inside the temple needed to be dealt with so they could excavate the treasure without restraint.

A portion of their forces also had to be left to deal with any devotees who came to worship. If they attracted a large crowd of Indians, even if they managed to excavate the treasure, they could never get it out of India under so many watchful eyes.

It might be cruel to the Indians, but there was no other way. This was the temple with the legendary treasure, after all.

To avoid alerting the enemy and attracting the attention of the British colonial government, any Indian who approached the temple from now on would not be leaving alive.

This treasure excavation operation was not so simple. To ensure all operatives could return to Spain safely, traps had already been set for the British during their journey from Spain to India.

Most of these operatives lacked distinct Spanish features; at a glance, they could only be identified as Europeans. Some even looked more British or French, which was one of the traps the team had set for the British.

Furthermore, all operatives used English and French when communicating with the local Indian villagers.

It didn’t matter if the Indians couldn’t understand English. This was a British colony, after all; there would certainly be some Indians who could understand English.

The third trap was the escape route after excavating the treasure. The operatives would not retreat directly to Spain. Instead, they would divide the treasure into several batches and send them to the Philippines, Singapore, and Australia respectively.

Then, disguised as merchant ships from different countries, they would take a circuitous route, stop briefly in Spain, and then sail on to various other nations.

Deceived by these three traps, it would be impossible for the British to find sufficient evidence to prove that the force behind the treasure excavation came from Spain.

As long as there was no sufficient evidence, even if the British knew in their hearts that the Spaniards were responsible, there would be nothing they could do.

After all, at the diplomatic level, sufficient evidence was required to accuse a country. If the British lacked enough evidence, the Spanish government wouldn’t be worried in the slightest, even if accused.

Unless the British were willing to go to war with the Spanish government, such an accusation without concrete evidence would have no effect on them.

The operatives who had snuck in retraced their steps and rendezvoused with the main force.

Once the exact location of the treasure was confirmed, the next phase of the operation was actually quite simple.

All operatives were divided into two parts. The main force would enter the temple to excavate the treasure and use pre-arranged transport to move it elsewhere.

The smaller remaining group would stay outside the temple to deal with any Indians who approached, buying more time for the team inside.

To avoid attracting the attention of the Indians and the British colonial government, the excavation time was limited to a maximum of twenty-four hours. After that, regardless of whether all the treasure had been moved, the operatives could not remain in the temple.

It was the same rather dilapidated building, with a few guards in front who were nearly asleep.

The official operation had begun, and the operatives would not be showing any courtesy to the temple’s guards and monks.

All the patrol teams they encountered along the way were eliminated by the operatives. Not a single person was left alive.

Under the cover of darkness, several operatives snuck up behind the guards of the dilapidated building. The dozing guards didn’t notice their movements at all.

With a quick slash of a dagger across their necks, the guards collapsed as if they had no bones.

Because they had scouted the temple’s interior beforehand, they knew there was almost no guard presence in the innermost part, aside from these few guards.

So after taking out these guards, the operatives poured into the dilapidated building to search for the so-called treasure.

An even greater contrast emerged. The exterior of the building was extremely dilapidated, looking as if it was about to collapse.

But inside, one statue after another seemed to be regularly tended to, with barely any dust on them.

“Split up and check everywhere. Don’t miss a single clue. Report any discoveries immediately. I feel we’re not far from finding the treasure,” the lieutenant colonel in command ordered.

The men nodded slightly and began to spread out, searching for any trace of the treasure.

The soldiers from the army, recruited by the government, were clearly inexperienced and could only meticulously check every floor tile and every crack.

The intelligence agents from the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, however, were clearly more experienced. They began searching for possible basement entrances and even all sorts of hidden mechanisms.

Common sense dictated that treasure would never be hidden above ground. It was more likely to be buried underground or in a basement.

They only needed to find the mechanism or entrance leading to the basement to find the treasure’s location. As for how to excavate it, that was the soldiers’ job.

Although they couldn’t carry heavy weapons, they were allowed to bring miniature explosives. If they really couldn’t find the entrance to the treasure, their only option would be to blast the building apart to find it.

In any case, the nearest city was several kilometers away from the temple. If they only used miniature explosives, even if the sound of the explosion was heard, the Indians were unlikely to suspect the temple right away.

By the time they investigated the temple, the operatives would have already excavated the treasure and fled.

Thump, thump, thump!

Suddenly, an intelligence agent noticed something odd. Almost all the surrounding floor tiles were solid, but the sound of knocking on this particular one was hollow.

“It might be here!” the agent whispered, indicating he had found a clue.

The men instantly gathered around, their eyes fixed on the floor tile the agent was pointing at.

Thump, thump, thump!

The hollow sound from the tile made everyone’s eyes light up. The lieutenant colonel in command gave his order: “Pry it open! The treasure is very likely under this tile.”

With their combined effort, the floor tile was quickly pried open.

Beneath the tile was not dirt, but a dark staircase leading straight down.

“Treasure! It’s really the treasure!” The men were overjoyed, all realizing that the treasure was very likely buried down below.

Generally, only two things were buried underground: corpses or treasure. If it were a tomb, it wouldn’t be guarded.

Although they had found the entrance to the treasure, the lieutenant colonel didn’t rush to give orders. Instead, he first threw two torches into the opening.

After waiting for about a minute and seeing that the torches didn’t go out, he nodded and ordered, “Send two of the smaller guys down first to check out the situation.”

At his command, two noticeably smaller soldiers took torches and slowly descended the stairs.

As the two went further down, the bright light from their torches grew fainter and fainter.

After an unknown amount of time, the two slowly returned to the stairs. Wiping the sweat from their faces, they reported joyfully, “Sir, there’s a complete corridor down here. One end leads to behind the statues inside the building, and the other leads to deeper secret chambers.

“But these chambers all have extremely thick stone doors, and we haven’t found the mechanism to open them yet.”

To avoid revealing their identities, the lieutenant colonel in command had instructed all operatives to address him and the deputy commander dispatched by the royal family as “Sir,” instead of using any specific titles or names.

The lieutenant colonel nodded, not worried about the secret chambers’ stone doors.

If there really was no other way to open the stone doors, they could always resort to blasting them open.

Though there were no electric drills in this era, a hand drill could serve the same purpose; it would just take longer.

They only needed to drill a deep enough hole in the stone door and place a miniature explosive inside to easily destroy a door tens of centimeters thick.

Considering the treasure was likely buried underground, and there were probably many stone doors in the subterranean chambers, the operatives had brought enough hand drills and miniature explosives with them before the mission.

After confirming there was enough oxygen below, the lieutenant colonel finally led a portion of his men down the stairs to find a way to open the stone doors.

They walked along the dark corridor for a while, discovering several secret chambers blocked by stone doors along the way.

“There are six secret chambers in total. If all of them contain the so-called temple treasure, I believe our mission will be a complete success,” the lieutenant colonel said with a satisfied smile and nod, very pleased with the number of chambers.

The good news was that all six stone doors had mechanisms. Perhaps the Indians never considered that such a secret place would be found by others, as the switch for each door was right next to it—unobtrusive, but not well-hidden either.

The two soldiers who had gone down to scout had probably been too excited to notice the switches beside the doors, but such a mechanism could not escape the eyes of the main group.

Returning to the entrance of the first chamber, they pressed the switch. There was a click, but then nothing else happened.

The lieutenant colonel froze for a moment, then tried pushing the stone door and was surprised to find it could now be moved.

The men immediately rushed forward and slowly pushed the stone door open. Under the light of the torches, the gold inside the chamber gleamed with a brilliant yellow light, illuminating everyone’s eyes.

“Gold! It’s gold!” All the operatives were instantly thrilled, staring blankly at the mountain of gold and golden artifacts before them.

The commanding lieutenant colonel walked quickly forward, picked up an ordinary gold ornament from the golden mountain, and after examining it carefully, nodded and said, “It appears to be real gold. This is truly a massive fortune.”

As far as the eye could see, besides the conspicuous mountain of gold in the middle of the chamber, there was a solid gold elephant over a meter tall on the left, and on the right, a large pile of gold and silver coins from different eras, as well as several golden crowns studded with diamonds.

In various other corners, there were countless jewels, ornaments, and other metals. The dazzling array of gold and silver creations made one feel as if they had stepped into a kingdom of gold and silver.

“My God! How rich are these Indians? It’s unimaginable. If we could control India as a colony, we could definitely build a navy like the Royal Fleet,” the lieutenant colonel said involuntarily, gazing at the countless treasures before him.

The reason Spain had never developed its navy was precisely due to a lack of financial resources. After losing its colonies in The Americas, Spain was already struggling just to maintain its current army, let alone build new ironclads every year.

Precisely because of these financial shortfalls, in the nearly five years since the revolution of 1868, Spain had not built a single ironclad.

But facing this mountain of gold, what the lieutenant colonel saw was not countless riches, but one magnificent Spanish warship after another.

“Move it, people! Don’t leave a single gold or silver item behind. The more wealth we move out of here today, the more military funding the government can invest in the army tomorrow.

“And another thing—I don’t want to see anyone with sticky fingers. Once we get all this back home, we will naturally be handsomely rewarded.

“But if anyone thinks they deserve a share of this for themselves, don’t blame me for being ruthless.”

Before them was a very real mountain of gold and silver. Even soldiers loyal to Spain couldn’t be fully trusted to keep their hands clean.

Just in case, the soldiers organized by the government and the intelligence agents sent by the royal family would work in mixed groups to ensure they wouldn’t secretly pocket any treasures.

Since it was not a large space, and with over a hundred people keeping an eye on each other, they could ensure that the vast majority of the treasure was safely transported back to Spain.

Even if someone managed to pocket something, it wouldn’t be much. Carlo and Prime Minister Primo had no intention of investigating too deeply, unless someone’s greed was too great.

Chapter 150: A Reward of Half a Ton of Gold

Because there were six secret chambers in total, transporting the treasure took much longer than the twenty-four hours the operatives had anticipated.

To support the operatives digging up the treasure, the small unit dealing with the devotees on the perimeter disguised themselves as British colonists. They announced that the Padmanabhaswamy Temple was involved in a murder case and needed to be cordoned off for a twenty-four-hour investigation.

This move indeed fooled the Indian devotees from several nearby cities. As for whether the Indian upper class in those cities would believe it, that was beyond the concern of the operation team.

In any case, the Indians wouldn’t dare to offend the British. By the time they realized something was amiss, the operatives would have already completed the mission of transporting the treasure.

In reality, when the operatives disguised as British announced the lockdown of the Padmanabhaswamy Temple, it had already attracted the attention of local Indian officials.

Although India was a British colony, the various Indian states still had their own native governments. The British would dispatch an official, akin to a liaison, to each native government to centrally manage the Indian states.

The Padmanabhaswamy Temple was quite far from the native government of Kerala, so for now, only the Indian officials in the small local cities were alarmed.

These officials naturally dared not offend the British. Even without any orders from the Indian colonial government, they wouldn’t dare to obstruct the British lockdown of the Padmanabhaswamy Temple.

Kerala was a large state. It would take at least a day to travel to the government to contact the highest official of the princely state and the liaison sent by the British.

And this day or so was precisely the time the operatives had bought for themselves. By the time the British reacted and came to the Padmanabhaswamy Temple, all they would see was a temple that had been plundered clean.

It took a full two and a half days for all the operatives to completely loot the treasure inside the temple.

Of the six secret chambers, two contained the most treasure. The gold alone was piled into two mountains of gold, and there were also all sorts of pearls, jewels, and other precious items.

The remaining four secret chambers had clearly been opened in recent decades. There wasn’t as much gold and jewelry, but combined, it was equivalent to one and a half of the full chambers.

Now, transporting the treasure became the biggest problem. How to move such a large hoard of treasure from Kerala to the port, hidden from Indian officials and the British colonial government, was a puzzle that needed to be solved urgently.

After a brief discussion, the lieutenant colonel in charge and the deputy commander dispatched by the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau reached a consensus: they would split into two groups.

The first group would consist of a small number of elite soldiers and intelligence agents. They would hire some local hands and vehicles in India and openly transport some of the less valuable statues, silver items, and heavy objects that were difficult to move toward the port.

The total value of these goods wouldn’t be too high, less valuable even than the one-meter-tall golden elephant from the first secret chamber.

The reason for separating this batch of inconvenient and less valuable goods was to create a diversion and provide cover for the secret transportation of the real treasure.

Under the cover of the first group, the second transport team would be disguised and move separately, heading for a more distant port.

Normally, after acquiring a temple’s treasure, most people would choose the shortest route to get it out of India as quickly as possible.

The British colonial government would surely think the same way. They would definitely conduct a strict search of the roads from the temple to the nearest port and would certainly notice the first team transporting their goods so openly.

Under these circumstances, the second transport team would have a much better chance. As long as they could reach the port, the treasure could be loaded onto ships, disguised as cargo from different international trading companies, and successfully sail away from India.

Just as they had planned, after the transport teams split up, the entire process went quite smoothly.

The second transport team, in particular, easily moved the vast amount of precious treasure to the farther port and loaded it onto ships under the cover of the first team.

The first transport team, however, was not so lucky. After the city officials near the temple reported the situation to the higher princely state government, the Indians immediately thought of the treasure inside the temple.

Once the Indian higher-ups knew, it was impossible for the British not to know as well. Thus, with the cooperation of local Indians and the British, they established an extremely tight blockade on the roads from the temple to the nearest port.

The first transport team, moving almost openly along this road, was quickly discovered by the British. The team, carrying statues and other heavy items, was moving much slower than expected.

After confirming they had attracted the attention of the British, the soldiers and intelligence agents in the first transport team began to slowly withdraw.

To make their convoy look larger, the first transport team had recruited a large number of locals as laborers along the way and even bought many Indian vehicles.

Although the statues on the transport vehicles were crudely disguised, the Indians could easily tell that they most likely came from a nearby ancient temple.

But at this point, the first transport team’s mission was complete. In fact, these conspicuous statues and some of the heavier treasures were deliberately left behind by the operatives to sour the relationship between the Indians and the British.

Just imagine, after learning about the vast treasure inside the temple, the British would definitely re-plunder the temple and wouldn’t let go of the heavier treasures being transported by the first team.

Although these heavier treasures were not as valuable as the finished gold items, they still held considerable value.

The total value of the treasure transported by the first team, even if not one million pounds, definitely exceeded five hundred thousand pounds.

This was no small fortune; for the British, it was enough to build one of their most powerful ironclads.

And for the Indians, this wealth represented centuries of accumulation by the local people. The temple’s treasure was not only the accumulated fiscal revenue of the local princely state government over hundreds of years but also the donations made by local Hindu devotees over centuries.

Although the Indians didn’t know who had plundered the temple’s treasure, the ones who seized the treasure from the first transport team would certainly be the British.

When the time comes, with just a little rumor-spreading, all the hatred of the Indians could be redirected towards the British.

After all, in the Indian colony controlled by the British, the only ones capable of excavating treasure on a large scale and transporting it without the Indians’ knowledge were the British themselves.

If this was just the first move to ruin the relationship between the British colonial government and the local Indians, then the second move would be made by the British themselves.

The so-called second move actually involved the other temples in India. If such immense treasure could be unearthed from the Padmanabhaswamy Temple, what about the other temples in the region? Could they also have vast treasures buried beneath them, just like the Padmanabhaswamy Temple?

Even if it was just a possibility, the British would definitely take action. As soon as the British started excavating temples en masse within India, it would severely damage the relationship between the colonial government and the local Indians.

India has its very strict four major castes, but at the same time, their devotion to Hinduism is also quite fanatical.

Excavating the treasure was not just plundering the wealth accumulated by local Indians over many years; it was also a provocation against the Indians’ Hindu faith.

Although most Indians would remain subservient under the oppressive British rule, a portion of more radical Indians would inevitably choose to resist British colonial rule with more extreme methods.

In reality, leaving behind a portion of the difficult-to-transport treasure to tempt the Indians and the British was a strategy that Prime Minister Primo had decided on long before the excavation began.

If there hadn’t been these heavy, inconvenient items, that would have been for the best. But since they existed, it was better to leave them for the Indians and the British to stir up trouble between them.

By evacuating ahead of time, the soldiers and intelligence agents in the first transport team successfully withdrew before the British could surround and intercept them.

The Indians left behind, faced with these statues and extremely valuable treasures, had no time to ponder why the Europeans who claimed to be British had suddenly disappeared. They could only think about how to divide this unexpected windfall.

Just as the Indian commoners were about to kill each other over the treasure, the British successfully appeared and successfully decided the treasure’s ownership.

Meanwhile, the second transport team had already successfully loaded their cargo at the port. Because there was so much treasure, it was split among five ships for transport.

These five ships would also head to different destinations: two would go to the Philippines, one to Australia, one would divert to Africa, and the last would head directly to Europe.

As the five transport ships successfully departed from the port, a telegram was successfully sent from one of the vessels: “Reporting to the president, all is well!”

The content of this telegram was indeed reporting the progress of the treasure hunt back to Spain, but it also contained misleading information to confuse the enemy.

By the time Carlo and Prime Minister Primo received the contents of this telegram, a day had already passed.

This couldn’t be helped. Although intercontinental telegrams existed in this era, they relied on undersea cables.

As a British colony, India naturally had cables laid by the British. However, in this era, the speed of sending and receiving telegrams was extremely slow.

Spain and India were separated by tens of thousands of kilometers. By the time the telegram was received, more than twenty hours had usually passed.

But in any case, the “all is well” message in the telegram still allowed Prime Minister Primo and Carlo to breathe a sigh of relief.

Prime Minister Primo smiled, eagerly anticipating just how vast the wealth of this mysterious temple treasure would be. Carlo, on the other hand, already knew the scale of the treasure was absolutely beyond anyone’s imagination.

Regarding this mysterious temple treasure, there were all sorts of rumors in later generations. Some said the total value exceeded a trillion US dollars, while others claimed it was only in the tens or hundreds of billions.

But based solely on the one-ton-plus golden sash and the 1.2-meter-tall golden elephant revealed in later times from the first secret chamber, the value of this treasure was destined to be incredibly high.

What’s more, the complete Padmanabhaswamy Temple had six secret chambers, two of which hadn’t been opened for over a hundred years.

Those two chambers untouched for over a hundred years alone contained countless riches. Adding the four chambers with smaller collections, the complete treasure was definitely in the hundreds of millions.

As for whether those hundreds of millions were in pounds, US dollars, or pesetas, that would depend on the scale of the treasure successfully transported back to Spain.

The biggest impact of excavating the temple treasure ahead of time was actually on the relationship between the Indians and the British colonial government. The British would absolutely not pass up on temple treasures; they would certainly conduct large-scale excavations of other temples within India.

Carlo had also considered whether the British might discover other unknown temple treasures, making the mighty British Empire even stronger.

But considering the various interests involved, and the fact that even in later generations the Padmanabhaswamy Temple remained the treasure trove with the highest value of excavated antiques and precious metals, Carlo was reassured.

No matter how much the British dug, they would never find a treasure as priceless as that of the Padmanabhaswamy Temple. But as soon as they started digging up temples, their relationship with the Indians would spiral out of control.

Perhaps various independence movements in India would even start earlier, which would be a good thing for Spain. Only when the British colonial system became increasingly fragile would Spain have a hope of retaking Gibraltar.

If Britain’s colonial system remained so stable, Britain would be the undisputed most powerful nation in the world, and it would be very difficult for Spain to reclaim Gibraltar.

To maintain complete secrecy, the five transport ships all arrived at the Spanish port at night, and on those nights, the port would be temporarily closed for various reasons.

In the dead of night at the port, a long-waiting military unit re-crated the treasure from the transport ships and moved it to a new location, where the inventory would finally be completed.

To ensure the transfer went smoothly, the soldiers hauling the treasure were carefully selected from the army. They came from different units and were mixed together to ensure no one knew the person next to them.

For security, all the treasure would be transported to the Royal Palace of Madrid. After being inventoried and assessed inside the palace, the government would then move its share.

The advantages of moving it to the palace were, firstly, that the palace had enough space to store the treasure. Secondly, as one of Europe’s three great palaces, it was plausible for the Royal Palace of Madrid to possess a priceless treasure.

The frequent transports from the port to the palace could also be easily explained. After all, besides the royal family, the entire palace had many servants, and it wouldn’t seem strange to use transport teams to move their daily supplies.

The Royal Palace of Madrid had a large warehouse area in its basement, which had originally stored the property of the Bourbon royal family. It had been empty since being cleared out.

Now it was perfect for storing this treasure, especially the larger gold artifacts. Until a plan was made for their disposal, the palace basement was perhaps the safest place for them.

To maintain absolute secrecy, the task of inventorying the treasure was given to a mixed unit composed of personnel from the Ministry of Finance, the army, and the Royal Guard.

Except for high-ranking officials from the Ministry of Finance, everyone else was told before arriving at the palace that this treasure was a hidden collection from the Royal Palace of Madrid, which had only recently been discovered by His Majesty the King.

Since the people involved in the inventory were either soldiers or from the Ministry of Finance, there was little worry about leaks. The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau would also be watching them to ensure that, for the time being, the Spanish government’s operation in India would not be exposed.

Once Spain became powerful in the future, even if the British eventually learned of this operation, the British government could only treat it as a rumor.

To put it bluntly, it all came down to national strength. If Spain were truly powerful, it wouldn’t have had to sneak into India. It could have simply conquered Kerala and plundered the temple’s treasure openly.

During the period when the treasure was being inventoried, both Prime Minister Primo and Carlo personally visited the palace basement to see the mountain of treasure with their own eyes.

Even Carlo, who had expected it, couldn’t help but be amazed by the value of the Indian temple’s treasure. Setting everything else aside, the golden elephant, over a meter tall, was enough to dazzle anyone.

Then there was the golden sash that weighed over a ton. The value of the gold alone was immense, not to mention the added value after being crafted into a finished product.

If it were sold as an antique in the future, the value of this golden sash alone would reach ten figures. Adding the golden elephant, the pair would be enough to fulfill several ‘small goals’—the kind an ordinary person couldn’t achieve in multiple lifetimes.

While Carlo had the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau supervise the inventory of the treasure, he also summoned all the operatives who participated in the India treasure hunt and gave them rewards as promised.

It was important to remember that the value of this treasure was beyond the imagination of ordinary people. Carlo was already quite satisfied that these operatives had remembered their duty during the excavation and that no serious incidents of pilfering had occurred.

As for some individuals secretly pocketing a little here and there, Carlo didn’t care. After all, how much could a single person carry away? At most, an inconspicuous gold ornament, weighing less than 100 grams of gold, worth a dozen pounds or so.

The rewards Carlo was about to give them were worth more than that, so he naturally had no reason to pay any more attention to these acts of petty theft.

Anyway, as long as it wasn’t serious, it was best to let it go.

Carlo was quite generous with the rewards for the operatives who participated in the mission. Each person received a check from the Royal Joint Bank for five thousand pesetas.

This was by no means a small reward, roughly equivalent to 192 pounds, or 1,408 grams of gold.

For the two commanders of this operation, Carlo’s reward was even more generous: a check for ten thousand pesetas.

The rewards for these hundred-plus operatives alone already amounted to nearly half a ton of gold. However, compared to the haul from the treasure hunt, this reward was clearly just a drop in the bucket.

Chapter 151: The Value of the Treasure and National Unification

“Your Majesty, Mr. Prime Minister, after four long days of cataloging, we have finally confirmed the complete contents of this treasure. The gold and gold artifacts alone amount to nearly 80 tons. There are also nearly three tons of various precious gems and metals, over 500 kilograms of diamonds, and other valuables. By our conservative estimate, calculating only the intrinsic value of the items and not the added value of the antiques, the total worth of this treasure is as high as 900 million pesetas. Unfortunately, only the gold, gold artifacts, and the various gems, pearls, and diamonds can be sold off directly. The value of these readily disposable assets is about 620 million pesetas, while the remaining assets, worth nearly 280 million pesetas, will require more time to sell,” Steward Loren of the palace reported respectfully to Carlo and Prime Minister Primo, presenting the results of the treasure inventory.

Hearing that the total value of the treasure exceeded 900 million pesetas, the expressions on the faces of both Carlo and Prime Minister Primo changed dramatically.

Prime Minister Primo was both overjoyed and thrilled, but he was also filled with immense admiration for Carlo, who had provided the intelligence.

While the treasure was immensely valuable, what was more important was that Carlo had provided the leads, giving the Spanish government the opportunity to acquire it.

Without those leads, the treasure would have remained buried, only to be discovered years later by the British colonial government or the people of India.

As things stood, although the government would only receive half of the treasure, it was still worth nearly 450 million pesetas—almost equal to the government’s entire annual fiscal revenue.

This sum of money was even more crucial to the Spanish government than the 500 million franc loan from the French government. After all, the French loan came with interest, while this treasure required no interest and didn’t even need to be repaid.

The only slight misfortune was that many of the gold artifacts bore distinct Hindu markings and would have to be melted down.

This would destroy the value of many of the gold artifacts, turning them from antiques hundreds of years old into ordinary gold items.

But it couldn’t be helped. If these gold items with conspicuous Hindu markings were to flow into Spanish or other markets, they would certainly attract Britain’s attention.

After all, outside of India, Hinduism was not particularly widespread. Gold artifacts with Hindu markings were extremely likely to have originated from India itself. After the temple theft, the British would surely be paying closer attention to the circulation of gold and jewelry in markets around the world.

Now that the approximate value of the temple treasure had been determined, the most important matter was, of course, the division between the government and the royal family.

Carlo was also very excited. According to his agreement with Prime Minister Primo, the royal family would receive half of the treasure, which amounted to assets worth about 450 million pesetas.

The total value of all the enterprises Carlo currently owned had only just surpassed one hundred million. This meant that this treasure hunt alone had multiplied his personal fortune several times over.

“Prime Minister Primo, since there’s a large quantity of pearls, gems, and diamonds in this treasure, how about we allocate those without Hindu markings to the royal family? The royal family can take a little less of the gold and gold artifacts. This would be beneficial for both the royal family and the government,” Carlo proposed.

For the government, the gold and gold artifacts in the treasure were clearly more important. The incredibly valuable gems, pearls, and diamonds were of less practical use to them.

It was better to allocate as many of these valuables as possible to the royal family, which would both enrich the royal family’s treasury and leave more gold for the government, thereby expanding the Spanish government’s gold reserves.

“Of course,” Prime Minister Primo nodded, showing no intention of refusing.

He knew that Carlo was doing this to allocate more gold reserves to the government, which, strictly speaking, was a gain for them.

After a simple division between Carlo and Prime Minister Primo, the final shares of gold and jewels for the royal family and the government were settled.

Of the more than 80 tons of gold and gold artifacts, the government received a full 50 tons to increase its gold reserves.

Although the royal family received just over 30 tons of gold, the good news was that out of a total of over 3.5 tons of gems, pearls, diamonds, and other valuables, the royal family received a full 3 tons.

The 0.5 tons that the government received were items with conspicuous Hindu markings, making them difficult to sell for the time being. These assets with Hindu markings were split fifty-fifty between the royal family and the government, to be sold off slowly at a more opportune time in the future.

Although it was a fifty-fifty split, the specific distribution couldn’t possibly be precise down to the last peseta.

Overall, the government came out slightly ahead in the distribution, but not by much. The total value of the treasure was approximately 930 million pesetas, with the government receiving assets valued at a grand total of 480 million pesetas.

The royal family received slightly less, but still had 450 million pesetas, which already met Carlo’s expectations for the treasure excavation operation.

On the very day the specific distribution of assets was decided, Prime Minister Primo had his men covertly move the government’s share to a more secure warehouse.

All gold with clear Hindu markings was remelted, while the gold without such markings was moved into the vaults as government gold reserves.

With these new gold reserves, Spain’s Currency Issuance Committee could also prepare to issue new currency.

This was another gain for both the government and the royal family, as there were only two banks in Spain legally authorized to issue currency: the government-controlled national bank and the royal family-controlled Royal Joint Bank.

When you looked at it that way, Carlo actually profited more. After all, the government held no shares in the Royal Joint Bank, but Carlo held shares in the national bank.

To ensure Spain’s monetary stability, the newly issued currency would not be rapidly flooded into the market but would be introduced in batches over time.

After a brief discussion, the Currency Issuance Committee decided to issue an additional 500 million pesetas over the next three years: 100 million pesetas in 1873, and 200 million pesetas in both 1874 and 1875.

If the economic crisis were to occur this year, then its impact would be most severe over the next three years.

The purpose of issuing more pesetas during these three years was simple: while other countries were suffering from the economic crisis, Spain could surge ahead and close the gap with the great powers of Europe as much as possible.

By the time the other European great powers gradually recovered from the economic crisis, they would be astonished to find that Spain’s industry and economy had grown substantially, perhaps even approaching the level of a great power once more.

While the government was drafting its development plans for the next three years, Carlo was taking stock of the assets the royal family had acquired from the treasure hunt. Together with Steward Loren, he was formulating more detailed plans for the future development of the royal enterprises.

Of the roughly 450 million pesetas worth of assets the royal family had obtained, less than 300 million pesetas could be easily liquidated. The remaining 150 million would have to wait for a more suitable opportunity, and might even have to remain in their possession for the next few years.

But that didn’t matter. With up to 300 million pesetas in disposable assets, the future development of the royal enterprises was assured, with no fear of a capital shortage.

Among all the royal family’s enterprises, the largest was the Royal Joint Bank, which had dozens of branches.

The Royal Joint Bank currently had over thirty branches and a total of more than four hundred thousand customers. Its total deposits had now officially surpassed one hundred million pesetas, bringing the royal family a net income of at least ten million pesetas annually.

Yes, banking was just that profitable. Just by investing these hundreds of millions of pesetas into industry, the annual earnings already reached the tens of millions.

Not to mention the bank also handled loans and other services, with total annual revenue approaching twenty million pesetas. After deducting various expenses, the net profit was reduced to around ten million pesetas.

The Royal Joint Bank was the most profitable of all the enterprises in which Carlo held shares. The national bank of Spain came in second, with its annual revenue also exceeding ten million pesetas.

However, after deducting various expenses, the national bank’s profit was just over three million pesetas. Carlo’s forty-five percent stake earned him an income of 1.4 million pesetas, which was a drop in the bucket compared to the Royal Joint Bank.

This was unavoidable. Compared to the Royal Joint Bank, which was established by the royal family and the nobility, the internal workings of the national bank were significantly more complex.

Fortunately, Carlo didn’t need to worry about the operations of the national bank; he just had to wait for it to compile its annual income and expenditure report and then quietly await his dividends.

Compared to the two major banks, the income from the various factories was lower. After all, factories, unlike banks, did not have branches all over the country; each factory was generally counted as a separate entity.

But if all the factories were added together, their income was also a figure that could not be ignored. The combined income from all the factories and enterprises currently under the royal family’s control was actually higher than the income Carlo received from the national bank.

In 1872, the total income of all royal enterprises and factories was close to twenty million pesetas. The Royal Joint Bank contributed over fifty-one percent of this, the national bank contributed seven percent, and all the factories combined accounted for nearly thirty-two percent. The remaining less than ten percent of income came from various newspaper companies and rent from the royal family’s lands.

The revenue breakdown of the royal family’s assets also proved a timeless truth of this era: finance and industry are always the most profitable sectors.

Of course, another major reason was that the royal family did not own much land. Even after purchasing a great deal of land from the nobility and The Church, the amount of land the royal family owned still wasn’t enough to rank among the great nobles.

But Carlo didn’t care how much land the royal family owned. After all, farming was no longer very profitable in this era; the real money was in opening factories and banks.

Thanks to the enormous gains from the treasure hunt, Carlo would not be stingy with the development of the royal enterprises.

After discussions with Steward Loren, Carlo decided to allocate 100 million pesetas to promote the growth of the royal enterprises.

Considering that it would be difficult for the Royal Joint Bank to expand significantly in the future, Carlo focused his support on industrial enterprises.

The supported enterprises were mainly of three types: heavy industry, chemical industry, and military industry.

The military industry was a given. Carlo currently had two major military-industrial enterprises: the Royal Arsenal and the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

With sufficient funds, Carlo’s ambitions began to grow. Regarding the future development of the Spanish navy, Carlo issued a new order to the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard: to mobilize all of the shipyard’s resources to design a new ironclad that would be the most advanced in the world—faster, with greater firepower, and stronger armor.

After the effects of this economic crisis subsided, it would be about time for Spain to develop its navy. Judging by the current cost of ironclads among the nations of the world, each ironclad Spain built would cost at least ten million pesetas.

Adding the cost of training the naval soldiers for the warship, and their specific training after the ship was launched, each warship would require at least fifteen million pesetas to become combat-ready.

Considering that more than half of Spain’s existing naval fleet was composed of sailing warships from decades ago and outdated ironclads, significantly more funds would have to be invested in the navy’s future to secure Spain’s position as the world’s fifth-largest navy, beneath Britain, France, Germany, and Russia.

Fortunately, the government was now truly wealthy after this treasure find. Although Carlo and Prime Minister Primo had not discussed it in detail, it was certain that Spain would develop its navy in the future.

Given Spain’s current rate of development, once the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard designed a suitably powerful warship, it might be time for Spain to start building ironclads again and solidify its position as the world’s fifth naval power.

Whether Spain was a great power or not was not important. As long as Spain could firmly establish itself as the world’s fifth naval power, the Spanish government could proudly declare that Spain was still a strong European great power, and no country would raise an objection.

The rewards for all personnel involved in the treasure hunt were funded jointly by the government and the royal family.

Carlo had also considered granting noble titles to the two commanders of the operation and the few operatives who had contributed the most.

However, given the need for strict secrecy, he ultimately abandoned the idea. But when Spain next awarded noble titles on a large scale, they would be granted titles commensurate with their contributions to the operation.

They would just have to be patient for a while, which was why Carlo had increased the rewards for everyone.

Although the rewards for these men amounted to nearly half a ton of gold, because the government and the royal family were splitting the cost, the royal family’s actual expenditure was less than 500,000 pesetas.

Of course, the expenses of the treasure hunt were not limited to the rewards for the operatives. There were also the costs of transporting the treasure, as well as the disguises and equipment for all the operatives.

All in all, the total expenses, even counting only the royal family’s share, still amounted to over a million pesetas.

But an expenditure of over a million pesetas was clearly insignificant compared to an income of 450 million pesetas.

The treasure did not bring about a huge change for the royal family; it merely expanded the investment in their enterprises. But for the government, the impact of this treasure was extremely significant.

The previously mentioned expansion of Spain’s military could now be carried out on a large scale since they had the money. Considering that the Royal Arsenal would have difficulty meeting the weapon production demands of a major military expansion, the Spanish Ministry of Defense, after comprehensive consideration, decided to purchase a batch of artillery from the Austro-Hungarian Empire to alleviate the production pressure on the Royal Arsenal.

The rifles still had to be produced by the Royal Arsenal itself, as the Italian Vetterli rifle was not the same as the Spanish one.

For the convenience of the Spanish army’s logistics, it was more cost-effective to use a single type of rifle across the board.

To accelerate the development of Spain’s military industry, the Spanish government also decided to organize a group of military technology students to study abroad in countries with more advanced military technology, primarily Britain and Germany.

When these students completed their studies and returned to Spain, they would play a more crucial role in the development of Spain’s military industry and help solve the country’s shortage of talent in that sector.

The reason for sending students in this field was also due to the fact that most of the military industry experts from the Austro-Hungarian Empire had been snapped up by the Royal Arsenal.

This was unavoidable; for the sake of Spain’s military development, it was necessary to foster a large military-industrial enterprise to represent the sector.

But this was not beneficial for smaller military-industrial companies. To raise the overall development level of the military industry, it was necessary to send students to other countries to improve their capabilities in military technology.

While drafting plans for future development, Prime Minister Primo was also contemplating how to rapidly advance Spain’s national unification.

Without a doubt, the upcoming economic crisis was an opportunity for Spain to accelerate this process.

When the economic crisis erupted, the countries of the world would be too preoccupied to pay attention to other matters, making it the best time for Spain to secure internal stability.

How to promote Spain’s national unification? In a conversation between Prime Minister Primo and Carlo, three options had actually been settled upon.

The first option was the most moderate: to promote the use of the Spanish language in Catalonia and the Basque region through gradual influence, and to build a large number of factories in these areas to foster economic exchange between Spaniards, Catalans, and Basques.

Judging by the results so far, the first option might be effective, but its progress was very slow.

If they were to rely solely on the first option to promote Spanish national unification, it would take at least several decades just to integrate the relatively small populations of Catalans and Basques.

Prime Minister Primo pondered for a long time before finally deciding to adopt the second, more forceful option when the economic crisis arrived, to truly promote the integration of the Catalans and Basques with the Spaniards.

Chapter 152: One Country, One People, One Language

What, then, were these harsher methods?

In essence, they involved using powerful laws to forcibly unify the languages, scripts, customs, and religious beliefs of Spain’s various regions, expelling anyone who rejected Spanish culture, and preparing for war against the radical nationalists in Catalonia and the Basque Country at a moment’s notice.

Of course, such actions would be unfeasible in later generations. By then, nationalism would be deeply ingrained in people’s hearts, and support for Catalan and Basque autonomy and independence would be widespread.

But in this era, the very concepts of “Catalan” and “Basque” were not so clearly defined. Catalan peasants were often unsure of their own nationality; they only knew they lived in Catalonia, which was the sole proof that they were Catalans.

People who could not even distinguish their own nationality were naturally in no position to support Catalan independence. In fact, most Catalan peasants were very supportive of Spain. The true opposition—those who sought autonomy and independence for Catalonia—consisted of extremely radical nationalists, Republicans, and previously, the Carlists.

These groups were a minority. Even if harsher measures were taken against them, it would not damage the good relationship between the Catalan peasants and the Spanish government.

In fact, beyond this second option, there was a third, even more ruthless plan. If the second involved enforcing unity through the power of the law, the third was simple and direct: the military annihilation of heretics and other peoples.

However, the time was clearly not right to deploy the third option, and such brutal methods were entirely unnecessary within Spain itself.

After deciding on the second course of action, Prime Minister Primo’s first step was to contact Carlo and seek the support of the royal family.

Why seek the royal family’s support? Because the royal family controlled an immense number of media organizations—namely, newspaper companies—that could effectively shift the direction of public opinion in Spain.

Although Carlo had disguised his control over his newspapers in various ways, on the surface, the royal family only controlled a single newspaper company: Spain’s The Sun.

In reality, the number of newspapers controlled by the royal family was in the dozens, if not over a hundred, forming a terrifyingly large network across Spain.

To some extent, this was a good thing for Spain. After all, the previously uncontrollable media environment could now be effectively managed, and the news that was released could be tailored to help control the situation.

But it was also bad news. Because this kind of media power was in the hands of the royal family, it was like a sword of Damocles hanging over the government’s head.

Although Prime Minister Primo saw the threat posed by the royal family’s control of the media, he had no intention of interfering.

The reason was simple: the royal family’s media empire was already well-established and could not be easily constrained.

The government could only try to support more newspapers not affiliated with the royal family to create some opposition, but with the royal family already controlling the majority of Spain’s news industry, resistance was clearly futile.

News, more than anything, requires credibility. The royal family’s newspapers, led by The Sun, had been rooted in Spain’s news industry for several years and had never made any major errors in their reporting.

Unless the Spanish government established an official newspaper of its own, it could not compete with The Sun in terms of credibility.

But what would be the difference between an official newspaper and an official government statement? Besides, Prime Minister Primo had other considerations.

Prime Minister Primo was, of course, well aware of the current power structure of the Spanish government and understood that the Prime Minister’s authority was greater than the royal authority.

Currently, he, Carlo, and Grand Duke Serrano shared a strong understanding, and Spain’s overall situation was developing favorably.

But he had to plan for a future where a Spanish prime minister might be a power-hungry individual, completely incompetent in matters of national development. A balance of power needed to be established in advance.

Naturally, he could not openly strengthen the monarch’s power, as this could very well destroy Spain’s existing constitutional system and create a new absolute monarchy.

Allowing the royal family to control public opinion was a better solution. Under normal circumstances, this media influence would not have a major impact on the government. Only when the government itself had significant problems could public opinion truly fan the flames.

If there were no sparks to begin with, no matter how hard the winds of public opinion blew, the effect on the government would be minimal.

In February 1873, The Sun published an article that caught the attention of many Spaniards. The headline read: Un país, un pueblo, un idioma! (One country, one people, one language!)

Of course, the report in The Sun was not so blunt. It used more tactful language to convey the positive changes such a system would bring to Spain.

For example, if everyone used Spanish, communication among factory workers would be simpler and clearer, and factory productivity would increase.

Furthermore, if everyone was Spanish, the government’s tax and welfare policies would be fairer. As all were Spaniards, all would naturally enjoy the same tax policies and welfare benefits.

Under the influence of the royal family, this report from The Sun was frantically republished and reprinted by other newspapers. Through the royal family’s media empire, it quickly sparked a nationwide discussion among Spaniards.

For the majority of Spaniards, the report did not affect them much. After all, they already considered themselves Spanish and spoke Spanish.

But for the Catalans and Basques, there was certainly an impact. Although Catalans also spoke Spanish, under the sway of some radical nationalists with ulterior motives, many factories and newspaper companies in the Catalonia region required their employees to communicate in Catalan, and even their news was printed in Catalan.

If the government truly resolved to completely ban the use of other languages as the report suggested, allowing only Spanish in public places, then these radical nationalists and their plans would be the most severely affected.

This report merely opened a discussion on the issues of nationality, language, and religion. What truly caused an uproar was Prime Minister Primo’s subsequent actions.

A few days after the report began to circulate, on Prime Minister Primo’s orders, a Senator from the Progressive Party submitted the “Proposal on the Complete Unification of Nationality, Religion, and Language” to the Spanish Congress of Deputies.

The proposal cited the benefits of unifying nationality, religion, and language as reported in The Sun and argued that only by achieving this complete unification could Spain truly become a powerful nation.

The proposal quickly generated heated debate in parliament. It couldn’t be otherwise—after all, the Senator who proposed it was from the Progressive Party.

This was Prime Minister Primo’s own party. Who would believe that the Senator had submitted the proposal without the Prime Minister’s permission?

In fact, on second thought, the proposal might have come from Prime Minister Primo himself, with the Senator merely submitting it on his behalf.

Although there were many Conservatives among the members of parliament, the vast majority of them were Spaniards. There were very few Catalans and Basques in parliament, and the highest-ranking Catalan appeared to support the proposal for unifying the Spanish nation.

Because of this, the parliamentary debate proceeded very quickly. In just a few days, a brand-new bill was drafted: the “Spanish Nationality, Religion, and Language Act.”

It contained three main points, corresponding to the requirements for unifying nationality, religion, and language.

First, “Spaniard” shall be the legal designation for all Spanish citizens, and no modifications shall be permitted. To be Spanish is great and supreme, exceedingly glorious, and a symbol of honor.

Anyone addressing a Spanish citizen by another nationality shall be deemed to be discriminating against a Spanish citizen, violating the legal definition of the Spanish nation in the “Spanish Nationality, Religion, and Language Act,” and shall be sentenced to imprisonment and fined.

Second, Catholicism shall be the state religion of Spain, but the Spanish government shall also accept all Christian doctrines of God.

Only Spanish citizens who are Christian shall have the right to join government bodies at all levels, parliament, the military, and other official departments (including state-owned and royal enterprises).

Third, on Spanish soil, in any place that is considered a public space, Spanish must and can only be used in both speech and writing (for example, in schools, government offices, parliament, hospitals, and train stations).

In certain special places, the use of English, French, German, Italian, or Russian may be considered, but it must be reported to the local government for approval and may not be used without authorization.

Within government and royal enterprises, Spanish must be used as the sole language. Private enterprises may use other languages but will not receive any tax exemptions.

In other words, if private enterprises want to receive government tax subsidies and exemptions, they must require all employees within the company to communicate in Spanish.

Of course, foreign experts were not included in this scope. This regulation only targeted employees with Spanish citizenship, with the primary goal being linguistic unification.

Although private enterprises were not forcibly required to use Spanish, capitalists, for the sake of government tax exemptions and subsidies, would certainly take the initiative to ban other languages within their companies.

When private entrepreneurs take such actions themselves, it also helps to shift the blame. At least the entrepreneurs would bear some of the resentment, since the government did not mandate it directly; the respective language regulations were established by the companies themselves.

Ultimately, this act primarily affected the Catalans and Basques.

However, Spain has a long history, with a history of unification spanning hundreds of years. Over such a long period, although Spain had not completely assimilated the Catalan and Basque regions, it had led to the widespread use of Spanish among the people in these areas.

The recent resurgence in the use of Catalan and Basque was nothing more than the covert plotting of a few radical nationalists with ulterior motives.

The majority of the populace was not against using Spanish, just as they were not against being Spanish.

Prime Minister Primo was born in Catalonia, so he naturally understood the situation there very well. Unifying nationality, religion, and language might seem difficult, but in reality, it was quite achievable.

Especially since a portion of the radical elements in Catalonia and the Basque region had already been eliminated, pushing for linguistic and national unification would be even simpler.

It bears repeating: the common people at the bottom did not harbor so many ill intentions. They were quite accepting of the larger national concept of Spain, and with Spain as a whole becoming better and better, there was naturally little reason for them to object.

Although the concept of nationalism had been budding for some time, it had only truly begun to rise during this period.

In other words, the issues of Catalan and Basque independence that would plague Spain for a long time in the future were, at this point in time, only just beginning.

Nascent nationalism was destined to fail in gaining the support of the majority of the common people, whose concept of nationality was quite vague.

At present, there was not much difference between Spaniards and Catalans. The biggest difference was, in fact, where they lived.

The concept of “Catalan” proposed by some radical nationalists was even more nonsensical, as it included all Spaniards living in Catalonia.

Logically, the difference between two peoples should stem from language, culture, customs, and even have noticeable differences in smaller aspects like cuisine.

But for now, the differences between Spaniards and Catalans were few. Both used Spanish as their primary language of communication, their culinary cultures were not very different, and they even looked quite similar.

In contrast, the people of the Basque region were quite different from the Spaniards, making them much harder to assimilate than the Catalans.

Prime Minister Primo also had distinctly different approaches for dealing with Catalonia and the Basque Country, two regions with strong nationalist sentiments.

Prime Minister Primo was born in Catalonia and had a thorough understanding of it. The majority of the Catalan populace did not actually have strong nationalist feelings and were relatively supportive of the Spanish government.

As long as the instigations of those radical nationalists were eliminated, the complete integration of Catalonia into Spain was just a matter of time.

Therefore, his policy for Catalonia was to exert influence subtly through legal means while forcefully suppressing any particularly defiant radicals.

As for his policy for the Basque region, Prime Minister Primo advocated for much stronger laws and more forceful suppression.

He even suggested that if it became clear that the Basque region could not be assimilated, consideration should be given to using military force to compel the Basques to relocate to other regions.

After all, the total Basque population within Spain was only a few hundred thousand people. Even if they were all moved out of the country, the impact on Spain would not be too great.

In fact, after relocating the Basques, Spain’s northern region would become more stable, and the country’s development would be more efficient.

The Catalan population, in contrast to the Basque population, was larger. Since they could be assimilated, assimilation was naturally the priority.

After all, Spain’s population was not large to begin with. If it lost the population of Catalonia, Spain’s hopes for a future revival would be even slimmer.

Carlo was also paying close attention to the parliamentary vote and the final law that was formed.

For Carlo, it was for the best that Prime Minister Primo had taken the initiative to push for the great unification of nationality, language, and religion.

This was because, at present, this matter was all benefit and no harm. At most, it would only offend radical Catalans and Basques.

But in the future, when nationalism had spread across the globe, would these peoples who had been exiled from Spain, or who had been unified under high pressure, consider the harm this matter had brought them?

Strictly speaking, this could become a stain on his legacy. Carlo naturally did not want to bear this stain. After all, as a king under a constitutional monarchy, it was best to keep his name far from any ill repute. This would be beneficial for the succession of the throne and the stability of the royal family’s status.

It was no exaggeration to say that once this act, passed by parliament, was promulgated, it would absolutely cause tens of thousands of Catalans and Basques to be forced to leave Spain or fall under the government’s military suppression.

This was no joke. After the act was promulgated, the government would definitely enforce it with even greater force.

Most of the more radical nationalists would not be able to survive in such a harsh environment. They would either launch a rebellion directly or be forced to leave their homes and flee Spain, a country that would be like hell for them.

Perhaps to demonstrate its firm stance to the outside world, as soon as the Congress of Deputies completed the first draft of the act, the Cabinet government immediately published the entire bill and announced that it would be officially implemented nationwide three days after its publication.

Such swiftness was somewhat out of the ordinary. Under normal circumstances, a bill would be published for a period of time to give the Senate sufficient time to review and make recommendations before being submitted to the Cabinet government for implementation.

Although his actions were swift and decisive, Prime Minister Primo had prepared all sorts of contingency plans.

Two fully formed Spanish divisions were already stationed not far from Catalonia and the Basque Country, ready to travel to the two regions by rail at any time.

Judging by the current weaponry and equipment of the Spanish army, even if another Carlist rebellion were to occur, the Spanish army could handle it with ease.

The artillery equipped by these two divisions was not just for show; the moment the army was formed, they began long-term live-fire and artillery training.

The amount of bullets and shells consumed each day was something the previous Spanish army could never have imagined. With such a strong supply of ammunition, the combat effectiveness of these two fully manned Spanish infantry divisions was naturally on a continuous rise.

It might sound a bit exaggerated, but ever since Prime Minister Primo had personally witnessed the training of the two infantry divisions, he was confident that with the just over 25,000 soldiers of these two divisions, he could withstand an attack from the previous 70,000-strong Spanish mainland army.

There was no helping it; being fully re-equipped with rifles and having a significant increase in the number of artillery pieces bred such confidence.

Moreover, the quality of both the soldiers and officers in the current Spanish army had improved, something the previous Spanish army lacked.

The several infantry divisions that were still being formed were one thing, but these first two to be completed were designated the Spanish First and Second Infantry Divisions, and their soldiers were all hand-picked veterans from before.

With these two infantry divisions watching menacingly, let alone just dealing with some rather radical nationalists, even if faced with a Carlist rebellion that had once swept through several regions of Spain, Prime Minister Primo felt not the slightest bit of panic.

Chapter 153: The Economic Crisis Has Arrived

To Carlo’s surprise, the enactment of what seemed to be a rather harsh law did not cause a particularly large impact in Catalonia and the Basque region.

But on second thought, it was easy to understand. After all, the troublemakers in these two regions who had once staunchly demanded regional autonomy and even national independence had long since vanished from Spanish history along with the Carlists.

It was impossible to say there were no nationalists in these two regions, but it was highly unlikely that they would dare to stand up and firmly oppose the government’s law, let alone incite protests and rebellions.

Though they supported regional autonomy and national independence, it didn’t mean they were fools. They could see the current situation in Spain clearly. Prime Minister Primo was even waiting for them to jump out on their own so he could wipe them all out in one fell swoop.

Although there were no large-scale disturbances, some minor protests and skirmishes still occurred.

However, these small-scale disruptions were of no consequence to the Spanish government and could be resolved by simply deploying law enforcement.

To ensure stability in Catalonia and the Basque region, Prime Minister Primo specifically ordered police departments to dispatch officers from other regions to maintain order in Catalonia and the Basque Country, while also urging the governments of the two regions to swiftly implement the requirements of the newly enacted law.

For those who neither dared to oppose the new law nor were willing to accept it, Prime Minister Primo offered a new option: immigrate abroad.

Prime Minister Primo deeply detested those who championed nationalism and regional autonomy. He believed they would severely disrupt Spain’s current stability and turn Catalonia and the Basque region into an eternal wound for the nation.

It was precisely because he understood this that Prime Minister Primo, a Catalan himself, remained resolute in his choice to fully unify the nation, religion, and language.

If the issue of nationalism in Spain’s two regions could be resolved more peacefully, that would naturally be for the best.

The Spanish government encouraged citizens in Catalonia and the Basque region who were unwilling to accept Spain’s new policies to emigrate elsewhere. It even offered to organize emigration groups and provide assistance to those who wished to leave but lacked the travel funds.

If, despite this, any radical nationalists in Spain still held dissenting opinions about the law, then they couldn’t blame Prime Minister Primo for being ruthless.

Encouraging them to emigrate was their last chance. They could either choose to flee Spanish law by leaving the country or stay and obediently abide by it. There were no other options.

To put it bluntly, the law had little impact on most Spanish commoners. Whether Catalan or Basque, they were Christians, a religion officially permitted in Spain.

The only points of contention were the large-scale promotion of the Spanish language and the concept of a singular Spanish national identity, but these were not unacceptable to the common people.

Although the law could effectively promote Spain’s national integration and more efficiently solve the issue of national independence movements in Catalonia and the Basque Country, it was not without its drawbacks. Anyone who immigrated to Spain would naturally have to obey its laws.

This was not particularly friendly to some immigrants, as getting them to quickly adopt the Spanish language and identify as Spaniards would not be easy.

To address this, Carlo and Prime Minister Primo held several discussions, ultimately deciding to entrust the task of spreading the Spanish language to Pedro, who had been promoted to Archbishop of Spain. He would be responsible for teaching Spanish to foreign immigrants.

This was not an unfamiliar task for the Spanish Church, which had previously controlled a large number of church schools and, through them, Spain’s education system.

However, the Church’s mission was not merely to spread the Spanish language, but also to propagate religion.

In truth, for Carlo and Prime Minister Primo, it didn’t much matter whether someone was Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, or Protestant.

As long as they adhered to a religion under the Christian umbrella and acknowledged God, it was acceptable. The missionary work was clearly not aimed at European immigrants but rather at the indigenous and mixed-race populations in Spain’s colonies.

Considering Spain’s future strategic plans, when Carlo met with Archbishop Pedro, he specifically requested that the Spanish Church prioritize missionary work among the Moroccans in the colony of Southern Morocco, indicating that certain strong-arm tactics could be employed to speed up the process.

Although Europe was now predominantly Christian, hundreds of years ago, vast swathes of the continent still adhered to various local religions.

The spread of Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy across Europe was not achieved through the gentle preaching of missionaries, but rather through the relatively brutal, high-pressure evangelism of the Catholic Church and various national governments.

One of the most famous examples was the medieval Inquisition, which played an extremely important role in laying the foundation for the widespread dissemination of Christianity in Europe.

The Inquisition of that period was not a court of law in the true sense but an institution wielding immense power, capable of unscrupulously inflicting all sorts of punishments on heretics (including but not limited to confiscation of all property, flogging, and imprisonment up to a life sentence).

If a heretic remained unrepentant, the Inquisition also had the authority to impose the death penalty, often in a cruel manner, with execution by burning being the primary method.

Although the Spanish government could not now openly establish an institution like the Inquisition to purge heretics in the colonies, it could still use similar methods.

In any case, the colonial rule of all nations during this period was hardly reputable. Once certain results were achieved in the future, it could all be repackaged in a more civilized manner, with little real impact on Spain.

It turned out that employing strong legal measures to unify Spain’s nation, religion, and language was the better approach.

Just two and a half months after the law was enacted, the linguistic chaos in Catalonia and the Basque region had been effectively rectified.

By May 1873, on the streets of Barcelona and Bilbao, only signs and text written in Spanish could be seen; the local languages and scripts had vanished.

Naturally, some radical nationalists expressed their dissatisfaction with this change.

But these few were insignificant in the face of Spain’s national interests, and they were easily suppressed by the police.

The two infantry divisions that had been prepared in advance were not even needed. The majority of people did not have radical objections to the law, and the more radical dissenters were crushed under the government’s forceful suppression, falling under the guns of the police.

Time stood still on May 9, 1873. The world crisis had finally erupted.

The scene shifted to Vienna, the capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. It was one of Europe’s most prosperous cities, once a world-renowned international metropolis.

But with the arrival of May 9, the situation in Vienna plunged into extreme chaos. The turmoil first broke out at the Vienna Stock Exchange and then spread directly to the entire city.

How terrifying was an economic crisis? In just twenty-four hours, the total value of all companies on the Vienna Stock Exchange depreciated by several hundred million gulden (the Austro-Hungarian Rhinegulden, also called the florin; 1 pound ≈ 11.7 gulden), causing many companies originally worth over a million to lose everything overnight.

According to the current official exchange rate, one million gulden was equivalent to 85,470 pounds or 2,223,000 pesetas.

In any country, a company worth over eighty thousand pounds was a large enterprise. During this sudden economic crisis, a great number of companies in Vienna worth over or close to eighty thousand pounds were on the verge of bankruptcy, a testament to the lethality of the crisis.

The slightly larger companies fared better, merely approaching bankruptcy. The less valuable small and medium-sized enterprises went bankrupt swiftly as the crisis hit.

One day, these companies were thriving; the next, they faced a severe bankruptcy crisis and had to publicly declare their factories and businesses insolvent.

This night-and-day reversal threw the people of Vienna into a panic. They scrambled to withdraw their money from the banks, terrified that their savings would vanish along with the economy.

But this severe bank run only exacerbated the pressure on the banks. What was worse, banks in this era were often not well-regulated by the government and were mostly small or medium-sized private institutions.

Banks of this scale were utterly incapable of withstanding a bank run. So, on the second day of the crisis, the residents of Vienna discovered something even more terrible than corporate bankruptcy: a large number of banks were also beginning to declare insolvency.

Corporate bankruptcy meant that a large number of Viennese lost their jobs. Bank bankruptcy meant they lost even the little savings they had.

Unfortunately, due to the suddenness and immense impact of the crisis, most Viennese suffered both fates.

In other words, over half the citizens of Vienna lost both their jobs and their savings in two consecutive days, becoming utterly destitute.

Although they still had their houses, property was not worth much in this era. Large cities were only just beginning to form, and with Vienna’s population just under one million, housing prices were not yet high.

Moreover, with the economic crisis in full swing, no one would use their money to buy a house, no matter how high the prices might be.

This led to a fatal problem for a large number of Viennese: they had no source of income, and even affording basic necessities like food and clothing became an enormous challenge.

Although the economic crisis began at the Vienna Stock Exchange, it was impossible for other European countries to escape unscathed.

In less than a week, the crisis swept through the stock exchanges of other nations, led by London and Paris. Even Spain’s two small and medium-sized stock exchanges were affected to some extent.

“Carlo, is this the effect of the economic crisis?” Queen Sophie of Spain sat uncomfortably on a stool, holding the latest newspaper from a local Vienna company.

Though she had married into Spain, Queen Sophie still paid close attention to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. To ensure his queen could learn about the happenings in her home country every day, Carlo had arranged for various news and newspapers to be collected from the Austro-Hungarian Empire and transported to Spain at top speed.

For Carlo, whose assets were already in the hundreds of millions, this small expense was a drop in the bucket, far less important than bringing a smile to his queen’s face.

And because Sophie followed major events in the Austro-Hungarian Empire almost daily, the recent economic crisis in Vienna naturally could not escape her notice.

“It is the law of capitalist development, Sophie. It’s unavoidable,” Carlo could only nod, explaining to her, “However, considering the size of the Austro-Hungarian economy, while this crisis is severe, its effects won’t be too dire. If the government can react in time, the impact on the Austrian people should be limited to an acceptable range.”

“Spain won’t be affected, will it? Do we need to prepare in advance?” Hearing that the crisis wouldn’t have too severe an impact on the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Queen Sophie breathed a sigh of relief before turning her concern to Spain’s response.

“Rest assured, the impact of this crisis on Spain will be minuscule. Spain’s economy and industrial base are not large, so it won’t trigger an economic crisis on its own. Even if we are affected by the fallout, it will be within an acceptable range. There’s no need to worry,” Carlo said with a smile.

The economic crisis was already expected to have little effect on Spain, not to mention the fact that the Spanish government and royal family had been preparing for it for a long time.

The dozens of tons of gold reserves from the Padmanabhaswamy Temple alone were enough to ensure Spain would not be significantly affected by this crisis.

Moreover, Spain’s economic and industrial development was quite healthy. A significant reason for Vienna’s severe impact was the lack of management of the stock exchange and regulation of the banking industry.

The banks and construction companies established purely for speculation were the most fragile in this crisis.

It was the rapid bankruptcy of these enterprises, built like castles in the air, that caused the effects of the crisis to sweep through all of Vienna.

If there had been fewer of these shell companies, the impact on Vienna would not have been so severe. The massive corporate bankruptcies exacerbated the panic among the Viennese people, leading to uncontrollable bank runs, which ultimately caused even the banks that could have maintained order to fail.

This kind of problem didn’t just appear in this era; it would appear in later times as well.

The financial industry is extremely profitable, but it is also extremely fragile. Bankruptcy can be triggered by a single rumor. If enough people believe a rumor that a bank is failing, causing a bank run, the bank could very well go bankrupt.

Conversely, even if a bank is facing a liquidity problem, it won’t face bankruptcy as long as a bank run doesn’t occur.

There were only two ways to guard against these unpredictable bank runs. One was for the government to exercise some regulatory control over banks, ensuring they didn’t over-leverage their funds and always kept a portion in reserve for emergencies.

The preceding economic boom had led a large number of banks to use the vast majority of their funds for speculation to earn profits.

When the crisis hit, they were unable to obtain funds from other sources for turnover. What else could a bank with no money do but go bankrupt?

In truth, just as Carlo had said, as long as the Austro-Hungarian government reacted in a timely manner, the impact of this so-called economic crisis was not that severe.

At least for the Austro-Hungarian Empire, it was not a devastating blow. The countries with the fastest industrial expansion rates would suffer the most.

Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire had a decent industrial and economic base, its growth rate over the last decade didn’t even rank in the top five globally.

The fastest-developing countries in recent years were Britain, the United States, and Germany. The Austro-Hungarian Empire’s growth rate was even behind France’s, which was why the impact on it would not be too severe.

Indeed, just as Carlo had predicted, the economic crisis was severe for the Austro-Hungarian Empire, but only in the first week after it broke out.

After the banks and construction companies that engaged only in speculation went bankrupt, most of what remained were factories and enterprises focused on real industry.

Although these factories and enterprises also faced a serious bankruptcy crisis, they at least had some foundation and could hold on for longer.

They also received aid from the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The day after the crisis erupted, the Austro-Hungarian government announced it would use three hundred million gulden for a market bailout, prioritizing assistance to some of the more important and larger factories and enterprises.

As long as these large factories and enterprises could survive, the various industries lost in the crisis would always have a chance for revival.

But if these large factories and enterprises also went bankrupt, rebuilding in the future would not be so easy.

After the economic crisis in Vienna was temporarily stabilized, Germany and France became the next to suffer.

Germany was hit more severely, as its development over the past few years had been among the fastest in Europe.

After receiving a friendly contribution of five billion francs from France, Germany’s industrial expansion and railway construction had proceeded at an astonishing pace.

Five billion francs was equivalent to two hundred million pounds, an enormous sum even for the British Empire. It was with this capital that the Germans rapidly industrialized the German Empire.

Coupled with the consolidation of resources and industry from all the German lands, the German Empire had leaped to become a major industrial and economic power in Europe.

But this status provided no advantage in an economic crisis. On the contrary, its recent rapid economic and industrial expansion meant that Germany would suffer an even more severe crisis.

About ten days after the crisis erupted in Vienna, its effects had spread to the Berlin Stock Exchange.

On the very day it was hit, many companies faced a serious bankruptcy crisis. Fortunately, the German government had been preparing during those ten days and announced a plan to rescue the stock market on the same day Germany was affected.

Furthermore, Germany’s massive construction had only begun a few years prior, so it had not yet reached a situation of production far exceeding demand, as was the case in the United States.

Under the effective control of the German government, the impact of the economic crisis on Germany was not overly severe.

Chapter 154: Cooke & Company

With the industrialization of various nations, the economic ties between countries around the world grew ever closer.

This led to a rather serious problem: an economic crisis would no longer affect just a single country, but would spread its influence across the globe.

Although the economic crisis did not have a severe direct impact on Spain, it still affected its import and export trade.

On May 14, 1873, Prime Minister Primo convened a special Cabinet meeting to address the potential impact of the economic crisis on Spain.

Carlo was also quite concerned about this crisis and attended the entire meeting, offering a few of his own suggestions for mitigating its effects.

At the meeting, Minister of Finance Ewald Battle said with a worried frown, “Your Majesty, Mr. Prime Minister. The outbreak of the economic crisis in Vienna has had a relatively serious impact on our import and export trade.

As the crisis gradually spreads to other European countries, it may deal a more severe blow to our trade.

Since the crisis began, the daily volume of our goods imports and exports has been steadily declining. If this continues, we project that the total trade volume for this year will drop by at least thirty percent.”

Why would an economic crisis affect Spain’s import and export trade?

The real reason was that the crisis disrupted the economic environments of various European countries, causing a large number of factories and businesses to teeter on the brink of bankruptcy or collapse outright.

Consequently, people lost their jobs and naturally lost much of their purchasing power.

With the economies of other nations in turmoil, even if Spain’s industrial production remained largely unaffected, its goods would inevitably fail to sell.

By the same token, with other countries’ economies in chaos and their factories and businesses failing in droves, even if Spain wanted to import large quantities of goods, it would depend on whether those countries had the capacity to produce them.

A contraction in imports and exports during an economic crisis was unavoidable. Unless the economic conditions of other countries gradually improved, Spain could only silently endure the economic impact of this significant reduction in trade.

“Does this mean our economy could see negative growth this year?” Carlo asked.

Since the beginning of Spain’s reforms, its economy had experienced positive growth every year. Moreover, the growth rate had been extremely fast, which was why the Spanish government had been confident enough to allocate a large portion of its annual budget to various infrastructure projects.

As long as the economy maintained a healthy growth rate, the government’s investments would not only avoid losses but would also be returned to the government in the form of increased tax revenue.

If the economic crisis led to negative growth, government tax revenue would also decrease. However, projects that were already underway could not be easily halted, meaning the government might face a significant budget deficit this year.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Ewald Battle replied with a nod. “With our import and export trade affected, it will be very difficult for our economy to maintain positive growth.”

Carlo nodded, his expression unreadable, but inwardly he was calm.

Negative economic growth caused by a reduction in trade could be remedied. The method was simple: increase the scale of infrastructure construction to expand domestic demand for products.

At the same time, large-scale infrastructure projects would also create more jobs, providing a positive boost to Spain’s economy.

The only drawback to this approach was that the government would need to mobilize a massive amount of funds, and the current Spanish government was not short on capital.

Although the treasure was valued at just over nine hundred million pesetas, the value of gold could not be calculated so simply. If the gold were used to issue currency, it could back a monetary value several times its own worth.

In other words, with these eighty-plus tons of gold, the Spanish government could issue currency equivalent in value to several hundred tons of gold.

At this point, Prime Minister Primo stepped forward at the opportune moment to present to Carlo the plan the Cabinet had already prepared. “Your Majesty, to cope with this economic crisis, the government plans to once again increase investment in public infrastructure over the next two years to create more jobs and stimulate Spain’s economic growth.

Within infrastructure, our investment will primarily focus on three areas: improving road transportation, developing small-scale water conservancy projects in towns and villages, and renovating the slums.

To protect some of our affected businesses, the government will introduce short-term tax exemption policies for certain enterprises. We will also encourage Spaniards to purchase Spanish-made products to boost our domestic demand and mitigate the impact of reduced exports.”

Previously, the renovation of the slums had been constrained by finances, keeping the scale small and concentrated in Madrid.

Now that the government was no longer short of money and had ample time during the economic crisis to focus on infrastructure, it was natural to vigorously push forward with the slum redevelopment.

Replacing those dilapidated slum houses with tall buildings would not only effectively improve the urban landscape of Spain but also provide the poor with a better living environment.

In fact, this economic crisis was not entirely detrimental for Spain; its benefits were also readily apparent.

For instance, during the crisis, industrial and agricultural production scales in all countries were constantly declining, and the prices of various manufactured goods were falling again and again.

Spain could purchase a large amount of machinery and equipment from European countries at extremely low prices, and could even acquire the corresponding means of production and technology.

Some small and medium-sized factories were already facing bankruptcy. Being able to sell their technology and equipment for some capital was naturally better than having the entire factory and business go under.

As for the harm selling off technology and equipment would do to their factories and enterprises, that was no longer something they could afford to consider. After all, if the business went bankrupt, they would lose everything anyway. It was better to trade equipment and means of production for some cash to keep the business financially afloat.

After confirming Spain’s domestic policy for managing the economic crisis, the discussion quickly turned to what products should be purchased during this opportune moment.

What the Cabinet officials discussed most were the production equipment and technical data from factories in various countries, including advanced steel smelting technology, means of production and production lines for military weapons, Spain’s relatively weak chemical technology, and various machinery and equipment.

These were of vital importance to Spain’s industry and were precisely what the country had lacked before.

Despite aid from Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, some of the more advanced technologies and means of production were not so easily acquired.

They were either too expensive or were confidential technologies that certain companies did not disclose to the public, making them impossible to buy.

The current economic crisis was a golden opportunity. Production equipment and technical data that were once expensive were now dirt cheap.

The money that could previously buy only one set of data could now buy several, sometimes with a piece of machinery thrown in as a bonus.

Confidential technologies that small and medium-sized enterprises once guarded closely were now products that could be taken away for a price. For this very reason, Spain could not afford to miss this excellent opportunity for a major shopping spree.

This economic crisis was bound to affect both Europe and the United States, which meant Spain could take its funds and unscrupulously pick and choose production equipment and technical data in these countries.

According to later records, during this economic crisis, the number of businesses that went bankrupt or closed down worldwide totaled nearly ten thousand each year. Over the entire crisis period (1873-1879), more than fifty thousand businesses failed.

Although many of these fifty thousand businesses were ordinary factories without particularly advanced production equipment or technical data, a small number of them possessed strong research and development capabilities. The equipment and data they held were what Spain currently needed most.

However, the massive buying spree in European countries and the United States would require a certain degree of subterfuge. If the Spanish government were to start purchasing bankrupt enterprises and factories on a large scale under its own name, it would inevitably attract the attention of these nations.

If it were to provoke public outrage, the losses would outweigh the gains for Spain.

The purchasing personnel sent to various European countries would disguise themselves under various identities, but their objective would be the same: to select bankrupt enterprises worth acquiring, or to buy production equipment and technical data from those on the verge of bankruptcy.

During the economic crisis, one country played the role of the unfortunate victim.

Which country was it? Of course, it was the United States, which relied heavily on foreign investment.

As European countries suffered from the economic crisis, their first reaction was naturally to withdraw their investments from the United States, or at the very least, to halt further investment immediately.

Americans themselves needed massive foreign investment to sustain their frantic pace of development. Once foreign capital began to pull out, the American economic environment collapsed in an instant.

Moreover, the American economy already had significant underlying problems.

As mentioned before, the length of railways built in the United States in recent times exceeded the combined total of Britain and Germany.

This gave rise to another problem: a large number of railway companies sprang up in the United States, all constantly seeking loans to build more railways.

Among the many bankers in America, the Cooke family was definitely one of the more famous private bankers.

Perhaps Jay Cooke himself did not know that one of his investments would directly trigger the beginning of the economic crisis in the United States and deal a devastating blow to American industrial production.

For Cooke himself, this investment was quite ordinary.

His partner was the Northern Pacific Railway Company, a company with a considerable reputation in the United States that had successfully built several railway lines.

Perhaps it was because of the Northern Pacific Railway Company’s good reputation that when Cooke agreed to help the railway company underwrite its bonds, he did so without much thought, agreeing to underwrite one hundred million US dollars’ worth of railway bonds.

The value of the US dollar was not low; it was much higher than the franc and the peseta.

Bonds worth one hundred million francs were equivalent to over five hundred million pesetas, or the Spanish government’s entire annual fiscal revenue.

Selling bonds on such a massive scale was no easy task, especially since the sale coincided with the war between Prussia and France.

During wartime, few people were willing to exchange hard currency for a mere piece of paper. The result was predictable: the bond sales were disappointing, and the construction of the railway became difficult to sustain.

If the railway construction could not continue, it would be a huge blow to both the Northern Pacific Railway Company and Cooke’s bank.

To save the railway company, Cooke could only issue it a short-term loan.

Although the interest on the short-term loan was high, it could at least ensure that the Northern Pacific Railway’s construction continued. As long as the railway was completed, the company could recoup some of its funds and generate a steady stream of income from its operation.

But things rarely go as smoothly as planned. After the Vienna economic crisis erupted, European capital swiftly withdrew its investments from the United States.

Cooke’s bank was severely affected, and the financial pressure multiplied.

Coincidentally, the Northern Pacific Railway Company also ran into trouble at this time. Not only could the company not repay the principal and interest of the short-term loan on time, but it also needed even more investment from Cooke just to stay afloat.

It was clear that Cooke had run out of money.

And the railway company, lacking a new infusion of capital, very matter-of-factly declared bankruptcy.

The successive bankruptcies of the Northern Pacific Railway Company and Cooke & Company, combined with the panic caused by the European economic crisis among Americans, quickly led to volatility in the US stock market.

The collapse of Cooke’s bank triggered panic among Americans. People scrambled to the banks, wanting only to withdraw their money from their accounts as quickly as possible.

But where would the banks have so much cash on hand?

The preceding era of prosperity was not just a boom for construction and railway companies; it was also a boom for the banking industry.

These banks had earned high returns by issuing large numbers of loans, and a substantial portion of these loans had yet to be repaid.

Without enough funds available for redemption, the banks naturally faced a severe bankruptcy crisis. This wave swiftly swept through numerous banks, and many investment firms and railway companies were also caught in its wake.

From the bankruptcy of Cooke & Company and the Northern Pacific Railway at the beginning of June, it took only two and a half weeks for the New York Stock Exchange to officially close. But those two and a half weeks dealt a devastating blow to the American economy.

During that time, at least a hundred banks went bankrupt one after another, including some larger chain banks.

Investment firms fared even worse; at least several hundred declared bankruptcy due to the collapse of their capital chains.

The failure of banks and investment firms quickly spread to the railway companies. Many that relied on loans and bonds to survive simply could not continue in such an economic environment, and another wave of bankruptcies began.

For the United States, this was only the beginning of the disaster.

Like other European countries at the time, the United States had not established a central bank to manage finance and bonds. Even the issuance of bonds was done by authorizing private banks to act as agents.

Because there was no central bank, the US government was powerless to save American businesses by providing a money supply or bailing out failing companies. In the end, it could only watch helplessly as the economic crisis intensified across the country.

Furthermore, since these bonds were handled by private banks, the widespread failure of these institutions was catastrophic for Americans.

Not only were their savings wiped out along with the failed banks, but the bonds they had purchased also vanished into thin air.

After all, with the banks gone, where could they go to redeem their bonds?

For the United States, a nation undergoing savage development, the impact of the economic crisis was far more severe than in European countries.

It was true that America’s industrial and economic growth during this period far outpaced that of European nations, which demonstrated its greater overall potential.

But it was clear that America’s development was a form of untamed growth, lacking government regulation.

In just two and a half weeks, nearly a thousand businesses in the United States had gone bankrupt, including no small number of medium and large-scale enterprises and factories.

This meant that in a short period, over one hundred thousand Americans had suddenly lost their jobs, and the incomes of one hundred thousand families had plummeted.

Chapter 155: Warship Design and Acquisition Plan

While other countries were suffering from the economic crisis, Spain was in the midst of massive, bustling construction projects.

Under Prime Minister Primo’s orders, the Spanish government moved swiftly, formulating a detailed plan for the grand construction initiative and allocating funds for its implementation in just a few days.

The Spanish government placed particular importance on the construction of road networks and the renovation of the slums.

Unlike Britain, France, and Germany, which possessed vast, sweeping plains, most of Spain’s territory was mountainous and hilly.

Building roads in such terrain was far more difficult than on flat land, which was why Spain’s transportation infrastructure had always lagged behind that of major European powers like Britain, France, and Germany.

Now, taking advantage of the economic crisis, the Spanish government planned to invest over fifty million pesetas to build an extensive highway network across the country, connecting Spain’s various regions and major cities.

The government conducted a detailed classification of Spain’s existing road system, dividing it into dual carriageway, four-lane national highways; dual carriageway, two-lane regional roads; and single-lane, two-way town roads.

The widest of these, the dual carriageway, four-lane national highways, would naturally be the ones connecting the major regions and important cities. Since the automobile had not yet been invented, the demand for road width was relatively low.

In later eras, a four-lane dual carriageway would not even be sufficient to meet the traffic demands of a single urban area. But in this period, it was a remarkably wide road for Spain, capable of meeting its transportation needs for at least the next thirty years.

And within those thirty years, the Spanish government would certainly expand the transportation system further, perhaps even building wider six-lane dual carriageways.

Not long ago, Benz had reported good news from his research and development to Carlo. They had successfully developed a four-stroke gas engine and were now working on engines that used other fuels.

Although the birth of the engine did not mean the birth of the automobile, the two were inextricably linked. With the four-stroke engine, it was now possible to build a relatively crude automobile for experimentation.

However, resolving issues with the engine’s stability and power would require Benz and his team to conduct more research and improve the existing design.

To manufacture and commercialize an automobile, one also had to consider its safety and affordability.

In short, these were not problems that could be solved in a short time. For at least the next decade, even if automobiles were invented, they would be transportation luxuries that only the rich could afford.

However, considering Spain’s innumerable noblemen, if an automobile could be developed sooner, these nobles alone could account for a significant number of sales.

Moreover, the automobile would be a clear boon to improving the transportation situation. A journey that took several hours by carriage might take less than an hour by car.

Horses also caused additional environmental damage by defecating anywhere, but aside from exhaust emissions, the harm caused by cars was not nearly as great.

Exhaust emissions were not a problem Spain could afford to consider at this time. The most important thing was to develop the automobile early and use it to effectively improve the current transportation environment.

With automobiles, the transport of goods and the movement of personnel would also become much more convenient. Troops in Madrid could reach various cities and towns more easily via the highways, further strengthening the government’s control over the regions.

Under these circumstances, it would become extremely difficult for regions like Catalonia and the Basque Country to stir up trouble.

While the results of the engine research were certainly gratifying, they seemed less significant when compared to the blueprints the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had submitted to Carlo.

That’s right, after more than six months of design and discussion, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had finally refined a warship design that satisfied all its experts.

This warship design was delivered to Carlo’s office, accompanied by detailed parameters and design concepts.

Just seeing the design parameters of this warship was enough for Carlo to be mostly satisfied.

Although the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had not fully achieved the world’s most advanced ironclad that Carlo had described—faster, with stronger firepower, and better armor protection—it did not mean the design was behind those of other nations.

The Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had been dormant for over twenty years, but some of its experts remained well-versed in the warship designs of countries around the world.

After Carlo gave his order, the shipyard’s design experts poured their life’s work into designing an ironclad that would satisfy him, all to secure more opportunities for the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

This ironclad design could be described as a collection of the best features from many nations. Although at first glance it looked a bit like a mishmash and its overall appearance was somewhat similar to a British ironclad, it was also filled with new concepts unique to Spanish warship design.

First was the ship’s propulsion, which Carlo was most concerned about. The warship was projected to use the relatively advanced reciprocating expansion steam engines of the time, equipped with two such engines capable of generating a maximum output of over six thousand horsepower.

While this power output was not top-of-the-line, it was certainly considered excellent among the ironclad designs of countries around the world.

In terms of firepower, this new ironclad would be fully equipped with breech-loading 12-inch, 305-millimeter steel cannons, making it one of the first warships to adopt breech-loading artillery.

Currently, the world’s navies’ pursuit of firepower leaned heavily toward larger cannon calibers. The main guns on British ironclads had reached a caliber of 318 millimeters, which meant their destructive power was far greater than that of the 305-millimeter steel cannons on this new Spanish warship.

However, because the British warships used muzzle-loaders, their rate of fire and range were far inferior to breech-loading cannons.

Although a 318-millimeter cannon was much more powerful than a 305-millimeter one, both were powerful enough to penetrate the steel armor of existing ironclads.

Under these circumstances, the breech-loader, with its faster rate of fire and longer range, clearly had the advantage. The design documents also mentioned in detail that while the warship’s propulsion was only first-rate, its firepower had reached the pinnacle of the world.

Britain, France, and Germany could achieve this level of artillery, but they could not surpass it in the short term. Just by virtue of the four 305-millimeter breech-loading cannons on board, the warship designed by the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard already had a comprehensive combat capability that placed it in the top tier of ironclads.

The Royal Guarnizo Shipyard’s assessment of the 305-millimeter main guns was a firing range of over seven kilometers.

Such a range was quite outstanding and would provide a considerable advantage in naval battles.

Thanks to Spain’s constantly increasing steel production, this ironclad would feature an all-steel frame and be heavily fitted with steel armor for protection.

The frontal armor of the turrets reached a thickness of sixteen inches, and the side armor was fourteen inches thick, making the entire warship seem somewhat bloated.

While the warship’s armor protection was well-considered, this also brought the ironclad’s standard displacement to a staggering 8,600 tons (estimated).

When fully loaded, the warship’s displacement would even approach ten thousand tons, placing it definitively in the top tier among all current ironclads.

However, this design clearly had not broken away from the conventional thinking of existing ironclads. The two turrets were located on the sides of the main deck, and compared to the designs of later pre-dreadnoughts, this placement could not fully utilize the firepower of the main guns.

But Carlo did not know much about this aspect, so he could not offer any suggestions to the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

As long as he could ensure that this warship’s design was at least first-class among the world’s ironclads, it would be sufficient to meet the needs of the Spanish Navy’s development.

Besides, for Spain at present, it was still uncertain whether this warship would be built to equip its own navy or for export.

Considering the warship’s massive tonnage, the designers at the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard estimated its speed to be between 12.5 and 13.5 knots.

To put it simply, the maximum speed this warship could achieve was about twenty-five kilometers per hour.

However, maximum speed was just that—maximum speed. During normal sailing, the warship would rarely maintain its top speed.

Doing so would cause immeasurable damage to the steam engines, as the equipment of this era lacked such high stability.

Though its top speed was around 13.5 knots, its actual speed during routine patrols would only be under ten knots, often maintaining a speed of around seven to eight knots.

This couldn’t be helped. Before significant technological improvements in related propulsion systems, the sailing speed of such large-tonnage vessels like warships was just that slow.

Smaller liners were much faster than warships. After all, these ships did not need to balance armor protection and firepower output; they only needed to ensure stable travel at sea.

Looking at the warship blueprints before him, which brought a sense of relief, Carlo pondered for a moment before deciding to personally solicit orders for the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard from around the world.

For Spain, there were still many things to do amidst the economic crisis, and it was not a suitable time to build an ironclad with great fanfare.

Moreover, the cost of such an ironclad was not low. Because it adopted relatively advanced equipment and technology for all its systems, the cost price of the entire ironclad was already close to five hundred thousand pounds.

Even if building for the Spanish Navy, the shipyard certainly couldn’t work for free. In the Royal Shipyard’s proposal, if the Spanish Navy was willing to purchase this warship, it could be offered an internal price of five hundred fifty thousand pounds.

But if the warship were to be exported, the selling price would have to be raised to at least six hundred thousand pounds.

This meant that for every warship sold, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard could make a net profit of at least one hundred thousand pounds.

If they could secure orders for just one or two ironclads, not only would it provide the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard with sufficient R&D funds and completely revitalize the entire shipyard, but it would also allow the shipyard to gain a great deal of experience in building the most advanced ironclads, preparing for the day the Spanish Navy would build its own.

The bad news was that both Europe and the Americas were affected by the economic crisis, making it very difficult to find clients with enough financial resources to buy ironclads.

But the good news was that Asia was not greatly affected by the economic crisis, and perhaps a country there could become a customer for Spain’s new ironclad.

In fact, Spain’s ironclad, with its powerful comprehensive combat capabilities, was quite a bargain, and Carlo had no intention of being greedy.

If a suitable customer could be found, lowering the price to around five hundred fifty thousand pounds was also possible, which would be about the same as the internal price for the Spanish Navy.

After all, what the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard needed at this moment was experience in building the latest type of ironclad; the income from a few tens of thousands of pounds was not that important to them.

To secure enough orders for the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, Carlo specifically contacted Spain’s diplomatic service, asking the foreign ministry to coordinate with the shipyard’s efforts to find partners in Asia who could purchase warships.

As the economic crisis deepened, more and more businesses and factories in various countries went bankrupt.

After waiting for some time, Carlo felt that it was a suitable moment to go “bottom fishing.” Factories and businesses across Europe were now dirt cheap, and among these bankrupt enterprises were many that Carlo wanted to purchase.

For example, there was a private shipyard in Britain. The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau had already gathered a complete file on it.

Before this economic crisis, this private shipyard was one of the larger private shipyards in Britain and was quite well-known.

The shipyard even had the capability to build ironclads and possessed the relevant equipment and skilled workers.

Because of this, the shipyard’s total value before the economic crisis exceeded one point five million pounds, which was thirty-nine million pesetas.

Such a large sum of money would have been a significant expense even for the royal family before the crisis, so the acquisition of this shipyard was never carried out, and Carlo could only look on with envy.

But now was different. The economic crisis had not only affected railway companies and banks but had also impacted every industry in every European country.

As a military-industrial enterprise, the impact on the shipyard was not as exaggerated as one might think, but it was still quite severe.

This shipyard, originally valued at one point five million pounds, had recently been put up for public sale with an asking price of only seven hundred thousand pounds.

Logically, with an asking price less than half of its original value, there should have been a scramble of buyers.

But in reality, many of Britain’s capitalists were struggling to fend for themselves, let alone come up with seven hundred thousand pounds to buy this shipyard.

This led to a complete lack of interest in the shipyard’s sale, and its asking price dropped day by day.

Although he knew that selling the shipyard would mean a loss, the owner had no other choice. If he didn’t sell the shipyard now, letting it rot in his hands would only lead to greater losses.

As long as the economic crisis continued, the price of the shipyard would keep falling.

Selling it now could still recoup several hundred thousand pounds. If he waited until the shipyard’s value depreciated to an extremely low figure, it would be too late to sell.

After confirming that there were no interested buyers for the shipyard, Carlo was no longer in a hurry.

The current situation was that the later he acquired the shipyard, the less capital he would have to spend.

Steward Loren’s advice was to wait for at least another two weeks. Based on the current rate of depreciation, they could likely purchase the shipyard for around five hundred thousand pounds in two weeks.

Five hundred thousand pounds was still a huge sum for a capitalist, but for Carlo, it was no longer a significant amount.

This sum converted to only thirteen million pesetas, roughly the annual net profit of the Royal Joint Bank.

Spending thirteen million pesetas to purchase a medium-to-large shipyard with the experience and technology to build ironclads was, of course, a gain for Carlo.

After purchasing this shipyard, it could be merged with the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard to create a truly large-scale shipyard, competing with other European countries for warship export business.

At the same time, the British shipyard’s rich shipbuilding experience could also bring considerable improvement to the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

The British shipbuilding skill of this era was quite outstanding. Although the age of ironclads was pioneered by the French, the subsequent eras of pre-dreadnoughts and dreadnoughts were led by the British.

Even the aircraft carrier slowly evolved from modifications the British made to their battleships and cruisers.

For the next eighty years, British shipbuilding experience would remain among the world’s best. To Carlo, this was even more valuable than the shipyard itself.

Due to the issue of Gibraltar, the relationship between Spain and Britain was destined to never be too good.

This had previously made it difficult for Spain to obtain advanced British shipbuilding technology; either the price was unaffordable, or the British actively embargoed Spain.

The current economic crisis was the best opportunity, and Carlo had Steward Loren focus his primary targets on Britain.

Of course, the royal family was not the only one planning to acquire factories in other European countries; the Spanish government clearly had similar ideas.

While Carlo and Steward Loren were discussing the scope of acquisitions, the Spanish Ministry of Industry also compiled a detailed list of companies and equipment that Spain needed to acquire.

“Mr. Prime Minister, this is the latest procurement list confirmed by the Ministry of Industry. Please review it.” The Spanish Minister of Industry handed a detailed procurement order to Prime Minister Primo, asking for his opinion.

Prime Minister Primo took one look at it and was immediately startled by the ministry’s voracious appetite.

The Ministry of Industry’s procurement list covered almost the entire industrial system, with the main areas of focus being metallurgy, petroleum, chemicals, shipbuilding, machinery, engines, and military industries.

“One hundred sixty-two companies, a total of five hundred twenty million pesetas in acquisition funds?” As he read, Prime Minister Primo’s face suddenly darkened. He looked at the Minister of Industry with a murderous glare and asked in a cold snort, “Are you planning to spend the government’s entire annual fiscal revenue on buying companies?”

Chapter 156: Acquisition and Recruitment Plans

Minister of Industry Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla knew, of course, that his request was a bit excessive, but he also knew that now was the best time to acquire these companies.

Although this acquisition order required 520 million pesetas, before the economic crisis, even three times that amount might not have been enough to purchase these enterprises.

The existing equipment, technology, and assets of these companies alone were worth far more than 520 million pesetas. This meant that as long as the Spanish government could acquire them, it was a guaranteed win.

Moreover, these companies could provide crucial support to various industries in Spain. If this acquisition order could truly be completed, the Ministry of Industry estimated that Spain’s future industrial development would receive powerful assistance, giving it a better chance of becoming a true industrial power.

“Minister Ruiz, with all due respect, the government simply does not have that much funding to provide to the Ministry of Industry for purchasing these companies.” Before Prime Minister Primo could even express his opinion, Minister of Finance Ewald could no longer sit still and quickly stood up to oppose Minister Ruiz’s proposal.

Even setting aside whether the Spanish government could produce such a sum, Ewald would never agree to the acquisition plan proposed by the Ministry of Industry.

This was because the Ministry of Industry was not the only department that needed to acquire companies to strengthen its foundation, nor were the potential acquisitions limited to the ones outlined by their ministry.

If the Ministry of Industry’s acquisition order was fully approved, the Ministry of Finance would next have to face a continuous stream of acquisition requests from other departments.

Even though Ewald knew that these acquisitions would only benefit Spain, the problem was that money couldn’t just be spent like this.

“Mr. Prime Minister, we are confident that after this acquisition, we can rapidly accelerate our nation’s industrial development.” Minister Ruiz ignored Minister of Finance Ewald’s objection and continued to express his optimism about the acquisitions to Prime Minister Primo: ”

“Especially in heavy industry and chemicals, if we can obtain the assets of these foreign companies, it will be a significant boost for us.

“After absorbing these foreign assets, our steel production can exceed two hundred thousand tons and our iron production can exceed five hundred thousand tons within a year.

“Give me five years, and I am confident I can raise steel production to over one million tons and iron production to over three million tons, thus closing the gap with the other great powers.”

“One million tons of steel? Three million tons of pig iron?” Prime Minister Primo did not get lost in the grand vision presented by Minister Ruiz; instead, he questioned the target.

In terms of steel production, one million tons of steel and three million tons of iron would indeed close the gap with the other European great powers.

Considering that other European nations were experiencing a severe economic crisis, if Spain could achieve this goal, its industry would once again rank among the top five in Europe.

But the question was, would such a massive industrial leap in such a short time truly be a good thing?

The current economic crisis had already proven that excessively rapid industrial and economic growth was not a good thing. Only steady growth suited to Spain’s own environment was the best way for the economy and industry to develop.

Spain did indeed have sufficient funds for acquisitions, and it was certainly possible to increase steel production to millions of tons within five years.

But doing so would have little benefit beyond blindly chasing production figures; in fact, it would become a burden on the nation’s development.

Prime Minister Primo was not against the plan to acquire foreign companies. However, acquisitions had to align with the reality of Spain’s development, not be driven by false, grandiose targets that led to adding every valuable company to the acquisition list.

Time ticked by, second by second, but Prime Minister Primo remained deep in thought, offering no response.

Minister Ruiz grew anxious. He took a step forward, intending to persuade the Prime Minister further, but was cut off by a wave of Primo’s hand.

“The acquisition plan is necessary, but we must carefully consider the companies on the list.” Finally, after several minutes of contemplation, Prime Minister Primo gave his opinion: ”

“At the same time, our acquisition targets should not be limited to factories in European countries; we must also set our sights on medical companies and private research laboratories.

“Minister Ewald, how much funding can the government currently allocate for acquiring foreign enterprises?”

Hearing the Prime Minister’s question, Ewald immediately blurted out, “Mr. Prime Minister, the Ministry of Finance currently has 320 million pesetas at its disposal.

“There is still a portion of this year’s tax revenue that has not yet been transferred to the Ministry of Finance, but considering the budget allocations for other departments and our debts, the maximum amount we can reallocate is 210 million pesetas.”

Prime Minister Primo shook his head, clearly dissatisfied with the available amount. “The Ministry of Finance will raise another 90 million pesetas, for a total of 300 million pesetas to be invested in this acquisition plan.

“For this acquisition plan, I want the factories and companies to be chosen with great care. Spain’s development does not require overly ambitious targets. We need to advance steadily, step by step, from our current foundation.”

“Yes, Mr. Prime Minister,” Minister of Finance Ewald nodded, not daring to question the Prime Minister’s command in the slightest.

A smile appeared on Minister Ruiz’s face. Although the final amount for acquisitions was less than 60% of what he had proposed, it was still a substantial sum of 300 million pesetas.

With the economic crisis ravaging Europe, this amount of money could achieve what would have cost at least 1.5 billion pesetas before the crisis began.

The decision to spend 300 million pesetas to acquire foreign companies was one Prime Minister Primo had made after careful deliberation.

It wasn’t that the Spanish government couldn’t come up with more money. Although the Ministry of Finance’s current funds were not vast, with the gold from the temple treasure, the Spanish government could easily print several hundred million more pesetas.

But one must understand the principle of not biting off more than one can chew. Spain could indeed buy more factories and companies from abroad, but whether it could successfully digest them was another question entirely.

Moreover, wantonly buying up the bankrupt enterprises of the great powers would inevitably attract their attention.

Spain was already under scrutiny for having been largely unaffected by the economic crisis. If it then proceeded to kick them when they were down, the diplomatic situation that followed would likely not be very pleasant.

While 300 million pesetas was not an excessive amount, it would ensure Spain could purchase a sufficient number of companies and factories to fill the gaps in its industrial foundation.

With these factories and companies, Spain’s industrial development could also achieve faster growth. Coupled with the impact of the economic crisis on other nations, the gap between Spain and the other European great powers would narrow further.

Furthermore, Spain’s development needed to be grounded and proceed one step at a time, without placing too much emphasis on numbers on paper.

For instance, one million tons of steel production and three million tons of iron production were completely unnecessary for Spain at its current stage.

Under Prime Minister Primo’s orders, Minister Ruiz revised the Ministry of Industry’s plan.

The new plan for the Ministry of Industry was to increase Spain’s steel and iron production to one hundred thousand tons and two hundred thousand tons, respectively, within a year. Within five years, production would be raised to five hundred thousand tons and one million tons.

As long as this goal could be achieved, Spain would join the ranks of industrial powers. The steel produced annually would not only meet Spain’s domestic needs but could even be exported to neighboring Portugal and other industrial partners.

A few days later, Prime Minister Primo once again reviewed the acquisition list submitted by the Ministry of Industry and struck off all the military industry enterprises.

The reason was simple. The royal family’s own acquisition plan included military factories, so there was no need for the government to be redundant.

The Spanish government’s available funds were limited; there was no need to purchase companies that the royal family had already bought.

In truth, buying bankrupt companies was only one part of the plan. Running parallel to it was a campaign to recruit talent from various countries.

It was obvious that having these companies alone was not enough. Spain had to close the gap in technical talent with other nations to further develop its various domestic industries.

The current economic crisis was a golden opportunity. The unemployed were not just ordinary workers but also skilled workers, technical workers, and senior engineers with specific technical abilities.

Of course, compared to skilled and technical workers, the situation for senior engineers was significantly better.

With the exception of engineers whose companies had gone bankrupt, most could still manage to get by; at the very least, putting food on the table was not an issue.

After all, in this era, senior engineers were already in the middle to upper echelons of a company, and their income levels had reached the upper tier.

For this very reason, the recruitment of talent from various countries was meticulously stratified.

Although larger nations had significantly more high-level talent, their environment was also better. The companies they worked for were less likely to face bankruptcy, and even if they did, the government would most likely bail them out.

On the other hand, while smaller nations had fewer top talents, the companies they worked for were also smaller. Small businesses naturally could not withstand the impact of the economic crisis, and small nations had limited capacity and could not save every enterprise.

Spain’s plan for talent recruitment was summed up in a single sentence: prioritize gathering relevant skilled technical personnel and senior engineers from smaller countries like the Netherlands, Belgium, and Portugal.

If these smaller European countries could not fulfill all of Spain’s talent needs, then the focus would shift to the great powers like Britain, France, and Germany to further fill the gaps.

The advantage of this approach was that it was less likely to attract the attention of the great powers. Even if the smaller countries discovered Spain’s frantic buying and recruiting spree, they could do little more than issue condemnations; they certainly lacked the ability to take any real action.

Compared to Spain’s development, being condemned by these small countries was a small price to pay. Although there was a gap between Spain and the great powers, Spain was still a powerful behemoth compared to these smaller nations.

This approach did present one problem: the recruited talent would speak the different languages of their home countries, and would even require translators to communicate and collaborate with Spain’s local enterprises and experts.

But this was unavoidable. Spain’s decline had lasted a long time, and the Spanish language was naturally not very popular in Europe.

Initially, these technical personnel and senior engineers would have to be provided with translators to ensure their work and normal communication proceeded without issue.

Later, special language classes would have to be set up for them to help them master Spanish more quickly. After all, these recruited talents would be serving Spain in the future. If they didn’t learn Spanish, could it be that Spaniards should learn their languages instead?

In this respect, the importance of Portugal became apparent. Portuguese and Spanish are very similar and can even be understood as two evolutions of the same language.

Portuguese and Spaniards could understand each other when they spoke, though it was comparatively easier for Portuguese speakers to understand Spanish, while Spaniards needed to listen carefully to understand Portuguese.

This created a reality where Portuguese people could live in Spain with ease. There were almost no language barriers, a unique characteristic of the two nations of the Iberian duo.

It was precisely for this reason that when the Ministry of Industry proposed its talent recruitment needs, Prime Minister Primo specifically ordered that Portugal be the first stop.

It didn’t matter whether these talented individuals had lost their jobs due to their companies’ misfortunes; as long as they were top-tier talent in Portugal, the plan was to poach them first and sort out the details later.

As a neighbor on the Iberian Peninsula, Spain was not afraid of offending Portugal. In fact, Portugal could only tremble before Spain; the power disparity between the two was enormous.

While Portugal did not have many senior engineers, it did have some fairly excellent technical workers and ordinary engineers.

Prime Minister Primo’s opinion was to poach every batch they could find. After all, Portugal’s development didn’t require so much talent, and they were destined not to develop much anyway.

Soon, at Prime Minister Primo’s request, the various departments jointly submitted a talent request list that was even thicker than the acquisition plan.

In this list, each department detailed its specific talent needs, and the entire document was several stacks of paper thick.

Spain currently needed two main categories of talent. The first was the skilled technical workers, engineers from all industries, and so on, required for industrial development.

The second was research personnel, or in other words, scientists. Whether they studied physics, chemistry, biomedicine, steel metallurgy, or petroleum extraction and refining, the Spanish government’s attitude was the same: all are welcome. The nation’s doors were always open to such talent.

On the matter of attracting research talent, Prime Minister Primo and Carlo reached a consensus.

First, Spain was severely lacking in this type of research personnel. The fact that, in later generations, Spain would have no Nobel laureates in physics or chemistry was a testament to this void.

To demonstrate the importance placed on these individuals, all talent recruited, whether by the royal family or the government, would be unified under the Royal Academy of Sciences established by Carlo.

The Royal Academy of Sciences had been established for several years and had already built several large laboratories for research in physics, chemistry, biomedicine, mechanical design, and chemical engineering, all of which were open to every scientist in the academy, free of charge.

For those who disliked having to compete for time in these large laboratories, the Royal Academy of Sciences also provided private laboratories for sufficiently high-ranking scientists, ensuring they could conduct their research anytime, anywhere.

Yes, after several years of development, the Royal Academy of Sciences had established a rather detailed ranking system.

Carlo himself placed great importance on scientists, and naturally, on the development of the Royal Academy of Sciences as well.

Although the Royal Academy of Sciences was merely an academic research institution, it wielded considerable power.

All scientists who joined were called Academicians of the Academy of Sciences and enjoyed three sources of income: base salary, research bonuses, and position stipends.

First was the base salary. There were three tiers of academicians at the Royal Academy of Sciences: Tier One, Tier Two, and Tier Three.

The base annual salary for a Tier One Academician was 1,800 pesetas, a Tier Two Academician received 3,200 pesetas, and a Tier Three Academician earned 4,500 pesetas.

Although this base salary was not top-tier by European standards, it was still more than ten times the income of an ordinary person.

Moreover, the base salary was only one component of an academician’s income and not even the largest part.

In addition to the base salary, whenever research conducted by academicians yielded results, they would receive a percentage of the profits based on the contribution of their findings, up to a maximum of 5%.

While a one-twentieth share might not seem like much, it depended entirely on what the research outcome was. For example, if a more advanced drug was developed in the field of biology, it could represent an income of hundreds of millions or even billions of pesetas.

In such a case, even a 5% share would be enough to turn an academician into a millionaire overnight.

Finally, there was income related to official positions. All scientists in the Royal Academy of Sciences were uniformly referred to as Academicians, even the dean of the academy.

While positions like dean did not confer a higher rank, they did come with significant differences in power and income.

However, there were relatively few positions within the academy itself. More positions were available at the closely related Royal Science Academy.

Academicians of the Royal Academy of Sciences could hold part-time positions at the Science Academy, starting at the rank of Honorary Professor with an income of 500 pesetas.

When these three sources of income were combined, it ensured that the income level of an academician at the Royal Academy of Sciences was comparable to, or even slightly higher than, that of top talent in other European countries.

This was the source of Carlo’s and Prime Minister Primo’s confidence in attracting talent. After all, no matter how much scientists loved their research, they still had to eat.

Chapter 157: The Weight of an Invitation

And it had to be said, there was a great deal of talent in the countries of Europe during this era. Although these brilliant individuals might have lacked the fame of the most renowned top-tier scientists, it wasn’t necessarily a deficiency in their knowledge or ability.

Sometimes, it was simply a matter of a tiny bit of luck.

This was no exaggeration. For example, when it came to alternating and direct current, later generations would mostly only know about the war of currents between Edison and Tesla.

But in reality, throughout the long process of the electrical revolution, a great number of outstanding electrical experts emerged in countries all over the world.

Some may not have reached the level of top scientists, but others were truly just a hair’s breadth of luck away, falling behind someone else in their scientific research.

History only remembers the first scientist to achieve a research breakthrough. The second or third to discover the same result are often unknown to the majority.

Once Spain shifted its focus for talent recruitment to the many small and medium-sized countries of Europe, it quickly discovered many excellent scientists who had lost their jobs due to the economic crisis.

Their abilities might not have been top-tier, but they were still excellent researchers. For Spain, these individuals represented an extremely important reserve of talent, a veritable pillar of strength that could not be overlooked.

Although the compensation offered to them was slightly less than that for top scientists, compared to their current predicament of unemployment amid the economic crisis, it was clearly a rare and valuable job opportunity.

Moreover, at the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences, these brilliant researchers would be given more opportunities. The Royal Academy of Sciences had ample R&D funds; as long as they had the ability, there was no reason they couldn’t change history and become the founders of a certain field of research.

So long as they could complete groundbreaking research, neither the Royal Academy of Sciences nor Carlo would be stingy with their rewards. The most basic rewards were financial and material. Further up were rewards of noble titles, which would directly make them members of Spain’s hereditary nobility.

This point was made clear in advance when these researchers were invited to join the Royal Academy of Sciences. As long as these scientists made outstanding contributions to the various research projects at the academy, they would be eligible for a Spanish noble title.

And the title would be based on their contribution. If their contribution was great enough, what was to stop them from becoming a Duke of Spain in a single leap?

Although these new-style nobles would not have fiefdoms, the hereditary nature of the title and the immense elevation in social status were things these scientists could not refuse.

It should not be forgotten that most European countries were currently under monarchical rule. Apart from France, which was a rather unique great power, all the other great powers in Europe were monarchies.

This meant that these scientists were not opposed to monarchy; in fact, even many French scientists supported the monarchical system.

After all, it had only been a few years since the end of Napoleon III’s reign, and the royalist faction was still the largest political force in France.

There was another benefit to recruiting these foreign experts: any foreign patents they had been exposed to could be used freely.

Of course, doing so was a clear violation of patent rights. The problem was, this was not a future era with highly developed transportation and economies.

In this age, a single international patent case could drive a company to a mental collapse. If they were in a good mood, they might pay some cross-border patent fees. If not, they would simply copy the patent directly.

Unless the company holding the patent had some influence in its own country, and that country also had some sway internationally, they were unlikely to gain any advantage in a cross-border patent dispute.

Other countries could easily drag things out for years. In that time, they would have already developed something new based on the original patent, and might even turn around and falsely accuse the original inventor of copying their patent.

Of course, an international patent case ultimately had to be tried in the country where the infringement occurred. How could one possibly lose when suing a Spanish company in Spain?

While this was perhaps somewhat unethical, it was indeed the choice made by most countries and companies of the era. Rather than waiting for patent fees that were akin to handouts, it was better to turn research results into huge profits, earn money first, and use it for subsequent research and development.

It was like the two famous cola brands of a later era. Although the cola formula seemed mysterious, it wasn’t actually that difficult to replicate.

Perhaps a 100% imitation was not possible, but achieving over 90% was not a problem. But it was precisely because the two major cola brands already dominated the market that it was very difficult for other brands to enter the cola market.

Furthermore, the two brands that entered the market first used the enormous profits from their early success to frantically expand their production lines, thereby significantly reducing their product costs.

Companies that entered the market later faced the high costs of small-scale production. This cost disparity alone destined other companies to struggle in competing with the two giants in the cola industry.

The persistently low price of cola in later generations was, in fact, a blatant scheme born from the factors above. The two major cola brands could naturally earn revenue at a low price point due to the lower costs brought by mass production.

But those latecomers could hardly maintain a low selling price with their higher costs. If their price couldn’t offer an advantage, how could they compete with the two brands that already occupied most of the market?

Carlo’s vision for the automotive industry was the same. If Benz and his team could develop the car and mass-produce it before the Ford Company, which historically pioneered assembly line production, they could gain a significant advantage in the automobile market.

When other brands finally began to cultivate the car market, they would be facing the Benz company, which would have already built a certain brand influence and effectively lowered its costs through high market share.

Unfortunately, Carlo couldn’t be of much help in the talent recruitment process.

There was nothing to be done about it. Most of the famous scientists he knew of only became prominent in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and many only gained renown during the World War I and II eras.

The famous Einstein, for example, had not even been born yet. Madame Curie, who made it into textbooks for her discovery of radium, was still a child. Nikola Tesla, who waged the war of currents against Edison, was only seventeen years old at this time.

Although these people would all achieve great fame in the future, it was clearly not appropriate to have too much contact with them now.

It was possible that extra contact and changes to their early lives would prevent them from becoming the famous historical figures they were destined to be.

For the convenience of his own future talent scouting, Carlo did not interfere too much with the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau and the government’s discovery and recruitment of talent.

In short, the policy was to trust the brilliant talents born in this era and not to be too superstitious about famous historical figures.

While some people are born with talent, it is undeniable that early life experiences are also an important factor in a genius’s progress and growth.

In fact, simply by recruiting these mainstay-level talents from various countries, Spain could leverage their knowledge to cultivate its own outstanding personnel.

Although the Spain of history never produced a Nobel Prize winner in physics or chemistry, who could say for certain that the Spain of this world, under Carlo’s vigorous cultivation, wouldn’t produce a few gifted and famous scientists?

Returning to Spain’s talent recruitment efforts. Europe had many scientists, and their personalities were all very different.

The easiest to deal with were those who valued their personal interests and income. These people only needed to be swayed with money, and they would generally agree to come to Spain.

For those who were more focused on scientific research, the Royal Academy of Sciences could handle them. The academy could provide an excellent research environment and sufficient funding, and being an Academician of the Royal Academy of Sciences was itself a confirmation of one’s status.

Finally, for those who not only valued scientific research but also their own status and position, Carlo would personally invite them, in his capacity as the King of Spain, to take up important positions at universities, such as vice-dean, university vice-chancellor, or honorary chancellor.

A personal invitation from a king to hold an important position at a college or university was a tremendous show of respect to these scientists.

Of course, those who received this treatment were generally scientists who already possessed a certain degree of fame and status. These individuals had already made achievements in their respective fields and were naturally worthy of Carlo’s personal efforts to win them over.

Of course, these fields were mainly the research areas that Spain valued most, such as physics, chemistry, and biology. If it was a literary giant, then sorry, Spain wasn’t very interested.

Although cultural promotion was also important, this work could be sufficiently handled by Spain’s domestic literary workers. Carlo had no interest in inviting foreign literary masters, as people in literature tended to be aloof—in short, they were a lot of trouble.

June 22, 1873, Portugal.

“Manuel, did you also receive an invitation from His Majesty the King of Spain?” inside a hospital that was clearly bankrupt, a middle-aged man in his thirties or forties asked the friend before him.

“Yes,” the man named Manuel nodded, not hiding it in the slightest. “Although I don’t want to leave Portugal, there is no work for me in Portugal anymore.”

Although the economic crisis that hit Portugal was not severe, Portugal itself was not a powerful nation. When other countries faced an economic crisis, smaller countries like Portugal became the targets for offloading that crisis.

How does one offload an economic crisis? By dumping large quantities of industrial products into countries like Portugal, of course, to exchange for some income and alleviate the economic pressure on various enterprises.

Portugal’s domestic industry simply could not withstand the impact of foreign industrial products. Under the targeted dumping from other countries, countless local Portuguese enterprises went bankrupt.

This was the tragedy of a weak nation, for a weak nation simply cannot choose its own destiny. Yet Portugal could say nothing, because the countries dumping industrial products on it were all ones it could not afford to offend.

This was because Spain’s economic crisis was not severe. If Spain had also suffered a severe economic crisis, it would have undoubtedly dumped its industrial products on Portugal as well.

Being on the same Iberian Peninsula, Spain did not have much of a transportation burden. If it were to dump a large quantity of industrial products on Portugal, Portugal might not be able to withstand it.

The middle-aged man who had spoken first nodded without any surprise, a helpless, bitter smile on his face. “Friend, it looks like we’ll be going to Spain together.”

Manuel paused, looked at his friend, who was also his fellow apprentice, and asked with some surprise, “Are you going to Spain too, Egas?”

Egas nodded and said, “To be honest, I don’t want to leave Portugal either. But I have no choice. The terms offered by Spain are too good. Vice-Dean of the Zaragoza College of Medicine, a Second-Class Academician of the Royal Academy of Sciences, and a Senior Expert at the Academy’s Institute of Medicine. Who could refuse that?”

Manuel stared, looking at his friend in astonishment.

“What’s wrong?” Egas was a little surprised. Why was his friend suddenly reacting like this?

“The terms Spain offered me are also a Second-Class Academician of the Royal Academy of Sciences and a Senior Expert at the Academy’s Institute of Medicine, but my job is at the Royal College of Medicine, also as vice-dean,” Manuel said, shaking his head with a wry smile.

Egas was also stunned, and could only blurt out, “It seems that His Majesty the King of Spain is serious about recruiting talent this time. But then again, who could refuse such generous terms?”

And it was true; the terms offered to Manuel and Egas had indeed been personally promised by Carlo. The two men came from the same school of thought; their teacher was the famous Portuguese medical expert, Bernardino António Gomes.

As the first dermatologist in Portugal, Bernardino António Gomes had once served the Portuguese royal family and had worked on typhoid and infectious diseases for many years.

During his years traveling between Portugal and Brazil, he had published numerous reports on plant morphology and medicinal properties, as well as the incidence and treatment of infectious diseases, earning him a high reputation in the Portuguese medical community.

His two disciples, Manuel and Egas, had both obtained their doctorates in medicine early on and held important positions in private hospitals in Portugal.

Unfortunately, although this private hospital was large, it was also affected by the economic crisis.

There were many other scientists with experiences similar to Manuel and Egas, and they were also on Spain’s talent recruitment list.

To ensure these talents felt sufficiently respected, Spain’s recruitment efforts were uniformly conducted in the name of the royal family and the Royal Academy of Sciences, inviting these famous scientists and talented individuals to take up positions at various universities and to serve as academicians and hold other positions at the Royal Academy of Sciences.

In addition to an invitation issued in Carlo’s name, a detailed list of salaries and benefits for the various positions was attached to the invitation letter.

Just being a Second-Class Academician of the Royal Academy of Sciences already came with a high income, not to mention the important positions at various universities as their primary job. Their income was even higher than what these scientists had earned in their original jobs.

More importantly, with their status as Academicians of the Royal Academy of Sciences, they could use the academy’s large laboratories and had their own R&D funds.

If they didn’t like competing with other academicians for time in the large laboratories, they could also use the research labs at the universities where they held positions.

Once they were promoted to Third-Class Academician, they would even have the authority to form their own laboratories. This was the most attractive part for these talents. After all, who wouldn’t want to have their own laboratory where they could conduct their research with abandon, without worrying about research funding?

Of course, the Royal Academy of Sciences would also review all research projects submitted by the academicians to ensure that they were all useful projects.

Certain more important projects could even enjoy unlimited research funding, on the condition that all research funds were used for legitimate purposes.

If a scientist were to pocket all the research funds, the Royal Academy of Sciences was no pushover.

Carlo’s purpose in establishing the Royal Academy of Sciences was to provide capable scientists with laboratories and R&D funds to help them conduct experiments, not for fake scientists who only cared about their own selfish desires, falsified experimental results, or even embezzled research funds.

Spain’s talent recruitment efforts were proceeding quite smoothly. If nothing else, the method of offering both fame and fortune was certainly attractive enough.

Within a month of sending out the invitations, hundreds of replies had been received, the vast majority of which were willing to come to Spain.

Of course, it was impossible for all of them to hold important positions. A large portion of ordinary talents could only serve as First-Class Academicians of the Royal Academy of Sciences and professors at certain universities, or were not qualified to enter the Royal Academy of Sciences at all.

Carlo accepted all these talents without hesitation. Even if some were not particularly capable, they still possessed a certain amount of theoretical knowledge and would be perfectly fine serving as professors at a university.

After all, the main focus of those outstanding scientists was on their own research projects, and it was difficult for them to find time to cultivate talented students.

Although some invitations were declined, the replies from those scientists were extremely tactful, also showing full respect to Carlo and the Spanish government.

After all, it was recognition from the king and government of a country. Even if they couldn’t cooperate, it was at least a way to prove their own ability.

The invitation card, printed with the crest of the Spanish royal family, could even become a tool for showing off. After all, whether one received an invitation or not was a sign of whether they were valued by Spain, wasn’t it?

A scientist who wasn’t valued, to put it bluntly, just wasn’t very capable, right?

It was precisely because of this that even the scientists who declined the invitation had extremely polite attitudes. Some even collected the invitation as if it were an award certificate.

Chapter 158: The Results of the Five-Year Plan

Spain’s campaign to purchase equipment and recruit talent was a vigorous affair, attracting the attention of many European nations.

However, this no longer mattered to the Spanish government. As long as the recruited talent and acquired equipment could contribute to Spain’s development, there was no need to worry about the reactions of other countries.

More importantly, the industrially and economically powerful nations like Britain, France, and Germany were still mired in the economic crisis, unable to extricate themselves.

Meanwhile, countries with relatively weaker industries and economies, such as Portugal and the Netherlands, posed no significant threat to Spain.

For this very reason, Spain’s talent recruitment campaign, far from scaling back after protests from some nations, actually intensified.

The Spanish government also publicly stated that its talent recruitment efforts were in full compliance with the laws and regulations of all countries involved. Spain was offering technical experts and scientists salaries within a normal range and welcomed other nations to compete by matching their offers.

In truth, it was simply that Prime Minister Primo was confident that the European nations, caught in the economic crisis, could not afford to pay a high price to retain their domestic talent.

For countries plagued by the economic crisis, the priority was to stabilize their domestic economies and save large, near-bankrupt companies and enterprises, not to focus on the few talented individuals being poached.

For the major powers, the number of talents being poached was ultimately small. Were they really going to fight a life-or-death struggle with Spain over them? Of course not.

As for the smaller countries, their actions were limited to mere protests. Portugal, which suffered the most severe loss of talent, even had to consider the Spanish government’s attitude when protesting. After all, who told them to be Spain’s neighbor?

Just how extravagant was Spain’s talent recruitment? In the little over three months since the economic crisis began, the royal family alone had spent over three million pesetas on this initiative.

And this was only the cost of recruiting talent, funded solely by the royal family. If one included the individuals recruited by the government, the total number of talents Spain had brought in already exceeded two thousand.

Unfortunately, over half of these two thousand-plus individuals were ordinary engineers and technicians. The research-oriented talent Carlo eagerly anticipated numbered less than five hundred.

Among these fewer than five hundred researchers, less than two hundred received the title and stipend of a Second-level Academician. Although some were not granted higher ranks and compensation because they had just arrived, they were a minority.

According to information from the Royal Intelligence Bureau, it would be considered a great success if even twenty of these nearly five hundred researchers eventually earned the title of Third-level Academician.

Still, they were researchers. Even if their abilities were not as outstanding as he had hoped, Carlo welcomed them warmly.

After almost all of them had arrived in Spain, Carlo personally attended a welcoming banquet held in their honor, expressing his enthusiastic reception.

The spending on recruiting talent was ultimately a minor part; the real expenses were in purchasing equipment and enterprises.

Over the past three months, the Ministry of Industry had purchased a total of more than thirty enterprises, spending over eighty million pesetas.

The plan to acquire businesses was still ongoing. In the coming months, the Ministry of Industry’s shopping spree would continue, and the scale would only grow larger.

Amid the dark clouds of the economic crisis, several major events in Europe also warranted attention.

First, before the crisis erupted, German Emperor Wilhelm I, Prime Minister Bismarck, and Marshal Moltke visited the Russian capital of St. Petersburg and signed a secret military agreement with the Russian government.

Although Carlo did not know the specific contents of the military agreement, based on the historical trajectory of the League of the Three Emperors, Germany and Russia had likely signed something akin to a mutual defense treaty.

As mentioned before, Austria, which had become the Austro-Hungarian Empire, was continuously aligning its foreign policy with Germany’s.

This was unavoidable. After Prussia won the struggle for German hegemony, the newly formed German Empire had become an unstoppable behemoth.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire found it better to turn its attention to Southeast Europe and expand its sphere of influence in the Balkan Peninsula rather than compete with the German Empire.

The military pact between Germany and Russia caused the most anxiety not in Britain or France, but in the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire had Spain as an ally, distant water cannot quench a nearby thirst. Spain was not powerful enough to help the Austro-Hungarian Empire in its struggle for dominance in the Balkans.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire needed a powerful ally like Germany, or at the very least, it needed to prevent Germany and Russia from growing closer, so as to maintain the existing situation in the Balkans and satisfy its own needs.

At this time, the conflict between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia was not yet so intense, as both had their eyes on territories belonging to another country—the Ottoman Empire.

Regarding the issues in the Balkans, Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire shared the same approach: coordinated resolution.

Shortly after the economic crisis began, Tsar Alexander II of Russia paid a public visit to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Seizing this opportunity, the two emperors officially signed the Schönbrunn Convention, reaffirming their commitment to resolving issues collaboratively.

The entire convention had only one main theme: in the event of aggression from a third country that threatened peace in Europe, the two signatory parties (Russia and Austria) should immediately consult on a common course of action.

To put it bluntly, it was a mutual compromise between the two nations to counter interference from other countries in the Balkan Peninsula.

Russia’s main concern in this agreement was to guard against the British, while the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s primary goal was to ease tensions and avoid diplomatic isolation.

The two countries each had their own objectives, making this pact more of a compromise based on their respective interests than a true alliance treaty.

Regardless, the easing of relations between Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire at this time was a good thing for both sides.

However, the signing of this convention made Germany a little uneasy. Germany’s diplomatic system had been established by Prime Minister Bismarck, and its core principle was to isolate France and forge a conservative alliance treaty among the three monarchies: Germany, Austria, and Russia.

The rapprochement between Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire worried Germany, as it feared being sidelined. This would directly bankrupt Germany’s Anti-French Coalition system and plunge the country into a new diplomatic crisis.

After all, Germany’s predecessor, Prussia, had a hostile relationship with Austria. With Germany’s growing power, the Russians would certainly become wary of the German threat as well.

If the alliance meant to isolate France turned into one that isolated Germany, it would be a huge joke.

For this reason, immediately after Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire signed their convention, the German diplomatic service sprang into action, expressing Germany’s willingness to join the agreement and for the three nations to collectively maintain peace in Europe.

As Germany and Russia had just signed a secret military pact the previous month, the two sides were currently in a honeymoon period.

Russia did not object to Germany joining the convention, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire expressed no clear opposition either.

Thus, after some consultation, Germany publicly joined the convention, and the first League of the Three Emperors was officially formed.

However, because the convention was essentially a compromise between Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire over their own interests, its term was very short—only two years.

Although the League of the Three Emperors was successfully formed, it was not stable, and the alliance could easily be shattered by a single unexpected incident.

Although Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire each had their own ulterior motives, the German government was quite satisfied. In the Germans’ view, if the relationship between Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were too stable, what role would there be for Germany as the mediator?

Wasn’t Germany’s reason for joining the convention precisely to seek the role of mediator and keep the relationship between Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire in a delicate state of balance?

In any case, regardless of what other countries thought, the League of the Three Emperors was established just like that, and swiftly.

The Russians breathed a sigh of relief; they could now focus on dealing with their conflicts with the British. The Austrians also breathed a sigh of relief; the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s diplomatic crisis was resolved, and its interests in the Balkan Peninsula were secured.

The Germans, too, breathed a sigh of relief. With the establishment of the League of the Three Emperors, France was successfully isolated and naturally became the league’s primary target.

Carlo had followed the entire process of the league’s formation. However, for Spain at this moment, the League of the Three Emperors was not a suitable alliance to join, and Carlo had no intention of participating.

The three members of the league each had their own agendas, making the alliance unstable. History had indeed proven this: the first League of the Three Emperors lasted only two years, and the second tripartite alliance signed in 1881 lasted only six years.

Ultimately, as the Ottoman Empire declined, both the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia set their sights on the Balkan Peninsula. This was an irreconcilable conflict that would only intensify with the Ottoman Empire’s weakening.

Furthermore, neither Britain nor France would allow such an alliance to exist. The collapse of the League of the Three Emperors was inevitable; it was merely a matter of time.

By the time the treaty for the League of the Three Emperors was formally signed, it was already late October 1873.

Over the next two-plus months, Spain maintained its strategy of aggressive acquisitions and talent recruitment, purchasing a wide variety of factories and enterprises from various European nations and poaching thousands of skilled individuals.

Although a great deal of money was spent, Spain’s talent pool saw immense improvement. While Spain’s talent reserves might not yet match those of the other European great powers, they had far surpassed those of smaller nations like Portugal, Belgium, and the Netherlands.

It had even taken the lead when compared to a lesser great power like Italy.

The time came to the end of December 1873. With a new Cabinet election scheduled for the following year, the department ministers took the annual report meeting very seriously.

If Prime Minister Primo chose to run again, they could only aim for Cabinet minister positions. But if he decided not to run, they had a chance to use their political achievements and reports to contend for the position of Prime Minister of Spain—a post second only to one and above all others.

In fact, in Spain at present, the Prime Minister’s actual power was far greater than the king’s. If the Prime Minister wished, he could easily sideline the king and control the entire parliament.

At the annual summary report meeting, each department prepared detailed reports, summarizing every single achievement, no matter how small.

Naturally, Carlo would not miss such an important meeting. The annual summary report meeting was held in the parliament, and amid the varying gazes of the senators, Carlo calmly took his seat at the head of the chamber.

A few minutes later, the report meeting officially began.

As usual, Prime Minister Primo began by setting the overall tone.

“Your Majesty, esteemed Senators. The year 1873 has been a very important one for us. Through the government’s efforts, Spain’s overall industrial environment has seen significant growth.

According to the Cabinet’s estimates, as of today, our nation’s total population has officially surpassed 17.75 million, an increase of at least three hundred thousand compared to last year.

Our Gross National Product for the entire year is approximately 7.861 billion pesetas, a growth rate of over nine percent compared to last year.

Although an economic crisis broke out across Europe in May, Spain was not too severely affected. To counter the potential decline in imports and exports caused by the crisis, we formulated various plans and have achieved rather good results.

The economic growth rate shows that the government’s plans have been very successful. We are the only country in the world to achieve positive economic growth during the economic crisis, and our growth rate is even higher than it was before the crisis.”

At the mention of positive economic growth, Prime Minister Primo’s report was met with a round of applause from all the senators in parliament.

Carlo was the one who initiated the applause. Once Carlo started clapping, the other senators, even those who hadn’t intended to, had no choice but to join in.

After waiting for a minute or so for the applause to die down, Prime Minister Primo continued with his summary report:

“Thanks to our positive economic growth, our government’s total fiscal revenue for the year has also seen a significant increase.

According to the Ministry of Finance’s totals, for the entire year of 1873, our national fiscal revenue was 545.1 million pesetas, an increase of 19.2 million pesetas compared to last year.

However, in order to counter the effects of the financial crisis on Spain, the government’s various construction projects have also substantially increased fiscal expenditure.

For the full year of 1873, our total fiscal expenditure reached 743.3 million pesetas. This includes 612.7 million pesetas in regular fiscal expenditure and 130.6 million pesetas in expenditure for foreign operations.

Although the annual fiscal deficit is nearly two hundred million pesetas, the foreign factories and enterprises purchased through the government’s foreign operations will be of enormous help to our industrial growth.

It is projected that in the coming years, Spain’s industry and economy will disregard the effects of the economic crisis and achieve significant development at a very rapid pace.

The government will next formulate a detailed new five-year development plan, dedicated to Spain’s comprehensive development and industrial construction over the next five years.

Our first Five-Year Plan, launched in 1869, has already achieved considerable success. In these nearly five years, we have achieved complete success in our industrial, agricultural, railway, educational, and economic construction.

Since the Five-Year Plan was launched, our total population has increased by approximately 1.15 million people, total steel production has risen by over four hundred thousand tons, and the total economy has grown by over two billion pesetas.

Our fiscal revenue has increased from less than three hundred million pesetas in 1868 to nearly 550 million pesetas in 1873, a difference of over 250 million pesetas, which is almost equal to the total fiscal revenue of 1868.

We have increased investment in our railways. As of now, Spain’s total railway mileage has exceeded 7,400 kilometers, leaving us less than one hundred kilometers short of our original goal of 7,500 kilometers.

Before the Five-Year Plan began, our total railway mileage was less than 5,400 kilometers. In five years, we have built over two thousand kilometers of railway, and we will continue to increase our investment in railways in the future.

In the next Five-Year Plan, Spain will reach a total railway scale of over ten thousand kilometers. Perhaps after the next Five-Year Plan is completed, we can proudly declare that Spain has built a powerful industry and economy, that we are a powerful nation!”

Since Spain’s Cabinet elections were held in February, this meant there were less than two months until the Cabinet reshuffle.

For this reason, this year’s annual summary report meeting was not just a report on the year 1873, but also encompassed the contributions made by the Spanish Cabinet from February 1869 to February 1874—a period of five years.

It was worth noting that Prime Minister Primo repeatedly mentioned the government’s next Five-Year Plan during his report. This was, in fact, an indication of one thing: Prime Minister Primo had decided to run for Prime Minister again.

If he had decided not to run, Prime Minister Primo would not have discussed the next Five-Year Plan at all. After all, the plan was formulated by the Cabinet, and if he were not running for Prime Minister, the implementation and specific content of the second Five-Year Plan would have nothing to do with him.

Upon learning that Prime Minister Primo would be running again, many senators showed expressions of disappointment, though they quickly concealed them.

It was only normal for Prime Minister Primo to run again. After all, Spain was back on track thanks to his reforms, and the second Five-Year Plan would only be simpler compared to the first.

As the greatest contributor to the reforms, it would be most strange for Prime Minister Primo to suddenly give up his position now.

It was foreseeable that with the immense prestige from his successful reforms and the rapid expansion of the Progressive Party over the past five years, it would be easy for Prime Minister Primo to win a majority of votes and serve as the Prime Minister of the next Cabinet.

But another question was equally worth considering: Carlo’s growth over these five years.

In 1869, Carlo had just arrived in Spain, and as a teenager, it was normal for him not to hold significant power.

But five years had passed, and Carlo had turned twenty-two this year. A young king in his twenties—did he truly have no desire for power?

Prime Minister Primo, still firmly in power, and Carlo, now secure on the Spanish throne and likely to make more demands for his own authority—this made the expressions in the eyes of many senators more complicated. Their gazes shifted back and forth between the Prime Minister, passionately outlining his plans, and Carlo, who sat calmly at the head of the meeting with a faint, unreadable smile.

Chapter 159: The Nobles’ Worries

Was the first Five-Year Plan, led by Prime Minister Primo, a success?

The answer required no thought at all. Of course, it was a resounding success.

Judging by the results of the Five-Year Plan, Spain had transformed from an agricultural country into an agro-industrial country.

What did this mean? While agriculture remained the pillar of Spain’s economy, its industry had also grown to a considerable scale.

Currently, the number of workers across Spain was in the hundreds of thousands and continued to grow. This increase in the workforce had effectively raised Spain’s average annual income. People could earn more for their labor, which was why they were satisfied with the Primo government.

Behind the nearly two billion peseta increase in the size of the Spanish economy, the average annual income had risen from 87 pesetas in 1869 to around 115 pesetas by the end of 1873. This was something the common Spaniard could see.

Because of these contributions, as long as Prime Minister Primo ran for re-election, his victory was a matter of course, something no one could prevent.

However, the political situation in Spain had changed dramatically compared to five years ago.

During the election for the first Cabinet government after the revolution, the choice for Spain’s king had not yet been decided. At that time, Primo, leveraging his lofty reputation in the revolutionary army and the political arena, successfully edged out Serrano to become the Prime Minister of the first Cabinet.

But now, the election for the second Cabinet was far more complex than the first.

Carlo had already consolidated the royalist faction, composed of nobles and conservative forces, and his throne had become quite secure.

Under these circumstances, even if Carlo could not interfere with Prime Minister Primo’s re-election, he could reasonably demand more power.

Whether a power struggle, or even a conflict, would erupt between the maturing Carlo and Prime Minister Primo was the foremost concern of the members of parliament.

But regardless of what the senators thought, the atmosphere between Prime Minister Primo and Carlo appeared to be quite harmonious for the time being.

After Prime Minister Primo gave a brief summary report, it was the turn of the department ministers to deliver their detailed annual reports.

Having been prepared by the Prime Minister’s summary, the senators were still somewhat surprised by each department’s performance during the Five-Year Plan, but it was no longer so incredible.

The reason Spain had not developed well before was not due to a lack of national potential or foundation, but because Queen Isabella and the kingdom’s prime ministers had not paid it enough attention.

The Spanish upper class was only concerned with indulging in pleasure, so officials naturally paid little mind to economic and industrial development, creating a vicious cycle.

Under Prime Minister Primo’s leadership, the Spanish government placed a high degree of importance on economic and industrial growth. Coupled with the earlier enactment of the Officials’ Performance Assessment Bill, officials at all levels began to take industrial and economic development seriously.

After all, industrial development and economic growth were tied to their own political achievements, which in turn determined their future prospects.

With these interconnected factors, it was only natural for Spain’s industry and economy to develop well.

As long as the Cabinet government maintained control at the highest level and ensured that Spain’s development was effective in practice, rather than just vanity projects rushed for the sake of claiming credit, all would be fine.

The government’s annual work report meeting concluded, but for the Spanish political scene, the real excitement was just beginning.

As the calendar turned to 1874, Spain was set to welcome a very important year.

Although the Cabinet election was scheduled for February, the heated atmosphere of the election could already be felt in Spain in January.

While the Cabinet election had little to do with most commoners, the newspaper companies would not miss out on such a hot topic. Starting from New Year’s Day on January 1st, the streets and alleys of Madrid were filled with newsboys shouting the sensational headlines from their papers, drawing crowds of onlookers.

Although the Cabinet election attracted a great deal of public attention, anyone with a discerning eye knew that as long as Prime Minister Primo decided to run, the position of Prime Minister would belong to no one else.

January 12th, 1874, inside the Royal Palace of Madrid.

Although Carlo had made no moves, it didn’t mean that the royalist faction and the nobles who supported him had no ideas of their own.

Ever since the Spanish Revolution, Prime Minister Primo had held power for five years. As the largest and most powerful class in Spain, it was impossible for the nobility to have no objections whatsoever.

It was only because Carlo had consistently supported Prime Minister Primo’s reforms, and because the Spanish monarchy was unstable at the time—the very existence of the nobility being in question—that peace had prevailed until now.

But things were different now. Carlo’s royal authority was quite solid, even capable of threatening Prime Minister Primo’s prime ministerial power. Under such circumstances, the nobles naturally thought of using Carlo to achieve their own goals. At the very least, shouldn’t the nobility possess the power it deserved?

The Royal Palace of Madrid was bustling today. As if by prior arrangement, these nobles arrived in a group to request an audience with Carlo.

The nobles seeking an audience were generally great nobles of ducal rank or higher, so Carlo could not refuse to see them.

“Your Majesty!” The procession of Grand Dukes and Dukes arrived at the palace’s banquet hall with great pomp, bowing to Carlo with apparent reverence.

Carlo gave a neutral nod, his gaze sweeping over the familiar and unfamiliar faces of the nobles. His expression was blank, and he said nothing.

“Your Majesty,” one of the nobles finally couldn’t hold back any longer and stood up to speak. “Next month is the Cabinet election. Has Prime Minister Primo confirmed that he will be running?”

Carlo’s gaze fell on the noble who had spoken, his expression as cold as ever. “What? Do you have an opinion on Prime Minister Primo’s candidacy?”

Anyone who followed Spanish politics knew that Prime Minister Primo’s attitude during the annual government work report meeting had been clear: he intended to run for the position of Prime Minister in the next Cabinet.

The nobles’ joint visit was clearly not to inquire about his candidacy, but to advance other ideas.

The noble who had been questioned quickly shook his head; he wouldn’t dare admit to such a thing. “I was merely curious about the Prime Minister’s stance, seeing as the next Cabinet election is less than a month away.”

Carlo looked at these nobles, fully aware of what was on their minds. But Spain’s development depended on a stable environment, and for now, at least, the Spanish government still needed Prime Minister Primo.

“Are you not aware of the summary report for the first Five-Year Plan? The second Five-Year Plan will build upon the first and is crucial for Spain.

“And Prime Minister Primo, who proposed the first Five-Year Plan, is the most suitable person to launch the second. For Spain today, Prime Minister Primo is the most qualified candidate for Prime Minister, bar none.” Carlo’s eyes swept across the nobles before he continued speaking, as if to himself, ”

“Anyone who obstructs Spain’s development is a traitor to Spain. At this moment, my goal and Prime Minister Primo’s are one and the same: to strive for the revival of Spain.”

Some of the nobles were puzzled, but others had already grasped the hidden meaning in Carlo’s words.

Seeing Canovas nodding to himself, Carlo showed a rare smile and said, “Minister Canovas, your work in the Ministry of Agriculture has been very effective recently.

“I will recommend you to Prime Minister Primo to serve as the Minister of Industry in the new Cabinet, so you may make an even greater contribution to Spain’s development.”

Hearing Carlo’s sudden declaration, Canovas quickly stepped forward, performed a reverent Noble’s bow, and said with an excited expression, “Thank you, Your Majesty. Canovas will continue to strive for you, for the royal family, and for the future of Spain.”

Canovas was not famous at this time, but he was a renowned figure in history. His full name was Antonio Cánovas del Castillo, a celebrated Spanish politician and writer.

As a conservative, Canovas opposed constitutional monarchy, believing that the king was not a government instrument established according to the nation’s laws, but the country’s legitimate ruler, the great and supreme monarch of Spain.

Because of these views, in history, Canovas was never given significant responsibilities during the periods of the Provisional Government, Amedeo’s reign, or the Republic.

It was only after the restoration of Alfonso XII that Canovas rose to become the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Spain, serving as prime minister for six different Cabinets, with a total tenure of over twelve years.

Such a man was by no means a mediocrity, and his belief in the supremacy of royal authority had earned him the trust of Alfonso XII.

In this world, however, Alfonso XII clearly had no chance. In fact, the House of Bourbon had no chance in Spain at all, unless the House of Savoy produced several foolish monarchs in a row.

Canovas’s reply was heavily tinged with the ideology of royal supremacy. The king came first, the royal family second, and the nation last.

Carlo understood why Canovas had been so heavily relied upon during Alfonso XII’s reign. After all, what young king in his teens, with most powerful factions in the country supporting a republic, would not be overjoyed to receive such praise for royal supremacy and heavily promote the minister who flattered him?

Although Carlo was also quite satisfied with Canovas’s show of loyalty, he did not show it on the surface. Looking at the respectful Canovas, Carlo continued, “As for your position as Minister of Agriculture, let Jovellar take over.

“I support Prime Minister Primo’s continued candidacy for Prime Minister of the next Cabinet. As ministers in important positions within the Cabinet, you and Jovellar must also fully support Prime Minister Primo’s policies and strive together for the great revival of Spain.

“Alright, that’s all I have to say. As for the rest of you, you are not members of the Congress of Deputies, and this Cabinet election has little to do with you. You may all disperse.”

Carlo had no intention of demanding more power right now. Since Spain was still on the fast track of rapid development, the most important thing was naturally to push that development further.

Only when the country grew stronger would Carlo’s throne be more secure and the power in his hands greater.

This meant that not only would Carlo not prevent Prime Minister Primo from running, but he would also vigorously support his re-election.

Whether these nobles could understand the implication behind Carlo’s words would depend on their own perceptiveness.

The nobles had arrived with great fanfare, and they left with their heads full of questions.

Although they wanted to press for more, it was clear that Carlo was not interested in the topics they wished to propose. Since Carlo had already bid them to leave, the nobles dared not linger in the palace and could only take their leave one by one.

However, as the nobles gathered in small groups, their conversations were still filled with questions, particularly concerning Carlo’s attitude.

Logically speaking, Carlo’s throne was now secure. How could he allow Primo to continue holding the position of Prime Minister?

Although a prime minister was second only to one and above all others, with Primo in that position, it was truly uncertain who was subordinate to whom.

The nobles did not believe that Carlo was willing to remain under Primo’s authority, to be a figurehead king with no real power.

“Minister Canovas, what do you think His Majesty really means?” Next to Canovas, a Marquis voiced the question he had been holding back for a long time.

A smile played on Canovas’s lips as he answered his friend, “Isn’t His Majesty the King’s meaning already very clear?”

“But is His Majesty really going to let Primo continue as Prime Minister? If Primo proposes more reforms targeting us in the next five-year plan, are we supposed to keep retreating?” the Marquis asked again.

The reason these nobles had banded together to seek an audience with Carlo was, of course, their fear that Prime Minister Primo would continue to make things difficult for the nobility after his re-election.

Primo’s previous reforms had already caused many nobles to lose vast amounts of land. Policies like rent reduction, in particular, had cut their income by at least a fifth.

If Primo were re-elected, the power in his hands would grow even greater. If he continued to target the nobles’ purses, even those with deep coffers couldn’t withstand such a drain.

“If Prime Minister Primo’s reforms are reasonable, then for the sake of Spain’s development, we should naturally make some sacrifices.

“But if the Prime Minister’s reforms are aimed solely at the nobility, do we not hold the Ministries of Industry and Agriculture in our hands?

“If it comes to a confrontation, won’t we have the final say on how industry and agriculture are reformed?” Canovas said with a smile.

Carlo had not been idle. The promised positions of Minister of Industry for Canovas and Minister of Agriculture for Jovellar were the best examples.

For Spain, industry and agriculture were the most important ministries after economy and national defense. Spain was originally an agricultural nation, so the importance of the Ministry of Agriculture went without saying.

And as one of the main sectors for Spain’s future development, the position of Minister of Industry was destined to garner enormous credit in the future.

Canovas naturally understood Carlo’s purpose in making him Minister of Industry. By occupying this powerful department, he could, first, act as a counterweight to Prime Minister Primo to some extent, and second, share in the immense credit from the second Five-Year Plan, preparing for his own rise in the future.

Yes, Canovas was the successor Carlo had planned for when Prime Minister Primo’s term ended.

This couldn’t be helped, as Carlo had too few capable political talents at his disposal. Canovas’s qualifications were barely sufficient, and his loyalty was higher than that of Prime Minister Primo or Grand Duke Serrano.

“My old friend,” the Marquis said, still harboring many doubts, “although His Majesty the King said so, doesn’t the power to appoint cabinet ministers lie with Prime Minister Primo?

“Minister of Industry is an important position. Will Prime Minister Primo agree to His Majesty’s proposal?” After all, the Ministry of Industry was crucial to the Five-Year Plan, arguably the most important department for Spain’s development, bar none.

The credit the Minister of Industry could gain would undoubtedly be the most among all cabinet ministers. Would Prime Minister Primo simply hand over such a position to Carlo?

“Our Mr. Prime Minister will certainly agree,” Canovas said with a nod, a profound look in his eyes. “Of course, I’d rather he didn’t.”

Seeing his friend’s stunned expression, Canovas smiled and followed the crowd out of the palace.

The Cabinet election had not yet begun, and Prime Minister Primo still wielded immense power.

Of course, Prime Minister Primo was aware of the large group of nobles visiting the palace to see Carlo. Although he didn’t know what the nobles and Carlo had discussed, their intentions were not difficult to guess.

Compared to Primo, who enacted reforms that infringed upon their interests, the nobles certainly hoped for a more conservative individual to become the Prime Minister of the new Cabinet, someone who would not take a knife to the nobility.

Right now, the only person who could threaten Prime Minister Primo’s re-election was King Carlo of Spain, which was why the nobles had sought an audience with him.

However, Prime Minister Primo ultimately shook his head. Based on his recent interactions with Carlo, he felt he had a rather good understanding of him.

No matter how he thought about it, Carlo would not step in to prevent his re-election. Moreover, the King of Spain currently lacked the authority to stop Prime Minister Primo’s re-election, unless Carlo disbanded parliament against all opposition.

But that was even more impossible. The situation in Spain had stabilized. Disbanding parliament now would be like throwing a boulder into a calm lake.

It would not even benefit Carlo himself. A king who dissolves parliament for no reason—isn’t that a sign of despotism?

The last person to practice absolute monarchy, Queen Isabella, had been thoroughly cursed out by the Spaniards. If Carlo were to show despotic tendencies, even with the goodwill he had already earned from the people, it might not prevent their anger from being kindled once again.

Shaking his head to himself, Prime Minister Primo began to focus on the development reports submitted by the various regional governments to the Cabinet, while formulating the second Five-Year Plan in his mind.

Chapter 160: Splitting the Ministry of Industry

As time entered February 1874, the atmosphere surrounding the Cabinet election grew more intense.

However, the outcome of something like a Cabinet election was, in truth, already decided long before the voting began. Prime Minister Primo’s Progressive Party still held the majority of seats in parliament, which meant Prime Minister Primo was 100% certain to become the prime minister of the new Cabinet government.

And indeed, the facts unfolded just as predicted.

Prime Minister Primo was successfully re-elected as the prime minister of the second Cabinet government with over 81% of the vote.

The Spanish Congress of Deputies had a total of 208 seats, and the Progressive Party held 106 of them, accounting for over 51%.

The reform-supporting Liberal Party held 42 seats, over 20%.

The votes held by these two parties alone already surpassed 148, far exceeding the 60% required to become prime minister.

Meanwhile, the Conservative Party, controlled by Canovas, was the second-largest party in the Spanish Congress of Deputies, holding a full 52 seats, making up 25% of the total seats in the Congress.

Currently, the seats in the Spanish Congress of Deputies were essentially controlled by these three major parties, with only 8 seats remaining for independents and other parties.

This created a situation where even if Prime Minister Primo did not run, the position of prime minister would still be chosen from among the Progressive, Liberal, and Conservative parties.

Considering the Progressive Party already occupied more than half of the total seats in the Congress of Deputies, whoever could succeed Prime Minister Primo as the leader of the Progressive Party in the next Cabinet election could potentially rely on the party’s support to become the new Prime Minister of Spain.

After his successful re-election, Prime Minister Primo quickly submitted the list of ministers for the second Cabinet government to Carlo.

Carlo had already communicated with Prime Minister Primo beforehand and had requested the positions of Minister of Industry and Minister of Agriculture.

For the Spanish Cabinet government, there were three most important departments: Defense, Finance, and Industry.

Currently, only Serrano was capable of serving as the Minister of Defense. This was not a consideration of ability, but rather of Grand Duke Serrano’s prestige within the military and the need for a balance of power.

Even if the Minister of Defense could not be in Carlo’s hands, the position had to be controlled by a figure who remained neutral between Prime Minister Primo and Carlo.

The reason Grand Duke Serrano was suitable was not only because he possessed prestige in the Spanish military rivaling that of Prime Minister Primo, but also because his relationship with the Prime Minister was not close; it could only be described as a cooperative one.

If one of Prime Minister Primo’s subordinates were to control the Ministry of Defense, he would truly have both the treasury and the army in his grasp, which would be enough to threaten Carlo’s royal authority.

Therefore, no matter the circumstances, Carlo could not yield on the position of Minister of Defense. He could only let Grand Duke Serrano continue in the role until the Spanish military cultivated new, outstanding generals.

Grand Duke Serrano was more than happy with this. The Minister of Defense of Spain commanded both the army and the navy, a position of considerable power.

Remaining in the powerful post of Minister of Defense was naturally much better than an early retirement. Although Grand Duke Serrano was already 63 years old this year, it did not mean he was willing to bid farewell to power and retire early.

Prime Minister Primo was unwilling to give up the position of Minister of Industry, but he was helpless in the face of Carlo’s request.

Although Carlo’s attitude seemed to be one of mere negotiation, Prime Minister Primo knew he could not refuse.

Refusing, of course, wouldn’t have immediate consequences, but it would certainly damage the good cooperation that had existed between the prime ministerial power and the royal authority in Spain. Any future reforms and development plans Prime Minister Primo wished to promote would be destined not to receive Carlo’s full support.

After careful consideration, Prime Minister Primo finally agreed to Carlo’s request, appointing the previous Minister of Agriculture, Canovas, as the Minister of Industry in the new Cabinet government.

However, this created a new problem: what to do about the position of the former Minister of Industry, Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla?

Ruiz was no minor figure; he was the second-in-command of the Progressive Party and was very likely to take over the party after Prime Minister Primo’s retirement.

His ability to manage the Ministry of Industry, one of the three major departments, was a testament to his prestige within the Progressive Party. To put it bluntly, even without Prime Minister Primo, Ruiz could have entered the Cabinet government on the strength of his own political influence, and even competed for the position of prime minister.

The Minister of Finance would, of course, continue to be Ewald, whom Prime Minister Primo trusted deeply. This meant that in the second Cabinet government, Ruiz could only seek other positions; the three major departments were out of his reach.

Although Prime Minister Primo had a headache, he could only do his best to resolve the issue for Ruiz to avoid problems within the Progressive Party.

After much thought, Prime Minister Primo finally came up with a solution: to split the existing Ministry of Industry into two departments—the Ministry of Industry and the Department of Transportation.

Currently, Spain’s Ministry of Industry was very large, and its responsibilities were varied. Previously, because Spain’s industrial sector was not extensive, it was perfectly normal for the Ministry of Industry to manage all industry-related affairs comprehensively.

But the current situation was different. Spain’s industry had achieved significant growth, and the improvement brought by the two industrial bases was visible to the naked eye.

Furthermore, with the continued emphasis on industrial development in the future, it was clear that the Ministry of Industry was becoming overwhelmed by managing so many affairs, inevitably neglecting development in certain areas.

It was necessary to split off the departments related to the construction of railways and roads, as well as transportation, to form a separate Department of Transportation.

Although this seemed like a move to find a position for Ruiz, it was actually an idea Prime Minister Primo had had for several years.

Just as the Ministry of the Interior was previously split into the Department of Public Security and the Department of Public Welfare, changes to the Cabinet government’s departments were necessary as Spain developed.

With this in mind, Prime Minister Primo no longer hesitated and instructed his subordinates to submit a report on the reorganization of the Cabinet government to the Congress of Deputies.

Soon after the Cabinet election, the Congress of Deputies held another rather large meeting.

The Senators were very serious about matters concerning the restructuring of Cabinet departments. After all, every new department in the Cabinet meant one more member in the Cabinet.

The difference between a regular minister and a cabinet minister was vast. A cabinet minister could participate in Cabinet meetings and propose their own decisions and suggestions.

And though a department in the regular government might also be important, as long as it wasn’t qualified to attend Cabinet meetings, it was destined to have little real power.

The previous Cabinet had only 10 people, including Prime Minister Primo. It was extremely difficult to get into a Cabinet department.

Even a single additional department would increase their chances of joining the Cabinet in the future, and this was the focus of these Senators’ attention.

Holding this view, the Congress of Deputies passed Prime Minister Primo’s report on the Cabinet government’s restructuring with a very high approval rate, successfully splitting the Ministry of Industry into the Ministry of Industry and the Department of Transportation. The number of Cabinet seats increased to eleven.

Before submitting the plan to the Congress of Deputies, Prime Minister Primo had shown the entire plan to Carlo in advance and reported his complete line of thought.

In fact, Carlo had also considered splitting the Ministry of Industry to establish a separate department for transportation, dedicated to managing the construction of roads and railways in Spain.

Prime Minister Primo’s proposal to split the Ministry of Industry at this time, while seemingly for the sake of the ministry’s development, was in reality to find a suitable place for the former Minister of Industry, Ruiz, and to weaken the importance of the Ministry of Industry itself.

After all, the leaders of the two major departments of industry and agriculture were now Carlo’s loyalists. Adding to that Grand Duke Serrano, who leaned more towards the Conservative Party, Carlo’s influence in the Cabinet government was already considerable.

Prime Minister Primo’s actions were perfectly normal; after all, he had to ensure his influence over the Cabinet government, which was the fundamental condition for him to push for reforms.

If he couldn’t even control the Cabinet government, how could Prime Minister Primo talk about promoting reforms and improving the development of the entire nation of Spain?

This proposal was clearly the best way to respond to Carlo’s request for the position of Minister of Industry. It satisfied Carlo’s needs, ensured his own subordinates would not be disgruntled as a result, and at the same time, further increased his control over the Cabinet government. It was a triple win.

Carlo naturally would not oppose Prime Minister Primo’s plan; after all, there was no reason to. What’s more, splitting the Ministry of Industry was indeed beneficial at this time. The only difference was that the Ministry of Industry under Canovas would have a slightly smaller jurisdiction and a little less power in his hands.

The opinion of the Congress of Deputies was no longer a consideration. Since this was Prime Minister Primo’s proposal, it was impossible for it to be rejected by them.

A few days after the Congress of Deputies announced its approval of the plan to split the Ministry of Industry, Canovas, who had been appointed the new Minister of Industry, came to the Royal Palace of Madrid to request an audience with Carlo.

Before coming to the Royal Palace of Madrid, Canovas had thought about it carefully. He understood that his audience with Carlo would not change any outcomes, but whether he came or not would clearly lead to two different endings.

“Your Majesty.” The moment he saw Carlo, Canovas performed a Spanish-style Noble’s bow with great reverence, his attitude sincere and deferential.

“Are you here about the matter of splitting the Ministry of Industry?” Carlo smiled and nodded, gesturing for Canovas to sit on the luxurious sofa to the side.

Only after receiving Carlo’s gesture did Canovas dare to sit down. However, he was extremely careful as he did so, his buttocks occupying only half the seat, presenting the image of a very deferential and loyal subject.

Carlo was quite satisfied with the deferential manner Canovas displayed. What Carlo valued in Canovas was his ability to recognize his own position and to promptly side with Carlo and the royal family. This was what a nobleman and a royalist ought to do.

After all, nobles and the king were inherently bound together; their fates were intertwined. If the king were gone, how could there be any reason for the nobility to exist?

Although Spain had an extremely large number of nobles, not many of them were usable. Nobles like Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano were essentially founders who had earned their noble titles through their own abilities.

As for those nobles who had inherited their titles for many generations, for hundreds or even thousands of years, there were capable people among them, but the abilities of most could only be described as a complete mess.

And even capable nobles were not necessarily loyal to Carlo. After all, these nobles were all part of Spain’s native factions. They had been rooted in Spain for at least a century and would certainly not just bow down to Carlo in complete submission simply because he had become the king of Spain.

This was why Carlo extensively employed new-style nobles and constantly granted new noble titles. Compared to these old-style nobles, Carlo had more trust in the loyalty and ability of the new ones.

As for these old-style Spanish nobles with their intricate networks of power, if they did not stand in the way of Spain’s progress, Carlo naturally had no desire to bother with them.

But if anyone created trouble on Spain’s path forward, Carlo would also let them know just how supreme a king’s power was over his nobles.

Since the king had the power to ennoble, he should naturally also have the power to strip a nobleman of his title. Although Carlo had not used this power much, it did not mean he did not possess it.

The Spanish nobility had already lost control over the military. Even if the titles of some nobles were revoked, there was no need to worry about them starting a civil war.

It was simply that Carlo still needed the influence of the nobility; before he had complete control over Spain, Carlo would not actively move against them.

After hearing Carlo’s question, Canovas first nodded, then spoke with some reserve, “Your Majesty, regarding Prime Minister Primo’s splitting of the Ministry of Industry, what is your stance?”

Canovas understood that his position as Minister of Industry was given to him by Carlo. Now that the ministry was facing a split, he certainly couldn’t remain silent. Reporting to Carlo was essential.

Although Canovas also knew that Carlo would surely have his own sources of information and might have learned about the ministry’s split earlier than he did.

But what of it? Whether Carlo knew in advance was Carlo’s business, but whether to report it and ask for Carlo’s stance was Canovas’s own business.

If he didn’t report it, Carlo might not question him. But the problem was, Canovas wanted to advance! He had no desire to stop at the position of Minister of Industry.

As the saying goes, an official who doesn’t want to become prime minister isn’t a good official. If one could make a bid for the throne of prime minister, which represented the supreme power for an official, who would be willing to while away their years in their current position?

Since he wanted to advance, he naturally had to consider Carlo’s stance. After all, the power of the Conservative Party alone was not enough. Perhaps the only one who could change this situation was Carlo.

As for defecting to Prime Minister Primo, Canovas had never even considered it. Canovas strongly identified with conservative ideas; he was not fond of Prime Minister Primo’s overly radical reforms.

Moreover, Prime Minister Primo already had Ruiz as his successor, who was the second-in-command of the Progressive Party and the rising star of Spanish politics.

Even if Canovas could switch to Prime Minister Primo’s side, his status would not compare to Ruiz’s. A mid-way defection would not earn Prime Minister Primo’s trust, which was why Canovas had never thought of siding with him from the beginning.

“Prime Minister Primo reported the matter of splitting the Ministry of Industry to me, and I did not oppose the plan,” Carlo said. “Overall, splitting the ministry is beneficial for the government’s development.”

“Once the Department of Transportation is independent, it can better manage the construction of Spain’s roads and railways, as well as various transportation tasks.”

“The only potential loss is for the Ministry of Industry, but for you, it may not necessarily be a bad thing.”

Historically, Canovas had served as Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Spain’s government during the reign of Alfonso XII, but he had no particularly notable political achievements.

His six terms as prime minister totaled less than 12 years, the longest of which was from 1875 to 1879 in history, a mere four years.

The reason he became Prime Minister of Spain and was re-elected multiple times was, in fact, due to his rather conservative views and his support for royal authority.

During his term, Canovas drafted a new constitution for Spain, which abolished universal suffrage and replaced it with limited voting rights.

He eliminated freedom of religious belief, assembly, and association, and placed strict restrictions on newspaper companies’ publications. From these systems and policies, it was clear that Canovas was indeed a conservative. His policies were more akin to the conservative policies of an absolute monarchy rather than those of an enlightened government that had undergone revolution and republicanism.

The final result was also obvious. Not only did the two Alfonso kings fail to halt Spain’s continuing decline, but they also made it so that Spain had absolutely no connection to the ranks of the great powers.

If Spain around 1868, before the revolution, could still claim to be a great power, then the Spain that had gone through two Alfonso kings could not even reach the threshold of the top ten.

The reason Carlo said that the splitting of the Ministry of Industry might not be a bad thing for Canovas was precisely because he had taken his conservative ideology into account.

Spain’s future railway development was very important, and the construction of roads directly concerned the growth of Spain’s economy and industry.

Industrial development, on the other hand, just needed to proceed steadily within a certain framework. Combined with the five-year development plan proposed by Prime Minister Primo and the already prepared construction of the industrial bases, ensuring stable industrial growth was not a problem.

As for Spain’s development after Prime Minister Primo retired and Canovas took over, Carlo was not too worried for the time being.

After all, by then, the power Carlo wielded would certainly be far greater than now. Canovas would still only need to carry out stable development within the plans set by Carlo to achieve good results.

The biggest difficulties in Spain’s development had already been mostly solved by Prime Minister Primo, which was why Carlo admired him.

Regardless of whether prime ministerial power would conflict with royal authority in the future, Carlo would not kick Prime Minister Primo when he was down.

Of course, the best outcome for both Prime Minister Primo and Carlo would be a change of leadership after the end of the second prime ministerial term, with power being transferred to Carlo.

This way, there would be no conflict between them. Prime Minister Primo could preserve his reputation under Carlo’s protection, becoming one of the few politicians to successfully reform and retire with honor.

Chapter 161: The Second Five-Year Plan

The division of the Ministry of Industry was merely a minor episode for both Prime Minister Primo and Carlo, not enough to disrupt the harmonious working relationship between the two.

The former Minister of Industry, Ruiz, successfully became the first Minister of Transportation after the Department of Transportation was established, thus retaining his position as a cabinet minister.

With the Minister of Transportation position filled, the full roster of Spain’s new Cabinet government was freshly announced.

According to the Spanish constitution, after nominating candidates for each ministerial position, the Prime Minister must submit the final list to the King of Spain.

Only after the King of Spain personally signs off on the appointments can the Prime Minister’s nominees officially become members of the Cabinet.

Of course, as the King of Spain, Carlo also had the power to reject nominees for the Cabinet and request that the Prime Minister select new candidates.

However, this power was generally not exercised. After all, the cabinet ministers nominated by a prime minister were almost always his loyalists, and a direct rejection would be tantamount to turning hostile.

Once the Cabinet was confirmed, Prime Minister Primo wasted no time in presenting the expectations for the Second Five-Year Plan to the Cabinet government, requesting that each department make adjustments to its assigned tasks within the plan based on its actual circumstances.

It was essential to have practical discussions with the various departments, as the detailed execution of the Five-Year Plan would fall to them.

Without this step, the plan’s objectives could become nothing more than empty boasts—either the goals would be completely unattainable, leading officials in the departments below to falsify results, or they would be too easy for Spain to achieve, robbing the Five-Year Plan of its original purpose.

The Second Five-Year Plan, as envisioned by Prime Minister Primo, was even more critical than the first, serving as a crucial link between what had been accomplished and what was to come.

One look at the expressions on the ministers’ faces after receiving Prime Minister Primo’s draft of the Second Five-Year Development Plan was enough to understand just how audacious it was.

“Mr. Prime Minister, is the goal of expanding our railway network to eleven thousand kilometers by 1879 perhaps a bit unreasonable?” Although he did not wish to stand up and oppose the Prime Minister, Ruiz had no choice but to voice his dissent to ensure the Department of Transportation could successfully complete its mission over the next five years.

Spain’s current total railway mileage was just over 7,500 kilometers, a figure achieved only thanks to the Ministry of Industry’s vigorous construction efforts last year.

There was still a deficit of 3,500 kilometers to reach the 11,000-kilometer goal. Building over 3,500 kilometers of railway in five years meant that the average annual construction would have to exceed 700 kilometers.

Seven hundred kilometers might not sound like much, but the problem was that during the entire previous Five-Year Plan, Spain had only built 2,100 kilometers of railway, with an annual average of just over 400 kilometers.

And that achievement was only possible because of the frantic pace of construction by the Ministry of Industry in 1873. If based on the average of the first four years of the plan, the annual construction was actually just over 300 kilometers.

The Second Five-Year Plan proposed by Prime Minister Primo required an average of over 700 kilometers of railway to be built each year, nearly double the rate of the first plan.

Moreover, the Department of Transportation had only just been spun off from the Ministry of Industry; it was uncertain whether it could even match the former ministry’s construction pace, let alone surpass it.

Prime Minister Primo had anticipated that someone would raise objections. He nodded calmly, his gaze turning to Minister Ruiz. “Does the Department of Transportation have any other thoughts?”

“Mr. Prime Minister, I believe the target for the Department of Transportation should be to increase our total railway mileage to ten thousand kilometers within the Five-Year Development Plan. Our current construction speed cannot meet the requirement of eleven thousand kilometers, unless the government is willing to increase funding and initiate more railway projects simultaneously,” Minister of Transportation Ruiz said, biting the bullet.

“Considering the difficulties each department will face in completing its tasks, this year’s financial budget will be increased. As for problems other than funding, you will need to find solutions within your respective departments.” At this point, Prime Minister Primo’s expression grew more severe, and he spoke bluntly, even to a subordinate from his own party: ”

If you feel you cannot complete such a task, then you might as well say so now. That will give me more time to report to His Majesty the King and arrange for a replacement cabinet minister sooner.”

“Yes, Mr. Prime Minister. The Department of Transportation will do everything in its power to complete your task.” Ruiz immediately understood that the Prime Minister was making an example of him. He nodded solemnly and dared not raise another objection.

After Ruiz’s display, what other cabinet minister would dare to voice a different opinion? They could only nod in agreement, indicating they understood.

Prime Minister Primo nodded with satisfaction, and the new Five-Year Development Plan was formally established.

Although the goals of this plan were far grander than the previous one, they were not an impossible dream for the departments.

With increased government investment and a bit more effort from the department officials, achieving the targets was still feasible.

Take the Department of Transportation’s 3,500-kilometer railway goal, for example. While Spain had built over 2,100 kilometers of railway during the last Five-Year Development Plan, only 1,500 kilometers were built in the first four years, while over 600 kilometers were constructed in the final year alone.

Looking at the development trend, it would not be difficult for the Department of Transportation to achieve the annual target of 700 kilometers; at the very least, there was hope.

The situation in other departments was much the same. Though the goals were challenging, with enough effort, the chances of success were still quite high.

After the Cabinet finalized the Five-Year Development Plan, Prime Minister Primo submitted the complete proposal to Carlo.

Because this was only a proposal, it did not need to be submitted to the Senate for a vote. In reality, it was more like a set of goals the Cabinet government set for itself, a way to spur the cabinet ministers to strive for their fulfillment.

But if the goals of the Five-Year Plan were successfully completed, it would be a monumental achievement and would be beneficial for the Cabinet government’s re-election in five years.

Even if one was not re-elected as prime minister, it would serve as a testament to one’s political achievements and capabilities, showcasing them to the next prime minister and creating an opportunity to be reappointed as a cabinet minister.

Spain had specific requirements for the Prime Minister’s term of office: each term was five years, and one could only serve two consecutive terms.

However, there were no specific term limits for other cabinet ministers. As long as they were capable and had the Prime Minister’s trust, they could serve for life.

The reason for the lack of term limits for cabinet ministers was to make better use of talented individuals.

If a highly capable person had to leave the Cabinet government at a young age due to term limits, it would be a loss for Spain.

When Carlo saw the Five-Year Development Plan drafted by Prime Minister Primo, his first reaction was one of surprise, but he quickly understood the Prime Minister’s thinking.

Although the overall goals of the plan were much grander than before, the Spain of today was by no means the same Spain as five years ago.

Furthermore, the economic crisis was still ongoing. Spain’s campaigns of “buying” and “poaching” were still in full swing. Every day, large quantities of foreign equipment and technical data were transported to Spain and then distributed among various enterprises and factories.

The results might not be apparent in a year or two, but after three or four years, once Spanish companies and factories had fully absorbed this foreign equipment and technology and were capable of independent production and research, Spain’s industry and other sectors would experience explosive growth.

In other words, while such an ambitious goal might seem difficult now, considering the five-year timeline for completion, there was actually a high probability of success.

Besides, national development was inherently a process of facing challenges head-on. If development were so smooth and easy, wouldn’t that imply that anyone could perfectly execute the duties of a cabinet minister?

What were these cabinet ministers for? Were they not there to rise to the occasion and lead their departments to advance Spain’s development?

Carlo gave Prime Minister Primo’s Five-Year Development Plan a general review and found himself quite looking forward to what Spain would become in five years.

If all the objectives in the Five-Year Plan could be properly accomplished, in five years Spain could proudly call itself a great power.

Why say so? Because upon the completion of this Five-Year Plan, Spain’s total industrial scale, heavy industry scale, and military industry scale would completely catch up to Italy.

It might not match Italy in economic size, as Italy had a larger population. But with the expansion of Spain’s military fully completed, the total combat effectiveness and size of both the army and navy would surpass Italy’s.

If Italy could be called a great power, why couldn’t Spain?

What Carlo looked forward to most was Spain’s demographic situation. During the first Five-Year Plan, Spain’s population had grown by over 1.15 million people.

Prime Minister Primo’s preliminary expectation for population growth in the Second Five-Year Plan was around 1.5 million people.

This was not blind optimism. First, the increase in Spain’s population base would lead to a higher number of newborns. A country with a larger population will naturally have more births than a country with a smaller one.

Second was the immigration from various countries during the economic crisis. Although Spain primarily focused on recruiting skilled technical personnel and researchers, a large number of Europeans were still emigrating due to the crisis.

Spain was in a relatively unique position during this economic crisis, and its large-scale acquisition and poaching activities had attracted the attention of many countries and people. It was expected that Spain might become a popular destination for European immigrants in the future.

However, the number of these European immigrants had to be controlled. This was why Prime Minister Primo had initially estimated the population growth in the Five-Year Plan at 1.5 million.

If the number of immigrants was not restricted, Spain’s population could potentially reach twenty million within five years.

But such blind population growth was not a good thing. The majority ethnic group in Spain was the Spaniards, and the proportion of Spaniards in the total population would determine the stability of the country.

The most obvious example of this was the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The population of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was not small—at least thirty-seven million—ranking second only to Germany among the European great powers and surpassing France and Britain.

However, the comprehensive national strength of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was clearly inferior to that of Britain and France. One of the main reasons was the excessive complexity of its ethnic distribution; the dominant people, the Austrians, or Southern Germans, did not constitute a high enough proportion of the population.

One of the main reasons for the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s dissolution after World War I was precisely that other ethnic groups had gained significant influence.

Although the estimated population growth was only about 1.5 million, Spain still had a chance to reach a population of around 19.25 million by 1879.

While Spain could not absorb too many immigrants, there was an exception: immigrants from countries that were former Spanish colonies.

This included American countries like Mexico, Argentina, and Chile. Although the people from these countries were not purely Spaniards, they definitely had Spanish ancestry.

Moreover, the fact that they spoke Spanish and practiced Catholicism made them easier for Spain to assimilate.

Attracting and accepting more immigrants from former colonies in the Americas and assimilating them into the Spanish population was perhaps the only way for Spain to rapidly increase its population in the short term.

Unfortunately, the current populations of these American countries were not very large, so there was a limit to the number of immigrants Spain could absorb.

Carlo looked at Prime Minister Primo, who had been sitting respectfully on the luxurious sofa ever since handing over the Five-Year Development Plan, and asked with a smile, “Prime Minister Primo, how is the government’s work on outward migration progressing?”

This was not ordinary outward migration, but rather an encouraged emigration program in Catalonia, the Basque region, and other areas with non-Spanish populations.

Simply put, it encouraged these non-Spaniards to emigrate to other regions outside of Spain through an asset conversion scheme.

After Spain passed the law on unifying national religion and language, the living conditions in Spain for those other ethnic groups who proclaimed daily that they were not Spaniards were not so favorable.

According to Spanish law, those who did not recognize themselves as Spaniards were not recognized as citizens by the Spanish government.

Without Spanish citizenship, they could not hold positions in government or royal enterprises. It was well known that while Spain guaranteed a minimum income, the salaries and benefits in government and royal enterprises were significantly higher.

Being unable to enter these enterprises meant they lost out on many welfare policies. Some private companies would also follow suit and refuse to hire non-Spaniards, making it difficult for these groups who did not identify as Spanish to find high-paying jobs.

For the majority of commoners, they already considered themselves Spaniards. As for those who had been severely brainwashed and had even become radical nationalists, they were, of course, unwilling to admit they were Spanish.

But this was just as well; Spain did not welcome these radical nationalists either.

The policy of encouraging outward migration was specifically aimed at these radical nationalists, using milder methods to persuade them to emigrate abroad.

This raised a question: what should be done about the radical nationalists who refused gentle persuasion and were unwilling to emigrate outside of Spain?

This problem was also easy to solve: use harsher methods to force them to emigrate or to rebel.

“Your Majesty, the outward migration from the Catalonia region is currently proceeding smoothly. Since the announcement of our policy of national unification, at least ten thousand people have chosen to emigrate abroad.

A majority of the radical nationalists in Catalonia have already emigrated. It is estimated that within the next five years, we will be able to move most of the more radical Catalans abroad,” Prime Minister Primo reported.

As a Catalan himself, Prime Minister Primo was quite knowledgeable about the situation in Catalonia.

At present, most Catalans still acknowledged themselves as Spaniards. As for why the tendency for independence became so severe in later generations, the main reasons were long-term nationalist brainwashing and Spain’s exploitation of Catalonia.

Yes, for a long time in later history, Spain was indeed leeching off of Catalonia.

If one were to assign blame, it would actually fall on the Bourbon royal family. Why did Spain decline? There were many reasons, one of the most significant being the instability since the Industrial Revolution and missing out on two very important industrial revolutions.

The Carlist Wars, which plagued Spain for decades, were in fact caused by the succession of Queen Isabella.

Queen Isabella’s own inept rule caused Spain to fall completely from its status as a great power. The industry and economy in other regions of Spain saw little development, while the Catalonia region, under the development of Republicans and nationalists, became one of the most developed areas in Spain.

A prosperous Catalonia and Barcelona naturally became targets for the rest of Spain to exploit. The Catalans were already discontent with this, and under the instigation of radical nationalists, it was only natural for pro-independence sentiments to grow stronger and stronger.

Hearing that tens of thousands of Catalans had already emigrated, Carlo was quite satisfied with the government’s progress.

Although the entire Catalonia region had a population of over a million, the more radical nationalists numbered at most a few tens of thousands.

As long as a large portion of them could be sent away, a large part of the problem in the Catalonia region would be solved. Without the radical nationalists, assimilating Catalonia would be relatively simple.

While it might not reach the same depth as in other regions, ensuring that the vast majority of Catalans acknowledged themselves as Spaniards and were proud to be Spanish should not be a problem.

Chapter 162: Educational Reform

As it turned out, Prime Minister Primo’s bold and seemingly exaggerated Five-Year Development Plan was based on practical considerations and backed by ample preparations.

In 1873, the Spanish government’s total fiscal expenditure reached 743.3 million pesetas. Not since the Spanish Revolution had the government faced such a high level of spending.

But compared to this year’s total budget, 743.3 million pesetas was no longer a staggering figure.

This year, the government’s total financial budget was a staggering 897.2 million pesetas, an increase of more than 150 million from the previous year.

Such a substantial budget instantly alleviated the concerns of the cabinet ministers, filling them with great expectations for the completion of the Second Five-Year Development Plan.

At Prime Minister Primo’s insistence, the Congress of Deputies swiftly approved the 1874 financial budget submitted by the Cabinet government. However, this did little to quell public discussion about the budget. After all, such exorbitant fiscal expenditure was nearly double the annual spending during the first Five-Year Plan.

For the Spanish government, this was undoubtedly a high-stakes gamble. If the nearly 900 million pesetas in fiscal expenditure yielded greater returns, it would naturally be met with public acclaim.

But if the investment failed to produce significant results, Prime Minister Primo would face a barrage of criticism.

So, what was the source of Prime Minister Primo’s confidence in so boldly expanding the budgets of government departments?

It was, of course, the various enterprises and equipment purchased at low prices from other countries, including the technical data, production figures, and skilled workers with production experience that these companies possessed.

While the Spanish government was overtly scouting for brilliant engineers and researchers, it was also covertly absorbing the employees of these acquired companies into Spain.

One or two skilled workers might not make much of a difference, but what about hundreds, or even thousands? Concentrating these skilled workers in any single factory could dramatically improve its production experience and productivity.

And for Spain’s existing factories, what they lacked most were workers with such production experience and outstanding technical skills.

To attract these skilled workers, Spain offered exceptionally generous terms. For instance, they provided free housing for these workers and their families for three years, new jobs with higher incomes than their previous ones, and guaranteed access to medical care and education for their families.

These conditions would have been attractive even in normal times, let alone when other nations were mired in an economic crisis.

Faced with Spain’s high-profile policy of talent acquisition, its neighbor, Portugal, was perhaps the most uncomfortable.

While talent from other countries had to consider the language barrier, the Portuguese barely needed to. Portuguese and Spanish were similar enough for basic communication, and Portuguese speakers could understand Spanish without any major issues.

The two languages were more like dialects from neighboring regions in later eras—there were minor differences, but they did not hinder communication.

Although Portugal was not heavily affected by the economic crisis, it was all relative. Apart from its import and export sectors, Spain was largely untouched by the crisis.

On the contrary, due to various construction projects and rapid development within the country, unemployment was not only decreasing, but many well-paying positions were in urgent need of experienced employees.

In 1873 alone, Spain attracted nearly ten thousand people from Portugal. Aside from a small number of researchers and senior engineers, the remaining several thousand were workers with technical skills and other talents.

As long as the economic crisis continued, Spain would keep drawing people from Portugal. This was certainly a good thing for Spain, but not so wonderful for Portugal.

However, the Portuguese government was temporarily powerless to stop it. Although Spain’s actions smacked of kicking someone when they’re down, they did not violate the laws of any nation.

Of course, in this era, laws were not enough to restrain any country. Only formidable strength could do that; all other treaties and decrees were just empty words.

Last year, Spain had not spent much on acquiring talent and foreign enterprises, only 130.6 million pesetas.

The main reason, of course, was that the economic crisis had broken out mid-year, leaving less than six months to actually purchase companies and attract talent.

This meant that 1874 would be an extremely crucial year. It was the second year after the crisis began, and a full year at that. The government had to complete the enterprise acquisition plan formulated last year and recruit enough skilled technical personnel, senior engineers, and researchers.

If they waited another year, other countries would have gained some control over the economic crisis, and it would no longer be so easy to acquire businesses or poach talent.

For this very reason, the so-called budget for foreign operations this year was as high as 270 million pesetas. Combined with last year’s budget, the total spending on acquiring enterprises and attracting talent would exceed 400 million pesetas—about 300 million for businesses and 100 million for talent, which was close to the original estimate.

After that, efforts would shift to filling in the remaining gaps in technical personnel and doing their utmost to recruit relevant researchers. Due to the uncertainty of talent shortages and the possibility that other nations might enact laws to prevent poaching like Spain’s, there was no specific budget for these future actions; everything would depend on the circumstances at the time.

Even after deducting the 270 million peseta budget for foreign operations, the Spanish government’s total budget for the year still amounted to 727.2 million pesetas.

Due to the significant expansion of the army, Spain’s military expenditure remained the largest portion of fiscal spending. In 1874, the Ministry of Defense’s budget was 197.3 million pesetas, accounting for 27.1% of the total budget.

The second largest investment was in industrial development. Even excluding the costs of acquiring enterprises and talent, the Ministry of Industry’s budget was 145.7 million pesetas, exactly one-fifth of the total fiscal expenditure.

As a newly established cabinet department, the Department of Transportation ranked third in budget allocation, with a total budget approaching 130 million pesetas.

Considering it was tasked with building over 3,500 kilometers of railways and a vast network of roads, no other department objected to such a large budget.

The construction of 3,500 kilometers of railway alone was a daunting task, not to mention the department was also responsible for road construction, building train stations, deploying railway routes, logistics, and more.

For a newly formed department, its first year would be a severe test. But if it passed these tests, the credit the Department of Transportation would earn would undoubtedly be among the highest in the Cabinet.

The Department of Public Welfare, Department of Public Security, Ministry of Education, Ministry of Health, and Ministry of Agriculture also each received their own budgets, all of which were significantly larger than in previous years.

The diplomatic service was relatively independent and also had a substantial budget. After all, it needed to maintain embassies in various countries and conduct diplomatic activities; insufficient funding would lead to major problems.

Prime Minister Primo had, of course, submitted this enormous financial budget to Carlo. Considering that the temple treasure had indeed given the government a great deal of confidence, Carlo went along with it and approved the budget report.

After all, with that temple treasure, the Spanish government could issue several billion pesetas in currency. Although a fiscal expenditure of nearly 900 million pesetas seemed outrageous, the Currency Issuance Committee had already planned to issue more pesetas.

This seemingly extravagant fiscal expenditure was, in reality, just a reasonable means of circulating these newly issued pesetas into the market.

However, Carlo did not remain idle. On his recommendation, Prime Minister Primo appropriately increased the budget for the Ministry of Education to help it better promote literacy education and expand access to higher levels of education.

Before Carlo ascended the throne, Spain’s illiteracy rate was as high as seventy percent, putting it in the same boat as Italy as partners in misery.

After five years of development, Spain’s illiteracy rate had been effectively reduced. According to government statistics, in the past five years, nearly four million people in Spain had received literacy education, with an average of over eight hundred thousand people a year.

The number of participants surged, especially after Carlo decided to provide a free lunch to everyone attending literacy classes.

Currently, Spain’s illiteracy rate had dropped to below 45%. To achieve such a result in just five years was a considerable accomplishment for the Ministry of Education.

But a 45% illiteracy rate still fell short of Carlo’s expectations. The very reason he had asked Prime Minister Primo to increase the Ministry of Education’s budget was to bring Spain’s illiteracy rate down to below 20% by the completion of the Second Five-Year Plan.

It was worth noting that Spain had many elderly and disabled people who were not suited for education. Taking their existence into account, a 20% illiteracy rate was actually quite low.

Building on this foundation by vigorously developing middle and high school education and enacting policies to reduce tuition and fees for higher education was the only effective way to cultivate homegrown talent for Spain.

To talk about cultivating university students before the illiteracy rate had been thoroughly lowered was to fail to address the root of the problem.

After all, having enough university students required having enough high school students. And having enough high school students required having enough middle school students.

This highlighted the importance of a solid foundation. Only by building a strong primary education system could they pursue higher levels of middle and high school education.

And only when middle and high school education were well-established could they aspire to have more university students. If the goal was set solely on the development of universities and the cultivation of their students, Spain’s education would ultimately be nothing but a castle in the air.

After all, when the majority of the population was illiterate, how could Spain ensure it could produce enough outstanding university graduates each year?

Not long after the financial budget was passed by the Congress of Deputies, Spain’s new Minister of Education, Gerard Wilson, personally requested an audience with Carlo to report on his ministry’s specific development goals for the Five-Year Plan.

Reporting the Ministry of Education’s current situation and plans to Carlo was a decision Minister Gerard Wilson had made after long and careful consideration.

Gerard Wilson was actually a member of the Liberal Party. He had become the Minister of Education in Prime Minister Primo’s Cabinet because of his extensive experience in education and his ideas on educational reform, which had won Primo’s favor.

Originally, Wilson had only wanted to implement his educational reforms at the Ministry. But after learning that Carlo was partly responsible for his ministry’s hefty budget, he knew he could not remain inactive.

After all, Carlo was the king of Spain. Even Prime Minister Primo had to show him sufficient respect, let alone a newly promoted Minister of Education.

“Your Majesty,” Gerard Wilson said, adopting a very humble posture when he met with Carlo, showing none of the airs of a cabinet member.

“Minister Gerard, I am delighted to see you as the Minister of Education. I believe that under your leadership, the Ministry of Education will achieve even greater things,” Carlo said with a calm nod, gesturing for Wilson to sit on a nearby sofa.

The previous Minister of Education had not been reappointed in the second Cabinet government, primarily because he had no outstanding achievements in education to his name.

The fact that someone like Gerard Wilson, a non-Progressive Party member who advocated for educational reform, could become a cabinet minister also demonstrated Prime Minister Primo’s commitment to the cause.

Ultimately, Spain’s existing education system was too antiquated and clearly ill-suited for the new educational models of the European great powers.

Many countries were already implementing compulsory education, yet Spain had not even fully eradicated illiteracy, which was why Prime Minister Primo was so anxious.

“Thank you for your trust, Your Majesty. I will certainly learn from the shortcomings of the previous government’s Ministry of Education to create a better educational environment for all Spaniards and change the state of education in Spain,” Gerard Wilson replied, not being overly modest, as humility was not always a virtue.

Carlo nodded and began his test: “Minister Gerard, does the Ministry of Education have any new ideas regarding the direction and priorities of future educational reform?”

Upon hearing Carlo’s question, Gerard Wilson did not answer immediately. He thought carefully for a moment, organized his thoughts, and then replied respectfully, “Your Majesty, I believe it is absolutely necessary for Spain to reform its education system.

I spent some time observing in Germany, and the Germans’ emphasis on education is unparalleled by any other country. The formal law regarding their compulsory education dates back to the ‘General Regulations for Rural Schools’ promulgated by the Kingdom of Prussia in 1763, but the actual start of their compulsory education began centuries earlier.

I believe that one of the main reasons the Germans successively defeated the Austrians and the French, besides their powerful army and superior military technology, was their early push for universal compulsory education.

The illiteracy rate in the German lands is the lowest in all of Europe, which speaks volumes about the Germans’ focus on education.

Therefore, I feel that education is an absolutely indispensable part of Spain’s development. Even if we cannot establish a compulsory education system like Germany’s, we must enact policies to reduce the financial burden of education on the public.

The more people who receive an education, the more talent we can cultivate. The positive impact of talent on a country and society is self-evident. The talent produced by education will make a nation stronger and stronger, which is something that cannot be matched by simply recruiting talent from abroad.

As for the direction of Spain’s educational reform, I believe the primary objectives should be focused on two areas: basic education and technical education.

In basic education, I believe we should implement universal basic compulsory education nationwide, ensuring all Spaniards can receive about two years of basic education to reduce Spain’s illiteracy rate at its source.

This two-year period of basic education is only temporary. In the future, when the government’s budget is sufficient, I believe we should extend the period to the entire primary school stage, which is about six years.

Only by ensuring that all Spaniards complete about six years of primary education can we say that our educational reform has achieved initial success and produced tangible results.

Second is technical education. This will mainly target our adult population, with the goal of cultivating a sufficient number of skilled technical personnel for Spain.

It takes a long time to cultivate a talent from infancy, but our country is in urgent need of a large number of skilled technical personnel right now.

To address this problem, I believe it is necessary to build more technical schools to provide technical training for more ordinary workers, helping them become skilled workers.

This will not only solve our shortage of technical personnel but also effectively increase these people’s wages and income.

As for the shortage of high-level technical personnel, I think we can also implement a dual-track education system to cultivate our outstanding technical talent from a young age.

The idea of the dual-track education system is as follows:

One track is the conventional one, where students complete the standard education from primary school to middle school, high school, and then university. The university graduates we cultivate will be the high-level professionals we need.

The other track, after completing basic or primary education, allows students to opt for basic and advanced technical education, ultimately cultivating the high-level skilled technical personnel we lack.

To provide these technical personnel with more opportunities, students undergoing basic and advanced technical education will also be able to enter high school or university through examinations, eventually rejoining the first educational track.

Your Majesty, this is my vision for the direction of Spain’s educational reform and some of its future priorities,” Gerard Wilson explained, laying out his goals and plans for educational reform to Carlo with respect and profound confidence.

Chapter 163: The State of the Americas

Upon hearing Gerard Wilson’s report, Carlo was momentarily stunned, then a pleased smile appeared on his face. He looked at Gerard Wilson with satisfaction and said, “Minister Gerard Wilson, has Prime Minister Primo heard the Ministry of Education’s development plan report?”

“Mr. Prime Minister has already heard it,” Gerard Wilson replied, nodding respectfully.

“And what was Prime Minister Primo’s attitude?” Carlo continued to inquire.

Carlo was finally beginning to understand why Gerard Wilson had managed to squeeze out the previous Minister of Education to join the new Cabinet government. The man’s ideas on educational reform were indeed quite advanced, and he must have had the strong support of Prime Minister Primo.

“Mr. Prime Minister is very supportive of the Ministry of Education’s plan. And, of course, thank you for your support, Your Majesty. Otherwise, the Ministry would never have been able to secure such a large budget,” Gerard Wilson said with a smile.

Initially, his plan for educational reform had not been so grand. But after securing such a substantial education budget, he had decided on the fly to revise certain aspects of the reforms.

For example, he had not originally planned to implement the so-called dual-track education system. He had thought it would be sufficient to strengthen Spain’s basic compulsory education while building more technical schools to cultivate skilled personnel.

But now that he had such a large education budget, the dual-track system was certainly going to be added to the list of plans.

The benefit of the dual-track system was that it intensified the training of technical personnel, even allowing for cultivation from a young age. Only technical personnel who had completed both basic and advanced technical education could be considered the truly scarce high-level technical talent that Spain needed.

As for the technical personnel trained for two or three years in technical schools, they could, at best, only satisfy the government’s initial need for talent.

But in terms of importance, ten junior technical personnel might not be worth one senior technical expert. In some extremely critical fields, even one hundred junior technicians would not be as important as a single senior one.

Only when Spain had completely solved its demand for high-level technical talent could it be said that there were no more obstacles to development across all industries.

“Excellent.” Carlo nodded, expressing his support without reservation. “To be honest, I am very optimistic about the Ministry of Education’s reform plan.

“Minister Gerard, if the Ministry of Education encounters any difficulties during the reforms, you may also come to me. I look forward to seeing what surprises the Ministry of Education can bring me during the Second Five-Year Plan. The royal family never mistreats Spain’s great contributors, and I hope you will be one of them.”

“As you command, Your Majesty,” Gerard Wilson replied with a respectful nod, and the impromptu conversation came to a smooth conclusion.

From their discussion, Carlo was quite satisfied with the development plan formulated by the Ministry of Education under Gerard Wilson’s leadership.

Although such a plan was destined to consume a large portion of the financial budget, then again, how could a country unwilling to invest heavily in education ever qualify to become stronger?

A country that values education is not necessarily a great power, but a great power is certainly a country that values education. The method of poaching talent from other countries was not a sustainable long-term strategy. For one, other countries would not simply allow their talent to be poached, and for another, the loyalty of such poached talent would always be an issue.

Only talent cultivated by one’s own country could be used with peace of mind. This was why Carlo had agreed to Minister Gerard’s educational reform proposal without much thought.

If Spain wanted to grow into a powerful nation, it had to cultivate its own local talent. Only when Spain could rely on its own educational system to fill the domestic void of high-level talent could it truly walk the path to greatness.

What was rather unfortunate was Gerard Wilson’s affiliation with the Liberal Party. Had he chosen the Conservative Party, Carlo would not have minded promoting him to a higher position.

Then again, it was uncertain whether someone with such a long-term vision for educational reform as Gerard Wilson could have emerged from within the Conservative Party.

If the Conservative Party were not conservative, it would lose its reason for existence. Talented individuals who supported reform and had more progressive ideas had long since chosen the Progressive Party or the Liberal Party from among the three major parties.

Those who remained within the Conservative Party, aside from the royalist faction that supported the monarchy, were the more conservative, stubborn die-hards who were reluctant to reform.

After Gerard Wilson, the new Minister of Industry, Canovas, and the Minister of Agriculture, Jovellar y Soler, also sought an audience with Carlo to report on their respective ministries’ layouts for the Five-Year Development Plan.

If Minister of Education Gerard Wilson’s arrival was something of an accident, then the arrival of Ministers Canovas and Jovellar was entirely expected.

However, compared to the reforms in the Ministry of Education, the tasks for the Ministry of Industry and the Ministry of Agriculture were relatively simple.

With a large number of enterprises and means of production from abroad, the Ministry of Industry only needed to successfully digest this equipment and data over the next few years, while also attracting some outstanding foreign technical talent to work for them.

Complemented by the construction of the Barcelona Industrial Base, the increase in Spain’s industrial scale in the coming years would be plain to see. Canovas, as the Minister of Industry, simply had to coast and take the credit.

Jovellar, the Minister of Agriculture, was in a similar position. Although Spain did not have vast plains, it was a major grain producer.

Moreover, Spain’s current agricultural situation did not require much upheaval. It only needed to reclaim as much land as possible while maintaining existing grain output and increasing the use of chemical fertilizers. Grain production would naturally climb steadily.

Furthermore, Minister of Agriculture Jovellar’s situation was far better than during Canovas’s time. The government had already acquired large tracts of land from the nobility and The Church. After these lands were leased or sold to the populace, Spain’s per capita farmland also increased.

Although the Ministry of Agriculture’s accomplishments would surely not be as vast as those of the Ministry of Industry, it was still a Cabinet ministry, and the credit Jovellar would receive in the future would not be small.

In addition, neither man was too old. After gaining enough experience in the Ministry of Industry and the Ministry of Agriculture, they would have opportunities to advance further with Carlo’s support.

As the two main representatives of the Conservative Party, Canovas and Jovellar understood very well who they should be loyal to.

After confirming that there were no issues with their development plans, Carlo offered words of praise and encouragement to both of them.

Before the European powers carved up Africa, Spain had long been considered the world’s third-largest colonial empire.

The fundamental reason for this was that Spain had once colonized nearly half of the Americas. Yes, the Americas, including both North and South America.

Spain once had four viceroyalties in the Americas: the Viceroyalty of New Spain, the Viceroyalty of New Granada, the Viceroyalty of Peru, and the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata.

The Viceroyalty of New Spain had the most extensive territory, encompassing not only Mexico and Central America but also large parts of the American Midwest and the southern coast.

The remaining three viceroyalties were all located in South America, and their combined area accounted for the majority of the continent’s total landmass. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the entire continent of South America was once under the control of the two Iberian powers, Spain and Portugal.

Except for Brazil and the Guiana region, all of South America was once a Spanish colony, which is why Spain was known as the third-largest colonial empire.

Although Spain had now lost these colonies, and besides Cuba, nothing remained in the Americas to attest to the twilight of its colonial empire, the other territories no longer had any connection to Spain.

But the impact of several centuries of colonial rule was not so easily erased. American nations like Mexico, Colombia, Peru, Chile, and Argentina still spoke Spanish, and their populations still included large numbers of Spaniards and people of mixed Spanish descent.

This alone made it impossible for them to completely escape Spain’s influence. Although Spain’s brutal colonial rule had left many people in the Americas with little goodwill toward it.

But those pure-blooded Spaniards who had emigrated from Spain to these countries still held deep feelings for their motherland.

This was especially true now that these countries and regions had gained independence from Spanish colonial rule, and the conflicts between the locals and the Spanish were no longer as intense.

On the contrary, Spaniards began to miss their motherland and tried their best to promote alliances between the American nations and Spain.

What role the Spanish government played in all this remained unknown, but the current direction of public opinion in the South American countries was certainly favorable to Spain.

Among the many nations of South America, Chile and Argentina were definitely among the more well-known. Although Spain’s colonies had splintered into many countries, few ultimately became regional powers. By any count, there were only two: Chile and Argentina.

As it happened, these two countries were neighbors, both located at the southernmost tip of South America—truly an ill-fated connection.

Precisely because they were neighbors, and because both had once been Spanish colonies, the relationship between the two countries was not as amicable as one might imagine.

The root of it all stemmed from the division of territory after their independence from Spain.

At that time, as fellow Spanish colonies, Chile and Argentina had a relatively good relationship. After gaining independence, they were not meticulous about their territorial demarcation, only roughly agreeing to adhere to the existing colonial borders.

But can national borders be defined by vague demarcations? When the two countries were not very powerful, such ambiguous border lines did not pose a major problem.

But as their strength grew, and a trend of mutual confrontation began to emerge, the border demarcation became exceptionally important.

Some of the lands in disputed areas could be strategically significant buffer zones or hold valuable resources.

Although a direct conflict between Chile and Argentina was still more than a decade away, relations between them had already begun to break down.

Despite the deteriorating relationship with Argentina, Chile was clearly not worried. With the discovery of nitrate mines in Chile, a large amount of foreign capital flooded into South America to invest in nitrate extraction.

It was during this influx of foreign capital that Chile established a close partnership with the British and earned a great deal of money from mining nitrates.

With Britain as its backer, Chile naturally did not have to worry about its problems with Argentina. But the Argentinians were not in such a good mood.

Looking closely at Spain’s colonial sphere in South America, Chile had already connected with the British, making a fortune from its nitrate mines.

To the north of Chile, Bolivia and Peru had also formed an alliance. The two countries united were more or less a match for Chile’s strength.

In contrast, Argentina, which had profited from the Paraguayan War, now lacked a reliable ally, and its development pace was far slower than that of nitrate-rich Chile.

Adding to the pressure on the Argentinian government was the fact that there was an even more powerful neighbor to the north: Brazil.

After much deliberation, the Argentinian government decided that it could not just sit back and wait for its doom. The national strengths of Brazil and Chile were growing, and if Argentina did not make significant improvements, it would surely be the one to fall behind in future competition.

But with whom could Argentina partner? Britain was out of the question, as the British placed greater importance on Chile’s nitrate mines.

Nitrates could be used not only for munitions but also to make fertilizer. In this era, nitrate was an extremely important strategic resource. The British would clearly not abandon Chile’s nitrate mines, and thus they would not abandon Chile.

Scanning the great powers of Europe, the Argentinian government was disappointed to find that no country was suitable for a close partnership. After all, Argentina had no strategic resources to attract these great powers. Apart from its vast fertile black soil, there seemed to be little else appealing about Argentina.

In the end, the Argentinian government turned its gaze back to its former colonizer, Spain. If nothing else, Spain’s comprehensive national strength was clearly superior to that of any country in the Americas (not counting the United States).

If Spain were willing to support Argentina, Argentina would not be at a disadvantage in the competition among South American nations.

More importantly, Argentina was a nation of immigrants, its population composed of either Spaniards or people of mixed Spanish descent, making them clearly more inclined toward Spain.

In recent years, pro-Spain sentiment within Argentina had been growing louder, almost to the point of becoming a movement.

Although this might have been orchestrated and guided by someone, it also represented, to some extent, the will of the Argentinian people.

The Argentinian government finally decided to go with the flow, strengthening its ties with Spain while trying to leverage Spain’s help to enhance Argentina’s strength in preparation for the potentially more intense competition in South America in the future.

When the Spanish government received the request from the Argentinian government, Prime Minister Primo was inspecting the progress of various ministries.

Ever since the Second Five-Year Development Plan had been officially confirmed, all ministries had swung into fiery action. Prime Minister Primo was very satisfied with his inspection of their progress; he had a feeling that Spain’s development this year might be even more rapid than the last.

Before the inspection was even over, news of the diplomatic request from the Argentinian government arrived, and the smile on Prime Minister Primo’s face grew wider.

The idea circulating among some in the South American nations to strengthen ties with Spain was, of course, something Prime Minister Primo had arranged to be spread.

The only assets Spain could currently leverage were these former colonies. They still had considerable populations, and absorbing a few each year could contribute to Spain’s population growth.

Of course, more importantly, these American nations, united, represented a force. If Spain could regain control over them, or at least strengthen its ties with them, it would be beneficial for Spain itself.

To be frank, Prime Minister Primo did not even hold the United States, with its rapidly developing economy and industry, in high regard.

In Prime Minister Primo’s view, there were few countries that could pose a threat to Spain. By any count, there were only the five traditional European great powers: Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Austria.

Prime Minister Primo did not even consider his Mediterranean neighbor, Italy, a threat, let alone the United States, a country that was once merely a colony.

Speaking of which, the United States had been independent for less than a century. America’s Independence Day was on July 4, 1776, meaning it had only been independent for ninety-eight years.

Spain’s colonial rule in the Americas had lasted far longer than that, which was why many European nations, Prime Minister Primo included, looked down on the United States.

Even though the United States had developed its population, industry, and economy to the level of a great power in nearly a hundred years of development, the condescension of Europeans toward America would not disappear.

In the eyes of Europeans, the United States was, at best, a nouveau riche. Even American culture was inherited from Europe; to put it bluntly, they were just a son raised by the British.

It was just that this son had rebelled too early and broken away from British rule. But the European nations would never believe that the United States could one day threaten the rule of the British Empire.

Today’s Britain was the empire on which the sun never set, at the zenith of its power, while in the European media’s ranking of great powers, the United States was placed just ahead of Italy.

One must remember that Italy had been unified for less than ten years. And its predecessor, the Kingdom of Sardinia, couldn’t even rank among the top ten in Europe.

This was why the Americans, despite having coveted Cuba for a long time, waited until Spain had completely weakened before launching the Spanish-American War.

Before launching the war, the Americans even politely tried to persuade the Spanish government to sell the colony of Cuba to them for 150 million US dollars.

But the discrimination against the United States by European countries was long-standing, and the proud Spanish government naturally could not agree to the American offer.

In reality, Cuba at that time was more trouble than it was worth for Spain. Although Cuba could bring substantial revenue to the Spanish government, the separatists in Cuba also forced Spain to pay a huge price to maintain its rule.

At that time, 150 million US dollars was nearly 800 million pesetas. If the Spanish government had agreed to the American deal, it would have been a surefire profit.

Using 800 million pesetas to develop African colonies, or even just to strengthen Spain’s military, would have been far better than holding on to Cuba.

Unfortunately, the European countries’ disdain for the United States was heartfelt, which led Spain, even at its weakest, to ignore the Americans’ request.

Chapter 164: The Expedition’s Great Haul

“Commander Menotti, this is a truly untouched, fertile wilderness!” Anthony Ronaldo Princesscruz, the deputy commander of the Spanish African Expedition, stared at the boundless plain before him, finally speaking after a long, stunned silence.

The expedition’s commander, Menotti, was equally dazed as he gazed upon the fertile land. After swallowing hard, he gave his orders, “Have you recorded our entire route? How many native tribes have we encountered, and which ones have we established contact with? I don’t want a single detail missed.”

“Rest assured, Commander,” Deputy Anthony nodded with a confident smile. “The men are all veterans of the expedition team. They wouldn’t forget such procedures.”

“God be praised, our efforts over the past three years have not been in vain. To think that such a vast plain was hidden in the Congo River Basin. Perhaps with this land, we can build another Spain!” The excitement on Menotti’s face did not fade; instead, it intensified with his imagination.

The African expedition team had had a difficult time over the nearly four years. After outfitting in mainland Spain, they had sailed to the colony of Guinea.

There, they assembled all expedition members and resupplied with firearms, ammunition, horses, and steamboats before heading north along the Congo River in a grand procession.

After passing through the Kingdom of Kongo, the expedition first encountered a native power called the Anziku, and then entered the territory of the Bantu people.

The further north they traveled, the more hostile the African natives became. Along the way, the expedition had taken thousands, if not tens of thousands, of native lives, and their reserves of bullets and firearms had been depleted by several cartloads.

The good news, however, was that they also obtained a large amount of food from these natives. The expedition was perilous, but it also brought greater understanding of the unknown.

Menotti had thought he understood these Africans quite well, but after venturing deep into the Congo, he realized just how ignorant and backward the people of the continental interior truly were.

Along the journey, Menotti had seen natives who ate raw meat, cannibalistic tribes, and even sizable native kingdoms.

If the expedition had not been protected by a sufficient armed force, it would have been worn down and wiped out long ago in its encounters with these native powers.

Nearly four years of exploration had taught Menotti one truth: those not of our kind are of a different mind. No matter how obsequious these black monkeys appeared, their hearts held only hostility toward the expedition.

During these years, the expedition had also been betrayed by native tribes, and the result, of course, was the complete slaughter of the offending tribe.

“How many outposts have we established along the way?” Menotti asked, turning his gaze to his deputy, Anthony, as he instructed his men to set up tents and prepare to rest.

“Commander, in these past few years, we have established a total of twenty-two colonial outposts and made contact with over a hundred local tribes and villages. On your orders, more than a thousand Spanish flags have been raised over these lands, which is enough to prove that Spain was the first colonizer to arrive here,” Anthony Ronaldo Princesscruz reported respectfully to Menotti.

Their discoveries along the way were significant, not to mention finding such a vast plain in the Congo Basin. When all this news was reported back home, their expedition team would undoubtedly receive enormous credit.

Although Menotti was the expedition’s commander and head of its armed force, Anthony was also the deputy commander and a leader of the expedition. The two had worked together in close cooperation during the entire mission.

Exploring the deep interior was a life-and-death matter, and before their departure, Carlo had promised that no one’s contributions would be overlooked.

Under Carlo’s repeated instructions, Menotti dared not be negligent. Since the beginning of the operation, every single person’s slightest contribution had been recorded, to be rewarded collectively when the expedition returned to Spain.

The reason Menotti and Anthony were so excited was, naturally, Carlo’s personal promise. If the expedition team could discover fertile land and rich mineral resources in the Congo River Basin and seize the initiative to establish colonial outposts or even a colonial territory, they would have the chance to be rewarded with noble titles.

As the commander and deputy commander of the expedition, Menotti and Anthony would likely receive a title of at least Baron, perhaps even Count, upon their return to Spain. How could they not be thrilled?

Although the number of noblemen in Spain was relatively high compared to other European countries, the prestige of a Spanish noble title had not diminished because of it.

Moreover, in addition to the titles, Carlo had also promised various rewards of property and funds. The two naturally trusted the personal promise of a king, which made them determined to work hard to perfect the expedition, increase their merits, and earn greater rewards.

By the time the topographical maps and exploration data concerning the Congo River Basin were sent back to Spain, two and a half months had passed.

The materials immediately caught Carlo’s attention. He decided to call an emergency Cabinet meeting at once to cooperate with the government in the colonial development of the Congo.

Collaborating with the government to colonize the Congo was a decision Carlo had made after long consideration.

There were many reasons. First, the land of the Congo had attracted the attention of many great powers, and the royal family alone would have difficulty securing the entire territory.

It was true that Belgium had historically lucked out, but at the time, Belgium’s strength was not even ranked in Europe, which was why the major powers were not concerned.

Spain was different. Spain’s comprehensive strength was more like that of a gatekeeper to the great powers. Those stronger than Spain were great powers; those weaker were not.

Under such circumstances, even if the land were taken in the name of the royal family, it could face opposition from many great powers, chief among them the British.

Furthermore, the Congo was an extremely vast territory; there was no distinction between Kinshasa and Brazzaville yet. The expedition led by Menotti had explored the entire Congo River Basin, a vast land of millions of square kilometers.

It was only uncharted now because the nations did not yet understand the Congo River Basin. But based on history, the gradual exploration of the Congo River was happening right around this period.

Relying solely on the power of the royal family, it would be difficult to effectively occupy and establish a Spanish colonial presence within a few years. But with the power of the Spanish government, a few years would be enough to establish numerous colonial outposts and use them to build a sizable colony.

Of course, cooperating with the government was not that simple. The Congo River Basin was discovered with funding from the royal family, so the profits could not just be handed over to the government for free.

Carlo’s bottom line was that the colony in the Congo River Basin must be established as a royal domain, with the royal family as the true master of the territory.

The government could cooperate with the royal family to develop the land of the Congo River Basin, exploit its resources, and distribute the profits according to the proportion of shares held by their respective enterprises.

Although the government would not have sovereignty over the Congo colony, it would receive a large share of the profits, and Carlo believed the government would not refuse.

At the emergency Cabinet meeting, Carlo walked into the conference room with detailed information from the African colonial expedition and the drawn topographical maps. He had the guards hand the materials to Prime Minister Primo, then explained the reason for the emergency meeting.

“Gentlemen, according to the latest news from the African expedition team, they have successfully explored the lands within the Congo River Basin and have confirmed that in the upper reaches of the Congo River, there is a vast plain of at least several hundred thousand square kilometers.

During this time, the expedition has already established over twenty-two colonial outposts and made contact with more than a hundred local native tribes.

But this is far from enough to establish a formal colony. I hope the government can assist the royal family in promoting the establishment of the colony. In return, the government can receive half of the profits from the Congo River Basin colony.”

Upon hearing Carlo’s words, even Prime Minister Primo was astonished. If not for the detailed information and drawn maps in his hands, which did not look like forgeries, he would have questioned their authenticity.

If even Prime Minister Primo was surprised, it went without saying for the other cabinet ministers. Learning that the royal family had dispatched an expedition years ago and had already achieved great success, the Cabinet members had varied expressions, but all showed a degree of shock.

“Your Majesty, is this news true?” Minister of Defense Serrano was the first who could not sit still, asking with a look of delight.

As the former third-largest colonial empire, Spain naturally had many who maintained a fervent passion for colonization. It was just that the Americas had been completely carved up, and the American colonies established by Portugal and Spain had basically all become independent.

Recently, apart from some gains in the Morocco region, Spain had made no other colonial progress.

Now, suddenly hearing that Spain had a chance to acquire a plain of at least several hundred thousand square kilometers, Grand Duke Serrano was naturally overjoyed.

As for whether this land belonged to the government or the royal family, Grand Duke Serrano was not concerned. After all, regardless of whose it was, it had little to do with him.

Carlo smiled and nodded, saying, “The news from the expedition is true, that much is certain. In a few days, the expedition’s commander, Menotti, will return to Spain. If any of you have questions, you can ask him in detail then.”

Carlo had carefully examined the topographical maps and specific data reported by the expedition team, and there was nothing suspicious.

Although the drawn maps had some deviations, they were generally very similar to the Congo River Basin in Carlo’s memory.

Besides, even without the expedition’s report, Carlo already knew about the plains and rich mineral reserves of the Congo River Basin.

However, colonizing the Congo required a suitable reason to persuade the government, which was why Carlo had sent the expedition team to explore the Congo River Basin in the first place.

When the real action began, the original expedition team could also serve as guides and intermediaries, helping the Spanish colonial force better communicate with the local natives.

“Your Majesty, how should we handle the plains discovered in the Congo River?” After reading all the documents, Prime Minister Primo first passed them to Grand Duke Serrano before asking the question that concerned him most.

Since the plains in the Congo River Basin were discovered by the royal family’s expedition, the land would most likely belong to the royal family.

Since the land was to belong to the royal family, why should the government put in the effort? What Prime Minister Primo was really asking was what benefits the government would gain from the colonization effort.

“The land of the Congo River Basin shall be established as a royal domain, with the royal family as its sole master,” Carlo said with a smile upon hearing Primo’s question.

“But half of the profits generated from this land can be given to the government. A joint development of this land by the royal family and the government is the best outcome for us.”

Hearing that Carlo intended to make the land a royal domain, the expressions of several ministers instantly changed. Minister of Transportation Ruiz stood up and said, “Your Majesty, since we are establishing a colony, why not just establish it as a new Spanish colony?

The colony’s profits can still be split fifty-fifty with the royal family. After all, the government will undoubtedly be the main force in developing this colony. What do you think?”

Carlo smiled. He had known the government would have its own ideas about this land. However, thanks to the expedition, the royal family already had the first-mover advantage. It was basically impossible for the government to obtain sovereignty over this land, as it had no legitimate claim.

Unless the government wanted to seize it by force, it had no chance of getting sovereignty over this territory.

So the question was, would the Spanish government fall out with the royal family over this land?

“Minister Ruiz, please repeat what you just said.” Carlo’s calm gaze fell upon Ruiz. He had no particular fondness for this so-called radical reformist.

“Your Majesty, the government has jurisdiction over the lands of Spain. Moreover, the government will be the main force in developing the Congo River Basin. I believe that establishing a colony under government control is the best and most effective method of colonization.

The royal family can still receive a share of the profits from the Congo River Basin colony, which would serve as compensation for the royal family’s initial discovery of this land.” Hearing Carlo’s request, Ruiz was unfazed and repeated his opinion.

For Ruiz, as long as Prime Minister Primo did not express clear opposition, he had nothing to fear.

Furthermore, according to the Spanish constitution, the royal family did not have much influence over the Cabinet government. As a minister of the Cabinet government, Ruiz did not fear Carlo’s reprimand, unless Prime Minister Primo was completely subservient to Carlo.

Besides, Ruiz was a prominent figure within the Progressive Party. He was the party’s number two and the third most influential figure in Spanish politics, second only to Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano.

For Ruiz, the royal family should not interfere too much in the decisions of the Spanish government. Now that this land had been discovered, it should naturally be handed over to the Spanish government to manage.

To reward the royal family, half of the colony’s profits could be given to them. This was already a win-win situation.

Hearing Ruiz’s response, Carlo laughed and stated bluntly, “Minister Ruiz, may I ask if you can represent the Spanish government?

The expedition team that discovered the plains of the Congo River Basin has no connection to the government, and even less to do with you. With all due respect, you have no right to dispose of the land in the Congo River Basin, nor any right to make suggestions about it.

The purpose of my convening this meeting is to invite the government to jointly develop the lands of the Congo River Basin, not to listen to your self-righteous propositions.”

Since becoming the king of Spain, Carlo had indeed not interfered much in the decisions of the Spanish government. This was more out of respect for Prime Minister Primo and did not mean Carlo had no ambition for power, content to be a figurehead king.

Ruiz’s suggestion was effectively offering up his own face for Carlo to slap. Carlo had little goodwill for such a radical reformist.

This was because before joining the Progressive Party, this man had been a member of the Republican Party. Whether he genuinely accepted Spain’s monarchy or was forced to accept it because of Prime Minister Primo’s platform was a question worth pondering.

Faced with Ruiz’s challenge to royal authority, the best response was to make him recognize his place. Carlo did not believe Prime Minister Primo would completely offend the royal family for Ruiz’s sake, as that would be tantamount to digging up the very foundation of the kingdom’s government.

The kingdom’s government and the king were interdependent; challenging the king’s authority was equivalent to challenging the authority of the kingdom’s government.

Although Carlo did not know Ruiz’s motive for openly challenging royal authority in the meeting, he would not tolerate such self-destructive behavior.

“I agree with His Majesty’s view,” Minister of Industry Canovas stood up and stated his position. “Since the Congo River Basin was discovered by the royal family’s expedition, sovereignty should belong to the royal family.

However, it is very necessary for the government and the royal family to cooperate in its development. Such a vast territory is also a great asset for Spain.

If the government were to claim the Congo River Basin as its own, what would that make of the royal family? Don’t forget, Spain is a kingdom, and His Majesty the King is Spain’s ruler.”

“I also agree with His Majesty’s proposal,” Minister of Agriculture Jovellar followed on Canovas’s heels, standing up to say, “We should be discussing how to cooperatively develop the lands of the Congo River Basin, not fighting internally over sovereignty.

If we cannot even see this clearly, gentlemen, then how can Spain ever dream of becoming strong?”

The successive rebukes made Ruiz’s face flush with anger, and he turned to look at Prime Minister Primo.

Prime Minister Primo knew what Ruiz was thinking, but if they were to truly follow his idea, Spain would probably split apart.

“The government naturally respects the sovereignty of the royal family,” Prime Minister Primo concluded the matter, speaking slowly. “Cooperating with the royal family to develop the Congo River Basin is also a necessity. This matter is settled.”

Hearing Prime Minister Primo say this, Ruiz could only sit down, understanding that he had thoroughly lost this debate.

“Your Majesty, does anyone else know about the expedition’s activities?” After ending the argument, Prime Minister Primo turned his gaze to Carlo and asked his question.

The confidentiality of the expedition was crucial. If secrecy could not be maintained, other colonizers would likely be drawn to this land while Spain was in the process of colonizing it.

In a colonial race, Spain would not necessarily have an advantage. After all, Spain was not the only country interested in Africa. There were also the great powers like Britain and France.

“No one else knows for now,” Carlo said with a smile. “The expedition team is protected by an armed force, and they haven’t encountered any other teams along the way so far.

The expedition has already established more than twenty outposts. In terms of colonization, we already have a head start.”

Hearing that no one knew about the exploration of the Congo River Basin, Prime Minister Primo breathed a sigh of relief. If Spain could take the lead in colonizing the lands of the Congo River Basin, it wouldn’t have to worry about falling behind in the colonial race, even if established colonial powers like Britain and France later joined in.

“Regarding the development and colonization of the Congo River Basin, does anyone have any good suggestions?” Prime Minister Primo looked at the other members of the Cabinet and posed his question.

“Your Majesty, Mr. Prime Minister. According to this topographical map, the plains of the Congo River Basin are not far from our colony in Guinea.

If we can connect Guinea and the Congo River Basin plains with a railway, it will accelerate the establishment of our colony and promote the development of the plains.

At the same time, we should build a railway along the Congo River all the way to the coast and further consolidate control over the Kingdom of Kongo on the coast. The southern part of the Kingdom of Kongo is already controlled by Portugal. If we don’t act quickly, the Portuguese might learn about the plains of the Congo River Basin.

Although Portugal is a minor nuisance, if the news spreads through Portugal to the rest of Europe, it will create a greater burden for our colonization efforts.

Therefore, I suggest that the entire colonization effort be divided into two steps and proceed simultaneously. On one hand, we will deploy manpower from the Guinea colony to build a railway connecting the two territories. On the other, we will form a new force to control the coast west of the Congo River and bring all the land from north of the Congo River to Guinea under our control.

By doing so, we will build a vast, massive colony. It might not be impossible to create another Viceroyalty of New Spain.” Minister of Industry Canovas stood up and presented his proposal.

The most crucial step in establishing a colony was building railways to transport supplies and troops. This was actually the responsibility of the Department of Transportation, but due to Ruiz’s poor performance earlier, Canovas proposed the plan in its stead.

“Mm,” Prime Minister Primo nodded, showing his approval of the proposal.

This was more or less the way Spain used to colonize. If they were to rely purely on dispatching a new colonial team, it would take several months before colonization could actually begin.

But if they prepared supplies and gathered manpower from the Guinea colony at the same time, they could undoubtedly save some time.

Although Spain’s colony in Guinea was not large, it was a proper colony with a certain number of immigrants and stationed troops.

Even if some problems arose during the colonization, they could be resolved by the troops in Guinea. If they had to rely on transport from mainland Spain, the round trip would take too long and would very likely cause delays.

“How many troops do we have in Guinea?” Prime Minister Primo looked at the Minister of Defense, Serrano, asking about the garrison in the Guinea colony.

“After our military expansion, the garrison in the Guinea colony has been increased to one colonial garrison regiment. But if the Congo River Basin truly has such vast plains, one regiment is likely far from enough,” Grand Duke Serrano replied.

The colony in Guinea was just a small one established by Spain in the Guinea region. Its territory was limited to the nearby coast and was not large.

Previously, it had a garrison of only one thousand men. If not for the comprehensive expansion of the Spanish army, the garrison size would likely have remained at around one thousand.

Prime Minister Primo also nodded, clearly agreeing with Grand Duke Serrano’s opinion. “It seems it’s time to send reinforcements to Guinea, but we need a suitable excuse.”

Spain was not the only country with a colony near Guinea; Britain, France, and Portugal all had colonies there.

In particular, Portugal’s São Tomé and Príncipe was just across the sea from Spain’s Guinea colony. If Portugal learned that Spain was sending reinforcements to Guinea, it would certainly strengthen the guards on São Tomé and Príncipe and closely monitor Spain’s activities in its Guinea colony.

In that case, Spain’s large-scale railway construction from Guinea towards the Congo River Basin would definitely be discovered.

How could they send troops to Guinea without attracting the attention of the Portuguese, British, and French?

This question sparked a wide-ranging discussion among the cabinet ministers, but no one could come up with a good solution.

After all, sending troops to Guinea was news that couldn’t be hidden. The resupply of transport ships along the way and their docking at port would attract the attention of others.

Although the Guinea colony belonged to Spain, there were immigrants from other countries there as well. Portugal’s São Tomé and Príncipe could not sustain itself and had to purchase many supplies from the Guinea colony or even further away.

As soon as Spanish transport ships docked there, they would certainly attract Portuguese attention. Spain’s large-scale actions might even arouse concern from Britain and France. After all, in the current economic crisis, who could guarantee that Spain wouldn’t stir up trouble?

“Prime Minister Primo, I have a proposal,” Carlo said with a smile, seeing that the discussion had gone on for a long time without a solution.

“Since our transport ships will inevitably be spotted by others, why not play along?

We can dispatch the transport ships under the pretext of reinforcing the East Indies and have them dock at the Guinea colony for mid-journey resupply.

As long as our ships leave Guinea promptly, I believe it won’t arouse the suspicion of the Portuguese. The only thing is, our soldiers will have to endure some hardship.

When the ships dock to resupply, our soldiers cannot disembark directly. They will have to wait until late at night when no one is watching, then disembark in small groups and be moved elsewhere.”

Hearing Carlo’s proposal, the cabinet ministers first considered it, then realized that while it wasn’t a perfect plan, it was one of the better options available.

Transporting thousands of troops could not be hidden from everyone, which meant the docking of the transport ships would invariably attract the attention of other countries.

To deceive others, they could only gamble with this seemingly plausible method.

Prime Minister Primo pondered for a moment, then smiled and nodded. “That is a good proposal, Your Majesty. However, I think that before our transport fleet departs, we could let a little trouble brew in the East Indies to make our pretext for sending reinforcements more reasonable.

This way, neither the Portuguese, nor the British or French, will doubt our motives. As long as our soldiers successfully land in Guinea without anyone noticing, the troop transport plan will be a complete success.”

The plan, supplemented by Prime Minister Primo, became even more plausible, and the cabinet ministers began to voice their approval one by one.

After confirming that there were no objections, Prime Minister Primo nodded and made the final decision. “Minister Serrano, the plan to send reinforcements to the Guinea colony will be handled by the Ministry of Defense.

How many troops does the Ministry of Defense plan to send to Guinea?”

Grand Duke Serrano thought for a moment before giving his answer. “To avoid attracting attention while still being able to stabilize the situation in the Congo River Basin, I believe the reinforcements we send should be the size of one colonial garrison regiment.

An army of two thousand men is sufficient to deal with any resistance from the local natives. Even if challenged by British or French colonial troops, we will have enough strength to defeat them.”

For any country, an army of two thousand men could not be considered a small force. And for the local African natives, an army of two thousand was enough to crush them.

This was no joke. The technological level and mindset of the African natives were simply too backward for them to compete with European colonizers.

Even Morocco, which was relatively powerful among the African natives, had little room for resistance in the face of Spain’s colonial war, let alone these more scattered and backward African tribes.

Some tribes were still at the stage of eating raw meat and drinking rainwater. What means of resistance did such a tribe have against a modern army with steel guns and cannons? None, of course.

No one present seemed to have any objection to reinforcing with one colonial garrison regiment.

Seeing this, Prime Minister Primo nodded and said, “This colonial garrison regiment will be drawn from the colony of Southern Morocco. That will also conveniently demonstrate our ‘panic’.

Haha, I believe the Portuguese will be quite relieved when they learn of the trouble in the East Indies and that we are urgently dispatching troops from the Southern Morocco colony.

Also, to make the deception more convincing, our troop deployment to the East Indies cannot be just for show. It is time to unify the East Indies. As our largest colony by area at present, the East Indies cannot be allowed to fall behind.

This troop transport plan will involve two colonial garrison regiments. One will be hidden within the transport fleet, and the other will be openly displayed.

The overt regiment will follow the transport fleet directly to the East Indies. Their mission will be to completely end the rule of the Sultanate of Sulu and the Sultanate of Maguindanao, and thoroughly incorporate their lands into the colony of the East Indies.”

To make the deception as real as possible, the best way was to have a real war break out in the East Indies.

Spain’s colonial rule did not yet extend to the entirety of the East Indies.

In the southern part of the East Indies, there were still native powers like the Medan states and Maguindanao. And on the island of Kalimantan, across the sea from the East Indies, Spain had already infiltrated the Sultanate of Sulu.

However, due to Spain’s continual decline in the past and frequent domestic problems, the colonization of the Sultanate of Sulu had not been expedited.

This ultimately led to the Sultanate of Sulu, along with the Brunei Empire, the Kingdom of Sarawak, and other local native entities, being annexed by the British, becoming Britain’s colony of North Kalimantan.

The unspoken agreement among European nations regarding colonization was generally that whichever country arrived first and established a certain number of colonial outposts could claim a region as its colony.

For the most part, the nations abided by this understanding. However, for some particularly important colonies, competing nations would not yield and might even provoke a colonial war over the competition.

But war was not the only way to resolve disputes. Except for cases where a colony was too important or the colonial progress was truly neck and neck, the general rule was first come, first served.

This rule was generally not challenged, as the two great colonial empires, Britain and France, both adhered to it. To challenge such a rule was, in effect, to challenge the existing colonial system.

Under the existing colonial system, the Anglo-French and Anglo-Russian rivalries were quite intense. But why did World War I eventually evolve into Britain, France, and Russia versus Germany and Austria-Hungary? The reason was precisely that the Germans challenged the existing colonial system.

However, this couldn’t be helped. By the time Germany unified, the important colonies had already been carved up, leaving only the yet-to-be-deeply-explored Africa.

Unfortunately for Germany, it was located relatively far from Africa and had no colonial footholds. Although Britain was also far away, the British had long before established multiple colonial outposts, including massive colonies like the Cape Colony, i.e., South Africa, and were already firmly established in Africa.

At this point in time, both Portugal and Spain were ahead of Germany in the colonization of Africa, which was why the Germans ultimately did not acquire any fertile colonies.

Having gotten little to eat at the banquet, Germany could only flip the table, but the price was being ganged up on by the well-fed Britain and France.

Ultimately, it was because Germany’s geopolitical situation was too poor. Located in Central Europe, Germany was a battleground state. It is very difficult for a powerful nation to emerge from such a disadvantageous geographical position, especially when surrounded by great powers.

While geography is not the sole determinant of a nation’s strength, it can significantly influence it.

Why was the United States able to become powerful? A major reason was because its geographical location was far from Europe, allowing it to escape the continent’s chaotic wars.

It was precisely this characteristic that attracted a large number of European immigrants to the United States, and its population soon surpassed that of the European great powers.

Prolonged peace allowed for rapid industrial and economic development in the United States, which was why it ultimately rose to become the world’s most powerful nation.

If the same United States were placed in Europe, it would have had no chance of becoming a world hegemon. The biggest reason for America’s strength was that the European powers were preoccupied with their civil wars, allowing the nouveau riche United States to ultimately pick up the prize.

Most of America’s talent and technology came from Europe. The talented individuals who fled the wars to America ultimately made the nation strong.

If Germany were placed in America’s geographical location, it might have done even better than America. But Germany was stuck in such a battleground state, which, to some extent, sealed its ultimate fate.

The plan to colonize the Congo River Basin was quickly settled, and the meeting concluded smoothly.

For Carlo, the most important thing was ensuring that the Congo River Basin would ultimately belong to the royal family.

Although half the profits had to be shared with the government, the royal family would not be at a loss. After all, the government had to pay to develop the land and deploy troops to protect its sovereignty. The royal family just had to sit back and wait for the dividends.

However, no one could question the legitimacy of the royal family’s sovereignty over this land. After all, the land was discovered by the royal family’s expedition team; that was the source of the royal family’s claim.

If the Spanish government itself did not recognize this sovereignty, other countries certainly would not either. In that case, it would no longer be a dispute between the Spanish government and the royal family, but a colonial competition between Spain and other nations.

Prime Minister Primo understood this point, which was why he affirmed Carlo’s proposal. In fact, there was little difference between it being a royal domain or a government colony, since the income generated from the land would be split fifty-fifty between the government and the royal family.

The only difference was that the royal family’s position became more stable. After all, once the land in the Congo River Basin was established as a royal domain, the sovereignty belonged to the royal family.

If the House of Savoy were ever driven out of Spain, the land in the Congo River Basin would no longer have any connection to the Spanish government.

Carlo’s move was also a message to the cabinet ministers: the Spanish royal family and the government now shared the same fate; they would rise and fall together.

With the specific plan confirmed, the Ministry of Defense entered a tense period of preparation.

After all, it involved mobilizing more than four thousand people, and they also had to create a plausible reason for Portugal, Britain, and France to believe it. Every step of the operation had to be sound.

Because it took some time for news from the East Indies to reach Spain, the troop reinforcement operation could not be carried out for at least another month.

This time was perfect for mobilizing troops, preparing the transport fleet, and so on. As soon as news of a rebellion in the East Indies reached mainland Spain, the government could use it as a pretext to urgently mobilize troops and reinforce the East Indies.

About two and a half weeks later, Menotti, the commander of the Spanish African Expedition, finally returned from the Guinea colony.

The long journey time was not due to the travel itself, but was spent arranging the expedition’s next steps and consolidating specific data.

Although Menotti had returned from Africa, Anthony still had to lead the expedition team back and forth between Guinea and the Congo River Basin, establishing more outposts and strengthening ties with the local natives.

This was not only to create better conditions for Spain’s colonization of the region but also to secure their own merits and ensure that no accidents occurred.

If a large number of established outposts were destroyed due to the expedition’s negligence, even if Menotti’s and Anthony’s merits were not reduced, it would still be a loss of face.

Moreover, if an accident really did happen and delayed Spain’s colonization progress, their merits would likely be greatly diminished.

Before returning to Spain, Menotti made sure to arrange the expedition’s subsequent actions in meticulous detail, and Anthony repeatedly assured him that he would carry them out one by one.

After all, this concerned their merits and the concluding work of the expedition. They had already toiled for nearly four years; they did not mind the remaining few months.

Chapter 165: Military Intelligence Bureau, Research and Development Cooperation

In early June 1874, expedition commander Menotti stepped ashore at a Spanish port, filled with a great deal of emotion.

Although he was Italian, after nearly four years exploring Africa, he deeply missed his residence in Spain.

After arriving in Madrid by train, Menotti had little time to return to his own house, nor did he have time to catch up with his younger brother, Ricciotti.

He went straight to the Royal Palace of Madrid to report to Carlo on the gains and various discoveries from his four-year expedition.

Seeing Menotti again after four years, Carlo was quite pleased. “Menotti, welcome back to Spain. Your expedition over these years has been arduous. I will not forget your contributions; you and Anthony are both heroes in the discovery of this new land.”

“Thank you, Your Majesty.” Menotti nodded respectfully and reported everything he had seen, heard, and obtained over the past four years, presenting his expedition data, more detailed topographical maps, and journals to Carlo.

The materials personally transported by Menotti were naturally more detailed and accurate. This was unavoidable; after all, only by delivering them directly into Carlo’s hands could he ensure the information would not be leaked on its way back to Spain.

Although the previous reports were also correct, certain parts had been deliberately blurred to ensure they weren’t entirely precise. This was done so that if other countries and factions discovered the information, it would delay them for a longer period.

“Your Majesty, while traveling upstream along the Congo River, we discovered many mineral deposits. However, to avoid arousing suspicion and hostility from the local native tribes, we did not conduct detailed surveys.

“But we can confirm that the Congo River Basin possesses relatively rich mineral resources. We discovered a number of copper and iron mines, and there may even be diamond mines,” Menotti continued his report.

The exploration of Africa was certainly not just about confirming whether the Congo River Basin had fertile land; it was also to determine if the region possessed abundant mineral resources.

Based on the results of the exploration so far, the Congo River Basin definitely possessed relatively rich mineral resources. Although it was still uncertain whether there were more precious minerals like gold or silver, the value of copper and iron was also quite high.

Carlo nodded. Although he knew just how abundant the mineral resources of the Congo River Basin were, he obviously couldn’t say so.

The fact that Menotti was able to learn about the Congo River Basin’s mineral resources proved that he had done substantive work during his expedition, not just completing the mission’s objective while ignoring its purpose.

Looking at the clearly thinner Menotti, Carlo stepped forward, patted his shoulder, and said with a smile, “Alright, the matter of the Congo River Basin has been handed over to the government. Colonial development will begin soon.

“Your most important task now is to rest well and enjoy life a little. Those four years in Africa must have been difficult, right? Rest assured, once the colonial development of the Congo River Basin is on track, I will commend the contributions of you and all the expedition members one by one.

“You deserve the highest credit this time. I have already decided to grant you the title of Count. The expedition is over. What are your plans for your future work?”

Menotti was Garibaldi’s eldest son. His willingness to come to Spain with Carlo was a clear sign of his die-hard loyalty.

Carlo already felt guilty enough for sending Menotti to explore Africa. With the expedition successfully completed, it was time to put Menotti in a position of importance and recognize his contributions.

Hearing the news that he was to be granted the title of Count, Menotti wore a respectful smile but showed no sign of false modesty.

He knew how great his contribution from this expedition was; excessive modesty would be unnecessary. More importantly, his status was that of Carlo’s loyalist; it would be strange if he wasn’t heavily utilized and richly rewarded.

But when it came to his future plans, Menotti didn’t have many. In his four-plus years in Africa, Spain had undergone significant changes. He was not yet familiar with the current situation in Spain, so naturally, he didn’t know which department he should go to or what position he should hold.

“Your Majesty, I have not yet considered my future plans. If Your Majesty has instructions, I am willing to go to any position, as long as I can serve Your Majesty loyally,” Menotti said with an air of indifference.

Having successfully completed a task as dangerous as the African expedition, Menotti truly had nothing to worry about concerning other positions.

One must understand that exploring Africa in this era was fraught with peril. The danger was not just the native tribes in the African interior, but also the unknown diseases and viruses within Africa’s primeval forests.

The biggest reason why the colonial development of the European great powers in Africa was still confined to the coast was because of the various terrifying diseases in the interior’s primeval forests.

This expedition had to venture deep into the Congo River Basin, facing unknown native tribes and unknown diseases. Menotti’s ability to discover the plains of the Congo River Basin was not only due to his competence but also a great deal of luck, because those with less luck had long since died without a grave along the expedition route.

Hearing Menotti’s words, Carlo nodded with a smile, having made his decision. “Since you have no plans, then take up a post at the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau.

“For now, you will serve as the Deputy Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau. As for your work, I have other plans for you in the future. I have only one requirement of you: during your tenure at the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, learn its intelligence gathering capabilities, and familiarize yourself with and master its various departments as much as possible.”

Although the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau was not a conventional organization, it held an irreplaceable position in Carlo’s mind.

Appointing Menotti as Deputy Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau was not to groom him to replace Kadir, but for him to familiarize himself with the Bureau’s specific work processes before branching off to create a new intelligence agency.

Yes, Carlo had plans to establish a new intelligence agency.

It wasn’t that Carlo distrusted the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau or Kadir. Kadir’s competence and loyalty were guaranteed, and Carlo was quite confident in the Bureau under his leadership.

But there couldn’t be only one such important intelligence agency. That would make the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau excessively bloated and could also lead to intelligence errors and arbitrary actions.

Although such problems weren’t occurring now, who could guarantee that the Bureau’s director would still be reliably loyal to the royal family decades later?

Establishing another intelligence agency would allow the two to supervise each other and serve a complementary role.

Carlo had already thought of a name for the other intelligence agency: the Spanish Military Intelligence Bureau. Its primary area of responsibility would be simple: foreign military intelligence, dispatching spies abroad, and capturing spies domestically.

Once the Military Intelligence Bureau was established, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau’s organizations related to military intelligence could be transferred over.

The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau would then be responsible for comprehensive domestic and foreign intelligence gathering, oversight and review of officials and senators, surveillance of the nobility and parliament, and so on.

Hearing Carlo’s appointment, Menotti nodded without the slightest hesitation and said respectfully, “As you command, Your Majesty.”

A few days later, news of a rebellion in the Philippines colony quickly reached Spain. Because the specific operation was top-secret intelligence, many people were completely unprepared for the rebellion in the Philippines.

With Prime Minister Primo and Carlo’s tacit permission, a certain degree of panic even formed within Spain. Senators demanded that the government swiftly dispatch troops to suppress the rebellion in the Philippines.

Why the panic? Of course, it was the fear that the Philippines would escalate into a large-scale rebellion like the one in Cuba.

It had taken more than half a year to suppress the rebellion in Cuba, and it had caused unimaginable economic losses to the colony. Although the economic value of the Philippines was not as great as Cuba’s, it was still Spain’s largest existing colony and was of great importance.

After the news of the rebellion in the Philippines was allowed to circulate for a while, the Spanish government officially issued an order to urgently dispatch a colonial garrison regiment from the colony of Southern Morocco to the Philippines to suppress the rebellion and stabilize the situation.

The Spanish government did not hide the news of the rebellion in the Philippines. As Spain’s neighbor, the Portuguese government naturally also learned of it.

Upon hearing this news, the Portuguese government was actually relieved. At least they could be sure that for a short time, the Spanish government’s attention would be on the Philippines, not Portugal.

After loading several thousand soldiers, the Spanish transport fleet sailed south along the African coast, openly and in grand fashion.

In fact, there was a shortcut from Spain to the Philippines: crossing the Mediterranean and the Suez Canal to reach the Indian Ocean directly, then passing through the Strait of Malacca to reach the Philippines.

But such a route would obviously not pass through Guinea, so it was discarded from the beginning.

To make the choice of route seem reasonable, the troops from the colony of Southern Morocco were set to land at the port of Ifni.

This location was already close to Spain’s Canary Islands, so continuing to sail south did not seem abrupt. After all, they were already in the Atlantic Ocean, a great distance from the Mediterranean.

The army had set out, but the colonial development of the Congo River Basin was just beginning. Whether it was building railways or constructing more and larger colonial strongholds, Guinea was needed as a transit point.

This meant Spain had to increase its development efforts in Guinea to avoid arousing the suspicion of others.

The Spanish government also placed great importance on the land in the Congo River Basin. This was because this land was not far from Spain, much closer than the Philippines.

As long as sovereignty over such land could be successfully obtained, future control would also be much smoother. Although there were many natives on this land, Spain’s colonial policy would not pay them any mind.

Places like Cuba, Argentina, and Chile once had large native populations. But look at these countries and regions now; the majority of the population is either Spanish or of mixed Spanish descent. The local native population is very small, or has even disappeared entirely.

This policy was also the colonial policy of other European countries; it was the policy of the entire colonial era.

Why wasn’t Carlo worried about the possibility of Spain’s demographics being dominated by Black people as a result of colonizing Africa? Because such a possibility was virtually nonexistent.

The reason the United States and France experienced such demographic shifts was that they became overly reliant on Black labor and allowed this Black labor force to become one of the main populations within their own countries.

When the Black population grew, it would naturally gather to fight for more rights. As long as this could be avoided, Spain could ensure it would not face the same demographic fate.

How to do it? Naturally, by permanently confining this Black population to the colonies. Kill those who needed to be killed, exploit those who needed to be exploited, and reduce the reproduction of the Black population.

Those who couldn’t be dealt with would be driven out of the colony, leaving other colonial powers to worry about them. But in mainland Spain and regions like Morocco, which were to be integrated in the future, Black people were strictly forbidden.

Kill any who arrive, deal with any who sneak in—the method was that simple.

Carlo was quite fortunate to be reborn in this era, rather than forty years later during World War I. If he had been reborn in the World War I era forty years later, it probably wouldn’t have been so easy to carry out large-scale massacres and transfers of these Black populations.

Because by then, the European great powers would have cleaned up their own acts. They would in turn question and condemn countries that mistreated natives.

But in reality, the massacres of natives they themselves had caused were even more brutal. The Indians on the American continent were the most obvious example, but both Americans and Europeans would cover up this example and vehemently claim to be civilized nations.

Although the Spanish government was the main force in colonizing the Congo River Basin, Carlo certainly couldn’t rely solely on the government’s power.

After all, a royal domain would be established on this land in the future. If the royal family did not contribute much, how could it control this land in the future?

At the same time as the colonial garrison regiment set out for Guinea, Carlo also gave an order to Steward Loren: command the royal family’s enterprises to invest in building a railway in the Congo River Basin and to form a mining company in partnership with the government to develop the mineral resources there.

The benefit of colonizing a new land was that the mineral resources on that land could be developed at will. The opinions of the natives were completely unimportant. Any natives who dared to resist could just be killed. They could even make an example out of a few native tribes by annihilating them to ensure the natives wouldn’t cause trouble during the mining process.

But if they were to jointly develop mineral resources within the sphere of influence of other countries, there would be many more problems and troubles.

First, the extraction of mineral resources would not be so arbitrary; they would even have to consider the opinions of the local populace.

Of course, the mining company established by the royal family also needed a suitable name to enter Africa. Carlo had already thought of a name for this soon-to-be-established mining company: the African United Mining Company. Its business would be to explore and excavate mineral resources within Africa.

Of course, since it was a Spanish company, it was reasonable for its main exploration area to be located in Spain’s colonies.

The good news for now was that this land in the Congo River Basin had not yet attracted the attention of other countries. Although Portugal had colonies nearby, their colonies were on the coast of the Kingdom of Kongo, which was already south of the Congo River.

Moreover, Portugal was not a major threat to Spain. If Portugal were to engage in colonial competition with Spain over the Congo River Basin, it was believed the British would not object too strongly.

After all, having the Portuguese tie down the Spanish was a good thing; it would ensure that Spain wouldn’t set its sights on Gibraltar.

Although the British weren’t particularly afraid of Spain, considering the importance of Gibraltar, it was better to give Spain something to do.

As for how valuable the land in the Congo River Basin was, the British didn’t really care. Britain’s colonies already spanned the globe; could the land in the Congo River Basin be more important than India?

Besides, Britain was not without its own colonial layout on the African continent. Moreover, the British were more focused on the vertical link from Egypt to South Africa. Whether the Congo River Basin was on such a vertical axis, and what the situation was like in the interior of the African continent, were all questions worth pondering.

Besides the start of colonization of the Congo River Basin plains, there was another piece of major good news for Carlo: the private British shipyard he had been eyeing had successfully completed its acquisition. The first batch of dismantled equipment, important production materials, and ship design blueprints were already in transit.

This shipyard might not be much to the British, only considered a relatively large one among private shipyards, but it wasn’t exceedingly so.

However, for Spain, acquiring such a large shipyard was very beneficial. Since it was purchased by the royal family, this shipyard would ultimately be absorbed by the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

After the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard received this equipment and related materials, its shipbuilding foundation would be greatly strengthened.

At the same time, it could absorb some of the British’s advanced understanding and experience in shipbuilding. Although Spain’s history in the shipbuilding industry was not bad, it was undeniable that Britain was currently the world’s most powerful naval nation, and its shipbuilding industry was the strongest.

Absorbing British experience in shipbuilding had no downsides and could even allow Spain to make some progress.

Before the economic crisis, this private British shipyard was valued at as much as 1.5 million pounds, but the royal family only spent 11 million pesetas to purchase it, even lower than the expected 13 million pesetas.

11 million pesetas was worth only about 420,000 pounds, roughly a quarter of the shipyard’s original value.

This demonstrated the brutality the economic crisis brought upon these private enterprises. A large company built through hard work could very well be left with nothing in an economic crisis.

Selling the shipyard for 420,000 pounds was already quite good. Many companies, unable to withstand the economic pressure, could only be resold at a low price, sometimes for a tenth or even a few-hundredths of their value.

The money from the sale still had to be used to repay the massive debts caused by the economic crisis. In truth, it was no exaggeration to say they lost everything.

Speaking of the development of industrial technology, it was actually very difficult for Spain to catch up with the great powers, or rather, to close the gap, by relying on its own strength alone.

Because of this, Carlo had long found a partner for Spain: Italy, a country with which it shared the same royal family.

Although Italy was also considered a great power, its overall strength was not much different from Spain’s. In some aspects, Spain’s foundation and technological level were even stronger than Italy’s; after all, it was once an empire on which the sun never set.

As a recently independent country, Italy also had no colonies. Moreover, Italy was located in the Mediterranean, and its access to the outside world was restricted by other countries.

Under such circumstances, Italy could not grow stronger on its own. A union between Spain and Italy was possible, not only because the royal families of the two countries were the same, but also because both Spain and Italy shared a rival: France.

For Italy, the regions that were close to its mainland and held promise as colonies were Tunisia and Libya.

But the French were also eyeing this region. It would not be easy for Italy to get Tunisia; in fact, the probability was very low.

Although Spain was not involved in the colonization of the Tunisia region, the French also had a presence in the colonization of the Morocco region.

For Spain to colonize Morocco, in addition to facing British opposition, the opinion of the French was also a very important factor.

Under these circumstances, Italy and Spain did indeed have the potential to grow closer. The combined scientific research capabilities of the two countries might just barely be comparable to those of the great powers.

It was precisely for this reason that, in Carlo’s plan, certain areas of scientific research were to be conducted in cooperation with Italy, so that they could advance hand in hand.

Of course, even in cooperation with Italy, research collaboration in certain areas certainly could not be seamless.

However, as long as the combined scientific research capabilities of the two countries could be used to catch up with the great powers, Carlo’s original goal would be met.

The cooperation with Italy was destined to be short-term. Once the joint research projects had made some progress, it might be time for the cooperation to end.

However, the premise for ending the cooperation was that it had to yield some results. As long as there were some research achievements, this collaboration would not be a loss for either Italy or Spain.

Prime Minister Primo also strongly approved of cooperation with Italy. If Spain wanted to achieve its goal of becoming powerful, it had to unite with all friends it could rally.

At least for now, Italy was still a friend of Spain, so it was naturally within the scope of Spain’s outreach.

After Carlo and Prime Minister Primo set the tone, Spain’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and some companies quickly took action, heading to Italy and other countries to seek friendly cooperation.

Close cooperation at the national level was unlikely, but there was great hope for friendly cooperation between private enterprises.

Besides Italy as the main target for cooperation, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Portugal, the Netherlands, and Belgium, among other smaller countries, were also on the list.

The scientific research capabilities of these smaller countries were certainly not comparable to Spain’s or the great powers’, but their combined capabilities were quite excellent.

If the scientific research capabilities of these countries could be utilized to help Spain’s research in certain industries, then such actions would not be in vain.

Under the coordination of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Spanish companies went abroad one after another, seeking partners for cooperation among European countries.

Such cooperation would certainly not involve some of the more important industries and research directions, but cooperation was possible in more common areas, such as steel smelting, petroleum exploration, and so on.

Of course, not all collaborations with these countries and their companies would succeed; in fact, more than half would fail.

But it didn’t matter. As long as a portion succeeded, it would prove that such actions were not in vain. Moreover, research in these fields was not just about change in a single area; it could potentially trigger a qualitative transformation of an entire industry.

Both the Spanish government and various private companies attached great importance to such cooperation. Even the governments of other countries, including Italy, were happy to see it.

Both parties in a joint research project held patent rights, which took into account the interests of both sides, and this was why other countries were willing to cooperate.

If not for the impact of the economic crisis, perhaps such cooperation could have yielded even better results. But it was precisely the economic crisis that kept the attention of other great powers off Spain, so Spain’s high-profile cooperation with companies from other countries did not attract much attention.

The discovery of the land in the Congo River Basin brought great pressure on the Spanish government. Of course, it was not pressure from colonial competition.

On the land of the Congo River Basin, the only Europeans to have set foot there so far were Spaniards, which was something to be affirmed and reassured about.

The reason the Spanish government felt pressure was that it had to manage the development of the colonies while simultaneously completing the original Five-Year Development Plan.

The Department of Transportation, in particular, was not only responsible for building railways within Spain but also for building railways in the Congo River Basin.

The domestic railways were crucial to the successful completion of the Five-Year Development Plan, and the railways in the Congo River Basin were crucial to the successful development of the colony. Neither could be delayed.

The same was true for the Ministry of Industry. Although it wasn’t necessary to build any large factories in the colony, the mining and transportation of minerals still required the Ministry of Industry’s involvement.

As for the Ministry of Agriculture, it went without saying. The plains of the Congo River Basin spanned hundreds of thousands of square kilometers. If all this land was fertile and suitable for farming, it would be a huge boost to Spain’s agriculture.

Moreover, Africa had a large number of natives who could be used as labor. Forcing these African natives to work on plantations and farms built by Spain would not only ensure crop production but also reduce labor costs.

Thinking about it carefully, wasn’t this another Americas? Although the area of this Americas was small, for now, only Spain was partitioning it.

If they could completely occupy this land, the boost it would give Spain would be no less than discovering the New World. Spain could, through its reforms and the discovery of this “New Americas,” once again become a powerful great power, leaping off the great chessboard of Europe to become a player, not a pawn.

Yes, the current European continent was like a giant chessboard. The players were only Britain, France, Germany, Austria, and Russia. Even Italy had not yet shed its status as a pawn.

The remaining secondary powers and small and medium-sized countries were all pawns, their interests entirely at the whim of the players.

Whether Spain was powerful or not depended on whether it was a player. And the sign of whether Spain was a player was whether it could take back Gibraltar, showing the other players Spain’s strength.

About half a month passed, and news finally came from Guinea that the army had successfully landed. This let both the Spanish government and Carlo breathe a sigh of relief, as it meant the current plan was very successful, and the colonial development of the Congo River Basin was about to get on track.

Before developing the Congo River Basin colony, Carlo had already chosen the candidate for the future Governor-General of this land.

Manuel Macías y Casado, a young officer under thirty years of age.

There were many reasons for choosing Manuel. First, Manuel was a pure-blooded Spaniard. Carlo currently needed to place Spaniards in important positions to show his trust in them.

Second, Manuel came from a family of officers and had entered the army at seventeen. His military capabilities were quite outstanding.

His father was a staunch member of the Conservative Party and was once a local senator in Madrid. Ever since Carlo became king of Spain, Manuel’s father had repeatedly made statements supporting the monarchy and Carlo, and had entered Carlo’s watch list.

However, Manuel’s father was nearly sixty and his abilities were not particularly outstanding. His highest position was that of a regional senator in Madrid, and he had retired from the army with the rank of major.

Fortunately, he had taken his son’s upbringing very seriously. Manuel followed in his father’s footsteps, entering the army at seventeen. At only twenty-nine, he had already surpassed his father’s highest rank and was now a lieutenant colonel in the Spanish Army.

Carlo had the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau investigate Manuel several times. During the suppression of the rebellion in Cuba, Manuel had also earned considerable merit and fought with great courage.

After returning to Spain, he was very supportive of the army’s reforms and successfully became one of the regimental commanders of the garrison in the colony of Southern Morocco.

After the plan to colonize the land of the Congo River Basin was established, Manuel was recommended by Carlo to be the head of the garrison forces there.

The regiment he led had already set out with the transport fleet and had successfully arrived at the Guinea colony. They were now preparing to enter the upper Congo River without attracting the attention of the Portuguese.

Prime Minister Primo naturally would not object to Manuel, who was recommended by Carlo. After all, since this land was already designated to become a royal domain, the government had no right to object.

Prime Minister Primo was self-aware enough to know this, and he was unwilling to clash with Carlo over such matters. After all, Spain’s reforms were on the verge of success. If they were to be abandoned halfway due to some accident, Prime Minister Primo’s years of hard work would have been for nothing.

The scene shifts to the Spanish colony of Guinea, where Manuel had just landed with his troops.

Although Manuel was not yet thirty, his military career had already spanned more than twelve years, making him an experienced commander.

His rank of lieutenant colonel was not earned through seniority, but through military merit gained in one battle after another.

A lieutenant colonel was not considered a high-ranking officer in Spain, but a twenty-nine-year-old lieutenant colonel was a rare sight.

Manuel still had a long future ahead to accumulate seniority and earn merit. As long as he made no major mistakes in his military career and it progressed smoothly, becoming a general in the future would not be difficult.

The rank of general was considered a high-ranking officer in any country, and Spain was no exception.

Manuel came from an ordinary officer’s family. To have achieved so much was already quite impressive; he was definitely among the elite of Spain’s ten-million-plus commoners.

After setting foot on African soil, Manuel understood the difficulty of his mission.

The garrison regiment he led had to enter the upper reaches of the Congo River Basin under absolute secrecy, protect the Spanish colonial stronghold established there, and assist the subsequent arriving teams in building railways, maintaining order, and so on.

At the very least, they had to wait until Spain’s colonial strongholds in the region had reached a certain scale before the Spanish army could be exposed to the eyes of other countries.

Their enemies were not only the local African native tribes but also the armies of other countries’ colonies nearby. Even the local African viruses and poisonous insects were their enemies; a moment of carelessness could mean death in Africa.

Before coming to Guinea, Manuel had already arranged for sufficient medicine to be brought, including quinine for treating malaria.

The primeval forests of Africa were rife with countless types of malaria. It wasn’t until the discovery of quinine in 1820 that Europeans were able to escape the scourge of African malaria.

Of course, compared to the more mature medical systems of later generations, the drugs for treating malaria in this era were still relatively simple and inefficient.

Quinine was indeed discovered in 1820, but this substance extracted from cinchona bark, while effective in treating African malaria, also had significant side effects.

It was even possible for a malaria patient not to be killed by the disease, but by the side effects of quinine.

But in any case, quinine was currently the only and most effective means of treating African malaria, and it was one of the essential drugs for expedition teams and other colonists before entering Africa.

The good news was that although the amount of quinine Manuel carried was limited, they could be resupplied through the Guinea colony.

As a colony located in Africa, it was normal for the Guinea colony to have a supply of quinine. It was also normal for Spain to transport quinine to Guinea, which provided a certain degree of medical security for this army that was about to venture deep into the upper Congo River.

After landing in Guinea, Manuel led his troops eastward. In a few days, they reached the sphere of influence of the Baka people in the east.

This area was far from the Portuguese and British colonies, so they didn’t have to worry about being discovered by other colonists. The downside, however, was that they were deep within the African continent, and Manuel and his soldiers were facing an unknown environment and enemies.

According to the topographical map provided by the expedition team, south of the Baka people’s sphere of influence was the settlement of the Bantu people.

And the vast plain discovered by the expedition team was located within the Bantu people’s sphere of influence.

The army certainly couldn’t all go to the upper Congo River Basin. A force of over two thousand men was a logistical headache for Manuel.

After careful consideration, Manuel decided to station the army’s main camp on the border between the Guinea colony and the Baka people’s territory, which would also make it easier for the army to get supplies from Guinea.

A smaller force would go deep into the heart of the Baka territory and be stationed at the junction of the Baka and Bantu people. South of there was the upper Congo River Basin, not far from the plain.

Only after the colonial development of that area was well underway would the army consider stationing troops on the plain itself.

After all, if logistical support for the army could not be guaranteed, stationing the army there would instead become a burden.

The reason the exploration team was able to last for four years was by burning, killing, and looting the local natives. Coupled with the small size of the expedition team, this ensured their logistical supply.

The army was several times the size of the expedition team, so it was naturally impossible to use the same method. Even if food could be obtained through robbery, the supply of weapons and ammunition would always be a problem.

Before a complete supply system and supply line were established, it was best for the main force to remain near the Guinea colony to ensure the safety of supplies.

Although the garrison regiment’s main camp was chosen to be close to Guinea, Manuel himself did not intend to stay near the colony.

Although heading east into the Baka people’s sphere of influence would be more dangerous, it was also his responsibility as the army’s commander.

Moreover, greater danger also meant greater opportunity. Manuel’s mission was to protect the newly established colonial strongholds in the upper Congo River Basin, assist the expedition team in maintaining local order, and establish broad connections with more local native tribes.

Although subsequent colonial development would certainly involve exploiting these natives, it was not necessary to wipe them all out in one fell swoop during the initial establishment of colonial strongholds.

The most important thing right now was to widely establish colonial strongholds and, based on these strongholds, declare the establishment of the entire Congo River Basin colony.

Before this step was completed, Spain would not consider a large-scale massacre of the local natives. After all, these newly established colonial strongholds still needed to conduct some trade with the local native tribes to solve their supply problems.

Although the local tribes were technologically and culturally backward, their hunting skills were quite formidable. The trading posts could purchase the game hunted by these tribes, which was also a source of food.

If they really couldn’t buy any, only then would they consider forcibly seizing it from nearby native tribes. After all, the safety of these natives was certainly not more important than the safety of the Spaniards in the colonial strongholds. Besides, there were many natives on this land; simply put, they couldn’t all be killed.

The government’s actions were swift. Just a few days after Manuel and his army landed in the Guinea colony, the first team sent by the government had already arrived.

The mission of this team was to expand the population of the Congo River Basin stronghold and, at the same time, find a way to build a simple railway connecting the two regions of Guinea and the Congo River Basin.

Only by connecting these two regions could the logistical supply problem of the Congo River Basin stronghold be completely solved. And only by solving this problem could the army be stationed on this land with peace of mind, protecting these Spaniards for the next step of colonial development.

To get rich, you must first build a road. this was an eternal truth in any region, even in colonization.

As for whether the railway passing through the Baka people’s territory would cause their opposition, no one cared.

If the Baka people opposed it, at worst, this land would become ownerless land. As for the Baka people who lived on this land, the ground beneath was actually more suitable for their eternal rest.

Chapter 166: The Prototype Automobile

The economic crisis that erupted in 1873 was certainly the longest in human history.

But in reality, this economic crisis was divided into two phases. The first phase, from 1873 to 1874, primarily affected the United States and Germany—the two great powers that had risen rapidly during the Second Industrial Revolution.

The second phase lasted from 1876 to 1878, and the main country affected was Britain.

From this, it was clear that the countries most severely impacted in the early stages of the economic crisis were those that had undergone rapid development recently. Established great powers like Britain and France were not as severely affected, or rather, the real economic crisis had not yet arrived for them.

For this very reason, in the latter half of 1874, the economies of European countries had begun to recover. Although many enterprises still faced the threat of bankruptcy, at least some important factories had resumed production, and social order had stabilized.

Spain’s Ministry of Industry was somewhat disappointed. With the gradual economic recovery of various nations, it was no longer easy to purchase those enterprises at low prices.

Fortunately, Spain had already spent more than half of its planned 300 million peseta procurement fund. The more important factories had already been acquired, and even their production line equipment had been completely dismantled and transported to Spain.

“How are we handling the factories that have already been purchased?” Carlo turned his gaze to the respectful Minister of Industry, Canovas, asking the question that concerned him most.

Purchasing these factories was just the first step. The second step for the Ministry of Industry was to absorb all their production equipment and skilled workers.

“Currently, the production equipment of most of the enterprises has been dismantled. The first batch has been delivered to the country, and the second batch is on its way.

However, some of the workers from these factories are unwilling to come to Spain, even though we have offered them better conditions,” reported Minister of Industry Canovas.

Despite Spain’s fervent efforts to attract talent, there were actually many Europeans who were unwilling to immigrate to Spain.

Even if they were desperate and wanted to immigrate, most people would choose the United States, with its vast lands and greater opportunities.

The turmoil in Spain had not ended long ago, and Europeans were still shaken by the memory of it. After all, most people prefer to live in a peaceful and stable environment, not in a chaotic region where protests and rebellions could erupt at any moment.

“Let those who are unwilling to come be. Even if they came, they wouldn’t identify with Spain.” Carlo was not concerned about the workers who were unwilling to immigrate, because even if these people came, they would not feel a sense of belonging to Spain: ”

For those who are willing to come to Spain, we can provide them with more assistance to help them integrate into the Spanish environment more quickly.

Additionally, the Ministry of Industry can collaborate with the Church to set up Spanish language classes to help these immigrants master Spanish quickly.”

The Church had some expertise in spreading religion and language. They had a lot of experience with language schools, which could be utilized.

Although he had previously swindled a lot of land from the Church, in Carlo’s mind, the Spanish Church was not his enemy.

If he could control the Church, the power of religion could provide Carlo with a great deal of help and serve as a powerful weapon in his hands.

Although the influence of religion on secular affairs was continuously declining, this did not mean that religion was unpopular worldwide.

Even in later generations, a large number of people still believed in religion and the existence of God.

If he could firmly control the Spanish Catholic Church, he could use the propagation of Catholic doctrine to gain a new weapon of public opinion, different from newspaper companies.

And Spain was a Catholic country, so the Catholic Church could easily influence a large number of Spanish Catholic devotees.

For now, Archbishop Pedro seemed very clever. Carlo had created the title of Archbishop of Spain specifically for him, and he had accepted it very willingly, becoming Spain’s first Archbishop.

“I understand, Your Majesty.” Minister Canovas nodded, indicating that he understood.

“The Ministry of Industry should hurry with the final round of acquisitions. Barring any surprises, I’m afraid our opportunities to buy will soon run out.

Also, do your best to relocate the purchased enterprises to our country. Once the economies of other nations recover, moving these companies will become very difficult.

As long as we can fully absorb and utilize these enterprises, I am confident that the Ministry of Industry can complete the requirements of the Five-Year Development Plan ahead of schedule,” Carlo said with a smile.

Because of this economic crisis, the Ministry of Industry’s task was actually relatively easy. Having spent a great deal of resources to purchase foreign enterprises, they could quickly meet the requirements of the Five-Year Development Plan by absorbing them.

This was because the requirements of the Five-Year Development Plan were to expand the scale of various industrial sectors, strengthen Spain’s industrial capacity, and so on.

It was no exaggeration to say that as long as all the purchased enterprises were relocated to Spain and their production capacity was restored, the Spanish Ministry of Industry would almost be able to meet the plan’s requirements.

Although the Ministry of Industry had only spent a budget of 300 million pesetas on these acquisitions, the actual value of these factories and enterprises was at least several times that amount.

The production scale of these factories and enterprises alone was nearly equal to Spain’s entire existing industrial scale. As long as the Ministry of Industry could successfully absorb them, it would not be difficult for it to become the most dazzling department in this Five-Year Plan.

Minister Canovas nodded again. He did not consider the Ministry of Industry’s easy task to be his own accomplishment.

The work of the Ministry of Industry had already been defined by the previous Cabinet government. Carlo had promoted Minister Canovas to Minister of Industry in the second Cabinet government essentially to let him coast and claim the credit.

As long as the Ministry of Industry completed the original plan step-by-step, it would not be difficult for it to become the first department to successfully achieve the goals of the Five-Year Development Plan.

This would also count as Canovas’s own achievement, giving him more capital to pursue a higher position during the next Cabinet reshuffle.

August 28, 1874, in the Engine Research Zone on the outskirts of Madrid.

This was a small experimental zone that Carlo had built for the Engine Research Office and the Electricity Research Institute. After several years of development, it had now become a medium-to-large experimental area.

In addition to engine and electricity research, other project R&D teams had been added here. The experimental buildings constructed were taller and larger than the last.

This place embodied Carlo’s hard work over the past few years. It was no exaggeration to say that if anything happened to this experimental zone, more than half of Carlo’s efforts over these years would be wasted.

For this very reason, the security force of the experimental zone was second only to that of the Royal Palace. Overtly, it had a patrol force of over a hundred people, and covertly, there were many hidden sentries providing protection.

Moreover, just a few kilometers from the experimental zone was the station for the Guard Division. Such a defensive force could ensure the security of the experimental zone under any circumstances. Unless faced with a large-scale national war, no one could breach the heavily protected defensive line.

Early this morning, Carlo brought Queen Sophie to the experimental zone.

The purpose of their visit was simple: to see the simple automobile that had been built after numerous experiments.

Yes, an automobile. Although it was converted from a horse-drawn carriage, it was equipped with the latest four-stroke gas engine, so it was not wrong to call it an automobile.

The first time he saw such a crude automobile, Carlo didn’t know how to describe it. Calling it an automobile was a bit of a stretch, as it looked more like a hodgepodge of an engine, a carriage body, and a simple control system pieced together.

But in principle, there was nothing wrong with calling it an automobile, if one ignored its appearance.

“Mr. Benz, could you tell us about this big fellow?” Carlo smiled, looking at the main developer of this contraption, the man who would later become the famous father of the automobile, Benz.

“Your Majesty, Your Highness the Queen. This is the finished product we have created after numerous experiments. It can also be called the first-generation automobile.

Our four-stroke engine has undergone many tests, and we can now ensure that it won’t have any major problems within 200 kilometers.

A carriage equipped with a four-stroke gas engine can reach speeds of about twenty kilometers per hour and can travel continuously for over 200 kilometers.

The carriage body has been modified by us and can carry a maximum of three people, or 350 kg of luggage.

The finished product you see before you has been tested by us. Its safety is guaranteed, and it runs without any problems,” Benz said with a proud smile as he looked at his creation.

A speed of 20 kilometers per hour was not fast; it was merely an average speed for an ordinary horse. Compared to trained warhorses and other horses specifically used for transport, this speed was far inferior.

But the point was, this was with a large carriage body attached. Hitching a carriage to a horse would also significantly reduce its speed.

Even with several horses pulling a carriage, the speed was bound to be not much faster. After all, it wasn’t a simple matter of addition. The fastest speed for a horse-drawn carriage was only 30 kilometers per hour, and slower ones might only travel at a dozen or so kilometers per hour.

This also had to take into account factors like road conditions, weather, and the horse’s own condition. Although this simple automobile’s speed was similar to that of a carriage, a normal carriage couldn’t travel very far in a day. After all, horses are living creatures and need rest.

Unless the tired horse was replaced with a fresh one, it was already quite good for a carriage to travel a hundred kilometers in a day.

But for a mechanical carriage, or rather, an automobile, equipped with a four-stroke engine, the situation was completely different. Although its speed was only 20 kilometers per hour, such a mechanical carriage could run until it ran out of fuel or a problem occurred.

And Benz, Maybach, and the others had conducted numerous experiments and determined that the current four-stroke gas engine would not have any problems operating continuously for ten hours, or traveling continuously for up to 200 kilometers.

From these figures, the utility of the existing mechanical carriage—the automobile—was already apparent. With improvements in the engine’s thermal efficiency and stability, the automobile’s utility would far surpass that of the horse-drawn carriage, and it might even replace it.

To have the automobiles they created completely replace horse-drawn carriages and dominate the transport market—this was the ultimate dream of Benz and his colleagues.

Hearing that the automobile’s stability and safety were guaranteed, Carlo turned to Queen Sophie beside him and invited with a smile, “Sophie, how about we experience this mechanical carriage together?”

“I’d be delighted, Carlo.” Sophie smiled, nodded, and extended her hand.

Carlo first helped Queen Sophie into the carriage, then leaped up himself.

“Mr. Benz, what are you waiting for? Since you’re the one who built this big fellow, you should be the one to drive it for me,” Carlo said with a smile to Benz, who was clearly stunned.

Benz hesitated, but seeing Carlo’s unquestionable expression, he could only nod and get into the driver’s seat at the front of the carriage himself.

Although it was a relatively simple automobile, its layout was largely the same as that of later cars.

The engine and driver’s seat were at the front, with the modified carriage body connected behind the driver’s seat. This was no ordinary carriage body, but a large, luxurious one that had been modified.

The carriage had three luxurious large sofas; sitting on them, one would sink in, feeling soft and comfortable.

There were windows on both sides of the carriage, allowing for observation of the scenery on both sides. After boarding, Queen Sophie drew open the curtains and watched the changes outside.

Rumble, rumble!

With a roar from the engine, blue-gray smoke drifted into the sky, and the engine officially ignited.

“Your Majesty, it might be a bit bumpy at the start. You and Her Highness the Queen should hold on to the handrails. It will stabilize in a moment.” After starting the engine, Benz first turned back to explain to Carlo, then waited for his command.

“I understand, Mr. Benz. Let’s go. I want to see what’s different about this mechanical carriage compared to an ordinary one.” Carlo nodded with a smile, took Queen Sophie’s hand, and placed it on the handrail.

The passengers in the carriage were the king and queen of the country, so Benz dared not be the least bit careless. If the bumpiness displeased Carlo, the engine and automobile development project might come to an end right there.

Under Benz’s careful control, the carriage started without much of a jolt. Of course, its speed was also very slow, estimated to be less than ten kilometers per hour.

“Mr. Benz, let me see the speed of this carriage. I don’t want such a big fellow to move so slowly. What would be the difference then from an ordinary carriage?” Carlo noticed Benz’s caution and encouraged him with a smile to relax.

Carlo understood the importance and influence of the automobile better than anyone. Even if an accident occurred, he would not abandon its development.

Benz’s worries were completely unnecessary. If Carlo did not value the development of engines and automobiles, he would not have invited them from Germany and built a separate experimental zone specifically for them.

Hearing Carlo’s request, however reluctant Benz was, he could only press the accelerator and increase the carriage’s speed.

The scenery outside the window flashed by quickly. The carriage’s speed was clearly much faster than before. Although Carlo didn’t know the exact speed, he estimated it was close to 20 kilometers per hour.

In other words, the carriage had reached its estimated maximum speed. This also demonstrated Benz’s confidence in the vehicle he had built. After all, his passengers were the king and queen; if it wasn’t safe, wasn’t he just looking for trouble?

Behind the engine laboratory was a wide road, built for the purpose of conducting automobile experiments.

Each separate small experimental area within the larger zone had its own security force, which also ensured that the research personnel in one area would not learn about what was happening in the others.

The small experimental areas were separated by hundreds of meters at the closest, and some were even more than a kilometer apart, making it impossible to see what was inside with the naked eye.

Such regulations greatly ensured the independence and confidentiality of each project in the experimental zone, preventing any single accident from causing a large-scale leak of information.

Of course, the personnel allowed inside the laboratories were all vetted and generally trustworthy. For some of the more important researchers, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau would even conduct long-term surveillance to ensure the secrecy of their experimental work.

The families of these researchers were also in Spain, so their reliability in terms of confidentiality could be counted on. Even though Carlo had arrived at the engine experimental zone with great fanfare, as long as it wasn’t publicly announced, other parts of the zone would remain unaware.

“Sophie, how does it feel?” Carlo looked at Queen Sophie and asked with a smile.

“It’s quite nice. Apart from the engine noise, I think this kind of carriage has its own advantages compared to an ordinary one,” Queen Sophie said, nodding and giving her opinion.

The engine noise was an unavoidable problem, especially with the relatively crude engines of this era. However, considering that horses also made noise when running and even had the problem of waste, this mechanical carriage was actually not unacceptable.

“After all, this is the first generation of automobiles. To have achieved this much is already very good. I am optimistic about the future of the automobile. Perhaps at some point in the future, it could replace the horse-drawn carriage and become a common mode of transport for people,” Carlo said with a smile.

Even as the simplest of automobiles, its current utility was already comparable to that of a horse-drawn carriage. If the automobile were given a few more decades to develop, completely replacing the carriage was not a mere conjecture, but a very likely reality.

In the end, it was because of the carriage’s power source. Horses were too limited. After all, they were animals, subject to birth, aging, sickness, and death, along with a host of other problems.

Even strictly trained warhorses could not endure long periods of combat. Let alone ordinary horses used for transport, which had even more frequent problems when working.

Even with several horses pulling a carriage, if they were hauling anything slightly heavy, transportation would be severely restricted.

Changes in weather and temperature, as well as road conditions, would also affect carriage transport, which in turn hindered economic development to some extent.

Although the automobile also had its share of problems, they were generally concentrated in the engine—the so-called stability issue.

As long as the engine’s stability issue was resolved, the automobile could transport goods freely as long as there was enough fuel, running for as long and as far as desired.

This was something horses and carriages could never do, and it was the reason why the automobile could replace them.

Hearing this, Queen Sophie nodded in agreement with Carlo’s words.

After all, the problems with horses and carriages were obvious and fundamentally unsolvable. Although horses could be trained, they were ultimately just animals, with limits to their speed and endurance.

A thousand-li horse might exist, but not every horse could become one. And since horses and carriages were common means of transport, relying on a small number of faster and more enduring horses was not a viable solution.

The automobile also had problems, but it was a machine and, in theory, had greater potential.

The automobile replacing the carriage seemed like mere conjecture now, but in a few decades, it might not just be possible, but highly probable.

Benz did not hear Carlo and Queen Sophie’s discussion; otherwise, he would probably have had even more confidence in the engine and automobile he had developed.

After a short drive, Benz drove the automobile back to their starting point. After Carlo and Queen Sophie disembarked, they had a more fitting assessment of the big fellow.

“Very good, Mr. Benz.” Carlo first acknowledged the efforts of everyone in the Engine Research Office and the utility of such an automobile, before offering his own opinions: ”

However, I feel that the design of the automobile’s structure can be further updated, since this is something that will eventually be commercialized.

Also, I suggest you completely separate the functions of carrying people and carrying goods, and develop different types of automobiles.

Passenger cars can pursue greater comfort, more aesthetically pleasing exteriors, and better safety. Cargo vehicles can aim for a higher payload capacity and a more stable speed.

Different types of automobiles will meet the needs of different people. I am confident that your automobile development will bring changes to the human world. It might even become a means of transport on par with the train, thereby changing our world.”

Carlo’s assessment was very high. After all, trains had already become the most important means of transport in the human world. Railway construction was the top priority for colonial powers, as railways were necessary to transport mined minerals and harvested crops.

Benz, Daimler, Maybach, and the others exchanged glances, each seeing the excitement and disbelief in the others’ eyes.

They were in disbelief at Carlo’s extremely high praise for their research. They were excited because, with Carlo’s approval, their future development would be smoother, and they wouldn’t have to worry about funding.

“But there’s one more thing,” Carlo said, looking at the excited group and continuing with his suggestions. “Since it’s been proven that an engine-equipped carriage has greater utility, the development of both engines and automobiles must not stop.

Therefore, I have decided to establish a separate automobile company for automobile development, in addition to the Engine Research Office. As for whether you choose to stay at the Engine Research Office or take up positions at the automobile company, you are free to choose.

But both the Engine Research Office and the automobile company are very important. Wherever you work, you will need to devote one hundred percent of your energy to your research.”

Now that the preliminary automobile had been born, the research and development for engines and automobiles would have to be separated.

Engine development was crucial because engines could be used not only in automobiles but also in military weapons like tanks and airplanes, as well as in various civilian machinery.

Automobiles were also important. They were a vital means of transport with great future prospects and a huge potential market.

Although they were facing a split, Carlo would not abandon either one. In the future, Spain would vigorously develop both engines and automobiles. The two fields complemented each other and were both very important for Spain.

The three of them—Benz and the others—exchanged glances. Although they had anticipated this, there was still a sense of reluctance among them.

In the end, it was the older Daimler who spoke up with a smile, easing their reluctance. “Alright, being in charge of different projects doesn’t mean we won’t see each other. Engine development and automobile development are inseparable.

Whether we work on developing engines or automobiles, we are still fulfilling our original dream, aren’t we?

Maybach, among us, you have more talent for design. How about you take charge of automobile development?

His Majesty also mentioned that the appearance of future automobiles will be very important, and the structural layout will require careful consideration.

I don’t have much talent in that area, so I’ll just continue to be in charge of engine development. As for you, Benz, having you solely responsible for engine development would be a waste of your talent, but I’d be reluctant to let you go to Maybach’s side.

How about this: you can be responsible for both engine and automobile development. That way, your abilities can be fully utilized.”

Daimler’s division of roles was very fair. In fact, all three of them—Benz, Daimler, and Maybach—were capable of handling both engine and automobile development. But everyone has their strengths and weaknesses; Maybach was more skilled in creative aspects.

Daimler had a deeper understanding of the four-stroke engine, so it was fine for him to be in charge of engine development.

But Benz was the true all-around talent. His ability in engine development was no less than Daimler’s, and the first automobile was also Benz’s brainchild.

Having Benz be responsible for only one area of development would be a waste of his comprehensive abilities. It was better to have him be responsible for both, which would not only fully utilize his skills but also effectively advance the progress of both engine and automobile development.

Benz didn’t dare to decide for himself and looked to Carlo.

Carlo smiled and nodded, having no objection to this arrangement. “What Mr. Daimler said is very reasonable. Let’s arrange it that way. Mr. Daimler will be in charge of engine development, Mr. Maybach will be in charge of automobile development, and Mr. Benz will run between both sides, contributing to both engines and automobiles.

Since your R&D projects have changed, your positions will naturally need to be adjusted. Mr. Daimler will be the Chief R&D Engineer of the Engine Company, fully responsible for engine development.

Mr. Maybach will be the Chief R&D Engineer of the United Automobile Company, responsible for automobile development.

As for Mr. Benz, you will serve as the R&D advisor for both companies. This is a rather demanding position.

There will also be some changes to the shares. The Engine Company will give each of you three percent of its shares, and the automobile company will give each of you two percent.

Do you have any objections to this arrangement?”

Carlo’s arrangement was very fair, and none of them had any objections to their new positions. As for the shares, it was essentially a change from five percent of the Engine Company’s shares to three percent of the Engine Company and two percent of the automobile company.

Both the Engine Company and the automobile company were very important, with great prospects for future development. It wasn’t clear whether this new division of shares was a gain or a loss compared to the original arrangement, but in any case, it was a huge asset.

These shares were given to them by Carlo for free, so naturally, Benz and the other two had no objections.

Although they had put in great effort in the development of engines and automobiles, Carlo was the investor.

Though it had only been a few years, the funds Carlo had spent on engine and automobile development had already reached several million pesetas.

The three of them would never have been able to come up with such a sum. This meant that without Carlo’s investment, the current achievements in engine and automobile development would have been impossible.

The several million pesetas that Carlo had already invested were enough to silence any objections from Benz and the others.

These shares might not seem like much, but their future value was incalculable. At the low end, they could be worth hundreds of thousands of pesetas; at the high end, they could be worth millions or even tens of millions.

“Regardless of how your positions change, you all deserve credit for the birth of this big fellow,” Carlo said with a smile.

Now that the automobile had been developed, the promised rewards for their contributions should naturally be distributed. Carlo had never been stingy in this regard. The rewards prepared this time for the Engine Research Office, in checks alone, totaled over 300,000 pesetas.

Although the Engine Research Office had expanded significantly in both scale and personnel since its establishment, the total number of R&D staff was still just over 100 people.

Many of them were assistants. The number of researchers who had truly made significant efforts or certain contributions to engine development was only about twenty-odd people.

As the absolute core members, the three of them—Benz and company—received the largest rewards: a check for 50,000 pesetas each.

50,000 pesetas was worth about 1,921 pounds, a sum that even a high-earning senior engineer’s annual income could not match.

All three men had families to support, so they were very tempted by this reward. Unlike the ethereal shares, this reward was real money that they could actually receive.

The three of them took 150,000 pesetas, and the remaining hundred or so R&D personnel split the other half.

The twenty-odd researchers who had made certain contributions received relatively larger rewards, ranging from 3,000 to 5,000 pesetas.

Even the most ordinary researchers with little contribution received a reward of nearly one thousand pesetas.

These high rewards for the R&D personnel were part of Carlo’s plan all along. In his view, the group most deserving of high incomes were, of course, the scientists and researchers who made huge contributions to the country.

The changes these studies brought to Spain were immense, and Carlo’s rewards for the researchers were very generous.

Besides these scientists and researchers, other groups that made tangible contributions to the nation, such as soldiers, teachers, and doctors, were naturally also entitled to higher incomes.

Conversely, Carlo did not want those in the entertainment industry to have excessively high incomes, so high that they became uncontrollable.

For now, the entertainment industry was not that prosperous, and television and film had not yet been invented. Once these things came into being, Carlo planned to enact relevant laws to limit the salaries of those working in the industry.

These people were certainly entitled to high incomes, but if their incomes were too high, they would lose respect for earning income through labor.

In addition to the checks, these research personnel also enjoyed policies such as tax reductions and rent subsidies.

Valuing scientists and researchers—this was the keynote Carlo had set for Spain, and a rule that Spain would follow in the future.

Revitalizing the nation through science and education was not just empty talk. If Spain wanted to become truly powerful, it was essential to prioritize scientific research and education.

This was also why Carlo was vigorously developing the Royal Academy of Sciences. When the research at the Royal Academy of Sciences bore fruit, and its Academicians were rewarded with noble titles for their achievements, the Spaniards would understand that there was more than one way to change their families’ futures—not just by awarding titles for military merit, but also by awarding titles for scientific research.

When Spanish youth grew up wanting to become scientists, soldiers, doctors, teachers, and other professions useful to the country, it would prove that Carlo’s policy of prioritizing scientific research had achieved good results.

After all the rewards had been distributed to the R&D personnel, Carlo’s purpose for visiting the engine experimental zone was basically complete.

The development of the automobile was currently quite fast; at least, the existing model already had some utility. As long as the engine’s stability issues could be resolved and the car’s practicality enhanced, it would be ready to be prepared for the market.

Historically, practical automobiles similar to the Model T had existed long before its birth. But the reason they never truly went global and commercial was that cars back then were manufactured one by one.

What did this mean? It meant that the production team built cars one at a time. Only after one was finished would they begin the next.

This not only slowed down the production speed of automobiles but also reduced the compatibility between different car parts.

When problems arose later, it was difficult to repair the car by replacing parts. After all, identical parts were produced at long intervals, perhaps even by different people, so there would inevitably be some minor differences.

The slow production speed, difficult repair issues, and poor stability due to manual production severely limited the widespread adoption of the automobile.

What truly propelled the automobile toward globalization and full commercialization was not the birth of the Model T, but the assembly line production created by the Ford Company.

The principle of assembly line production is actually very simple. The production of an entire car is divided into the production of various different parts, with each workshop responsible for only one type of part.

The variation between parts produced in the same workshop would be lower, which meant later cars with problems could be easily repaired by replacing parts, reducing repair time and hassle.

Because workers only needed to be responsible for producing one type of part, the skill requirements for them were greatly reduced. As workers became more proficient, the acceptance rate of the parts they produced would increase, and the margin of error would decrease.

All that was needed was to assemble the standardized parts produced along the assembly line to build a complete automobile.

This method not only increased the production speed but also lowered the failure rate and improved the stability of the automobile.

It was precisely this change that allowed the automobile, which had existed for a long time, to finally go global and become an indispensable mode of transport for humanity.

The Model T also became the most legendary car model of its time, selling over fifteen million units in less than twenty years, with an average of nearly one million units sold per year.

What an astonishing figure! Before the birth of the Model T and assembly line production, the total number of cars produced annually in all of Europe and the United States combined did not exceed ten thousand.

In less than twenty years, assembly line production increased the world’s automobile output by more than a hundred times. Its impact was plain to see.

Carlo, of course, knew the principle of assembly line production. As long as the automobile company could make deeper improvements to the existing car, and the Engine Company could develop a more stable engine with higher thermal efficiency, they could basically consider the widespread promotion of the automobile.

Although promoting the automobile thirty years ahead of schedule would face more problems, if the Model T could sell fifteen million units, couldn’t the Spanish-developed car sell at least one million?

Building a reputation for Spanish automobiles early on would also help Spain seize the automobile market.

As a famous model launched by the Ford Company, the Model T directly made Ford the largest automobile manufacturer in the world at the time.

How impressive was it at its peak? The production of the Model T alone accounted for 56.6% of the world’s total automobile production. It could be said that the Ford Company held more than sixty percent of the world’s automobile market at the time.

Ford Company could have used the vast market conquered by the Model T to solidify its position as the king of automobiles.

Unfortunately, the later Ford Company became too proud and complacent due to its achievements. It failed to keep up with other companies during the technological renewal of automobiles, which ultimately led to its market share being gradually eroded.

If only the Ford Company had paid attention to technological progress, continuously improved the Model T, and developed new cars, it would have been no problem to maintain a market share of over thirty percent, let alone sixty percent.

How impressive is a thirty percent market share? In later generations, the number of cars sold worldwide annually exceeded eighty-five million. A thirty percent market share would mean sales of over twenty-five million vehicles.

The current automobile market was not that large, but it was essential to seize the market early and stabilize one’s position step by step.

If Spanish automobiles could be introduced to the world thirty years earlier, the expansion of the global automobile market could also begin sooner.

Judging from the global production and sales figures of automobiles before and after the birth of the Model T, the automobile market was very promising.

As long as they could develop the automobile early, even in the 19th century, sales could still be counted in the tens of thousands.

After all, there were many wealthy people in countries around the world. Just selling to the various royal families and capitalists already constituted a considerably large potential market.

Chapter 167: The East Indies in Motion

By August 1874, the atmosphere in the Spanish colony of the East Indies felt somewhat unusual compared to the past.

Naval Lieutenant Colonel Pascual Cervera arrived at the Governor-General’s office in the East Indies early in the morning, accompanied by several regimental commanders from the garrisons.

“Is everything ready, friends?” Marquis Rogers, the incumbent Governor-General of the East Indies, said with a smile as he stared at the map of the East Indies hanging in his office.

“The navy is ready and can assist the army’s landing at any moment,” Naval Lieutenant Colonel Pascual Cervera nodded and replied.

“We are all prepared as well. It’s time to make these damn natives understand who the true masters of the East Indies are.” The commanders of the colonial garrison regiments also nodded, their faces alight with excitement.

Although the main purpose of the Spanish government’s last troop transport had been to reinforce the Congo River Basin, the soldiers who arrived in the East Indies could not be left to waste.

As Spain’s largest existing colony, the East Indies still held great potential for expansion.

Currently, in the southern part of the East Indies, on the island of Mindanao, there were still several native powers that refused to submit to Spanish colonial rule, the largest of which was the Sultanate of Maguindanao.

In addition, not far to the west of Mindanao, the Sulu Sultanate was also a potential target for Spanish colonization.

Further west from the Sulu Archipelago lay the much larger island of Kalimantan, home to numerous native tribes and nations. The southern part of the island was within the Dutch sphere of influence.

Considering Spain’s overall strength, there was no need to fear the Dutch. In fact, the main reason the Dutch were able to colonize this land was that their comprehensive strength was not great, which put Britain, France, and Spain more at ease.

“Very good.” Marquis Rogers nodded with satisfaction. He placed his command baton on the southwestern part of Mindanao on the map and said with a cold smile, “From this day forward, there is no need for the native nations here to exist. There is only one master of the East Indies, and that is the great Kingdom of Spain.

The First and Second Garrison Regiments are to head south to Mindanao and wipe out the native nations there. If anyone dares to resist, execute them without exception.

The Third and Fourth Garrison Regiments, with the help of the navy, will first land on the Sulu Archipelago and eliminate the native forces there.

After securing the situation in the Sulu Archipelago, leave a portion of your troops to garrison the islands. The rest of the army will continue westward and take control of the Sulu Sultanate’s territory in the Kalimantan region.

The Third and Fourth Garrison Regiments have a heavy task. You must fight a swift campaign and occupy the lands of the Sulu Sultanate as quickly as possible.

If we wait for the British to react and mediate, some of the territory may be carved up by them. The faster we move, the more land we can acquire.

I hope we can seize the entire Sulu Sultanate, not just the small Sulu Archipelago. Do you all understand your missions?”

Relatively speaking, the attack on Mindanao would be smoother. It was already within Spain’s colonial sphere, and no matter how aggressive Spain’s actions were, the other great powers had no right to interfere.

But Kalimantan was different. The southern part of the island was occupied by the Kingdom of the Netherlands, while the northern and western regions were home to numerous native nations and other powers.

Although the British had not yet established the colony of North Kalimantan, they had already occupied a port in the Brunei Empire.

The Sulu Sultanate bordered the Brunei Empire, so Spain’s military action to forcibly attack the Sultanate would very likely attract British attention.

This was not good for Spain. The only option was to move as quickly as possible and bite off a piece of land on Kalimantan first.

Expanding the colony to Kalimantan would prove that Spain had the right to a share of the island. But if they failed to land on Kalimantan, any future partition of the island between Britain and the Netherlands would have nothing to do with Spain.

Although Spain already had the Philippines, Kalimantan’s appeal was equally strong. As the world’s third-largest island, Kalimantan covered a vast area of seven hundred forty thousand square kilometers, while mainland Spain and the Philippines combined were just over eight hundred thousand square kilometers.

Spain certainly had to participate in the partition of such a massive territory, not to mention that Kalimantan was rich in resources. Securing any piece of it would be a gain.

“Yes, Your Excellency the Governor-General.” The commanders of the colonial garrison regiments and Naval Lieutenant Colonel Pascual Cervera nodded in unison, accepting their orders with great confidence.

For the Spanish army, attacking these native nations and powers was not difficult at all. Although the colonial garrison regiments were Spain’s lowest-tier units and many of their soldiers were local natives, their combat effectiveness had reached a certain level after equipment upgrades.

Many of the soldiers who were called local natives were actually of mixed Spanish descent and were relatively loyal to Spain.

Coupled with the supervision of a large number of young officers, the army’s loyalty and combat effectiveness were guaranteed. As long as they did not face a large-scale rout, even the colonial garrison regiments were highly unlikely to mutiny.

The great distance between the East Indies and mainland Spain also had its advantages, such as the long time it took for news to travel.

Although British colonies were scattered across the globe, communication between the British government and its colonies was not that swift or effective.

News from around the Philippines had to first be sent by telegram to the Indian colonial government, which would then forward the telegram to the British government.

This relay caused a longer delay, which was the time lag Marquis Rogers intended to exploit. From the moment the news was reported until the British government reacted and issued orders, the round trip would take at least several days.

Spain had every hope of occupying the entire Sulu Sultanate before the British government’s orders arrived. Once the objective was achieved, the British government could only reluctantly accept the outcome.

After all, the British government’s main focus at this time was not on Kalimantan. Even if Spain occupied some land, the Dutch still had a colony on the island.

It might even provoke colonial competition between the Spaniards and the Dutch, allowing the British not only to stay out of it but also to enjoy the show.

Adhering to the principle that speed is paramount in war, the four colonial garrison regiments moved out with remarkable swiftness.

The Third and Fourth Regiments, with naval assistance, crossed the Sulu Sea directly to the Sulu Archipelago, while the First and Second Regiments, already deployed in eastern Mindanao, marched west toward the native powers as soon as the order was given.

In this era, there was no radar; enemies were discovered entirely by visual detection.

The Spanish army showed no mercy to these native forces. As the First and Second Regiments advanced westward, they immediately suppressed any native group they encountered with military force.

The first to suffer were the more loosely organized native tribes. They existed as independent, separate tribes and posed little threat to the Spanish army.

They were no strangers to Spanish colonists, and when faced with the steel guns and cannons of the Spanish army, all they could do was lay down their arms and surrender.

Of course, there were those who put up a futile resistance, but their end was rarely a pleasant one. To make an example of them, during the suppression of these native tribes, any tribe found to be disobedient was essentially annihilated.

As Spain’s largest colony, the East Indies had ample reserves of weapons and ammunition. During the troop transport, the fleet had also brought a large stockpile of military equipment and munitions.

These transported weapons and ammunition played a crucial role in the process of eliminating the native forces.

Faced with the most advanced steel guns and cannons, these natives had no room for resistance. Most of their weapons were cold weapons; even if they had firearms, they were few in number and of a very outdated type.

These loosely organized tribes had no modern weapons, making their elimination significantly easier. In truth, it was less about elimination and more about using military force to suppress them and forcibly bring them under Spanish colonial rule.

In just over half a day, the native tribes in western Mindanao were essentially occupied. However, these tribes occupied only a small portion of the land; most of it was held by the Sultanate of Maguindanao.

Although the Sultanate of Maguindanao was also a small native nation, this power had certain connections with the British and the Dutch.

Unlike the previously mentioned native tribes, the Sultanate of Maguindanao possessed modern firearms supplied by British and Dutch merchants.

It was obvious that the reason the British and Dutch were willing to provide these natives with firearms was precisely to hinder Spain’s colonial expansion.

Colonies were a finite resource. The more land Spain occupied, the less land was available for Britain and the Netherlands to partition.

By confining Spain to Mindanao, the British and Dutch would have enough time to carve up Kalimantan.

In fact, according to the original course of events, the actions of the British and Dutch were very successful. The Kingdom of Spain’s decline continued until the Spanish-American War, and in those decades, Spain only barely managed to control the situation in Mindanao.

Meanwhile, the vast lands of Kalimantan were jointly partitioned by the British and the Dutch over a long period. The Dutch consequently established the Dutch East Indies, a massive territory of 1.91 million square kilometers.

Only a country like the Netherlands, whose homeland strength was not formidable, could acquire such a vast colony under the watchful eye of the British. If the Netherlands’ comprehensive strength had been even slightly greater, obtaining such a vast colony would not have been so easy.

For Spain, engaging in colonial competition with the Netherlands in Kalimantan meant, to some extent, that they did not have to fear the British.

If Spain were a powerful nation like Germany, France, or Russia, the British would naturally be unwilling to let it acquire more colonies.

But Spain’s overall strength was not great; at best, it was a gatekeeper to the great powers, like Italy. Spain setting its sights on Southeast Asia was actually a good thing for the British.

After all, the British were more concerned with the eastern and western gates of the Mediterranean, Africa, and India.

Whether Southeast Asia was controlled by the Dutch or the Spanish made little difference to the British. The strength of these two countries was insufficient to threaten Britain, and it was certainly much better than being occupied by France or Germany.

Returning to Spain’s campaign to suppress the native forces.

The First and Second Regiments moved with remarkable speed. In just one day, they eliminated the scattered native tribes on Mindanao and began to engage the Sultanate of Maguindanao in battle.

Although the Sultanate of Maguindanao also possessed firearms, they were not numerous, and they had no artillery.

The British and Dutch were not fools. Just as they could trip up Spain, Spain could also cause trouble for them.

A small country like the Netherlands was already strained managing the vast territories of the Dutch East Indies. If Spain were to deliberately cause disruption from behind, it would undoubtedly make the Dutch government even more distressed.

Although Britain was stronger, it could not afford to have Spain single-mindedly causing trouble either.

After all, the larger the colony, the more severe the crisis of rebellion. Setting aside other regions, India alone was enough of a headache for the British.

The Indian independence struggle never ceased, and the British colonial government could only force the Indians into submission through continuous military suppression.

But military suppression could only solve superficial problems; it could not address the root issues.

As nationalism gradually awakens and British power continues to decline, India will eventually gain independence from British colonial rule.

While the First and Second Regiments were fighting the Sultanate of Maguindanao, the Third and Fourth Regiments on the other side had already landed on the Sulu Archipelago.

The Sulu Archipelago was controlled by the Sulu Sultanate, which was the most powerful native force in the Sulu Sea.

Therefore, to control the Sulu Sea, one must first control the Sulu Sultanate. To control the Sulu Sultanate, one must control its core territory, the Sulu Archipelago.

If the Sultanate of Maguindanao maintained good relations with the British and Dutch, then the Sulu Sultanate was at the other extreme.

Centuries ago, both Britain and Spain had carried out colonial aggression against the Sulu Sultanate.

The territory of the Sulu Sultanate had been continuously eroded, while also being annexed by other native powers on the island of Kalimantan.

This once-powerful sultanate that had dominated the Sulu Sea was now no different from other small native powers.

The only concern for the Spanish army was that the attack on the Sulu Sultanate would attract the attention of the British, prompting them to come and take a share of the spoils.

The British target would certainly be the Sulu Sultanate’s territory on the island of Kalimantan. If the British succeeded, it would be difficult for Spain to enter Kalimantan again.

Therefore, they had to occupy the Sulu Archipelago first and move their troops to the island of Kalimantan before the British could react.

Even if subsequent negotiations with the British were necessary, Spain could ensure it was in an invincible position and thus participate in the partition of Kalimantan.

Besides several native powers, there were also two rather special countries on the island of Kalimantan: the Lanfang Republic and the Kingdom of Sarawak.

The Kingdom of Sarawak was founded by a British explorer who, after discovering this land, used various means to conquer the local natives and establish his own kingdom.

Because the king of Sarawak was British, the British attitude towards this country was relatively friendly.

As for the Lanfang Republic, it was a very famous nation. This country had been established for nearly a hundred years and enjoyed a high reputation locally.

However, the population of the Lanfang Republic consisted of immigrants from Qing China to the north, so neither the British nor the Dutch had a high opinion of this country.

If Spain wanted to get a piece of Kalimantan, the Lanfang Republic was a potential asset.

They could even cultivate the Lanfang Republic to prevent the Dutch from making any headway on the island of Kalimantan.

The Spanish army was quite familiar with the Sulu Sultanate. In fact, none of these native nations posed much of a threat to Spain; even the colonial garrison regiments could easily crush them.

The defensive forces of the Sulu Archipelago were not strong. The two garrison regiments landed quietly under the cover of darkness and quickly gained complete control of the islands’ situation.

The leaders of the Sulu Sultanate were still in their sweet dreams when their capital was occupied by the Spanish army, and they quickly became prisoners.

The attack on the Sulu Archipelago was unbelievably smooth, which meant the landing on Kalimantan could happen even earlier than expected.

But in any case, the sooner they landed on Kalimantan, the greater Spain’s hope of annexing the Sulu Sultanate.

With the help of the navy, the Third and Fourth Regiments left behind a small defensive force, and the remaining troops all headed for the island of Kalimantan.

If the defenses of the Sulu Archipelago were lax, then the Sulu Sultanate’s defensive arrangements in Kalimantan could only be described as completely arbitrary.

Perhaps the previously limited colonial appetites of Spain and Britain had given the Sulu Sultanate the wrong impression. Or perhaps the recent economic crisis in Europe had allowed the high-ranking officials of the Sultanate to breathe a sigh of relief.

In short, the defensive layout of the Sulu Sultanate was a complete mess, and the quality of its army was abysmal.

On the island of Kalimantan, the Third Regiment finally encountered a sizable army of the Sulu Sultanate.

But the Third Regiment merely laid down a round of suppressive fire, and the native army on the other side scattered and fled as if the Grim Reaper himself was at their heels.

This scene left the Spanish soldiers dumbfounded, so much so that they even forgot to press their advantage.

However, driving off these native troops had already accomplished the Spanish army’s objective. After all, the most urgent task now was to quickly occupy the lands of the Sulu Sultanate and make Spain’s foothold on the island of Kalimantan a reality.

The attacks of all four garrison regiments went very smoothly. In less than a week, they had essentially occupied all the territories of the two sultanates and several native tribes.

To ensure the stability of the local situation and to prevent the British and Dutch from causing trouble, Marquis Rogers ordered the four garrison regiments to temporarily station themselves in the area to maintain order, awaiting the dispatch of colonial officials from the East Indies colonial government to take over those lands.

Chapter 168: The Joy of Sweet Soda

The war in the East Indies was in full swing, but on another front, Carlo’s commercial empire was also continuously expanding.

It was August in Spain, and the temperature was not as hot as one might imagine. One of the main reasons Spain would become a premier tourist destination in later years was its pleasant weather.

Madrid had four distinct seasons, with hot summers and cold winters.

But this was within limits. Madrid’s winters rarely dropped below freezing, with average temperatures between 3 and 10 degrees Celsius.

Summers, on the other hand, had an average temperature of around 27 degrees Celsius, only peaking just above 30 degrees, not so hot as to leave one drenched in sweat.

If nothing else, Carlo greatly enjoyed Spain’s climate. The Spanish summers were bright and sunny, with practically cloudless skies.

With such comfortable weather, Carlo was naturally not going to stay cooped up in the palace. Ever since summer began in June, Carlo and Queen Sophie had been constantly on the move, traveling around mainland Spain to admire its diverse scenery.

Although Spain was not a large country—about the size of a province in later times—its small territory boasted several different climates. The weather and temperatures inland and on the coast were distinct, and the landscapes each had their own unique charm.

At the height of summer, Carlo took Queen Sophie, two maids, and a large retinue of servants on a grand trip to Spain’s Balearic Islands.

There was a good reason why Spain would become one of the most popular tourist countries in the future. Breathtaking scenery wasn’t limited to the beautiful Balearic Islands; even an ordinary coastline could possess an unimaginably beautiful landscape.

The turquoise sea and golden sands, combined with an azure sky and a few fluffy white clouds, transformed an otherwise ordinary beach scene into a beautiful painting that attracted countless tourists.

The destination that drew the royal family was, naturally, the most beautiful of all Spain’s beaches.

Ses Illetes Beach would become quite famous in Spain in later years, even once being hailed as the number one of Spain’s ten most scenic beaches.

Located on the island of Formentera in the Balearic Islands, Ses Illetes Beach was acclaimed as the pinnacle of Spanish beach beauty, and it possessed its own unique characteristics.

Formentera’s economy was primarily based on tourism, and the sole reason it could attract so many visitors was the exquisite beauty of its beaches.

And Ses Illetes Beach was the most picturesque of them all, making it the most popular tourist destination on the island.

Of course, with over a century separating the present from the future, Formentera was currently just a small, sparsely populated island with very few visitors.

Carlo chose Formentera as his destination for two reasons: one, the beach scenery was truly magnificent, and two, very few people came here, which offered the royal family more privacy and security.

An outing for Carlo was certainly not as simple as it was for an ordinary person. Even when traveling within his own country, the entourage of servants and guards numbered in the hundreds.

Accompanying Carlo were the royal family’s private doctor, two mischievous maids, dozens of servants with various duties, and over a hundred guards.

Carlo disliked having his vacation disturbed, so before heading to the Balearic Islands, he had Steward Loren instruct the local officials not to bother them without permission.

Queen Sophie was also quite delighted to be traveling.

After all, she was not yet twenty years old, and a love for fun is only natural. Carlo was more than willing to indulge her.

Walking along the soft sand with Queen Sophie, Carlo was in a wonderful mood. Spain’s development was flourishing, and the colonization of Africa was proceeding smoothly, which put his mind at ease.

Before long, Carlo and Queen Sophie returned to the center of the beach and reclined on the lounge chairs their servants had already prepared.

Two large parasols were set up beside the chairs, with Anna and Alice standing by, ready to attend to Carlo and Queen Sophie personally.

Queen Sophie was well aware of the relationship between Carlo, Anna, and Alice. In truth, such things were unavoidable. Before she married into the Spanish royal family, her mother, Princess Sisi, had already told her about them and advised her not to pay too much mind to such matters.

A king did not appreciate a queen who meddled in everything. As far as Queen Sophie was concerned, it was enough for her and Carlo to live their lives well and for her to bear him a few princes and princesses.

Anna dutifully came to Carlo’s side and began to massage him with a smile. Alice went to Queen Sophie and performed the same service.

To Queen Sophie’s relief, although Carlo had lovers, it seemed to be only Anna and Alice for now. Since they had been with Carlo since his time in Italy, she could hardly say anything.

At least Carlo was much better than other noblemen. Some nobles purely enjoyed having affairs, and they specifically sought out married women. Wasn’t that far more scandalous than what Carlo was doing?

Enjoying the maid’s massage and the gentle sea breeze that wasn’t overly hot, Carlo had to admit that this was a comfortable life.

But as comfortable as it was, he felt that something was missing, that a certain something that was the very soul of summer was absent.

After a moment’s thought, Carlo finally remembered what he was missing: the legendary sweet, fizzy drink of a future era.

How could a sweltering summer be complete without an iced soda? The sweet and sour taste of the drink, the kick of the carbonation—that was the true soul of summer.

Although Carlo wasn’t sure of the exact date Coca-Cola was invented, he was certain it was before the twentieth century.

Besides, there was no advanced technology involved. A sweet and sour beverage mixed with carbonated water became a soft drink. Add ice, and it gained its soul.

Carbonated water had been invented in the first half of the century, and the original main ingredient of cola was the kola nut, a common fruit in the tropics.

“The Coca-Cola Company?” Steward Loren searched his memory but found no record of a business with that name. “Forgive me, Your Majesty. I have no recollection of such a company. Perhaps it doesn’t exist, or perhaps it’s not well-known in this region.”

Carlo nodded, his heart filled with excitement.

Since the Coca-Cola Company had not yet been born, Carlo certainly wasn’t going to miss out on the enormous beverage market.

Cola wasn’t just popular in the future; it would be popular in this era as well. No one could resist the temptation of an ice-cold cola in the summer—unless they were offered two.

Carlo remembered that Coca-Cola had been met with immense enthusiasm from the moment of its creation. Moreover, it wasn’t expensive. Affluent Americans often walked down the street, drinking cola straight from the glass bottle.

If cola could be created ahead of its time, there was no reason it couldn’t achieve the same success. After all, it wasn’t difficult to make. All it needed was a gimmick, and it could become a sensation overnight.

As long as the first cola could go global quickly, any other colas that appeared later, even if their taste was just as good, would be unable to compete with the original.

The first reason was cost, and the second was that once people became accustomed to the taste of one cola, they would often find other colas less refreshing.

Although he already had the idea of making cola, Carlo was in no hurry.

The initial recipe was indeed simple: just a fizzy drink made from kola nuts, carbonated water, and white sugar.

For the cola to be a massive success, he had to ensure that every bottle produced had the same flavor, and that this flavor appealed to the majority of people.

“A drink made from kola nuts and carbonated water?” upon hearing Carlo’s instructions, Steward Loren didn’t ask why but simply nodded to show he understood.

Although he didn’t know Carlo’s purpose in ordering such a drink, since it was the king’s command, he would naturally carry it out.

Besides, it was not a complicated task. Carbonated water and kola nuts were both common items. It was merely a matter of combining them to create a beverage—for Carlo, to think it was to have it done.

The very next day, Carlo was presented with three large glasses of the drink.

Steward Loren explained, “Your Majesty, these three glasses were all prepared according to your instructions. From left to right, the sugar content increases with each glass.

“These beverages have all been tested by tasters beforehand to ensure there are no adverse effects. You may try them and see which flavor is to your liking.”

Carlo nodded, quite satisfied with Steward Loren’s efficiency.

This was the power of a king in this era. If you wanted something done, it was truly just a matter of a single thought.

From something as small as a glass of soda to something as large as cars and cannons, a finished product could be created according to his own ideas.

Carlo had drunk plenty of cola from the future, but he had never tasted the original version.

How different was this carbonated drink, concocted from kola nuts and sugar, from the colas of later years?

Carlo first poured a small amount from the leftmost glass, took a small sip, and savored it carefully.

How to describe the taste? It was like a diluted cola, but not very sweet, and it had fewer bubbles.

Next was the middle glass. The flavor was a little richer, with a moderate sweetness.

Finally, the glass on the right. Its flavor was similar to the second, only noticeably sweeter. But they all shared a flaw: a lack of fizziness.

This couldn’t be helped. Compared to the production process of cola in the future, the current method for making carbonated water was much simpler, so the bubble content was naturally lower.

To put it simply, the carbonation level was equivalent to that of a modern soda that had been poured into a glass and left to sit for over ten minutes.

Although there was carbon dioxide, the gas content and the stimulating sensation in the mouth were not as intense as they would be in the future.

The leftmost of the three drinks could basically be ruled out. Not only was the flavor weaker, but it also lacked sweetness and didn’t taste very good.

The difference between the middle and right glasses was rather like the difference between Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola.

The middle one had a stronger carbonated taste, while the one on the right was sweeter; each had its own character. If both drinks had more bubbles, they would have been quite similar to Pepsi and Coke.

But unfortunately, the carbon dioxide content was a major issue, which meant the drinks weren’t as refreshing as he had imagined.

“You can pour out the one on the far left. Keep the middle one and the one on the right. The flavors of these two can be made a bit richer, and it would be better with more fizz.

“Overall, it’s not far from the drink I had in mind. I believe it will be popular once it’s on the market,” Carlo said with a smile.

Drinking it himself would only bring him joy, but if he turned these drinks into a commercial product sold throughout Spain, and even all of Europe, then all Europeans would be happy.

Of course, Carlo wouldn’t deny that what he was really eyeing was the vast beverage market. This original version of cola was not difficult or expensive to produce.

It was no exaggeration to say that for cola bottled in glass, most of the cost was in the glass bottle itself; the cola inside was actually quite cheap.

But the invention of the plastic bottle was still a long way off. Until then, bottling in glass was a relatively clean and convenient method of transport.

“Also, bring some ice. That will be all,” Carlo added.

A carbonated drink had to be enjoyed with ice; that was what completed its soul.

Steward Loren nodded and went to prepare the ice himself.

Speaking of ice, one had to thank technology for the improvements it had brought to daily life.

Before the invention of the ice-making machine, people had other methods of making ice. But those methods had various drawbacks, the main ones being low output and difficulty in storage.

This meant that only high-ranking officials and the great nobles could enjoy ice in the summer.

Since the invention of the ice-making machine, even common people could enjoy a glass of ice water in the summer—something previously unimaginable.

For Carlo, the ice produced by an ice-making machine was naturally purer and safer to consume.

In just a few minutes, Steward Loren returned with a large basin of ice, which gave off a cold vapor in the summer heat.

Needless to say, Anna and Alice immediately stepped forward to take the ice and began adding it to Carlo’s and Queen Sophie’s glasses.

Watching the ice cubes being dropped one by one into the glass, refilling the half-empty drink back to a full cup, Carlo smiled and looked at Queen Sophie. “Go on, try it. It’s a new drink, perfect for the summer.”

Queen Sophie nodded. She had wanted to taste the unknown beverage earlier, but after hearing Carlo say it was better with ice, she decided to wait.

Seeing the iced cola give off a visible chill, a layer of condensation forming on the outside of the glass, Queen Sophie hesitated no longer. She picked up a glass and began to take small sips.

“This is delicious! Carlo, what is this? How come I’ve never seen it before?” Queen Sophie’s eyes instantly lit up. She looked at Carlo with curiosity, asking eagerly.

“Cola. Or, we can call it Coca-Cola.” Since the brand Coca-Cola did not yet exist, Carlo didn’t mind borrowing the name.

The name Coca-Cola was very fitting. Cola was delicious to drink, and it was made from kola nuts. The name perfectly described its characteristics.

“Coca-Cola?” Queen Sophie repeated, nodding.

“What do you think? Iced Coca-Cola and summer, a perfect match, no?” Carlo said with a smile.

“It’s absolutely wonderful. If this could be mass-produced, it would surely be popular with many people.” Queen Sophie nodded, expressing her firm agreement with Carlo’s earlier statement that Coca-Cola was best served with ice.

Chapter 169: Gaining a Foothold in Kalimantan

At Carlo’s command, a beverage company with the brand name Coca-Cola was officially established and immediately entered discussions regarding the production, packaging, and shipping of its products.

For this kind of carbonated beverage, the most crucial aspects were production and transportation. Even the slightest leak of gas from the drink could result in a world of difference in its taste.

The establishment of the Coca-Cola Company was just a small interlude; after all, Carlo’s business empire was vast. Even if it could generate enormous profits in the future, its importance was in no way proportional to industrial enterprises like military industry and automobiles.

Just as Carlo’s vacation came to an end, the long and meticulously planned colonial war in the East Indies finally concluded.

This colonial war, which was not on a massive scale, ended in a total victory for the Spanish East Indies colony.

First was the Philippines region. Neither the local, loosely organized native tribes nor the more structured Sultanate of Maguindanao had any ability to resist the steel rifles and cannons of the Spanish army.

These natives had never seen an army with such formidable firepower; even the armies of the Dutch colonies were not so well-equipped.

Faced with the Spanish army’s relentless bombardment, these native forces quickly laid down their arms and surrendered. One should not overestimate their hostility towards the Spanish colonial army; after all, the fear of death is a human instinct.

Compared to the relatively smooth affair with the Sultanate of Maguindanao, the conquest of the Sulu Sultanate proved to be just a little more complicated.

However, the overall result was still positive. The British did indeed express their dissatisfaction with Spain’s forceful occupation of the Sulu Sultanate, but by that time, Spain had already basically achieved its strategic objectives. No matter how displeased the British were, they were not about to threaten Spain with war.

Ultimately, colonial competition was a common phenomenon among nations. If a single instance of colonial competition were to escalate into a confrontation between nations, or even a full-scale war, it would be rather unnecessary.

Although Britain’s losses in the recent economic crisis were not as severe as those of Germany and the United States, it did not mean Britain could rest easy.

Compared to the small Sulu Sultanate, the British were more concerned with competition in other regions and against other great powers.

Only after the Spanish army had occupied more than half of the Sulu Sultanate’s territory did they finally encounter opposition from the British.

Or rather, it was opposition from Britain’s colonial interests in Kalimantan. But this opposition was not fierce, because the British had to report it up through the chain of command to the British government, which would ultimately decide on their attitude toward Spain’s colonial actions.

In the end, the British government chose to back down. On the condition that Spain promised not to interfere with British actions in the Brunei Empire, they tacitly allowed Spain’s venture in the Sulu Sultanate.

Promising not to interfere with Britain’s colonial actions in the Brunei Empire was, in effect, a promise not to continue colonizing westward. As can be seen from the current map of Kalimantan, if Spain did not continue westward, its only option was to expand southward.

South, beyond the Sultanate of Bulungan, lay the Dutch sphere of colonial influence. The British objective was clear: to provoke colonial competition between the Netherlands and Spain, and then, acting as a mediator, control the situation in Kalimantan, ensuring that neither the Dutch nor the Spanish could gain complete control over the island.

Such tactics were standard procedure for the British government, aiming to muddle the situation in a region so that Britain could remain aloof from the turmoil while still controlling it.

If a colonial competition were to break out between Spain and the Netherlands, the British would, without a second thought, side with the Dutch. After all, the Netherlands was the relatively weaker party, while Spain’s overall strength was that of a great power, albeit one of the weaker ones.

Another factor behind Britain’s swift concession, aside from the fact that the colonial competition in Kalimantan was not that important and their desire to provoke a conflict between Spain and the Netherlands, was related to India.

This was not bad news for the British, because they were preparing for the establishment of the Empire of India and the coronation of Queen Victoria as Empress of India.

The matter was quite complex, but it had a great deal to do with the establishment of the German Empire.

Before the German Empire was founded, there were three great empires on the European continent: the Second French Empire of Napoleon III, the Austro-Hungarian Empire of Franz I, and the Russian Empire of Alexander II.

The Second French Empire derived its legitimacy from the Napoleonic Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire inherited its from the Holy Roman Empire, and the Russian Empire claimed to be the successor to the Eastern Roman Empire—all of which were more or less reasonable.

The establishment of the German Empire broke this balance, but that was not the main point. More importantly, Britain, the most powerful country in Europe and even the world, was merely a kingdom.

Looking closely at Britain’s competitors in Europe, France was once an empire, while Germany, Russia, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were currently empires. Only Italy and Spain remained kingdoms.

But Italy had just been unified, and Spain had long since declined; it was only natural for them to be kingdoms, and they had no qualification to establish themselves as empires.

Excluding the two undeserving nations of Italy and Spain, all of Britain’s other major European competitors were, or had once been, empires.

This put the British in a rather awkward position. Should they follow suit and establish their own British Empire, or should they continue to maintain their status as a kingdom?

Although in Europe, a king and an emperor were both supreme rulers of independent nations with little difference in status, there was no denying that in the minds of most people, the title of emperor was always a step above that of a king. A kingdom might be a powerful nation, but an empire was certainly a powerful one.

On this point, the attitudes of the British government and Queen Victoria were, for once, aligned.

Although a female monarch, Queen Victoria was a very special figure in British history and was undoubtedly one of Britain’s greatest monarchs.

The renowned Victorian era was inaugurated by Queen Victoria, and during this period, she enjoyed supreme influence and prestige within the British government, capable of exerting immense influence over the constitutional monarchy.

This was the most unique aspect of Britain’s constitutional system: the monarch’s power was not too rigidly constrained.

A resourceful monarch could still, through their own efforts and public support, secure a certain degree of influence, and even affect the government on a deeper level.

The monarch became even more important, especially after Britain’s decline. Why did Britain remain a constitutional monarchy in later eras? The biggest reason was the British government’s desire to maintain its rule over Scotland and Northern Ireland, as well as Wales.

On this issue, Britain faced the same problem as Spain.

The United Kingdom appeared powerful, but the word “United” was its fatal weakness. It was indeed strong when united, but that depended on whether the other nations were willing to remain so.

The United Kingdom was composed of four major regions: the Kingdom of England, the Kingdom of Wales, the Kingdom of Scotland, and Northern Ireland.

Of course, in the current era, Northern Ireland should be replaced with Ireland, as Ireland had not yet gained independence from British rule.

But the very fact that Ireland was able to achieve independence from the once-mighty British Empire revealed Britain’s own problems—namely, that non-English people, led by the Scots and the Irish, were not actually that satisfied with English rule.

When the British Empire was at its height, they could only swallow their dissatisfaction. But as the empire weakened, the disintegration of the kingdom was only a matter of time.

In such a situation, the monarch became extremely important. Once the kingdom’s government ceased to exist, the legal basis for the United Kingdom would also vanish.

This is precisely why Britain and Spain remained kingdoms in later eras. Only with the existence of a monarch did the legitimacy that united the nation persist. If the state were to become a republic, the sole reason for national unity would dissipate into thin air.

Queen Victoria was very supportive of the establishment of the Empire of India, as it benefited her as well.

Although the title “Empress of India” didn’t carry that much prestige, she would still be called an Empress. Moreover, the Indian throne would strengthen British rule over India, which was what mattered most to Britain.

After all, it was the jewel in the crown. If the jewel was lost, the crown itself would be tarnished.

It was precisely because of Britain’s focus on India during this period that the minor incident in Kalimantan was not taken seriously by the British.

Unless Spain and the Netherlands officially went to war over Kalimantan, or Spain had already occupied most of the island, it would remain a trivial matter—at least until the Empire of India was established.

In any case, the fact that the British did not cause trouble was a good thing for Spain.

After gaining full control over the Sultanate of Maguindanao and the Sulu Sultanate, the colonial government of the East Indies began its next phase of operations.

First was the construction of a T-shaped railway on Mindanao to connect the island from east to west and north to south, strengthening control over it.

Next was Kalimantan Island. The territory controlled by the Sulu Sultanate was not large, at least not relative to the entire island of Kalimantan.

But the problem was that Kalimantan Island was vast. Even if the Sulu Sultanate only controlled a small part of it, the total area was still tens of thousands of square kilometers.

More importantly, after establishing a firm foothold on this land, Spain had hopes of continuing to expand southward, extending its reach into the Sultanate of Bulungan.

Although the Dutch were also active in the Sultanate of Bulungan, their overall strength was no match for Spain’s, so the East Indies colonial government was not overly concerned.

Therefore, the railway on Kalimantan was not built on an east-west axis. Instead, a north-south line was chosen to facilitate future connections to the Sultanate of Bulungan.

What the Dutch thought was not the concern of the East Indies colonial government. In any case, the Dutch would not dare to engage in a colonial war with Spain. At most, it would be a colonial competition over the Sultanate of Bulungan. Would Spain be afraid? Of course not.

When news that the colonial war in the East Indies had ended in total victory reached Spain, both Prime Minister Primo and Carlo breathed a sigh of relief.

This war brought a tremendous boost to Spain, and the importance of the East Indies colony to Spain increased boundlessly.

It was worth mentioning that after this war, the Sulu Sea also became an inland sea of the East Indies, which further strengthened the connection between the East Indies and Kalimantan.

Carlo had previously considered abandoning the East Indies early, but now he had changed his mind.

When the age of the automobile arrived, Southeast Asia’s rubber industry would undoubtedly be one of the most profitable industries. Giving up the East Indies now would definitely be a loss.

Furthermore, the Spanish colony in the East Indies had already reached a considerable scale. To develop the African colonies to a similar level would take at least several decades.

Spain did not have that much time to waste at present. Besides, the East Indies could serve as a wedge driven into Southeast Asia, securing more of Asia’s interests for Spain.

While the operations in the East Indies were proceeding smoothly, the operations in Africa were not far behind.

The main success was in deceiving the Portuguese, thereby avoiding the attention of the British and the French.

Although only two and a half months had passed, Spain had made significant moves in Africa.

First, the Guinea Colonial Government established deeper ties with the Baka people, albeit through the use of force.

The railway in Guinea extended deep into Baka territory, providing strong logistical support for the army.

After procuring a batch of transport animals and carts from the Guinea colony, the army could confidently station itself in the upper Congo River Basin, ensuring the safety of the colonial outposts on the plain there.

Although only two and a half months had passed, the number of colonial outposts Spain had established here had increased from around twenty to over thirty, and their scale was also growing steadily.

If all went well, Spain hoped to declare the establishment of the Congo territory even before the railway construction was completed, bringing this land completely under Spanish rule.

But colonization was not without its obstacles. As Spain increased its colonial investment, it also provoked resistance from the local natives.

The most fierce resistance came from the Bantu and Baka peoples. Spain’s colonial activities had encroached upon their lands and threatened their survival.

Although there were no large-scale native states in these regions, there were many scattered native tribes.

Some of the larger tribes united, managing to muster several thousand people, a formidable force.

But clearly, they underestimated the lethality of the Spanish army, and they also underestimated the cruelty of European colonizers toward African natives.

Or rather, not just African natives, but all native populations in all colonies.

If the British colonizers and the later Americans could carry out massacres against the American Indians on the American continent, then Spain could certainly do the same to the African natives in the Congo River Basin.

However, Spain was more calculating. Factoring in the shortage of weapons and ammunition, they did not carry out excessively cruel retaliation against the local natives. They merely made an example of a few resisting tribes, using a few days to make them disappear from this land.

Facts proved that friendly exchange was far less effective than military force.

When Spanish colonizers maintained a friendly attitude and tried to communicate amicably, it only aroused their suspicion and hostility.

But if they were spoken to at the point of a rifle or cannon, not only would they listen with fear and trepidation, but they would also listen very well, taking in every single word without omission.

As for those who were not willing to listen, they were already slumbering beneath this land, a consequence of the Spanish army’s actions.

The army had received orders before arriving in Africa to promptly bury any local natives they dealt with.

The reason was simple: to prevent the spread of plagues. The climate in this part of Africa was quite dry and hot, and coupled with the lush vegetation of the Congo River Basin, all sorts of unimaginable viruses existed in the dense forests.

A single careless mistake that led to an plague outbreak in the army would not only seriously affect the colonial development of the Congo River Basin but could also attract the attention of the Portuguese, British, and French.

After all, a large-scale plague in the army was no small matter, and the Spanish government couldn’t just stand by and watch them die. Transporting large quantities of medicine to Africa would inevitably arouse the suspicion of other countries, which would be very detrimental to the colonial development of the Congo River Basin.

So from the very beginning, Carlo had repeatedly stressed the importance of plague prevention. In this land, they had to guard not only against local poisonous insects and creatures but also against the emergence of any possible viruses.

Natives who died of normal causes were to be buried promptly. If they encountered natives who had died of abnormal causes, the solution was to burn the entire tribe to the ground.

Although treating the natives this way might be a bit cruel, for the safety of the Spanish army and for the smooth progress of colonial development in the Congo River Basin, some sacrifices were very necessary.

With the Spanish government placing such high importance on the colonial development of the Congo River Basin, progress in the entire region was extremely rapid.

Of course, this was also inseparable from the sacrifices of the Guinea colony.

As a relatively small colony, Guinea did not have a large population. But for the sake of developing the lands of the Congo River Basin, the Guinea colony had already selected several hundred trustworthy Spanish immigrants to follow the army’s footsteps and enter the upper Congo River Basin first.

The arrival of these people greatly enhanced the scale and number of colonial outposts and made Spanish rule in the region more stable.

Even if the Portuguese, British, and French were to discover this place, they would be unable to declare their sovereignty over this land.

This was because the Spaniards had already settled on this land in large numbers, a fact proven by the number of colonial outposts.

As long as the development of the Congo River Basin continued to proceed smoothly, the establishment of the King’s Personal Domain might not be in the distant future.

Chapter 170: Industrial Base Development

Although the economic crisis had been temporarily alleviated, its effects could not be resolved in a short period.

The greatest impact it had was on the industrial and economic markets of various nations.

Depending on the cause of an economic crisis, its effects can be completely different. Take this one, for instance—a crisis caused by severe overproduction, leading to a frantic plunge in industrial output and prices across all countries. This was particularly evident in the metallurgy and metalworking industries.

Global demand for steel had been gradually increasing, and its price had been steadily climbing. But after the economic crisis erupted, the price of steel in European countries fell by more than half, with the drop even exceeding 60% in some of the more severely affected nations.

Yet, despite such low steel prices, European countries were still not importing large quantities—far less than before the crisis.

After the crisis began, Spain significantly reduced its imports of foreign goods to protect its fragile domestic economy.

Even when countries, led by Germany, lowered their export prices for steel to a point below Spain’s own production costs, Spain chose not to import it.

After all, if Spain imported foreign steel, domestic steel mills would receive fewer orders. This would not only affect the business of local steel mills but would also have a ripple effect on many other enterprises.

During the economic crisis, all nations tacitly reduced their import volumes while striving to export more goods.

However, apart from countries with small industrial scales that relied heavily on imports, other nations did not increase their import volumes.

These industrial products might be cheap, but they would impact their domestic industries and economies. Such a bargain was not so easily enjoyed, as it would expose one’s own industry and economy to the influence of other countries.

Among the many nations of Europe, Spain was a rather special case. Since it had not been heavily affected by the economic crisis, its domestic industrial enterprises continued to produce without interruption.

After the government announced the Second Five-Year Plan, these private factories were invigorated, their worries completely dispelled, and they approached their production work with renewed passion.

However, due to the general decline in prices across Europe, Spain could not avoid a similar trend. To date, overall prices in Spain had fallen by about 10%, which was a relatively good level compared to other European countries.

“Prime Minister Primo, how significant is the impact of the current price fluctuations on various industries?” Carlo asked about a matter that concerned him at a Cabinet meeting.

Prices, meaning the selling price of all goods, have a serious impact on the economy. Both falling and rising prices can cause economic fluctuations and may even destabilize an entire industry.

“There is a certain impact, but it’s not too severe at present and is acceptable for us,” Prime Minister Primo replied.

“The most severe price drops are in the metallurgy and metalworking industries. Thanks to the government’s timely intervention, the situation has been effectively brought under control.

“After the announcement of the Second Five-Year Development Plan, prices in our country have seen some recovery. Compared to other European nations, our price levels remain relatively healthy.

“However, it is temporarily impossible for the prices of industrial products to return to pre-crisis levels. Currently, our country’s steel prices have dropped by about 15% compared to before the crisis. But because the demand for steel has actually increased instead of decreased, factories and enterprises in the steel industry are operating steadily. There are no major problems for now.”

With prices continually falling across Europe, Spain could not possibly escape unscathed.

If Spain’s prices remained at a high level, it would lead to rampant smuggling. Buying large quantities of cheap products from abroad and shipping them back to Spain could yield substantial profits, tempting many to take the risk.

However, compared to the price drops in other countries, Spain’s was under a degree of control, and the impact was not as severe.

Although the price drop in the steel industry was relatively large, the demand for railway construction mentioned in the Second Five-Year Development Plan meant that Spain’s overall demand for steel was constantly expanding.

Sufficient demand meant that steel mills had enough orders. Although they were earning much less than before, as long as a steady stream of orders kept coming in, the steel mills could survive on these slim profits.

Moreover, steel mills were not low-profit enterprises. Their profits had been astonishingly high to begin with, so even with the much lower steel prices now, they were not on the brink of bankruptcy.

It was simply a matter of earning a large sum from a single order before, versus earning only a small sum now.

“How are the prices of agricultural products? How big is the impact of this economic crisis on the peasants?” Compared to industry, Carlo was actually more concerned about the income of the peasants.

It couldn’t be helped; the majority of Spain’s population consisted of peasants. Caring about their income was essentially caring about his throne.

“That’s good news. The impact of this economic crisis on agricultural products has not been significant. While the prices of industrial products are constantly falling, the prices of agricultural products have remained relatively stable, generally at the same level as before the economic crisis,” Prime Minister Primo said, a smile appearing on his face.

“That’s good,” Carlo nodded, also breathing a sigh of relief.

No matter how feverishly Spain’s industrial construction progressed, it could not change the fact that Spain was currently a major agricultural nation.

If this economic crisis had caused a significant impact on agricultural products, neither Prime Minister Primo nor Carlo would be smiling.

As long as the peasants’ income was unaffected, Spain’s foundation remained secure.

This was also why, although this economic crisis lasted for several years, its ultimate impact was not so fatal.

It did not damage the foundation, and the impact on industry could be repaired in just a few years.

Although this economic crisis effectively curbed the industrial expansion of Germany and the United States, it was only a curb that lasted for a few years.

Historically, the economic and industrial scale of the United States eventually surpassed the British Empire, and Germany followed closely behind, its industry already exceeding Britain’s before the First World War.

“How is the construction of the industrial base in Barcelona progressing?” After confirming that agricultural products were not affected, Carlo turned his attention to the industrial base under construction in Barcelona.

In Spain’s development strategy, Barcelona’s importance was second only to Madrid. It was Spain’s future industrial and economic center, as well as a key port for exporting Spanish products.

There were many reasons for choosing Barcelona. Besides its large population, which was suitable for industrial development, its geographical location was closer to other European countries. After all, Spain, situated on the Iberian Peninsula, was already on the edge of Europe.

“Currently, the second phase of construction for the Barcelona Industrial Base is proceeding very smoothly. It is expected to be fully completed and enter production by next year.” As he mentioned the Barcelona Industrial Base, the smile never left Prime Minister Primo’s face.

The construction of the Barcelona Industrial Base was a huge credit to Prime Minister Primo, as it represented a great leap forward for Spanish industry, from one to ten.

As for the earlier Seville Industrial Base, it was more like a small-scale demonstration base that consolidated Spain’s existing industrial capabilities.

The Barcelona Industrial Base was the most expensive and largest industrial base in Spain’s construction plan, and it was envisioned by the Spanish government as the nation’s industrial heartland.

The total investment for the first phase of the industrial base exceeded fifteen million pesetas, and the investment for the second phase surpassed forty-five million pesetas.

So what could an industrial base with a total investment of over sixty million pesetas bring to the Spanish government?

The answer was an industrial zone with a total steel output of over three hundred thousand tons, expected to accommodate several hundred factories and enterprises, and equipped with dozens of mega-storage warehouses and freight transport lines.

The first two phases of construction would provide nearly one hundred thousand jobs for the Catalonia region. This would largely meet the employment needs of the Catalan people and completely transform the Catalonia region into an area advanced in both industry and economy.

Keep in mind, the total population of the Catalonia region was just over one million. This meant that after the second phase of the industrial base was completed, one in every ten people in Catalonia would have the opportunity to work there.

Catalonia alone could hardly meet all the employment demands of the industrial base. Therefore, once the second phase was complete, Spain would need to select suitable workers from other regions to relocate to Catalonia to help with the further development of the Barcelona Industrial Base.

This approach actually had another underlying benefit: reducing the proportion of Catalans in the Catalonia region.

Once the main population of the Catalonia region became Spaniards, it would not be so easy for the Catalans to stir up trouble again.

As long as the Catalan issue was resolved, the Basque region alone couldn’t cause much trouble.

Given the size of the Basque population, they were destined to submit to the rule of the Spanish government. If any Basque radicals dared to make trouble, the Basque region would be met with a high-pressure policy.

At worst, they could relocate all several hundred thousand Basques outside of Spain and bring in Spanish immigrants to occupy the area.

As long as the Basques couldn’t stir up any major storms, resolving the issue in the Basque region was merely a matter of whether the Spanish government wanted to or not.

Hearing the news of the smooth progress at the Barcelona Industrial Base, Carlo nodded and then instructed Prime Minister Primo, ”

There is no need to rush the construction of the industrial base; our demand for steel output is not that great. Also, when introducing various factories and enterprises into the industrial base, we should increase the proportion of other industrial sectors, such as chemicals, shipbuilding, and machinery processing.

Remember to remind me when the second phase of the Barcelona Industrial Base is completed. I want to personally attend the celebration ceremony for its completion.”

Prime Minister Primo nodded, indicating he understood.

In fact, it was not just Carlo; Prime Minister Primo also placed great importance on the construction of the Barcelona Industrial Base.

This was not only related to the future development of Spanish industry but also to the Spanish government’s strategy for the Catalonia region.

The completion of the industrial base would mark the time for a large influx of Spaniards into the Catalonia region to dilute the Catalan population.

This was the most promising way to peacefully resolve the issue in the Catalonia region, and it was why Prime Minister Primo was paying such close attention to the construction of the Barcelona Industrial Base.

As a Catalan himself, Prime Minister Primo certainly knew the problems of the Catalonia region. Although many radical Catalans had been forcibly relocated, this could not solve the fundamental issue.

Ultimately, it was caused by the awakening of national consciousness. Either Spain had to assimilate the Catalan nation before its national consciousness fully awakened, or it could only gradually reduce the proportion of Catalans in the region, turning them into a true minority within Spain, unable to form the main population of any administrative district.

Prime Minister Primo was currently adopting a two-pronged approach. On one hand, he was trying to assimilate the majority of Catalans through more effective policies. On the other hand, he was using the construction of the industrial base to attract more Spaniards to Catalonia, thereby reducing the proportion of Catalans.

After these Spaniards who entered the Catalonia region intermarried with the local Catalans, their descendants could be more easily assimilated as Spaniards.

Coupled with the population growth of the dominant ethnic group, the number of Catalans would decrease in the future, while the proportion and scale of Spaniards would increase.

“How are we handling the industrial equipment we purchased from other countries and the production lines from the enterprises we acquired?” Besides the development of the industrial base, Carlo was also concerned about the things bought from abroad.

After all, the Spanish government had spent three hundred million pesetas of real money, so it was natural to make full use of this equipment.

“We have taken out some of the equipment and means of production and sold them through auctions to major domestic enterprises. As for the means of production and equipment that are more difficult to master, they have been sold at low prices to state-owned enterprises.

“A large batch of industrial equipment has been transported to the Barcelona Industrial Base. It will be used to expand the factories and enterprises there as part of the second phase of construction.

“It is estimated that it will take at least three years for us to fully utilize the production capacity of this equipment. Over the next three years, our industrial production will enter a relatively stable growth phase. The enterprises that have acquired the means of production and equipment will hopefully take this opportunity to continue expanding their production,” Prime Minister Primo answered.

Chapter 171: 1875

Time can never be paused. When one is engrossed in work, time seems to speed up.

The latter half of 1874 was a rather busy period for the Spanish government, which made time fly by, quickly bringing the year 1875.

It is worth noting that at the end of October 1874, Queen Sophie finally became pregnant.

The Spanish royal family was about to welcome its first prince or princess, and Carlo was in a wonderful mood.

Carlo and Queen Sophie had married in 1872, so why did it take until the end of 1874 for her to conceive their first child?

The biggest reason was Carlo’s protectiveness of Queen Sophie. The conditions for childbirth in this era were not so advanced, and giving birth carried considerable risks.

By the time her pregnancy was confirmed at the end of 1874, Queen Sophie was nearly twenty years old, which was considered a more suitable age for pregnancy.

Queen Sophie’s pregnancy was no small matter. It caused a stir not only within the Spanish royal family but also among the Italian royal family and the Austro-Hungarian royal family.

Carlo’s father, King Victor Emanuele II of Italy, personally sent a telegram. His words were filled with joy and delight, and he stated that he would come to Spain in person after the child was born.

Emperor Franz Joseph I of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was also quite excited about this. After all, Queen Sophie was his eldest daughter, and the child in her womb would be his first grandson or granddaughter.

From the relationships among the Spanish, Italian, and Austro-Hungarian royal families, it was clear that this yet-to-be-born child was destined to be the center of attention.

Whether a prince or a princess, the child would be doted upon by the royal families of three nations, starting life a giant leap ahead of most people.

Carlo, too, was incredibly excited about his coming child.

Although he had been in this world for several years, Carlo’s sense of belonging had never been particularly strong.

The prospect of having his own child was causing this sense of belonging to grow steadily. If Carlo’s previous goal was simply to develop Spain into a powerful nation, like completing an objective in a game, his goal now was to create better conditions for his descendants, to give them an incomparably mighty Spanish Empire.

Carlo and Queen Sophie were still young and would surely have more children in the future. Whether they were princes or princesses, Carlo would ensure they were well taken care of.

Even if they lacked ability, he could guarantee they would live comfortably as incredibly wealthy nobles, happily passing their days.

Besides the good news of Queen Sophie’s pregnancy, there was much other good news covering various aspects.

As time entered 1875, Spain was on the cusp of a new era.

Colonial rule in the East Indies colony had been preliminarily stabilized. The colonial garrison division dispatched there would remain in the East Indies—specifically, on Kalimantan Island—to aid in further colonial expansion.

There were two future directions for colonial expansion in the East Indies. The first was to occupy the Sultanate of Bulungan to the south, bordering the Dutch-controlled Kutai Sultanate.

The second was to set their sights on the Moluccas and the island of New Guinea further east. Dutch colonial rule here was not stable, and there were many indigenous sultanates outside the Dutch sphere of influence that could be conquered.

Further east, New Guinea Island still had large tracts of unclaimed territory, but the drawback was the need to compete with the Netherlands, Britain, and even Germany for colonies.

This could not be helped, as Southeast Asia was only so large. Most of the land was already occupied by the British, French, and Dutch, leaving Spain to find and colonize the pockets of empty land in between.

However, New Guinea was ultimately a secondary option. The primary task for the Spanish East Indies colony was still to occupy more territory on Kalimantan Island.

To take care of the pregnant Queen Sophie, Carlo did not attend the government’s year-end summary report meeting at the end of 1874.

But Prime Minister Primo still reported the complete contents of the government’s work to Carlo after the meeting and sought his opinion on the government’s new development plan for 1875.

As time went on, Carlo’s royal authority grew increasingly consolidated.

The most obvious sign was that Prime Minister Primo was paying more and more attention to Carlo’s attitude. If Carlo clearly opposed something, Prime Minister Primo might not necessarily be able to push it through.

Currently, royal authority and prime ministerial power could only cooperate amicably. If the two sides were to compete, it might only result in a situation where both were defeated.

After all, Prime Minister Primo supported the monarchy, and his efforts were a major reason why the Kingdom of Spain could continue to exist.

Carlo’s attitude toward Prime Minister Primo was one of respect. Although competition between royal and prime ministerial power was inevitable, Prime Minister Primo had indeed done a great deal for Spain.

In fact, the reason Carlo’s royal authority could expand to such an extent was inseparable from Prime Minister Primo’s concessions.

Had Prime Minister Primo been even a little more ambitious at the time, Carlo might not have been able to secure such great power.

Judging by the situation of the Spanish government at the time, Prime Minister Primo could have sidelined Carlo at any moment, even turning him into a figurehead with no power whatsoever.

But Prime Minister Primo did not do so. This was why Carlo was willing to wait for the Prime Minister to retire with honor before vying for more power, rather than clashing with him directly.

It was an absolute honor for the Spaniards that Spain could produce a man like Primo in this era. And it was likewise an honor for Carlo to encounter a statesman like Primo, who did not cling to power, during the early years of his reign.

The good news was that Prime Minister Primo’s reforms had already yielded certain results. The first Five-Year Development Plan had been a complete success, and the second Five-Year Development Plan was also proceeding smoothly.

If all went well, Prime Minister Primo could retire with honor after the conclusion of the second Five-Year Plan. His decade of cooperation with Carlo, and the achievements the two Five-Year Plans brought to Spain, might become a tale told for generations in Spain.

This was no exaggeration; some newspaper companies were already publicizing such things.

Some newspapers called Prime Minister Primo and Carlo Spain’s Wilhelm I and Bismarck, describing their partnership as Spain’s great revival.

The emergence of such news was also related to the slogan Carlo had proposed at the time: “Make Spain Great Again!”

The people’s eyes were sharp; they could certainly tell whether the country was developing in a positive direction. Spain was not yet strong, but for the Spaniards, the period since Carlo’s coronation as King of Spain and since Prime Minister Primo took office had been a great one for Spain.

“Your Majesty, in the past year, we have achieved unimaginable results.” On January 1, 1875, Prime Minister Primo walked into the Royal Palace of Madrid with a complete, compiled government work report, a joyful smile on his face, as he reported the good news to Carlo.

Carlo had already anticipated Spain’s tremendous progress in 1874.

After all, so many things had been purchased from abroad, and the improvements these things brought to Spain were bound to be enormous. Not to mention that Spain had also enhanced its development plan and increased investment in various departments.

It was no exaggeration to say that the railways built in 1874 alone surpassed the total length of railways built in Spain from 1870 to 1871 combined.

Carlo naturally took the report. His face showed little emotion as he carefully looked through its contents.

Before long, a rather satisfied smile appeared on Carlo’s face, and his whole body relaxed.

1874 was a year of leapfrog development for Spain, a year that narrowed the gap with the great powers. It could be said that 1874 was a dividing line for Spain.

Before 1874, Spain could only be described as being in a state of rebuilding, a great power weakened to the extreme—it was even debatable whether it was a great power at all.

But after the end of 1874, Spain’s existing industrial and economic scale, as well as the size of its army, confirmed that Spain was a strong great power.

Aside from the five traditional European great powers—Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Austria—which still held an advantage over Spain, other great powers like the United States and Italy did not have such a significant edge.

The United States’ industrial and economic scale was indeed vast, and its population was larger. But the current United States was not a military power, even after the trial of the American Civil War.

Before the outbreak of the American Civil War, the total size of the U.S. Army was only a little over twenty thousand men. Although millions of soldiers participated in the Civil War, the composition of these soldiers was easy to imagine.

Perhaps the American Civil War had forged some elite troops, but nearly a decade had passed since then, and it was uncertain how much combat effectiveness these elite troops retained.

As for Italy, there was no need to elaborate. Although Italy had not yet produced any infamous military blunders, the combat effectiveness of the Italian army had never been strong.

Italy’s unification had a great deal to do with Garibaldi. Garibaldi’s Redshirts were the truly formidable Italian army, but this army was not in the hands of the Italian government.

This was also the reason why the Italian government and Victor Emanuele II were wary of Garibaldi.

Even though Garibaldi himself had no ambitions or grand ideas, the Redshirts were a terrifyingly powerful army, and it was impossible for the Italian government not to be on guard against them.

Compared to Italy, Spain had no such worries. The revolutionary army that had resisted Queen Isabella had long been reorganized into the kingdom’s government troops. This army was then reformed into the new Royal Italian Army, under the control of the Spanish government, so naturally, no one was concerned.

Returning to the main topic, just how rapid was Spain’s development in 1874?

Thanks to the purchased industrial equipment, Spain made significant progress in industry.

Minister of Industry Canovas had already reported this to Carlo in advance and received his praise and encouragement.

The more political achievements the Ministry of Industry accumulated, the more prestige Canovas would gain. The more prestige Canovas gained, the greater his chances of running for Prime Minister in the next Cabinet government election.

This concerned the rotation of the Cabinet government after Prime Minister Primo’s retirement, a matter Carlo took quite seriously.

Let’s not forget, the largest party in Spain was currently the Progressive Party. Although under Prime Minister Primo’s leadership, the Progressive Party had not shown an overly radical attitude.

But who could guarantee that after Prime Minister Primo left the political stage, the Progressive Party would not become a radical party under someone else’s leadership?

The reason Carlo had such thoughts was naturally due to the attitude of the current number two figure in the Progressive Party, Ruiz.

Ruiz had always been a rather radical fellow. It was only because of his strong support for reforms and his prestige among the revolutionary army that Prime Minister Primo had appointed him Minister of Industry.

During his tenure as Minister of Industry, Ruiz displayed exceptional ability and firmly secured his position as the number two figure in the Progressive Party.

After Canovas became Minister of Industry, Ruiz completely stood in opposition to Carlo. Although he did not explicitly oppose Carlo’s royal authority, his attitude was already quite clear: he did not approve of Carlo gaining power and hoped to strengthen the constitutional system, concentrating power in the hands of the Cabinet government and the parliament.

If Prime Minister Primo were to retire in the future, the contest for the premiership would most likely be between Ruiz and Canovas.

Of course, if Grand Duke Serrano wanted to run for Prime Minister, he could also be counted as a contender.

Currently, only these three men in Spain were qualified to run for Prime Minister. The prestige of others was indeed lacking, and prestige was necessary to keep others in line.

In the single year of 1874, Spain’s total industrial scale increased by about 30% compared to 1873.

This level of growth was quite astonishing, especially since Spain’s industrial scale had already seen considerable growth after the first Five-Year Development Plan.

Although Spain was not an industrial powerhouse at that time, its industrial scale had a certain volume, at least much stronger than that of small and medium-sized countries.

To be able to increase by nearly a third in just one year, besides the major role played by the industrial equipment and means of production purchased from various countries during the economic crisis, the government’s increased investment in the Ministry of Industry was also a very important reason.

With so much money poured in, it would be strange if industry did not experience large-scale growth.

After all, Spain was not special to Europe; there were no industrial blockades imposed by other countries. The current situation was that as long as the Spanish government was willing to spend money, its industrial scale could achieve huge improvements.

There was good news and bad news in this. The good news was that a large amount of the purchased production equipment and means of production had not yet been put to use.

Once this equipment and these means of production were fully utilized, Spain’s industrial scale could grow even further.

The bad news was that the Spanish government had shouldered too many expenses in 1874, and such fiscal expenditure could only be sustained for one year.

If such huge fiscal spending were to continue in 1875, the Spanish government would face a relatively severe debt crisis, which was something Prime Minister Primo was unwilling to see.

Therefore, after 1875, apart from the industrial equipment and means of production that had already been purchased, the Ministry of Industry could only rely on itself. It was impossible to expect the government to pour in more money.

The increase in industrial scale also meant one other thing: an increase in the total size of Spain’s working class.

Although peasants still constituted the majority in Spain, workers had become a group that could not be ignored.

The good news was that a considerable portion of Spain’s workers were employed in royal enterprises. At Carlo’s specific instruction, the welfare and benefits in royal enterprises were relatively good compared to private enterprises, creating a natural contrast with those capitalists.

According to current public opinion among workers, those in royal enterprises were quite satisfied with Carlo and the royal enterprises, as Carlo provided them with more generous remuneration and other benefits than private enterprises.

While private enterprises in Spain still adhered to the eleven-hour workday, royal and some government-owned enterprises had already announced the implementation of a ten-hour workday in all their establishments.

This was not the ten-hour workday publicized by European countries; it was a ten-hour workday strictly enforced without the slightest deviation.

Although European countries had implemented the ten-hour workday earlier, it was not yet widespread throughout Europe.

As the saying goes, for every policy from above, there is a countermeasure from below. Although governments implemented a ten-hour workday, capitalists still had many ways to make workers “voluntarily” stay for overtime.

In Spain’s royal enterprises, this kind of “volunteerism” was simply not seen. Even the most ordinary employee could enjoy a ten-hour workday plus two days off per month.

This also meant that every recruitment drive by a royal enterprise was met with an incredibly enthusiastic response. Employees of royal enterprises worked shorter hours, yet their income was higher than that in some private enterprises.

Every worker who managed to enter a royal enterprise felt nothing but gratitude and admiration for Carlo, as they knew who had provided them with their current working conditions.

In the enterprises and factories of the royal family, large-scale discussions, exchanges, and group activities were organized from time to time.

This was not only to let the workers relieve their fatigue from work but also an opportunity to connect with them and, in a subtle way, indoctrinate them with the ideology of loyalty to the monarch and patriotism.

For the existing working class in Spain, indoctrinating them was quite easy. Since Carlo was crowned King of Spain, the workers’ wages and working conditions had been continuously improving.

They were not resistant to the idea of loyalty to the monarch and patriotism. After all, Carlo’s arrival had indeed improved their living conditions, a fact that simply could not be refuted.

Through the efforts of numerous workers and the Spanish government, Spain’s industry achieved enormous growth.

By the end of 1874, Spain’s annual steel production had surpassed two hundred thousand tons, a target set by the Ministry of Industry at the time.

Pig iron production was even higher, approaching six hundred thousand tons. The construction of railways increased domestic demand for steel, and steel mills were continuously being built in industrial bases and rapidly expanding in scale.

It is worth mentioning that of Spain’s total steel production of over eight hundred thousand tons, the steel mills under the royal family contributed more than a quarter of the output.

These steel mills had different names, but they all shared the same prefix: the word “Royal.”

The royal family’s steel mills were spread throughout Spain, with the largest being the Royal Barcelona Steelworks built in the Barcelona Industrial Base.

However, the Royal Seville Steelworks and the Royal Madrid Steelworks were not much smaller in scale. Together, these steel mills contributed nearly two hundred thousand tons of steel production and were an important part of the royal family’s industrial layout.

Carlo no longer had a concrete concept of the current asset scale of the Spanish royal family.

It was not that Carlo was unconcerned about the expansion of the royal family’s industries, but rather that the royal family’s presence in various sectors had become so extensive that a detailed accounting was no longer possible.

The assets of these steel mills alone were worth tens of millions of pesetas, generating an annual income of over ten million, something the previous royal family could never have imagined.

The steel mills were just one part of the royal family’s industrial layout, which also included many related factories, railway companies, mining companies, petroleum companies, and so on.

Adding to that the two major banks and companies in the agricultural sector, the annual income these enterprises brought to the royal family was already close to one hundred million pesetas.

Besides steel production, Spain also saw a huge increase in coal production.

To put it bluntly, coal and iron were inseparable. An increase in steel production meant an increase in the mining of iron ore and coal, as steel could only be refined from iron ore and coal.

However, compared to the growth in steel production, the growth in coal production was not as significant. The main reason was the impact of the economic crisis, which caused a sharp drop in coal prices.

The export price of coal from various European countries was now almost the same as the cost of mining coal in Spain, so there was no need for additional extraction.

After all, Spain’s domestic coal reserves were not large and had to be used sparingly. With the prices being so similar, Carlo preferred to import coal from abroad rather than mine Spain’s domestic reserves.

The government work report Prime Minister Primo handed to Carlo was nearly one hundred pages long, with the content submitted by the Ministry of Industry alone taking up dozens of pages.

The achievements of the Ministry of Industry in 1874 were too dazzling, with rapid improvements in all areas. It took Carlo a long time just to read this report, but after finishing the section from the Ministry of Industry, the satisfied smile on his face grew even brighter.

The royal family actually deserved considerable credit for the Ministry of Industry’s great successes.

For example, the achievements in the shipbuilding industry submitted by the Ministry of Industry were actually the result of the expansion of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

After a long period of decline, the largest slipway retained by the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard could only build medium-to-large warships of 6,200 tons.

But the warships designed by the shipyard far exceeded this figure, which meant that the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had to undergo a new round of expansion.

The shipyard was very important for Spain’s future naval expansion, and Carlo attached great importance to it.

In fact, even before the warship blueprints were ready, Carlo had already decided to expand the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

After a large investment of funds, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard now possessed two giant slipways capable of building ten-thousand-ton battleships, as well as a large slipway for building 7,500-ton medium-to-large warships.

If it previously took Spain two to three years to build an ironclad, now, with the two ten-thousand-ton slipways working simultaneously, it would only take a year and a half to build an ironclad of nearly ten thousand tons.

Of course, this could not be accomplished by simple addition. The Royal Guarnizo Shipyard needed more skilled workers, as well as relevant warship designers and engineers. The demand for talent was greater, and high-level talent was extremely scarce.

Fortunately, the royal family had purchased a British shipyard during the economic crisis. By absorbing some of that shipyard’s outstanding personnel, they could alleviate the talent shortage at the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

In addition, the Ministry of Industry had many other achievements in other areas.

But there is no need to mention these further. In short, the Ministry of Industry was definitely the Cabinet department with the most political achievements in the Spanish government in 1874.

Besides the Ministry of Industry, other departments also made great achievements in 1874, such as the Ministry of Education, which Carlo was particularly concerned about.

Of course, compared to the huge results of the Ministry of Industry, the Ministry of Education’s achievements were more like partial successes achieved through steady and solid work.

Throughout 1874, the population receiving literacy education in Spain exceeded one million, which was the highest number in a single year since Spain began its literacy campaign.

As for the reason, apart from the government’s increased investment in the Ministry of Education, it was also because people’s incomes had risen, leading to a large number of school-aged children and youths returning to school.

The lives of the Spanish people were now much better than before the revolution, so there was naturally no need for these children and youths, who should have been in school, to continue selling their labor in factories.

Because of this, Spain’s illiteracy rate had officially dropped below 40%, or to be precise, below 39%.

Although there was no exact percentage, it was certain that Spain’s illiterate population was now less than seven million people, and most Spaniards had received a simple education.

As the literacy campaign progressed, its difficulty also continued to decrease. Initially, Spain lacked qualified teachers for the literacy campaign, but now there was no shortage of literacy teachers.

In the past, uneducated peasants were a common sight everywhere in Spain, but now, even in small villages and towns, educated and cultured people were a common sight.

Those who were truly uneducated were either ailed in factories to earn money or were engaged in agricultural work, and they really had no time to receive an education.

Although the decreasing illiterate population was a good thing, as the literacy work continued, it would sooner or later hit a bottleneck.

After all, not all illiterate people could receive an education. Some were elderly or children, and some were the family’s breadwinners who had to earn money.

After a busy day’s work, these people indeed had neither the time nor the energy for literacy education. Carlo understood this, so Spain’s goal for literacy education was never to eliminate it completely, but to reduce it to below 20%.

For those who really could not be educated, the government could only give up. However, more effort had to be put into educating their next generation. Some of this generation of Spaniards were no longer suitable for education, but the next generation of Spaniards would all have ample opportunity to receive it.

One major reason the literacy education could proceed so smoothly was that Spain had not accepted many immigrants during this period.

The Ministry of Education only needed to focus on the more than ten million Spaniards in the country. The workload was actually not that great.

If there was a large influx of immigrants every year, it would be a heavy burden on the Ministry of Education. After all, most immigrants had not received a very good education, they were scattered throughout the country, and some did not even understand Spanish, making the popularization of literacy education very difficult.

Compared to literacy education, the development of Spain’s universities was also quite rapid.

Currently, all the universities in Spain combined enrolled more than seven thousand university students annually.

Moreover, compared to the initial situation where fewer than one thousand people chose majors related to physics and chemistry, Spain’s universities now placed great emphasis on majors related to physics and chemistry.

According to statistics from the Ministry of Education on enrollment information from various universities, of the more than seven thousand university students enrolled by these universities in 1874, the number of students applying for majors such as mathematics, physics, and chemistry exceeded three thousand.

The number of university students in architectural engineering also exceeded one thousand, as Spain, in its stage of great development, was in great need of university students in this field.

In the past, Spain did not have very effective management of its domestic universities, which led to the majors offered by universities being determined by the application preferences of students.

At that time, students preferred to apply for literature and art, which resulted in more than half of Spain’s universities being related to literature and art, followed by architectural engineering and medicine.

Currently, Spanish universities had shifted from offering majors that students wanted to offering majors that the country needed. Majors related to mathematics, physics, and chemistry had become the most applied-for majors by Spanish university students, because Spain lacked talent in these areas.

Carlo’s attitude towards universities was also very simple: Spain’s universities should cultivate more talent for the Spanish government and the country.

Universities should cultivate the talent their own country needs, not the talent other countries need. If a country’s universities only thought about cultivating talent for other countries, then what was the point of having such universities? It would be better to abolish them and re-establish universities that the country needed.

It is worth noting that the Royal Science Academy had only been established for a few years, but it had already become one of the most famous universities in Spain.

After all, it was a school that the royal family had focused on building, and with the invitation of many famous European scientists and related research personnel, it easily became famous within Spain.

The Royal Science Academy even had a certain reputation throughout Europe, attracting a small number of non-Spanish students to apply.

Currently, the Royal Science Academy alone cultivated a great deal of talent in mathematics, physics, and chemistry for Spain each year. The majority were practical, experimental talents, but there were also many who focused on theory, all of which Spain lacked.

To help some talented but underprivileged students, Carlo established the Royal Scholarship at all universities in Spain.

As long as one met the three conditions of being a Spanish citizen, having excellent academic performance, and coming from a poor family, one could apply for the Royal Scholarship.

Currently, the total number of students enrolled in all of Spain’s universities was just over twenty thousand, and the Royal Scholarship fund established by Carlo could provide more than two thousand scholarships each year. Each scholarship was worth over one hundred pesetas, equivalent to more than half a year’s salary for an ordinary Spaniard.

In reality, this was not much; the total annual expenditure for all the scholarships was only two hundred thousand pesetas.

But this brought Carlo enormous prestige. After all, one in every ten university students could receive a scholarship, which was a considerably high probability.

Although Carlo had the ability to provide scholarships to the vast majority of university students, or even every single one, doing so would not be a good thing.

Scholarships could only serve as a boost for some poor university students, and at the same time, it made everyone understand the value of the scholarship.

If most people had it, naturally no one would cherish it. After all, what is unattainable is most precious. Only by having a few people receive the scholarship could its value be demonstrated, as well as the benevolence of Carlo who provided it.

In fact, besides this scholarship, the royal family’s investment in education was not low.

Every university had a university canteen, and the royal family provided additional subsidies for the students’ three daily meals. These university students could spend less money to eat more sumptuous meals, which was one of Carlo’s methods for winning hearts and minds at the universities.

The university student population was relatively important to Spain. By using scholarships and meal subsidies at universities, these students could be filled with goodwill towards the royal family and Carlo.

Among these university students, some would go on to hold high positions in the country, while others would enter various industries and professions.

But no matter what they became in the future, as long as they were filled with goodwill towards Carlo during their university years, they would be more likely to support Carlo’s rule in the future.

Chapter 172: The Problem of Military Expansion

The accomplishments of the Spanish government in 1874 could not be summarized in just a few words. Even in its colonial endeavors, Spain had made significant breakthroughs.

The railway construction in the East Indies was proceeding very smoothly. The annexation of several native sultanates had been done openly, so the subsequent colonial administration and railway construction could naturally proceed in plain sight.

In the Congo River Basin, the initial phase of railway construction needed to be kept secret, which was the biggest challenge. After all, laying tracks required a vast amount of steel rails, and transporting them was no easy task.

Currently, the fastest progress was on the railway being laid from the Guinea colony towards the upper reaches of the Congo River Basin, with a total constructed length of nearly one hundred kilometers.

However, this railway was somewhat rudimentary compared to those built in mainland Spain; it was only a single-track line, which made construction much simpler.

With the help of this completed section of track, the Guinea colony had already transported a large quantity of supplies into the Congo River Basin.

Once the colonial outposts in this region had expanded sufficiently, Spain could declare the establishment of its own territory and begin to govern it.

By then, even if Portugal, Britain, and France realized what was happening, they would be unable to engage in colonial competition with Spain in this territory. Unless they were willing to wage a war against Spain on its home front for this land, no one could threaten Spain’s rule here.

Although development in both mainland Spain and its colonies was proceeding smoothly, this was only achieved through massive government expenditure.

Financially, the Spanish government’s total fiscal revenue in 1874 reached 731.7 million pesetas (approximately 28.12 million pounds), a substantial increase compared to 1873.

The main reasons for this were the significant achievements of the first Five-Year Plan and the economic boost from large-scale government investment.

The first Five-Year Plan had supported a large number of private enterprises. Although most were small and medium-sized, a few had gradually grown into large, industry-leading companies.

The taxes contributed by these enterprises to the Spanish government were no small sum. Combined with the taxes paid by royal enterprises, Spain’s fiscal revenue reached a new high in 1874.

Although the total fiscal revenue for 1874 nearly matched the fiscal expenditure of 1873, Carlo was clearly not happy looking at these figures.

The reason was stated in the very next line: the Spanish government’s fiscal expenditure. While revenue had seen a huge increase, so had spending.

In 1874, the government’s expenditure for foreign operations alone reached a staggering 270 million pesetas, more than double the amount from the previous year.

At the beginning of 1874, Prime Minister Primo had discussed the financial budget for the entire year and, with considerable foresight, had raised it to 897.2 million pesetas.

But clearly, Prime Minister Primo had underestimated the economic burden of Spain’s comprehensive development. The total fiscal expenditure for 1874 far exceeded this figure, even breaking the ten-digit mark.

1.0552 billion pesetas. When Carlo saw this level of spending, he couldn’t help but be startled.

This sum was equivalent to 40.55 million pounds. Considering an ironclad cost about five hundred thousand pounds, that year’s total fiscal expenditure could have built over eighty ironclads.

Although the real situation couldn’t be calculated this way, it still demonstrated how exaggerated this expenditure was.

No wonder every department had achieved excellent results—it was all bought with the Spanish government’s money. Simply put, the results were paid for.

Evidently, the Spanish government was no big spender. Therefore, in future development, achieving such excellent results by spending lavishly would be largely impossible.

The biggest reason Spain could afford such high fiscal expenditure, exceeding one billion pesetas, was the large loans obtained from Italy, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and France before the economic crisis.

The loans from Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were not massive, at 75 million lira and 120 million krone respectively (three million pounds and five million pounds).

Adding the two hundred million francs in cash available from the five hundred million franc low-interest loan provided by the French, this amounted to over four hundred million pesetas of disposable funds.

Coupled with the additional currency issued by the Currency Issuance Committee using gold from the Indian temples, the Spanish government had the confidence to spend over one billion pesetas during the economic crisis to drive the nation’s development.

For the whole of 1874, the Spanish government’s fiscal deficit amounted to a staggering 323.5 million pesetas. The fiscal deficit in 1873 was also high, at around two hundred million pesetas.

Although these funds had brought about rapid development across all sectors in Spain, it was clear that Spain could no longer sustain such spending.

Since the gold from the Indian temples was transported to Spain, the Currency Issuance Committee had already issued over 250 million pesetas in new currency.

It was only with this and the loans from the three nations that Spain had sufficient funds to maintain its vigorous development over the past few years.

However, the available funds in the Spanish state treasury were now less than one hundred million pesetas. For development in 1875, a balance between fiscal expenditure and revenue had to be considered.

Although the Currency Issuance Committee could still create sufficient available funds for the government by issuing more currency, if the Spanish market was not taken into account, frequently injecting paper money into the market could very well affect the real value of the peseta.

Moreover, Spain’s development had gradually gotten on the right track. The most important thing now was to seek stability. Ensuring the steady progress of Spain’s economy and industry was what the government should be doing.

Thinking of this, Carlo couldn’t help but feel thankful for the decay of Queen Isabella’s reign. It was precisely because the Spanish government at that time disregarded development in favor of indulgence that it had not been burdened with excessive debt.

Currently, the Spanish government’s total debt was only around seven hundred million pesetas, which was still within a manageable range.

Furthermore, the shortest debt repayment period was over a decade, with longer ones extending over two decades.

With little debt pressure, the future of the Spanish government’s development was indeed bright. Even without the push of massive funding, the growth rate of industry and the economy would see steady progress in the coming years.

And it was worth mentioning that, due to the economic crisis, Spain’s agriculture also saw considerable improvement in 1874.

After acquiring vast tracts of land from the nobility and the Church, this land was provided to peasants for cultivation through various means.

Combined with newly reclaimed land, Spain’s total farmland reached a new high, and grain production was steadily climbing.

Although there were no detailed statistics, it was certain that Spain’s farmland area had already surpassed ten million hectares. Of the eighteen million Spaniards, the majority were engaged in agricultural work on this land.

Yes, Spain’s population had surpassed eighteen million. Although this figure was a simple estimate by the various regions based on births and deaths, the actual number was likely very close.

As the average annual income of Spaniards increased, the birth rate also continued to rise. After all, only when people had spare money would they consider other things.

If they couldn’t even feed themselves, few would think about carrying on their family line.

Unfortunately, among the large number of infants born in Spain each year, a certain portion would inevitably die prematurely.

This was unavoidable and something Carlo was powerless to change.

Ultimately, it was because the medical technology of this era was too backward, making the process of childbirth extremely dangerous.

Even if a child survived birth, infant and child care was another major problem. All sorts of invisible diseases threatened their lives, keeping Spain’s infant survival rate consistently low.

This problem existed in other European countries as well, and even the European royal families were no exception.

Increasing the infant survival rate could only be hoped for with future improvements in the medical environment and related medical equipment and technology.

“Your Majesty, the government’s total financial budget for this year is approximately 722 million pesetas. Here is the financial budget report from each department, please take a look.” After reviewing the Spanish government’s 1874 annual work report, Prime Minister Primo handed over a new financial budget report and began his introduction to Carlo.

“722 million pesetas?” Carlo was a little curious upon hearing this. He looked at Prime Minister Primo and asked, “Will reducing the financial budget by over three hundred million pesetas all at once affect the construction plans of the various departments this year?”

“Based on the current situation, reducing the budget will have an impact, but it should not be significant,” Prime Minister Primo explained. “The main reason our total fiscal expenditure exceeded one billion pesetas last year was that expenditure for foreign operations was close to 270 million pesetas.

Therefore, even if we reduce this year’s financial budget by three hundred million pesetas, the impact on the various departments will not be too great.

Furthermore, our military expansion has concluded, so military expenditure can be appropriately reduced. It is for these reasons that this year’s financial budget is three hundred million pesetas lower than last year’s.”

Hearing Prime Minister Primo’s explanation, Carlo nodded, naturally having no further questions.

Indeed, the budget had exploded last year largely because the Ministry of Industry used a great deal of money to purchase foreign companies and industrial equipment.

Now that the European countries were gradually emerging from the economic crisis and the Ministry of Industry’s procurement plan was complete, there was naturally no need for such extra spending.

Subtracting last year’s 270 million pesetas for foreign operations, the Spanish government’s total annual fiscal budget would have been only around eight hundred million pesetas.

This year’s financial budget was indeed lower than last year’s, but not by much—at most, only a few tens of millions of pesetas.

“Were there any problems during the military expansion?” Carlo expressed his concern about the expansion of the Spanish army.

This expansion was no small operation; it had increased the size of Spain’s original army several times over.

Upon completion of the expansion, the size of Spain’s army had risen to the top eight in Europe. To be precise, it was second only to Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Austria, and even larger than Italy’s standing army.

More importantly, the Spanish army possessed considerable combat strength. Back in the era of the empire on which the sun never set, Spain was a world hegemon strong on both land and sea.

Although both its army and navy had weakened, the Spanish army had no major flaws. With rigorous training, it could still become an elite force.

Coupled with the new rifles and cannons equipped after the military reforms, the Spanish army’s combat effectiveness, while not matching that of great powers famous for their armies like Germany and France, was at least on par with Britain and Austria, and a bit stronger than Russia and Italy.

Needless to say, Italy’s performance in both World War I and World War II was terrible. Although there were various reasons, it was an undeniable fact that the Italian army’s overall performance was poor.

The Russian army also had many complex issues, but the biggest reason was the decay of the Russian state itself.

After all, as an autocratic empire that had existed for centuries, its decay was quite normal. Corruption and embezzlement were rampant within Russia, and the army’s combat effectiveness was a mess.

In both World War I and World War II, the Russian army relied on numerical superiority rather than combat prowess.

This made Russia one of the countries with the most casualties in the World Wars, with soldier casualties alone reaching the tens of millions.

Being stronger than Italy and Russia in land combat was nothing to boast about. Italy was the weakest of the great powers, while Russia possessed an extremely vast territory and a dense population.

Spain, on the other hand, had a population of only eighteen million. While it could mobilize a million troops in an extreme scenario, doing so would cause irreversible damage to the nation.

Looking at the great powers like Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Austria, any one of them could mobilize over a million troops, some even several million.

Spain still had far too many shortcomings compared to these countries, the greatest of which was its population.

Only by increasing its population to over thirty million would Spain be qualified to contend with these nations. Otherwise, the casualties in population alone would be enough to make Spain feel a pained reluctance over a loss, which was the greatest gap between small and medium-sized countries and the great powers.

“The expansion of the army went very smoothly, with basically no trouble encountered,” Prime Minister Primo began with good news, before mentioning the actual problems faced during the expansion. ”

If we are to speak of problems, it would be the discrepancy between the number of cannons planned for our army and the number we can actually equip.

In our plans, each infantry division was to have over 248 cannons. But after actually equipping them with 248 cannons, we found we simply could not meet the demand for shells.

This would create immense pressure on frontline supply lines and slow the advance of the infantry divisions.

After deliberations, the Ministry of Defense reduced the number of cannons equipped by each infantry division to 112 to just barely meet the shell requirements for these cannons to fire simultaneously.”

Artillery was indeed a good thing, but that didn’t mean that the more cannons an army had, the stronger it was.

Cannons needed shells to display their power. Once a war started, the consumption of shells was astronomical.

Although the rate of fire of current cannons wasn’t very fast, if each infantry division were equipped with over two hundred cannons, Spain’s six infantry divisions alone would have over one thousand cannons, almost matching the total number of cannons of Prussia and France during the Franco-Prussian War.

Yet Spain’s six infantry divisions numbered less than one hundred thousand men. What did this mean? The number of cannons equipped in each Spanish division was several times that of the Prussian and French armies, and the logistical pressure was imaginable.

After discovering this problem, the Ministry of Defense promptly made a change, reducing the number of cannons per infantry division from the original 248 to 112, which barely resolved the issue.

Chapter 173: An Envoy from Lanfang Arrives

“A representative from the Lanfang Republic?” Carlo paused, looking at Steward Loren, who had brought the news.

“Yes, Your Majesty. It is indeed the Lanfang Republic, as you previously instructed,” Steward Loren affirmed with a nod.

In truth, a nation of Asian people of such a small scale shouldn’t have been able to attract the attention of Carlo, the King of Spain.

However, because the Lanfang Republic was connected to Spain’s strategic plans in Kalimantan, and because of Carlo’s prior instructions, the guards reported the arrival of their envoy up the chain of command until it reached Steward Loren.

“Lanfang.” Carlo’s gaze drifted to the map of the East Indies hanging in his office. The name of the Lanfang Republic was on Kalimantan Island, circled for emphasis.

Later generations would hold this overseas republican country founded by the Chinese in high regard, and Carlo himself had a somewhat favorable impression of it.

But that didn’t mean Carlo would go against the interests of Spain and the royal family to help Lanfang. Rather, he would make his decisions on the premise of what was advantageous to Spain and the royal family.

At present, the existence of the Lanfang Republic was still quite necessary for Spain. With Lanfang drawing the attention of the Dutch, Spain’s annexation of the Sultanate of Bulungan would proceed much more smoothly.

Spain could even stay out of the conflict, just like the British, and support the Lanfang Republic, turning it into their own cudgel to fight the Dutch.

The advantages of this approach were obvious. Spain wouldn’t need to participate in the war, thus avoiding any casualties. Providing the Lanfang Republic with weapons and equipment could also generate some income—after all, he was looking for a place to offload the obsolete equipment being phased out by Spain’s military reforms.

During this era, European nations were transitioning to breech-loading bolt-action rifles. Those old muzzle-loading rifles were difficult to sell, aside from equipping colonial armies.

It would be better to sell them to the Lanfang Republic at a low price, letting them cause trouble for the Dutch and muddy the waters in Kalimantan as much as possible.

“Show him in,” Carlo said with a wave of his hand, signaling Steward Loren to bring in the representative of the Lanfang Republic.

A short while later, a yellow-skinned man dressed in a style clearly different from that of East Asians walked in, led by Steward Loren.

“Wu Yongxiang, diplomatic representative of the Lanfang Republic, pays his respects to Your Majesty, King Carlo!” The man named Wu Yongxiang bowed very respectfully to Carlo and introduced himself.

“Spanish? You speak Spanish?” Carlo was a little surprised. He hadn’t expected this diplomatic representative to be proficient in Spanish.

However, Carlo was in no mood to show off by speaking Chinese. After all, voluntarily speaking the other party’s language in a diplomatic setting was tantamount to showing deference. In Spain, one spoke Spanish. Carlo wouldn’t forget his decorum just because of his past life.

“Yes, Your esteemed Majesty. As you know, proficiency in foreign languages is a basic skill for a diplomat. I know some Dutch, Spanish, English, and French. Please forgive me if I do not speak them well,” the Lanfang representative, Wu Yongxiang, first nodded in response to Carlo’s question before offering his explanation.

“You are very skilled, Mr. Diplomat. To be able to master so many languages is a testament to your ability.” Carlo nodded, acknowledging the diplomat’s linguistic talents, before asking his own question. “The Lanfang Republic is far away on Kalimantan Island. Why would you send a diplomatic envoy on such a long journey to Spain?”

Wu Yongxiang swallowed nervously. After carefully choosing his words, he spoke, enunciating each word in Spanish. “Your esteemed Majesty, the President sent me here with the hope of concluding a treaty of friendship with your esteemed country and establishing a perpetual alliance.”

The full name of the Lanfang Republic was the Lanfang Grand Constitutional Republic. Its head of state was called the General Administrator or the Grand Tang Chief, signifying the supreme leader of the overseas Chinese.

Since there was no similar term in Spanish, Wu Yongxiang had used the somewhat analogous “president” in his translation.

How the head of state was translated was no longer important. What mattered was the purpose of Wu Yongxiang’s visit: to conclude an alliance with the Kingdom of Spain by any means necessary to help the Lanfang Republic continue to survive.

Yes, to continue to survive.

This Chinese republic established overseas actually had a rather glorious history. At its peak, the Lanfang Republic ruled over more than half of West Kalimantan.

But with the colonial invasions of Britain and the Netherlands, the territory of the Lanfang Republic was continuously eroded, until only a small portion in the west of Kalimantan Island remained, an area of just a few tens of thousands of square kilometers.

If not for the cleverness of successive General Administrators, who shrewdly invoked the name of that great East Asian power and declared themselves a vassal state of the Qing Dynasty, the Lanfang Republic would have likely been annihilated by the Dutch long ago.

Of course, such a title was bound to lose its effectiveness eventually. The so-called Qing Dynasty had long since fallen into decay, and a period of humiliating history awaited it.

Moreover, the very composition of the Lanfang Republic guaranteed that it would not receive support from the Qing.

The Lanfang Republic was a republican state composed of Han Chinese, while the Qing Dynasty was a feudal empire ruled by an ethnic minority. The two were fundamentally different.

This difference could be seen in their clothing and ethnic makeup. The Han Chinese of the Lanfang Republic did not wear long queues, and their clothing more closely resembled Dutch and French-style military uniforms.

The other side, naturally, needs no further description; their long queues were a distinctive feature.

“A treaty of friendship? A perpetual alliance?” Carlo smiled, speaking as if unconcerned. “Mr. Diplomat, give me a reason.”

No matter how one looked at it, the Lanfang Republic and Spain were not equals. By asking for a reason, Carlo was less interested in the reason itself and more in making the other party understand that it was the Lanfang Republic who was asking for a favor, and thus it was they who should be bowing their heads.

“Your Majesty, Spain and Lanfang currently share a common enemy: the Dutch. If we conclude a treaty of friendship, we can unite to fight against Dutch rule. We are willing to help your country seize Dutch colonies, and in doing so, secure more land for our own survival,” Wu Yongxiang stated his reasons.

“The Dutch?” Carlo laughed, his eyes filled with disdain and indifference as if he had just heard a joke. “Do you think the Dutch pose a threat to Spain? If I wished it, the Spanish army could defeat the Dutch army at any time, in any place. The Dutch have never been Spain’s enemy. They are not worthy of being Spain’s enemy.”

Although Carlo’s words were arrogant, they reflected the reality of the European situation. A nation’s strength determined its diplomatic standing—a timeless truth in any era.

The Netherlands may have had a long history and was once a dominant power in Europe, but now it was a small country with a population of only a few million.

If not for Britain’s protection, the Dutch colonies would have long been carved up by other nations. The Netherlands was never a threat to Spain; the real threat was the British who stood behind them.

“Spain is indeed very powerful and could defeat the Dutch with ease.” Wu Yongxiang first affirmed the strength of Spain as described by Carlo, then stated his own point. “But the Dutch are not the only ones on Kalimantan Island, are they? The British behind the Dutch are the real trouble, for both the Lanfang Republic and Spain. If your country is willing to support us, we are willing to help you fight against both the British and the Dutch.”

This statement truly hit the mark. Spain’s real concern was not the Dutch; the Dutch were not qualified to play a game of chess with Spain.

The real players on Kalimantan Island were the British. If the Lanfang Republic wanted to find a common enemy with Spain, it should be looking at the British.

“While that may be true, Spain does not need an ally at this time.” Carlo nodded, acknowledging the point Wu Yongxiang had raised, but at the same time expressing his opposition.

“Your Majesty.” Wu Yongxiang wanted to press on, but Carlo cut him off with a wave of his hand and said, “While I do not need an ally, I wouldn’t mind having a loyal subordinate in Southeast Asia. Mr. Diplomat, I trust you understand my meaning?”

Whether in terms of national strength or the current situation, the Lanfang Republic was not qualified to be Spain’s ally.

In the end, it came down to the Lanfang Republic being too weak. Without Spain’s support, it was destined to perish under Dutch colonial aggression.

Currently, only Spain could help the Lanfang Republic, which was why they had traveled thousands of miles to come here.

Unfortunately, they had underestimated Carlo’s ambition. As far as Carlo was concerned, he had no interest in propping up a non-Spanish nation that could one day threaten Spain.

Lanfang could receive Spanish support, but only on the condition that it submitted to Spanish rule and became Spain’s loyal underling.

Otherwise, Carlo wouldn’t mind supporting another nation to fight the Dutch. It wouldn’t be a difficult task for Spain, anyway.

Wu Yongxiang’s face turned pale, then ashen. He, of course, understood the meaning behind Carlo’s words: the Lanfang Republic must submit to Spanish rule.

And this wasn’t a simple submission. If one spoke of submission, the Lanfang Republic already claimed to be a vassal state of the Qing Dynasty and was also forced to submit to Dutch colonial rule. That too was a form of submission.

But such submissions were nominal. The Dutch constantly sought to annex the Lanfang Republic, and the Lanfang Republic constantly sought to resist Dutch rule.

The submission Carlo demanded was obviously not such a superficial, false submission, but a true and genuine one.

If he agreed to such a demand, Lanfang’s economy would be infiltrated by Spain, and even its military would be subject to Spanish interference.

Should they become a true vassal state, submitting to Spanish rule in exchange for national survival, or should they sternly refuse and strive to flourish amidst the colonial competition between the Netherlands and Spain?

This was a difficult choice for the Lanfang Republic, and an even more difficult one for its diplomatic representative, Wu Yongxiang.

As a diplomatic representative, Wu Yongxiang certainly had a degree of authority. His authority might even be sufficient to directly agree to Carlo’s demands, but would he dare? Of course not.

This was no small matter; the interests of the entire Lanfang Republic were at stake.

Wu Yongxiang’s expression shifted for a long time, but he dared not show the slightest hint of dissatisfaction. After a long internal struggle, he finally found himself unable to make a decision. “I apologize, Your Majesty. But these are not terms I can decide upon. I will convey your demands back to my country and request a decision from our President.”

Carlo nodded, not at all surprised. “Of course, Mr. Diplomat. Since you have come to Spain, you are our guests. I will have the government arrange for your food and lodging. If your government has any reply, I would be most pleased to hear it.”

Led by Steward Loren, Wu Yongxiang walked out of the Royal Palace of Madrid with a complicated expression.

As the diplomatic representative of a small country, he naturally wouldn’t receive much attention from the Spanish government. But with Carlo’s instructions, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs still arranged a quiet residence for Wu Yongxiang and his entourage and provided them with a carriage for transportation.

On the way from the palace to his residence, Wu Yongxiang looked at the city of Madrid with a complex expression, his eyes nearly overflowing with envy.

Compared to Madrid, Dongwanjin (Pontianak), the capital of the Lanfang Republic, was indescribably dilapidated.

Although the small Lanfang Republic had a population of nearly four million, in terms of infrastructure, technology, and economy, it was completely incomparable to these European nations.

“Alas! If my Han people had such technology, would Lanfang be in this state?” Wu Yongxiang sighed, his face a mask of complex emotions.

“Sir, we will learn how to make these Western gadgets sooner or later. Once our weapons become as powerful as theirs, we won’t have to fear the Dutch or the Spanish,” said Wu Yongxiang’s attendant, who was also his loyalist and subordinate.

“I hope so. But will these Westerners so easily hand over their technology to us? Damn it all! The civilization of our great nation, ruined by that boar-skin dynasty. The Hongyi cannons of the late Ming are still a vivid memory, yet today’s boar-skin Manchus use weapons like swords and spears. It’s laughable! Simply laughable!” Wu Yongxiang sighed, ending the topic.

Although Wu Yongxiang had used the excuse of needing to contact his home country, in reality, what method did he have?

Even for European powers like Spain, communication with their colonies in the East Indies was extremely troublesome, let alone for a small country like Lanfang with no diplomatic legations.

There was a way, of course: send someone back to Lanfang, and after confirming the message, have them return to Spain with the answer.

But this round trip would take several months. Not only was the process incredibly troublesome, but they might also miss their opportunity.

Lanfang was already the one asking for help. If they made Spain wait for several months, any potential cooperation would most likely fall through.

Therefore, before Wu Yongxiang left the Lanfang Republic, he had already confirmed the specifics of cooperation with Spain and the potential areas for compromise with the current General Administrator, Liu Asheng, and other key personnel.

If Spain’s conditions were within an acceptable range for Lanfang, it would be best to reach an agreement as soon as possible. But if Spain’s conditions were too harsh, exceeding what Lanfang could bear, then the negotiations could only end in regret.

Although the residence provided by the Spanish was not spartan, Wu Yongxiang had not slept well for days.

He couldn’t help it; the mental pressure was too great. So great that every time he closed his eyes, he saw the potential problems facing the Lanfang Republic: either complete submission to Spanish rule or complete defeat and annihilation by the Dutch.

After several days of this torment, Wu Yongxiang finally made a decision. In other words, the two small figures warring within his mind had finally declared a winner.

He had no choice. For the Lanfang Republic, the most important thing right now was to survive.

The Spanish only wanted a portion of Lanfang’s sovereignty; they only wanted Lanfang’s submission. But the Dutch wanted the complete destruction of the Lanfang Republic. Their eyes were not on the republic itself, but on the land its people had cultivated.

The Lanfang Republic had been established for nearly one hundred years. During this time, its population had grown from the initial one hundred thousand to nearly four million, which seemed like a considerable number.

But the bad news was that the proportion of the dominant ethnic group, the Han Chinese, or more specifically, the Hakka people, was not that large. The current number of Chinese was just over five hundred thousand. The majority of the population consisted of local natives who had submitted to Lanfang’s rule—that is, other ethnic groups.

This was why the Lanfang Republic could only yield to the Dutch. After all, only the five hundred thousand people were truly united. The rest of the population would not fight to the death against the Dutch for Lanfang.

Because so many people had continuously cultivated this land, the territory controlled by the Lanfang Republic possessed remarkably fertile farmland and a relatively developed economy.

While it couldn’t compare to European nations, when compared to the surrounding native tribes, the Lanfang Republic was an undeniably tempting piece of meat, which was why the Dutch had set their sights on it.

Even the Brunei Empire, which once controlled this land, was not nearly as important as the Lanfang Republic. Gaining control over Lanfang’s four million people would greatly accelerate the development of Kalimantan Island, providing the Dutch with a massive granary there.

With over five hundred thousand Chinese in the country, the Lanfang Republic had no real choice.

Only the Lanfang Republic could shelter these five hundred thousand-plus Chinese. If the Lanfang Republic were to be destroyed by the Dutch, what awaited these Chinese might be a fate even worse than that of the local natives.

The Lanfang Republic had existed on this land for nearly a century. They certainly understood the European attitude and policies towards the local natives.

Because of the diligence of the Lanfang people, they had reclaimed large tracts of land and created immense wealth. This wealth was coveted not only by European colonizers but also by the local natives.

If the Lanfang Republic fell, even if the Dutch weren’t too harsh on the Lanfang people, the local natives would undoubtedly launch a frenzied campaign of revenge.

Even if only for the survival of these Chinese people, the Lanfang Republic had to continue to exist.

As for having to submit to Spanish rule, the Lanfang Republic had done so before.

During the height of the Qing Dynasty’s power, the Lanfang Republic claimed to be its vassal state and had always sought its protection.

But the boar-skin Manchus would never trust a Han Chinese republican state. No matter how much Lanfang tried to curry favor, they were always treated as a group of pirates rather than a legitimate country.

In the past, the Lanfang Republic had also been forced to submit to Dutch rule for the sake of survival. Now, it was simply a matter of changing the ruler above their heads. For Lanfang, the change was not that great.

A small sacrifice in exchange for the survival of all of Lanfang was, in Wu Yongxiang’s view, worth it. Besides, Lanfang wouldn’t necessarily have to remain under Spanish rule forever. If they could learn Spain’s advanced technology and acquire its powerful weapons, perhaps Lanfang could one day master its own destiny.

Taking a Day Off to Rest

I’m taking a day off to rest.

This is my first day off this month. I’m going to get some rest and also sort out my thoughts and organize the plot.

The writing has been a bit chaotic recently, so I need to take some time to properly think through the story.

Chapter 174: The Assimilation Experiment

The Lanfang Republic’s final choice was, naturally, to submit to Spanish rule.

At least by submitting to the Spaniards, they still had an option. Without Spain’s support, the only outcome awaiting Lanfang was annihilation.

“Diplomat Wu, you have made the right choice.” Inside the Royal Palace of Madrid, Carlo wore a satisfied smile, having reached a preliminary agreement on cooperation between Spain and Lanfang with Wu Yongxiang.

Since Wu Yongxiang was the plenipotentiary representative of the Lanfang Republic, his signature was all that was needed to ratify the cooperation treaty between the two parties.

As for whether the Lanfang Republic would break the treaty, Carlo had no need to worry.

Until the Lanfang Republic defeated the Dutch, they would constantly face colonial pressure from the Dutch East Indies.

And the timing of their victory over the Dutch was entirely up to Spain. If Carlo so wished, the Lanfang Republic could be locked in a perpetual war of attrition with the Dutch.

On February 12, 1875, Spanish Prime Minister Primo and Lanfang’s plenipotentiary representative Wu Yongxiang, witnessed by members of the media, jointly signed the “Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation between Spain and Lanfang,” leaving behind valuable photographic records.

Most of the media had no interest in the Lanfang Republic; they were interested in why Spain would choose to sign a cooperation agreement with a nation of so little fame and strength.

The only country that probably paid any attention to this was the Netherlands.

This was because Lanfang was theoretically within the Netherlands’ colonial sphere and even nominally subservient to the Dutch East Indies colony.

However, by the time the Dutch received the news, several days had already passed since the treaty was signed.

No matter how dissatisfied the Dutch were, they could only swallow their anger and suffer in silence.

After all, Spain outmatched the Netherlands in both size and overall strength. Unless the Netherlands was still the United Kingdom that ruled over Belgium and Luxembourg, it couldn’t be compared to Spain.

But then again, if the Low Countries were still united, the great powers would likely intervene to force their dissolution, probably before Spain even had to compete with the Dutch.

Situated between Britain, France, and Germany, the region was destined never to host a truly strong nation.

Forget a great power on the level of the major players; even a regional power was not permitted to exist there.

To put it bluntly, none of the three—Britain, France, or Germany—would allow a nation to emerge in the Low Countries that was more powerful than or a threat to themselves.

When Prime Minister Primo learned that Carlo had finalized the cooperation agreement with the Lanfang Republic’s representative, he expressed no opposition.

After all, such cooperation was beneficial to Spain. The vast majority of the treaty’s clauses would help Spain better colonize the Kalimantan region.

However, regarding the loyalty of this new underling, the Lanfang Republic, neither Carlo nor Prime Minister Primo fundamentally trusted them.

The only difference was that the Netherlands wished to destroy the country and annex its lands, while Spain hoped to control the Lanfang Republic, gaining the assistance of a nation with a population of over four million and a relatively developed agricultural sector while simultaneously countering the Dutch.

It had to be admitted that the lands of Southeast Asia were naturally suited for agriculture.

Being in the tropics, rice could be harvested two or even three times a year, yielding several times more grain than temperate regions.

Though the Lanfang Republic only had a population of four million, it produced enough food to feed fifteen million people for over a year.

This was quite an astonishing figure, making agriculture the pillar of the nation’s economy and its main source of income.

For Spain, the grain from the Lanfang Republic could effectively fill the food shortages in the East Indies, that is, the Philippines.

With the people of Lanfang providing them with sufficient food, the Spaniards could focus their energy on more valuable crops, such as rubber, or on other industries.

Of course, for Carlo and Spain, the Lanfang Republic’s greatest value was not providing food or fighting the Dutch, but to exist as a kind of vassal state, supplying Spain with more troops.

That’s right, Carlo had no intention of giving up on the Lanfang Republic. In Carlo’s future strategic plans for Spain, the Lanfang Republic would serve as a permanent vassal state, helping Spain expand its territory and build a glorious empire.

Although the Lanfang Republic currently had a population of only four million, it was backed by the world’s most populous nation.

The reason its population was only four million was, aside from the constant colonial suppression by the Dutch, that this populous great nation had not yet completely weakened.

As long as the Lanfang Republic built a solid reputation, it could certainly attract more people, pushing its population past ten million.

A nation of ten million people would be far more useful to Spain, capable of raising an army of several hundred thousand, or even a million, soldiers.

With such an astonishing number of troops, it could pose a significant threat not just to the small Dutch East Indies colony, but even to India, which the British so coveted.

Of course, Carlo wasn’t foolish enough to actually compete with the British for India. Setting aside whether they could win, Spain itself was not large enough to suppress a country the size of India.

But having an army of hundreds of thousands, potentially millions, would undoubtedly make the British take Spain more seriously and allow Spain to conduct its diplomatic activities with greater confidence.

After all, if they truly came to blows, even if Britain were the eventual victor, it would be severely weakened in the process.

Furthermore, even if the enemy wasn’t Britain, the Lanfang Republic could still play a role. After all, population was the most important resource in this era. A sufficient population provided the confidence needed for both colonial expansion and warfare.

But to achieve this, it was necessary to achieve dual economic and military control over the Lanfang Republic.

Achieving dual control would be difficult, as the Lanfang Republic would not simply surrender. The people of Lanfang were not fools. Faced with Spain’s intent to completely control them, they would surely become more vigilant, perhaps even hostile.

But it wasn’t impossible. For instance, they could use cultural infiltration and select talented individuals to be cultivated from a young age.

Select a group of talented children from the Lanfang Republic, raise them in Spain from a young age, and only send them back after they have grown up and graduated from university.

Having grown up in Spain, these individuals would naturally feel an affinity for it. When these people entered the upper echelons of the Lanfang Republic, a pro-Spain faction would gradually form and gain a voice.

At that point, Spain would only need to support this pro-Spain faction to influence or even control the country.

This was a common tactic used by certain countries in later generations. Spain wouldn’t even need to show its hand much; the cultivated pro-Spain faction within the Lanfang Republic alone would be enough to hold significant sway.

Additionally, by controlling the size of the Lanfang Republic, keeping its population at the ten-million level, they could ensure it would not turn against Spain.

They could even use the local indigenous people as a counterbalance, making the Lanfang Republic and the natives compete with each other, allowing Spain to rest easy.

After the cooperation treaty was signed, Wu Yongxiang remained in Spain as an ambassador.

Now that the relevant cooperation treaty had been signed, the next step was naturally to engage in further cooperation with the Lanfang Republic.

At least until his goals were achieved, Carlo was unwilling to see the Lanfang Republic destroyed by the Dutch.

Currently, the biggest problem between Spain and the Lanfang Republic was communication. The Lanfang Republic was also relatively backward and naturally had no means of long-distance oceanic communication.

The most urgent problem to solve was the communication between mainland Spain and the Lanfang Republic. After some discussion, it was decided to lay a cable for wired telegraph communication between the Lanfang Republic and the Spanish East Indies colony.

Communication between the Lanfang Republic and mainland Spain would essentially be relayed through the East Indies colony.

This was unavoidable. The technology of the era was what it was; there was no wireless communication or internet technology.

The ability to transmit telegraph messages across oceans relied on the transoceanic cables laid by European nations.

Moreover, the technology for transoceanic cables was not yet mature, having only been around for about ten years.

This meant long-distance telegraph transmissions took a long time and were sometimes incomplete or erroneous due to sudden signal interruptions or other issues.

But there was no other choice; it was the most effective and fastest method of long-distance communication available to humanity at the time.

Besides sending telegrams via submarine cables, the only other way to transmit messages was to travel thousands of miles in person.

A few days later, the first shipment of Spanish weapons and equipment for the Lanfang Republic was successfully loaded onto a ship and sailed slowly into the Atlantic Ocean under Wu Yongxiang’s watchful eyes.

To show the sincerity of its support, Spain would provide this first batch of weapons and equipment to the Lanfang Republic free of charge.

Carlo and the Spanish government would not lose out, as this was equipment phased out from their own army—outdated muzzle-loading rifles and paper cartridges, without even a single cannon.

The only real cost was the transport fee for shipping the weapons from Spain to Kalimantan; there were no other extra expenses.

If the Lanfang Republic wanted to purchase more arms in the future, they would have to pay with real gold and silver, or trade goods of equal value.

Both the outdated muzzle-loading rifles and the Royal Arsenal’s latest breech-loading rifles were on the list of exportable weapons.

After all, the Lanfang Republic had no capacity to build ammunition production lines. Even if they bought the guns, they would still have to rely on ammunition imported from Spain.

By selling them weapons, Spain could better arm the Lanfang Republic and also distract the Dutch and the British.

Accompanying the weapons shipment was a military delegation of several dozen people.

The purpose of this delegation was to help the Lanfang Republic’s army train a powerful new army capable of fighting the Dutch.

On one hand, the Lanfang Republic’s military was indeed ineffective. On the other, Spain needed to establish military influence within the country.

Another reason was to observe the actual performance of these weapons on the battlefield. Although only a batch of muzzle-loading rifles had been sent for now, who could guarantee that the Lanfang Republic wouldn’t buy advanced breech-loading rifles from Spain in the future?

In the Lanfang Republic’s army, the Spanish military could also test some of its ideas about army organization, helping to better reform Spain’s own forces.

Real war was the only true test of an army. Spain currently lacked combat experience, so it could only gain some by observing a battlefield up close like this.

To save on transport costs, while shipping arms to the Lanfang Republic, Spain would also transport a batch of weapons and equipment to its own East Indies colony.

Spain’s colonial expansion in Kalimantan had not stopped, and war was an unavoidable possibility. To be on the safe side, it was necessary to resupply the colonial troops in the East Indies with weapons and ammunition.

Then there was the plan for expanding the East Indies colony. Besides Kalimantan, Carlo was also preparing to have the colony expand towards New Guinea.

New Guinea is an island even larger than Kalimantan, the world’s second-largest island after Greenland.

Considering Greenland is very close to the North Pole and its cold climate makes it unsuitable for development, New Guinea was effectively the largest developable island.

More importantly, compared to Kalimantan Island, which was already infiltrated by British and Dutch influence, large parts of New Guinea Island remained untouched by the great powers.

Spain had a perfect opportunity to occupy territory on New Guinea Island and expand its colony. Whether it was establishing a new, separate colonial region or incorporating it into the already unified East Indies colony, both were good options.

Whether planting cash crops like rubber or clearing land to grow food, these areas could bring great returns for Spain.

Perhaps Spain alone was not enough to develop these regions, but by using the Lanfang Republic, they could achieve unexpected results.

In the future, the main area of development for the Spaniards would still be Africa, especially the Southern Morocco region. After all, the Moroccan region was a place that could truly be integrated. The vast majority of other colonies had little chance of integration and were destined to eventually break away from Spanish control.

Yes, Carlo saw this very clearly.

The collapse of the colonial system was inevitable, unless the outbreak of the two World Wars could be prevented. Fortunately, Spain had already lost most of its colonies. Even when the day of the colonial system’s collapse arrived, Spain’s losses would not be that great.

What Carlo needed to do was to divide Spain’s colonies before the system collapsed. Those that could be integrated would be developed more intensively to achieve full integration before that day came.

Those that couldn’t be integrated would be exploited for their final value to bring Spain as much benefit as possible.

Speaking of the colony of Southern Morocco, its development since its establishment had been quite successful. A north-south railway line within the colony had been completed, which not only greatly facilitated the transport of goods but also strengthened Spain’s control over the land.

Morocco’s population was not large, even smaller than that of the tiny Lanfang Republic. While Lanfang’s population just hit four million, Morocco’s barely surpassed three million.

The territory occupied by Spain was not small. All the land south of the line from Agadir to Tata, down to the Sahara Desert, belonged to the colony of Southern Morocco.

But the population of this area was only about one-tenth of Morocco’s total population, with most people concentrated in the largest city, Agadir, which was also the current capital of the colony of Southern Morocco.

This was bad news, but it was also good news.

The bad news was that with a population of less than three hundred thousand, it would be difficult to develop the colony of Southern Morocco into a highly prosperous region like Cuba in a short time.

Getting Southern Morocco to generate a steady stream of income for Spain like Cuba was simply not going to happen within the next ten years.

But there was also good news. Because the population was sparse, Spain could use it as an experimental ground to explore the possibility of assimilating the Moroccans.

As one of the most unique regions in Africa, Moroccans were a white population, quite similar to the Spaniards. Apart from the two most obvious differences—language and religion—it was genuinely hard to tell a Spaniard and a Moroccan apart if they were standing together in the same clothes.

Morocco’s population was also small, which would make assimilation easier. Even if only a portion could be assimilated, it would effectively increase Spain’s population and lay a foundation for its future strength.

If it proved impossible to assimilate the Moroccans, Carlo would have no choice but to resort to a more forceful method: expelling them from Morocco entirely.

After all, to integrate Morocco, it was essential to ensure that the majority of its inhabitants were true Spaniards.

Only then could true integration be achieved, turning Morocco into one of Spain’s regions rather than leaving it as a colony.

Currently, Spain’s primary pilot program was in Agadir, in the colony of Southern Morocco. By building Spanish-language schools and vigorously spreading Catholicism, they would do their utmost to bring these Moroccans into the Spanish fold.

Secondly, they would educate the Moroccans from a young age, teaching them to see themselves as Spaniards.

Through this two-pronged approach, they would try to assimilate the Moroccans as much as possible. Before Spain had completely occupied Morocco, there was still a long time to experiment with the assimilation of its people.

The moment Morocco was fully occupied, this experiment would have to yield a result. Whether the Moroccans would stay or go, and how the Moroccan region would ultimately be handled, all depended on the outcome of this assimilation experiment.

Chapter 175: Timid Little Portugal

In March 1875, after careful consideration, the Ministry of Defense finally decided to order a Revival-class ironclad from the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

Yes, it was the newest type of ironclad previously designed by the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard. Judging from its design specifications, it was absolutely a world-class, even top-tier, ironclad design.

The main problem was that the shipyard had searched throughout the Americas and Asia but could not find any customers to buy the warship.

With the onset of the economic crisis, deep-pocketed buyers were even scarcer.

This ironclad cost as much as five hundred thousand pounds to build, and its selling price of five hundred fifty thousand to six hundred thousand pounds was simply not a figure that an ordinary country could afford.

For the sake of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard’s development, the only option was to have the Spanish Navy place the first order.

Of course, this was also the result of the Ministry of Defense’s comprehensive consideration.

If Spain couldn’t afford the warship’s expense, or if there was truly no need to build a new ironclad, the Ministry of Defense would never have placed the order.

The Royal Guarnizo Shipyard naturally understood the importance of this order as well.

Only by building a finished Revival-class ironclad and letting other countries see its power for themselves would it attract orders from abroad.

To prevent the government from losing out too much, Carlo personally made the decision. On top of the internal price of five hundred fifty thousand pounds, he gave the government another reduction of fifty thousand pounds, selling the warship completely at cost.

Considering the recent fall in steel prices, although it was sold at cost, the shipyard still had a certain profit margin.

The further price reduction was a win-win for both the shipyard and the government. The shipyard gained an order and experience in building ironclads, while the Spanish government acquired an advanced ironclad to strengthen its navy at a lower cost. Both sides profited.

Five hundred thousand pounds was equivalent to thirteen million pesetas, which was not too great a burden for Spain’s current financial capacity.

Spain’s army had already completed its expansion, and its military expenditure was entering a relatively stable period. The Ministry of Defense’s budget was more than sufficient to squeeze out thirteen million to order a warship. For Spain, with its vast colonies, this ironclad would be instrumental in maintaining their stability.

Although continental hegemons like Germany and France were famous for their armies, in reality, Europeans placed more importance on naval development.

A country with a strong army was not necessarily a great power, but one with a strong navy almost always was.

Even the somewhat backward Russian Empire placed great importance on naval development. During World War I, Russia even possessed three fleets, with its own fleet commands in the Baltic Sea, the Black Sea, and the Far East.

Currently, Spain’s position as the world’s fifth-largest naval power was somewhat undeserved. But with the addition of a new ironclad, it could at least secure a place among the top eight naval powers in the world.

A more powerful navy was useful for both defending the homeland’s coasts and suppressing its various colonies. Only a country with a strong navy was qualified to possess a vast colonial empire.

According to the construction timeline provided by the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, this Revival-class ironclad, named the Revival, would not be launched until next summer.

Adding the lengthy sea trials, its official commissioning into the navy would likely not happen for another two and a half years, around mid-1877.

Since this timeline was still within the current Cabinet government’s term of office, the total construction and testing period of two and a half years was acceptable to the Ministry of Defense.

Once news that Spain was building a new ironclad was released, it would also bolster the public’s confidence in the government.

After all, for Europeans at this time, the strength of a nation’s navy was, to a large extent, linked to its overall national power.

The people were always happy to see their country grow stronger. There was a famous saying about this: “When speaking of the British Empire’s immense wealth, even the lowliest textile worker in Manchester would proudly puff out his chest.”

The stronger the nation, the stronger the people’s confidence in the nation and the government. And the stronger the people’s confidence in the nation and the government, the stronger the nation would become.

This was the effect that building a powerful ironclad would have on Spain. To a certain extent, its potential impact was more appealing than its practical use.

After all, while the total area of Spain’s colonies was not large, they were scattered all over the world.

Among all the colonial powers in the world at present, the only ones that could be considered “sun-never-sets” nations were Britain and, now, Spain.

The so-called “sun-never-sets” meant that the sun would never set on its territory.

Britain’s colonies were spread across the globe. Besides its European homeland, the British colonial sphere extended to North America, South America, Africa, Asia, and Oceania, making it a true colonial empire.

Although France also had many colonies, and had even surpassed Spain to become the world’s second-largest colonial empire…

…its colonies were mainly concentrated in Asia and Africa, with only a very small part in South America.

Looking at Spain, it had Cuba and Puerto Rico in the Americas; Southern Morocco, Guinea, and Congo in Africa; and the Philippines and Kalimantan in Asia. Combined with its European homeland and the islands and archipelagos scattered across the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, it was not a problem to call it a sun-never-sets nation.

To maintain stability in colonies spread across the globe, a powerful navy was essential.

The good news was that after merging with the shipyard from Britain, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard now possessed the capability to produce Revival-class ironclads.

The shipyard’s docks had also been expanded long ago under Carlo’s orders, making it easy to build ironclads of under ten thousand tons.

If not for the government’s finances being insufficient to support the simultaneous construction of several ironclads, one might have witnessed the grand spectacle of multiple ironclads being built at the same time in the shipyard.

However, given Spain’s current rate of industrial and economic development, such a scene might not be far off.

When Spain’s second Five-Year Development Plan was successfully completed, it might be the time for Spain to massively expand its navy, declare its return to the throne of the great powers, and compete for a voice in international affairs.

Although Spain was not yet a top-tier great power, it had no problem securing its colonial sphere and fulfilling its colonial needs.

Spain may not have been powerful, but countries like Britain and France could not afford to ignore its opinions.

The commencement ceremony for the ironclad the Revival was set for March 14, 1875. Carlo attached great importance to it, even personally attending the warship’s commencement ceremony under the watchful eyes of the media.

Attending alongside Carlo were Prime Minister Primo, Minister of Defense Serrano, and others. Although he had not received an invitation, Wu Yongxiang, the Ambassador of the Lanfang Republic to Spain, also witnessed the entire ceremony from the sidelines, feeling deeply moved.

Despite the Lanfang Republic having a population of four million, five hundred thousand pounds was an astronomical sum that it could never hope to raise.

After all, it was primarily an agricultural nation, and due to frequent harassment from the Dutch, the Lanfang Republic’s economy was not in good shape.

If the Lanfang Republic had a few advanced ironclads, even the Dutch would never dare to blatantly annex its territory.

Of course, this was just a thought. The cost of a single ironclad was hundreds of thousands of pounds, equivalent to two million taels of silver—no small sum.

Adding the maintenance, daily training expenses, and the salaries for naval soldiers, on top of the warship’s five hundred-thousand-pound purchase price, tens of thousands of pounds more would be needed annually for upkeep and other fees. It was truly a money-devouring beast that made every nation turn pale.

The news that Spain was once again building an ironclad after many years spread to other countries and regions outside Spain through reports from domestic and foreign newspaper companies.

If one were to ask who was most worried about this, it would probably be Spain’s neighbor, Portugal.

It couldn’t be helped; on the small Iberian Peninsula, there were really only these two neighbors. The Principality of Andorra was more like a dependency under the joint rule of France and Spain, possessing neither an army nor diplomatic sovereignty, and thus could not be considered an independent nation.

Portugal had been wary of Spain even during its period of decline, let alone the Kingdom of Spain, which had already begun its revival.

As for his brother-in-law, Carlo, becoming the king of Spain, the Portuguese King Luís’s initial attitude had been one of great anticipation.

This was not because of their family ties—after all, European royal families were widely interrelated by blood, sometimes even as close relatives.

It was mainly due to Carlo’s status as an Italian outsider, combined with Spain’s chaotic situation at the time, that led King Luís to believe that Spain could not possibly get back on its feet in the short term. Such a Spain would naturally pose no significant threat to Portugal.

But unexpectedly, under the concerted efforts of Carlo and Prime Minister Primo, Spain’s revival occurred right before his eyes.

While the current Spain could not be considered very powerful, it had indeed pulled back from the brink, transitioning from a stage of decline to one of revival.

And Spain’s decision to resume building ironclads once again heightened Portugal’s domestic anxiety. A Spain with a powerful army was already enough to give the Portuguese sleepless nights. If Spain also built up such a strong navy, would there be any room left for the Portuguese to survive on the Iberian Peninsula?

After much deliberation, King Luís of Portugal finally heeded the advice of the Portuguese government and decided to proactively seek deeper contact with the Spanish royal family, primarily Carlo. He hoped to use the blood ties between the two royal families to bring them, and even the two governments, closer.

He did not expect Portugal to gain anything from Spain. As long as he could ensure that a resurgent Spain had no designs on Portugal, it would be a stroke of luck amidst misfortune for the Portuguese.

Originally, before the outbreak of the economic crisis, there had been such thoughts within Portugal of concluding some treaty with Spain to ensure its own security.

But due to the economic crisis, Portugal could only postpone these plans for a while.

Unexpectedly, it was during this postponement that the Portuguese government saw an even greater crisis. Spain had not been much affected by the economic crisis; on the contrary, it had, with great fanfare, brought in a large amount of talent and industrial equipment from various European countries.

What could this talent and equipment provide for Spain? Naturally, it was the industrial experience that Spain lacked most. With this experience, Spain’s industry would achieve tremendous growth, completely widening the gap with small European countries like Portugal and the Netherlands.

Although Portugal had good relations with Britain, Spain was not without allies either. Needless to say, Spain’s relationship with Italy had improved significantly since Carlo took the throne, and the two countries had already signed a defensive alliance treaty on the basis of their cooperation treaty.

The cooperation between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Spain was something King Luís had never expected. Originally, King Luís had considered selecting a suitable princess from the Portuguese royal family to marry Carlo, hoping to ensure that Spain would not be hostile to Portugal through marital ties.

But Carlo clearly had a better choice; an ally like the Austro-Hungarian Empire was far stronger than an ally like Portugal.

With the help of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, could Spain defeat a Portugal aided by the British? This question required no thought; the answer was, of course, that it could do so with ease.

Unless the British were willing to personally intervene to help Portugal, Portugal had no means to resist a more powerful nation like Spain.

Why was this so? For any country, the most important thing is strategic depth. Portugal’s territory looked like a rectangle, a vertically oriented one at that.

If war broke out between the two countries, the Spanish army would only need to march west from Badajoz to reach the Portuguese capital, Lisbon.

This would split Portugal’s territory in two, after which its land could be easily devoured piece by piece.

Faced with this problem, there was no solution unless Portugal possessed a powerful army.

With all its land either bordering the sea or Spain, Portugal, to a certain extent, had no room to retreat.

After losing its Brazilian colony, Portugal no longer had the option of retreating to its colonies. Its African colonies were not large and could not support a nation. The other colonies were too small, finding it difficult even to be self-sufficient.

From this perspective, it was clear that Portugal had no choice.

It had to either cultivate good relations with its neighbor, Spain, or cling tightly to Britain and pray that Spain would not risk offending the British by moving against Portugal.

Between these two paths, what would the Portuguese government choose?

For most small nations, they lacked the courage to make a firm choice, and the Portuguese government was no different.

The Portuguese government’s choice was to, while upholding its alliance with Britain as a strategic goal, strive to improve relations with Spain to ensure the security of its own territory.

In short, it wanted to have it both ways, placing bets on both Britain and Spain to secure its safety.

Regardless of whether this behavior would offend one side or even both, for Portugal at present, this was indeed the way to maximize its chances of preserving its territory.

March 22, 1875, within the Royal Palace of Madrid.

The sudden arrival of King Luís and Queen Maria of Portugal came as a surprise to Carlo.

Queen Maria was Carlo’s older sister, but by the time Carlo came into this world, she had already married King Luís.

This was why Carlo had never met his own sister, even though she appeared very joyful and affectionate.

“Carlo, it’s been so long!” Upon seeing Carlo, Queen Maria walked forward joyfully, her eyes sizing up her younger brother, filled with delight.

“Sister Maria, it’s been a long time. Your Majesty.” Carlo nodded, first greeting his sister Maria before exchanging nods with King Luís of Portugal.

Queen Sophie, who was seated nearby, also smiled and greeted Queen Maria and King Luís before sitting down again.

Since becoming pregnant late last October, Queen Sophie’s safety had become the royal family’s top priority. Carlo not only had the royal family’s private doctor move into a room in the palace wing but also increased the number of Queen Sophie’s attendants.

This meant that whenever Queen Sophie went out, she was accompanied by over a hundred people, a grand and imposing sight.

Queen Sophie had complained that these people ruined the enjoyment of her outings. But it couldn’t be helped. After all, this was Carlo’s first, yet-unborn child, and the first prince or princess of the Spanish royal family. The matter naturally had to be taken seriously.

Even before the child was born, Carlo was already selecting tutors for his son or daughter, preparing an extremely meticulous, elite-style aristocratic education for them.

If it were a princess, the education would not be as strict. In Carlo’s view, a daughter ought to be doted on. In any case, the Spanish royal family’s wealth was already immense; giving her a few companies and businesses would be more than enough for his child to live the rest of her life in extreme affluence.

But if it were a prince, he would be the first in line to the throne. Including any subsequent princes, as long as it was his son, he would have to undergo an extremely rigorous, elite-style aristocratic education.

Even if they didn’t become the king of Spain, they would certainly become great nobles in Spain. They might even have the opportunity to become the king of another country, just as Carlo had been elected king by another nation.

Regardless of the outcome, Carlo had to ensure his children were exceptionally outstanding elite nobles, not useless wastrels who only knew how to squander wealth.

Although Carlo recognized the stability that primogeniture brought to a country, if his eldest son lacked outstanding ability, Carlo would consider passing the throne to one of his other sons.

After all, this was not the era of absolute monarchy, where one could retain the throne even after a few incompetent kings. In an age of liberty and democracy, the position of a king was inherently precarious.

If one lacked ability, it was highly likely that a single mistake could lead to the abolishment of the throne.

Carlo had no ambition to establish an absolute monarchy, but he did not want the throne he had worked so hard to stabilize to be squandered by his descendants.

He who wears the crown must bear its weight. If his descendants lacked the ability, Carlo would advise them to live their noble lives in peace and not to seek the Crown, which, though it looked luxurious and noble, could bring ruin to their family with a single misstep.

Chapter 176: Synchronizing the Railway Gauges

After a round of simple greetings and pleasantries, it was time to discuss serious matters.

Queen Sophie was very clever. Sensing the moment was right, she invited Carlo’s sister, Queen Maria, to tour the gardens and other sights within the Royal Palace, giving Carlo and King Luís the private space they needed to talk business.

With the two queens having left the banquet hall one after the other, the conversation between Carlo and King Luís became much more formal.

After all, Carlo and King Luís were not related by blood, nor were they particularly familiar with each other, so a formal discussion was only natural.

“Your Majesty Carlo, the changes in Spain over these past few years have been nothing short of immense. Perhaps in a few more years, Spain will truly have a chance at revival under your rule, and will once again become one of the six great powers of Europe, alongside Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Austria,” King Luís I of Portugal began, complimenting Carlo on Spain’s recent transformation.

In King Luís I’s view, a man not yet twenty-four years old like Carlo would surely not object to such flattery, even if he wasn’t overly fond of it.

After all, who doesn’t enjoy hearing praise? Especially a young king.

“This is the result of Prime Minister Primo’s hard work. His reforms have created the strong Spain of today,” Carlo said with a smile.

Spain’s revival was indeed the result of Prime Minister Primo’s reforms; Carlo’s own contribution had not been significant. Saying this not only affirmed the Prime Minister’s merits but also informed King Luís I that he did not hold much power in the current Kingdom of Spain, so the Portuguese royal family should not hold excessive expectations of the Spanish royal family.

“The Prime Minister serves under the king’s leadership. The king is the master of a country,” King Luís I countered with a smile, expressing his true feelings.

For traditional European noblemen like King Luís I, they always believed the king was the master of the nation. Even if a constitutional monarchy stripped them of most of their power, as long as the king remained, the country was the king’s property.

This was evident in Carlo’s sister, Queen Maria. Although Queen Maria had a good reputation in Portugal and was even called “the Angel of Charity” and “the Mother of the Poor” by the Portuguese people, her extravagant behavior and some of her more stubborn ideas were opposed by some, particularly government officials.

A few anecdotes passed down through the years confirmed this. At one masquerade ball, Queen Maria changed her outfit three times in a single night. Each costume cost several hundred pounds, which was equivalent to wearing a suit of gold and jewels.

This was no exaggeration, as one pound at the time was equivalent to 7.33 grams of gold. A costume costing several hundred pounds was indeed equivalent to several kilograms of gold.

When the Portuguese parliament discussed the Queen’s enormous expenses, Queen Maria gave her response: “If you want a queen, you must pay for her.”

Queen Maria lived up to this principle. Most of the interior decoration of the Ajuda Palace in Lisbon was carried out under her direction, for which the Portuguese royal family and the government combined had spent more than the cost of an ironclad.

Queen Maria’s stubborn adherence to the ideals of absolute monarchy was reflected in an incident Carlo had heard about firsthand.

In the same year that Carlo came to Spain, Queen Maria had a minor conflict in Portugal with the current Duke of Saldanha.

Conflicts between the Queen and the nobility were inevitable, but Queen Maria expressed an exceedingly firm and resolute attitude, threatening the great Portuguese nobleman, the Duke of Saldanha, by saying: “If I were king, I would shoot you myself!”

The reason for Queen Maria’s unyielding attitude was, of course, that her father, Victor Emanuele II, was the King of Italy; her younger brother, Carlo, was the King of Spain; and her husband, Luís, was the King of Portugal.

In truth, Queen Maria’s way of doing things and her way of thinking were not wrong. After all, many nobles and kings of the era shared similar ideas.

There was no shortage of nobles more extravagant than Queen Maria, and there were even more who were more stubborn and despotic.

The only problem was that Portugal, like Spain, was facing severe decline. Moreover, Portugal’s own strength was not great, which exacerbated domestic instability.

After King Luís’s death, Maria remained active in Portugal as the Queen Dowager and even served as Prince Regent.

Under her tutelage, the succeeding Carlos I also displayed a rather autocratic attitude and ruled with considerable severity and despotism.

The long period of autocratic rule left the Portuguese people deeply dissatisfied, and after 270 years, the rule of the House of Braganza in Portugal finally collapsed.

The responsibility for the fall of the Kingdom of Portugal could not be placed entirely on Queen Maria’s shoulders, but some of her actions certainly hastened its demise.

However, for Carlo, this was not bad news. It might even evolve into an opportunity for Spain to annex Portugal once more.

Yes, in Carlo’s future plans for Spain, annexing Portugal had always been an extremely important step, second in importance only to Gibraltar.

These two matters were, in fact, one and the same, and their success depended on the attitude of the British. The day Spain no longer feared the British might be the day it could retake Gibraltar and annex Portugal simultaneously.

A unified Iberian Peninsula was a perfect territory, surrounded by sea on all sides, with only its northeastern border connected to France.

By deploying troops and building fortresses on both sides of the Pyrenees Mountains, they could hold any enemy outside the Iberian Peninsula.

With the addition of Portugal’s vast plains, Spain would gain a large amount of farmland, strengthening its agricultural power.

A unified Iberian Peninsula could easily support a population of over seventy million. Adding the Moroccan region, which Carlo planned to integrate, these lands alone could accommodate a population approaching one hundred million people.

Although not comparable to vast nations with extensive lands and plains like the United States, its capacity to support such a population was by no means weak compared to other European countries.

Furthermore, by controlling the Strait of Gibraltar, Spain would become the master of the crossroads between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic and the hegemon of the Western Mediterranean. It might even gain the opportunity to stand on equal footing with great powers like Britain, France, and Germany.

Though such an idea was wonderful, achieving it would be extremely difficult. At least for the current Spain, Portugal, Gibraltar, and Morocco were all bombs that could not be touched.

Gibraltar was protected by the British, and the British would not allow Spain to annex Portugal or the Moroccan region.

Moreover, even if Spain had the opportunity to annex Portugal at this time, Carlo would not allow it.

Portugal’s area might not be large, but it had a population of over 4.5 million. This was nearly a quarter of Spain’s population, and assimilating them would be exceedingly difficult.

What’s more, the Portuguese were bona fide Europeans, so more forceful methods of assimilation were out of the question. Annexing Portugal would be a very arduous process that had to wait for the perfect moment—at the very least, a time when the Portuguese people themselves were not so opposed to it.

Until then, relations between Spain and Portugal had to be maintained at a certain level. Both countries were declining colonial powers, and to some extent, they could cooperate.

At the very least, Portugal could not be allowed to fully align with Britain, as that would increase the difficulty of annexing it and make Spain’s other plans more challenging.

“Your Majesty Carlo, Portugal and Spain are neighbors on Iberia. I believe we have a duty to maintain peace on the peninsula and jointly face enemies from beyond.

The Portuguese government would be very pleased to sign a relevant treaty with the Spanish government to build a solid Iberian line of defense, allowing both of us to focus our efforts abroad, on managing our colonies,” King Luís I said with a smile.

As two former colonial empires, both Spain and Portugal had colonies scattered across the globe.

Spain had many colonies in Africa and Asia, and the same was true for Portugal.

However, the comprehensive strength of both Portugal and Spain had waned significantly. King Luís I’s meaning was clear: he hoped that Spain, like Portugal, would focus its attention on its overseas colonies rather than on matters within the Iberian Peninsula.

After all, it was the colonies that could generate a continuous stream of wealth, and many places, including Africa, had vast territories awaiting development by Portugal and Spain.

Carlo had no immediate designs on Portugal, but that did not mean he would readily agree to King Luís’s request for cooperation.

Currently, Portugal was the weaker party. To obtain a non-aggression pact and further cooperation with Spain, it would certainly have to offer something in return.

Strictly speaking, there was not much difference between the Portuguese and the Spaniards; their languages were even somewhat mutually intelligible.

If he could attract some high-quality Portuguese talent, he could not only test the possibility of assimilating the Portuguese in advance but also fill the talent gap in Spain.

Another point was getting Spanish industrial products into the Portuguese market. Because they were both on the Iberian Peninsula, transportation costs between Spain and Portugal were very low.

If Spanish industrial products could enter the Portuguese market, although it was a small market of only a few million people, its purchasing power was stronger than that of a colonial market of tens of millions.

A large influx of industrial products into Portugal could also disrupt its industrial system. By the time Portugal reacted, its industries would have already been destroyed by cheaper industrial products.

By controlling Portugal’s economy in this way, he could also influence the decisions of the Portuguese government in certain situations. When the time was right to annex Portugal, this would also speed up the process.

Carlo nodded but did not directly agree to King Luís’s proposal. Instead, he changed the subject and said with a smile, “The problem of different railway gauge widths has troubled us for a long time. The Spanish government is currently considering modifying our railway gauges to align with the mainstream European standard, to facilitate better economic exchange between Spain and the European continent.

Your Majesty Luís, what do you think of the proposal to modify the railway gauge width?”

Although countries all over the world were vigorously building railways, the gauges they used differed. Britain, as the first country to build railways, established a gauge width of 1435 millimeters, which became the standard width for most countries.

The advantage of adopting this standard was that railways could easily connect across borders, enhancing transportation capacity and avoiding unnecessary transfers and connection procedures.

But not all countries adopted the 1435-millimeter standard width. The two countries of the Iberian Peninsula each had their own railway gauge standards.

Spain’s railway gauge was 1674 millimeters, a true broad-gauge railway. Broad-gauge railways had many advantages. First, wider carriages made train travel more comfortable and also increased the transport capacity of the train cars.

Whether for carrying passengers or freight, trains running on wider tracks could transport a greater total tonnage, giving them stronger transport capabilities.

Wider tracks were also more stable, greatly enhancing a train’s safety and making derailments less likely.

But this did not mean broad-gauge railways had no disadvantages. They occupied more land, and building them required more steel rails and other materials, correspondingly increasing the cost.

This was especially true in a country with more mountainous terrain like Spain, where building railways required digging tunnels, which massively increased construction costs.

Why did Spain, knowing that building railways this way would infinitely increase its costs, resolutely choose a broad-gauge railway so different from the mainstream European standard?

The main reason was to guard against France to the north. As Spain’s only neighbor besides Portugal, France had historically been very powerful.

From the Napoleonic era, France had been the hegemon of continental Europe. The French Empire had even occupied Spain during that period, which deepened Spain’s vigilance toward France.

During France’s period of strength, its armies could easily break through the Pyrenees Mountains and enter Spanish territory.

If the railway gauges were identical to France’s, the French could easily use the railways built by Spain, greatly enhancing their logistical supply capabilities.

It was precisely for this reason that the railway gauges of the two Iberian nations were completely different from the standard gauge used by France, making it difficult for the French to utilize Spanish and Portuguese railways.

Similarly, to defend against the Spaniards, Portugal had made some modifications to its own broad-gauge railway. Although both Portugal and Spain used broad-gauge railways, Portugal’s gauge was nine millimeters narrower, ensuring that the Spaniards also could not easily use Portugal’s railways.

Carlo’s sudden proposal to connect Spain’s railways with France’s was, of course, not a genuine desire for that to happen.

Spain’s industry was not as strong as one might imagine. Connecting its railways with the European continent would only allow industrial products from powerful industrial nations like Germany and France to flood the Spanish market.

This would not be a good thing for Spain and would also increase France’s influence over the country.

The reason he brought up the railway gauge issue at this moment was to tell King Luís that if Portugal wanted a non-aggression pact with Spain, it would have to align its railway gauges with Spain’s. The Iberian duo must adopt the same railway standard.

To a certain extent, it would be very beneficial for the two Iberian powers to adopt the same railway gauge.

Train lines between the two countries could be easily connected. A train from Spain could travel onto Portugal’s tracks without any special procedures, passing through smoothly.

This would greatly facilitate the movement of people and goods, and the economies of both Portugal and Spain could see rapid improvement.

But this was assuming one ignored the impact of the influx of industrial goods on Portugal’s industry. While it would indeed promote economic growth, the sacrifice might be Portugal’s industrial sector.

Spain’s industrial scale was small only in comparison to superpowers like Britain, France, and Germany. Compared to a straggler great power like Italy, Spain’s industry was quite competitive.

And for Portugal, which couldn’t even be considered a great power, if Spanish industrial products entered its market, it could mean a devastating blow to Portuguese industry.

The larger the industrial scale, the lower the price of manufactured goods. Portugal’s small-scale industry could not possibly compete with Spain’s unless its government provided strong support for domestic industry, such as raising tariffs and restricting imports.

But wouldn’t that just directly counteract the effect of synchronizing the railway gauges? Would the Spaniards allow that?

As it turned out, King Luís I was no fool. He immediately understood the meaning behind Carlo’s words, but it was for this very reason that he became extremely hesitant.

With King Luís I’s authority, pushing for the synchronization of Portuguese and Spanish railway gauges would face little resistance.

But he had to carefully consider the impact this would have on Portugal. Was it truly worth paying such a price for a mere non-aggression pact?

“Your Majesty Luís, my country has achieved a complete victory in the colonial war in the East Indies. I trust your country has already received this news?” Seeing King Luís I’s prolonged silence, Carlo changed the subject again, asking with a smile.

“Of course,” King Luís I nodded, a hint of envy in his eyes. He said, “The formidable combat strength of your country’s army is admirable. Spain’s colonial territory has expanded by a large measure.”

Carlo smiled. King Luís clearly did not know that Spain had long since begun to secretly colonize the far vaster lands of the Congo River Basin.

Portugal’s West African colony was located just downstream of the Congo River Basin, practically next door to the Congo River lands.

This act of secretly colonizing the Congo River Basin lands, right under the nose of the largest colonial power in the vicinity, gave Carlo a thrilling sense of audacity, like cheating on a spouse right in their presence.

Chapter 177: Collaborative Colonization

“The government is planning a new colonization effort on New Guinea Island. If your country is interested, perhaps we could cooperate on this venture,” Carlo said with a smile.

Jointly colonizing New Guinea was the goodwill gesture Carlo was offering, and it was also the condition for Portugal synchronizing its railway gauges.

Carlo knew that for countries like Spain and Portugal, which had already benefited greatly from colonization, the prospect of acquiring new colonies was a tremendous temptation.

Bringing the Portuguese in on the colonization of New Guinea was a plan Carlo had formulated after careful consideration.

As a former colonial empire, the Portuguese were also very experienced in colonization. More importantly, Portugal had a small colony in Southeast Asia, giving them the means to colonize New Guinea.

Inviting Portugal to colonize New Guinea together served two purposes. First, the combined strength of Portugal and Spain would be able to handle the colonial competition from the great powers and speed up the process.

Second, Spain alone lacked the strength to develop the vast territory of New Guinea, and the Portuguese, who were short on colonies, could contribute.

If the relationship between Spain and Portugal remained steady, it would be fine. But if the two nations were to engage in fierce competition or even go to war, it would be hard to say who would have the final say over this colony.

The Portuguese and the Spaniards were indeed different, but compared to other populations, they were the easiest to assimilate.

Especially these Portuguese immigrants—to a certain extent, they would not reject Spanish rule. As long as the Spanish colonial government respected their interests, they would not stir up trouble with the authorities over a homeland they had already left behind.

Hearing Carlo’s words, King Luís I was visibly stunned.

He never would have thought that the price Spain was offering was an invitation to jointly develop a colony in New Guinea.

Developing a colony—who could resist such a temptation? For Portugal, a former colonial empire itself, this was indeed very appealing.

King Luís I was stunned for a moment before asking, “A New Guinea colony? Do you mean Spain is willing to develop a New Guinea colony together with Portugal?”

Portugal was, of course, aware of New Guinea; after all, its colony of East Timor lay just across the sea from New Guinea Island.

Speaking of Timor Island, the first colonists to arrive on this land were the Portuguese. But with the Dutch establishment of their East Indies colony, Portugal’s colonial power was relentlessly squeezed, to the point where they were almost driven off Timor Island entirely.

Finally, through a treaty signed with the Dutch over a decade ago, the Portuguese secured the eastern part of Timor Island and some nearby smaller islands, managing to establish a tenuous colonial foothold in Southeast Asia.

This history was rather humiliating for Portugal. After all, they were the first to arrive on Timor Island, yet they were also the ones nearly kicked out.

Upon hearing Carlo’s invitation to jointly colonize New Guinea, King Luís I was indeed tempted, but also a little hesitant.

The main reason was the Dutch presence in the region, and the British who backed them.

Of course, in terms of overall national strength, Portugal was also far inferior to the Netherlands.

Spain had at least once been the hegemon of Europe, but Portugal never had been; it had merely built its colonial empire by colonizing the Americas.

After Brazil’s independence, Portugal’s colonial empire crumbled.

Although the Netherlands was not large, it had once been one of Europe’s hegemons, even bearing the title “Wagoners of the Sea.”

The Low Countries had always been a relatively developed region in Europe, and shipbuilding and shipping remain pillars of their economy, especially for the Netherlands.

In terms of overall national strength, the Portuguese were truly no match for the Dutch. It was only because the Netherlands was situated between three great powers—Britain, France, and Germany—that none of them allowed it to become too powerful.

Luís I’s worry stemmed mainly from the Dutch. The British were unlikely to make a direct move against Portugal; after all, they would not want to see Portugal lean towards Spain.

But the problem was, the Dutch were truly ruthless when it came to colonization. If a small island like Timor could provoke colonial competition from them, wouldn’t shifting the theater to the much larger New Guinea Island trigger a colonial conflict on an even grander scale?

Though the temptation was great, the risks were equally significant. If the colonies the Portuguese worked so hard to establish were seized by the Dutch or the Spanish, wouldn’t it mean that years of their efforts would vanish in an instant?

As if sensing the hesitation in King Luís I’s heart, Carlo smiled and added, “Your Majesty Luís, I’m sure you are aware of the vastness of the New Guinea colony. It’s not just the Dutch; the British, Germans, and French all have colonial activities on this land.

“To these countries, Spain is also a small nation. A colonial partnership between Portugal and Spain can solve this problem. At the very least, we can unite to contend for a piece of land in New Guinea.

“We can also establish a treaty of alliance between our two colonies. At least in colonial matters, we can reach a sort of mutual defense agreement.”

What worried King Luís I was that the Portuguese might not be able to hold onto their colony, just as had happened before on Timor Island.

But if Portugal chose to cooperate with Spain, the combined power of the two Iberian powers would be formidable, enough to challenge even the great powers.

Unless they were prepared to completely sever ties, even great powers like Britain, France, and Germany would have no choice but to respond with relatively mild competition when faced with a united Portuguese and Spanish colonial effort.

After all, it was just a struggle for colonies; there was no need to escalate it to the level of conflict between home nations. As for the remaining Dutch, they were hardly a threat.

Let alone the two Iberian powers combined, even Spain by itself would not fear a moderately powerful country like the Netherlands.

Spain’s strength was relative, and the Netherlands’ strength was even more so. Although Spain had weakened considerably, its comprehensive national strength could still crush a country like the Netherlands, which had a very small territory and population.

After all, the Netherlands was a nation of just over four million people; its size was ultimately limited. Even if its industry and economy were more developed than those of the Iberian nations, it was clearly not enough to compensate for the population gap with Spain.

Hearing Carlo say this, King Luís I nodded, much of the hesitation in his eyes disappearing.

Due to concerns about Portugal’s strength, King Luís I always had to deliberate extensively when making decisions, considering all the advantages and disadvantages for his country.

At present, collaborating with Spain to colonize New Guinea Island was also beneficial for Portugal. If things went as Carlo described, Portugal did have a chance of securing a piece of land on New Guinea Island as a new colony.

Although it would be impossible to acquire too much land, it would at least be a gain. For King Luís, if he could acquire a colony for Portugal during his reign, regardless of its size or economic value, it would still count as a political achievement he could broadcast.

Politicians need political achievements to promote themselves, and kings are no different. A king who expands the realm’s borders is always better than a mediocre one who merely maintains the status quo, and a mediocre king is in turn better than an incompetent and fatuous one.

If given the chance, what king would not want to expand his territory and build a greater domain for his kingdom?

Even if it was just a colony, colonization was currently Portugal’s most promising path for expansion. After all, Portugal had only one land neighbor—Spain—and there was still a power disparity between the two Iberian powers. The difficulty for Portugal to expand on land was far greater than through colonization.

“I must admit, Your Majesty Carlo, what you’ve said is indeed very appealing. But as you say, matters of state are not for us to decide with a single word. They must be discussed by the politicians in the government before a decision can be made.

“However, I personally agree with your proposal. If all goes well, I believe we will see cooperation between Portugal and Spain on New Guinea Island,” King Luís I said with a smile, giving his answer.

Although he was personally inclined to cooperate with Spain on colonization, the specific details of the collaboration would still need to be discussed by government officials.

It wasn’t that King Luís I couldn’t make decisions on behalf of the government, but rather that certain interests needed to be fought for by government officials, not by the king himself.

It would be a great loss of status for two kings to argue and debate over certain benefits. Since the broad direction of cooperation had been settled, the minor details of the various clauses would naturally be negotiated by government officials.

Of course, since he had agreed to cooperate with Spain in colonizing New Guinea, Portugal would certainly have to make some concessions regarding the railway tracks.

The good news was that the difference in gauge between Portugal’s and Spain’s railway tracks was only nine millimeters, making the adjustment relatively simple.

Moreover, Portugal’s total railway mileage was not extensive. If they were truly committed to adjusting the width of all their railway tracks, it could be done effectively in a short period without too much cost.

But would King Luís I be so dutiful as to adjust all of Portugal’s domestic railway tracks to the same width as Spain’s?

Of course not. Even after agreeing, Portugal could find reasons to delay. Synchronizing the track gauge was something that had to be done; after all, going back on their word would not be a good thing for Portugal.

Not only would it make Spain more hostile towards Portugal, but it would also cause their diplomatic reputation to plummet.

Portugal had only this one neighbor. While vigilance was necessary, it didn’t mean Portugal was willing to engage in a more intense struggle with Spain.

The political talks soon concluded. The real main events of the meeting between the two royal families were the continuous banquets and outings.

After all, it was his own sister and brother-in-law, and Carlo was quite generous with his expenses. Not only did he invite King Luís I and his wife to visit his private winery, but he also organized a grand hunt, allowing King Luís I to have his fill of shooting with the Spanish-issued Vetterli M1872 rifle.

Portugal was currently in a transitional period between muzzle-loading and breech-loading rifles and had not yet fully equipped its army with modern breech-loaders.

There were many reasons for this. Besides Portugal’s small population and lack of emphasis on its army, its military technology was not well-developed, and it had fallen behind in the research and development of breech-loading rifles.

Although the current breech-loading technology was not yet mature, Spain’s Vetterli M1872 rifle was a second modification of an already improved Italian rifle, making it much better than the most primitive breech-loaders.

The advantages of breech-loading rifles over muzzle-loaders were very clear, which made King Luís I extremely interested in the rifle in his hands.

“Carlo, is this your latest Vetterli M1872 rifle?” King Luís I asked with some interest.

As Spain’s neighbor, Portugal was of course aware of the standard-issue weapon being equipped by the Spanish army.

But at the time, relations between Spain and Portugal were not good, and there was no strong domestic demand in Portugal to re-equip with new rifles. As a result, the Portuguese army, to this day, has not fully adopted the latest model of breech-loading rifles.

“Of course.” Carlo nodded, seemingly already seeing an order for the Royal Arsenal. “This is the latest model after a second modification of Italy’s Vetterli rifle. What do you think? Feels good, doesn’t it?”

“It’s really good, feels excellent,” King Luís I nodded, extremely fond of the rifle in his hands. “What is the cost of this rifle?”

King Luís I didn’t ask Carlo about the rifle’s pros and cons; after all, what sense was there in asking a merchant if their product was good?

Based on his own experience using it, he considered it a fine rifle. Compared to the rifles used by other European nations, even if it wasn’t the best, it was definitely a top-tier product.

If he could take this opportunity to purchase a batch of rifles to equip the Portuguese army, it would effectively increase its combat effectiveness.

In an age before the machine gun, the firepower available to nations was relatively scarce. Besides the rifles used by infantry, the army’s main source of firepower was artillery.

As the saying goes, “a cannon shot is worth a fortune in gold.” Not every country could afford to deploy artillery on a large scale like France and Germany, and Portugal was naturally among those who couldn’t.

Since they lacked sufficient artillery for firepower, the Portuguese army could only rely on rifles to inflict casualties on the enemy.

But since the Franco-Prussian War, warfare between European nations was no longer an era of lining up to be shot. Nations were paying more and more attention to the range, rate of fire, and power of their rifles. Equipping a rifle with a faster rate of fire meant that troops would have superior firepower in a direct confrontation.

“Before the Royal Arsenal expanded its production, the cost of the Vetterli M1872 rifle was quite expensive. But now, with the expansion, the cost of this rifle has been reduced by more than half. If your country wishes to purchase the Vetterli M1872 rifle, I can authorize the Royal Arsenal to offer you an internal price. After all, we are close partners, are we not?” Carlo said with a smile.

This was a case of perfect timing. After the Royal Arsenal expanded its production, its weapon output multiplied several times over in a short period.

At the current rate, the complete re-equipment of the Spanish army with the Vetterli M1872 rifle could hopefully be completed within a year.

After this order was fulfilled, the Royal Arsenal would have no other orders for a short time, which was bound to be a problem.

Although Portugal’s army was not large, it was still of a certain size. If Portugal decided to purchase the Vetterli M1872 rifle, the newly expanded production lines of the Royal Arsenal could continue to operate.

King Luís I nodded. Although he was tempted, he did not rush to make a decision.

While King Luís I was willing to compromise on certain matters, this did not mean Portugal was ready to fully align with Spain.

Spain, after all, was still not as powerful as Britain. What Portugal needed to do was to strike a balance between Britain and Spain, ensuring its own security and development.

Only if Spain, despite British opposition, managed to retake Gibraltar and occupy Morocco would King Luís I consider aligning with it.

But before that, Spain was ultimately a beast trapped in a cage. While not exactly in peril itself, its actions were at least restricted.

Portugal could make certain compromises for its own stability, but it would not give up too many of its interests.

Although he agreed to synchronize railway gauges with Spain, the biggest reason was his belief that the British would not allow Spanish influence over Portugal to go unchecked.

Leaning a little closer to Spain also had its benefits; at the very least, it would make the British understand that they could not completely ignore Portugal’s opinions. After all, Portugal was a vital part of Britain’s defense against Spain.

If Portugal couldn’t hold its ground, it wouldn’t be a problem for Spain to exert greater influence over Portugal, or even dominate the country.

Once Spain gained control of both Iberian powers, could Gibraltar remain safe and sound?

Seeing King Luís I evade the topic, Carlo understood that he had other plans in mind.

Although he couldn’t secure an order for the Royal Arsenal, it was ultimately of little consequence, and Carlo didn’t mind.

Carlo had long anticipated that Portugal would not fully side with Spain; after all, that would mean handing all the initiative over to Spain.

A wise man would certainly choose to play a balancing act between the British and the Spaniards to secure his own interests.

If one were to completely side with one party, they would be easily ignored. After all, what is already obtained is least valued. Creating a little sense of crisis could make oneself more cherished.

During the week that King Luís I and his wife were in Spain, they toured many Spanish regions, including Madrid, and even watched the construction of Spain’s Revival-class ironclad, the Revival.

Regarding Spain resuming the construction of ironclads, King Luís I’s eyes could only fill with envy. Portugal was still too small compared to Spain. An ironclad costing five hundred thousand pounds was not something he wasn’t tempted by; he simply didn’t have the ability to possess one.

A single ironclad might not be that expensive, but what good could one ironclad do? The purpose of building ironclads was to have a powerful navy, which meant it had to be complemented by many other warships to form a comprehensive fleet.

The inability to afford the expenses of a powerful fleet was the root of Luís I’s envy of Carlo.

Although they were both kings, Carlo was younger and ruled a kingdom like Spain, which, though weakened, still had some foundation.

Portugal’s decline was not as drastic as Spain’s, but Portugal itself was not a powerful country to begin with. After losing Brazil, its presence in Europe had become very low.

Ruling such a country, not particularly powerful, left the ambitious King Luís I feeling helpless, and at the same time, shedding tears of envy.

Chapter 178: Naming the Firstborn

King Luís I and his wife stayed in Spain for a little over a week, during which time the relations between the two royal families were quite harmonious.

After reaching a consensus with King Luís I on cooperative colonization, the rest of their time was mostly filled with relaxed banquets and leisure activities.

Carlo and King Luís I spent most of their time discussing affairs of state, while Queen Sophie and Queen Maria talked about matters of childbirth.

Although the Spanish royal family’s private doctors were renowned medical experts throughout Spain and even all of Europe, the medical technology of the era was not very advanced, and childbirth was still fraught with risk.

Coupled with the fact that this was Queen Sophie’s first pregnancy, she was somewhat panicked about the potential dangers. The Spanish royal family lacked experienced elders to guide and assist her. Queen Maria, having been through it before, was able to offer some appropriate counsel and help Queen Sophie better adapt to life during pregnancy.

According to the timeline, Queen Sophie was expected to give birth around the middle of the year, likely in May or June.

It was now late March, which meant Carlo would be welcoming his first child in the coming months.

For Carlo, naming his first child was a matter that required careful selection and thought.

Of course, there wasn’t much to consider. As the king of Spain, the name of his first child certainly had to lean towards a Spanish style.

This was also a way of expressing the royal family’s affinity for the Spanish people. After all, if members of the royal family all had Italian-style names, it would only fuel the Spaniards’ dissatisfaction with their foreign-born royals.

Carlo already had a name in mind for his first child. Of course, he didn’t share the peculiar habit of some European nobles of giving the same name to several generations.

If his son were also named Carlo, it would always feel strange in daily conversation.

If the first child was a prince, his name would be Juan Fernando, a standard Spanish-style name.

If it was a princess, her name would be Sofia, symbolizing wisdom and sagacity.

Not only was Carlo deeply concerned about his first child, but even Victor Emanuele II in Italy and Franz Joseph I in Vienna frequently sent telegrams to inquire about the pregnancy. The royal families and high-ranking government officials of various countries also offered their token concern.

Ever since Prime Minister Primo’s reforms had shown results, Spain had, in the eyes of other European nations, returned to the ranks of the great powers.

Although there was still a significant gap compared to Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Austria, Spain was now on par with a power like Italy, and had even slightly surpassed it in some aspects.

This was especially true after Spain began building new ironclads again, showing a trend of pulling away from Italy. If Italy was considered a great power at this time, what about Spain, which was on the verge of surpassing it? Wasn’t it clearly another great power?

Whether it was a great power or not was no longer important. With its current strength, it was not surprising for Spain to receive symbolic expressions of concern from the upper echelons of other governments.

What’s more, the first prince or princess of the Spanish royal family about to be born was of such noble status.

In addition to being Carlo’s firstborn son or daughter, the child would also be the grandchild of King Victor Emanuele II of Italy and the first granddaughter of Emperor Franz Joseph I of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Until Franz Joseph I’s other children grew up, this soon-to-be-born little one would indeed be his only grandchild.

Spain, Italy, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire—each of these three nations was a great power in Europe. The Austro-Hungarian Empire was one of the five traditional great powers of Europe, a true heavyweight. It was impossible for other countries not to take notice.

Moreover, the European royal families were all connected by intricate ties of blood. While the explicit kinship was only between Spain, Italy, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, if you included relatives like Carlo’s brother-in-law, King Luís I of Portugal, the number of European nations with blood ties to the little one was vast.

If nothing else, the affection of Victor Emanuele II and Franz Joseph I alone was enough to ensure that this little one would be welcome in any country they set foot in.

Speaking of Carlo’s father, Victor Emanuele II, there was some unavoidable bad news: his health was not what it used to be.

Carlo had been in this world for seven years, and the passage of those seven years had changed so much.

Victor Emanuele II, born in 1820, had already turned fifty-five, an age that in contemporary Europe definitely qualified him as an old man.

Considering the average life expectancy in Europe at the time, fifty-five was quite a long life. However, the standard of living for European royalty was far higher than that of the common people, so the average lifespan of royal family members was also much longer.

But regardless, at fifty-five, one was past the prime of life. Victor Emanuele II’s health was gradually declining, even to the point where it was now affecting his ability to handle affairs of state.

While Italy was a constitutional monarchy, as the king who had unified the entire country, Victor Emanuele II enjoyed immense prestige among the Italian people and held significant sway in the government.

A considerable portion of state affairs required his personal handling before a final decision could be made, which was perhaps one of the reasons for his deteriorating health.

Although Italy’s territory was not large compared to other great powers, it had a population of twenty-eight million six hundred sixty thousand, more than ten million greater than Spain’s.

Such a large population meant a vast amount of state affairs to be managed, and a significant portion of that burden fell on the shoulders of Victor Emanuele II.

For a king who had suffered the grief of losing children multiple times, his health was indeed worsening under the prolonged strain of his duties, yet he faced an ever-increasing workload, trapping him in a persistent vicious cycle.

Although he had begun to delegate some political matters to his eldest son, Crown Prince Umberto, since the beginning of this year, this could only alleviate his fatigue to a certain extent and could not effectively improve his physical condition.

Victor Emanuele II was very clear about what the future held for him.

But precisely because of this, he was very concerned about the future development of his sons. His eldest son, Crown Prince Umberto, would inherit the Kingdom of Italy, and Victor Emanuele II was quite confident in the Crown Prince’s abilities.

Having received a traditional elite education for a nobleman, Crown Prince Umberto had performed well in military affairs. He had graduated from Carlo’s alma mater, the Royal Military Academy of Turin, and had a respectable record in the Austro-Prussian War.

Italy’s role in the Austro-Prussian War was somewhat awkward, as it had no impact on the outcome of the war from beginning to end.

If the Austrian army had not withdrawn in large numbers to defend against the Prussians, it is doubtful that Italy would have retaken Venice and secured South Tyrol so easily.

Although the performance of the Italian army was rather poor, as an ordinary commander, Crown Prince Umberto’s performance in the war was quite commendable.

Even when the army suffered defeat, the Crown Prince’s overall demeanor was relatively calm, and he was even able to propose some responsive strategies.

While his overall ability was not exceptional, if the goal was simply to succeed to the throne and pass it on, Crown Prince Umberto was definitely qualified.

His second son, Amedeo, had little interest in politics, preferring instead to host balls and invite the local noble ladies to attend.

Victor Emanuele II was not overly concerned with his son’s romantic escapades. With Crown Prince Umberto to inherit the Italian throne and Carlo doing well in Spain, the two of them were more than enough to ensure that their brother Amedeo could enjoy his leisurely aristocratic life.

Carlo was also quite concerned about his father Victor Emanuele II’s health.

Although he had only been in this world for a few years, Carlo had genuinely felt a father’s love from him, something rare within a royal family.

While there were differences between Eastern and Western royal families, a king was, after all, the ruler of a country, especially a king with real power like Victor Emanuele II.

His agreement to grant Carlo an interest-free loan without hesitation was proof of the sincerity of his feelings for Carlo.

In their telegram exchanges, Carlo informed his father of Queen Sophie’s approximate due date and promised to return to Italy with his family within a year to visit him.

After dealing with various miscellaneous matters, Carlo finally had a long period of leisure.

After all, the power Carlo held at this point was not that great; most of the Spanish government’s affairs were still handled by Prime Minister Primo.

For Carlo, this was perhaps not a bad thing. He at least possessed a certain amount of power, enough to ensure he would not be completely sidelined.

On top of that, he could enjoy long periods of free time and enjoy his life in this world.

After all, a king was also a human being and needed time for rest and recreation. If he had to spend most of his time handling affairs of state, such a kingly life would be a form of torture.

Not everyone could endure the busy life of waking up early to deal with state affairs, handling more after meals, and meeting with government officials and foreign dignitaries during afternoon tea.

“With great power comes great responsibility” was not just an empty phrase. Since becoming Prime Minister of Spain, Primo had aged several shades faster than before.

The main reason was that the entire burden of Spain’s reform rested on Prime Minister Primo’s shoulders alone. Reform was a matter that concerned the fate of both Primo and Carlo, as well as the future development of Spain, and could not be treated lightly.

This led to extreme periods where Prime Minister Primo slept no more than five hours a day and had to constantly travel throughout Spain to inspect the implementation of the government’s reform policies in various regions.

It was only after the new system for evaluating officials’ political achievements was introduced that the burden on Prime Minister Primo’s shoulders lightened somewhat.

As time moved into mid-April 1875, Carlo spent almost every day by Queen Sophie’s side, accompanied by a large number of servants and doctors.

Queen Sophie’s pregnancy had been discovered in late October, but she was already several months along at the time. After all, technology was not advanced enough to detect a pregnancy in its early stages.

Calculating based on a ten-month gestation period, Queen Sophie’s delivery was expected sometime between April and June. Although there were no signs of labor yet, Carlo, being a first-time father, was filled with a mix of anticipation and nervousness.

He was naturally excited about welcoming his first child. But childbirth in this era was extremely dangerous, and Carlo did not want to see his wife, Queen Sophie, or his child face any peril.

There was nothing to be done about it. Until medical technology advanced, giving birth was indeed a very dangerous affair.

In this era, natural birth was the only method. A C-section was possible, but wound healing was a major problem, and infection could easily occur.

Once an infection set in, regardless of one’s status, death was essentially the only outcome.

The advent of various antibiotics and anti-inflammatory drugs was still decades away. Even with Carlo’s vigorous promotion of biology and medicine in Spain, it was not something that could be improved in a short period.

Perhaps by the time Carlo’s next generation—the future princes and princesses—had children of their own, they would have a more advanced and safer medical environment.

The impending arrival of the royal family’s first prince or princess was big news in Spain.

Prime Minister Primo’s reforms had been remarkably successful, the best proof being the steady increase in the average income of the Spanish people. When people could eat their fill and lead better lives, they naturally felt grateful to the king and high-ranking government officials ruling over them.

Carlo, as the king who had driven the reforms, was naturally warmly welcomed and loved by the Spaniards. If there were still people who were somewhat dismissive of this foreign king because of his Italian identity when he first arrived in Spain, this sentiment had completely vanished after the completion of the first Five-Year Development Plan.

Not only did people have no aversion to Carlo’s Italian identity, but they even believed he was a savior sent by God to rescue the Spaniards who were starving at the time.

Although some of this was due to propaganda from Carlo’s media empire, it was undeniable that the public’s support and love for him had grown immensely.

Compared to the historical Amedeo I, Carlo had already laid a relatively stable foundation for his descendants. As long as future monarchs did not do something reckless, the Spanish throne could likely be passed down within the House of Savoy for a long time to come.

Chapter 179: Birth of the First Son

As late May of 1875 arrived, one of the most important events in Carlo’s life was finally upon him.

Queen Sophie was about to give birth, and Carlo was about to welcome his first child.

The moment Queen Sophie felt unwell, a nervous Carlo summoned the palace doctors, who were always on standby, along with numerous maids awaiting orders.

As expected, after examining Queen Sophie’s condition, the female doctor, who was very experienced in childbirth, immediately recognized that the Queen was about to go into labor.

This instantly sent the entire palace into a flurry of activity, with servants constantly moving in and out, making preparations under the doctors’ instructions.

Fortunately, the room prepared for Queen Sophie’s delivery was very large. Carlo remained by her side, with many doctors standing by the bed, their expressions grave. Behind them, servants bustled about.

Although the doctors advised Carlo to wait outside, he decided to stay with Queen Sophie through the entire process of childbirth.

It was not only a very dangerous affair but also one that would cause Queen Sophie extreme pain. In an era without Caesarean sections, childbirth relied entirely on natural delivery.

Long before the labor began, Carlo had repeatedly instructed the doctors that if any problems arose during the process, they were not to hesitate and must prioritize Queen Sophie’s safety.

Carlo was still young; it wasn’t as if he was running out of time to have children. To him, Queen Sophie was more important than their unborn child.

Whether it was a boy or a girl, before its arrival in this world, the Spanish royal family currently consisted of only two people: Carlo and Queen Sophie.

Perhaps Carlo’s personal presence served as a form of encouragement, or perhaps Queen Sophie was in excellent health thanks to the royal family’s meticulous care. In any case, the delivery was quite smooth.

On May 28, 1875, with a cry, Carlo welcomed his first child, his eldest son, Juan Fernando.

“Carlo, this is our child.” Exhausted from the ordeal of childbirth, Queen Sophie still forced herself to stay awake to see her baby. She looked at Carlo, her face beaming with happiness and pride, and a gentle smile on her face.

“Yes, he’s our child. It must have been so difficult, Sophie. You’re a wonderful mother.” Carlo nodded, carefully brushing the hair from Queen Sophie’s forehead behind her ear and placing a gentle kiss there. He then took the baby, who was being held by the maid Anna, and brought him closer to the Queen.

The usually playful Anna looked on at the harmonious and loving royal family with a hint of envy and a trace of regret in her eyes, but the feeling quickly vanished.

Her background was completely different from Queen Sophie’s; her status was merely that of Carlo’s maid. Although she shared an unusual relationship with Carlo, it was clear that their connection could never be brought into the open.

This meant it would be difficult for Anna to bear Carlo’s children. Even if she had a child, it would ultimately be an illegitimate son, without any official recognition.

But for maids like Anna and Alice, they were already quite satisfied with their current status. This was not a peaceful and idyllic era, and the fate of beautiful girls was rarely so romantic.

A beautiful woman could use her looks to attract high-ranking officials and noblemen, but she could never become their wife.

This was because European nobility placed great importance on being of equal social standing in marriage. If a nobleman were to marry a commoner, his children would lose their right to inherit noble titles.

Although they would never receive any official recognition in the future, being the lover of the King of Spain was far better than being the lover of some ordinary capitalist or nobleman.

At least Carlo treated them well, and Queen Sophie didn’t pay too much attention to his affairs.

In fact, even knowing full well that Anna and Alice had an unusual relationship with Carlo, Queen Sophie still allowed them to continue serving as personal maids to both him and herself. This was a clear sign of her tolerance.

Carlo had no intention of concealing the birth of his firstborn son. That very evening, public telegrams were sent to all the nations of Europe, with the first ones dispatched to Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire quickly responded. Victor Emanuele II joyfully congratulated Carlo on the birth of his son and announced that he would bestow upon the boy the Italian title of Count of Genoa.

Franz Joseph I’s reply also arrived swiftly. Since Carlo had mentioned that Queen Sophie was in good health, Franz Joseph I was relieved and stated that he would visit Spain with a delegation of Austro-Hungarian government officials within the year.

Ostensibly, Franz Joseph I’s visit to Spain was to see his daughter and his first grandson, but its true significance was naturally far greater.

The main reason was that Spain’s strength had now recovered, so the Austro-Hungarian Empire naturally placed more importance on its ally.

Most importantly, there were no conflicts of interest between Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which allowed their alliance to remain stable with the prospect of it being long-lasting.

In addition to the little one’s grandfathers, many of Carlo’s royal relatives across Europe sent congratulatory telegrams to Spain. A Spain with an heir to the throne would become truly stable, and its national strength would truly grow.

A king without an heir was not in a secure position, because any unforeseen accident could lead to numerous problems with the succession.

In this European era, accidents were not rare. Especially with the development of rifle technology, the methods for assassinating a king had multiplied.

One of the reasons Carlo continuously worked to build his reputation in Spain was to avoid being the target of daily assassination attempts by the Spanish people.

This was no joke. The historical Prime Minister Primo had died in an assassination, which turned the House of Savoy’s rule in Spain into a laughingstock—a joke that lasted only a few years before they were forced to abdicate.

On the day Prince Juan Fernando was born, many factories on the outskirts of Madrid were brightly lit. Many of them were printing presses that worked closely with various newspaper companies. They needed to urgently print news of the royal heir’s birth and transport it to major cities around Madrid for sale the next day.

One should not underestimate the popularity of the royal family in Spain, especially matters concerning Carlo. Unlike other European countries, the founding of Spain was closely tied to Catholicism, and Catholicism, in turn, was closely tied to the monarchy.

The people had an extraordinary affection for their king, especially when the majority of the country consisted of conservative peasants, whose support for the king was very high.

Against the backdrop of the reforms by Carlo and Prime Minister Primo that were making Spain prosper, Carlo naturally enjoyed such favor.

With the powerful backing of public opinion propaganda, the Spanish people had grown to deeply admire Carlo, this foreign king, even affectionately calling him the “Savior sent by God.”

Incidentally, this had some connection to Carlo’s Italian origins. The heart of Catholicism was in The Vatican, and The Vatican was located in Italy.

As an Italian, it was not surprising that Carlo was promoted and deified as a savior sent by God.

Although the reality was that Italy had always wanted to reclaim The Vatican but was forced to abandon the idea due to pressure from Catholics, who among the commoners cared about such things?

They preferred to believe that Carlo was the savior sent by God to Spain, here to rescue the Spaniards who had been oppressed by the wicked House of Bourbon for centuries.

Even if some people were initially skeptical, when the newspapers all said it, and their relatives and friends all said it, they would naturally come to believe it through subtle influence.

It was precisely this kind of propaganda that gave Carlo immense popularity within Spain. While most people’s feelings for Carlo did not reach the level of die-hard loyalty, a considerable portion of them held him in high regard.

In this monarchy, good feelings translated into loyalty to the king. As long as Carlo didn’t personally enact any tyrannical policies, the people’s support for him was unlikely to drop significantly.

It could only be said that this was a characteristic of the era. Although technology was relatively backward, it also resulted in the ignorance of the populace.

With the help of some propaganda, Carlo’s image in the minds of most people could be made extremely positive, even becoming a grand and virtuous figure.

As people echoed what they heard, the effect of this propaganda would only grow stronger, giving Carlo an even higher status and greater influence in the hearts of the Spanish people.

For Carlo, this was, of course, good news. However, it also highlighted the power of public opinion and the necessity for him to control it.

As long as he held the power of public opinion in his hands, Carlo’s throne would fear no challenge. The power of public opinion could not only unite the people of the entire country into a single force but also make Carlo the master of that force.

Although a cult of personality had many drawbacks, for Spain at this time, it was perhaps the fastest way to enhance the nation’s comprehensive strength and boost national cohesion.

It didn’t take much thought to realize that a united Spain, charging forward under Carlo’s command, would surely be more powerful than a Spain rife with factional strife, endlessly torn between monarchy and republicanism.

At the very least, Carlo was confident he could steer the great ship of Spain toward a bright and warm harbor, rather than into a storm at sea.

Returning to the urgent news being prepared by the newspaper companies about the birth of the royal heir.

Although they had learned of the birth of Carlo’s first son, they did not yet have the little one’s name or a photograph.

But that was no longer important. Whoever could publish their newspaper first was guaranteed to seize the top spot in sales the next day.

They could even use this opportunity to capture a large share of the newspaper market, increasing their company’s influence and fame.

Among the newspaper companies, there were exceptions, such as the royal family’s own Spanish The Sun and the Spanish National Daily.

These two newspapers were also rushing to print the major news of the royal birth, but their reports were significantly more detailed.

They not only knew the name of Carlo’s eldest son but also his time of birth and the news that he had already been granted the title of Count of Genoa by Italy.

It was not surprising that Carlo’s son received an Italian countship; after all, Carlo was also an Italian prince, the two royal families were related by blood, and the two kings were father and son.

But this also demonstrated the importance that King Victor Emanuele of Italy placed on the child, as European monarchs rarely granted titles to the princes of other countries.

Carlo’s title of Duke of Chablais had been acquired before he became King of Spain, so that didn’t count. But his eldest son, Juan Fernando, was already the first in line to the Spanish throne and also the first in line to inherit the Duchy of Chablais. To receive the title of Count of Genoa under these circumstances showed just how much Victor Emanuele II valued him.

What was a pity for the editors of several newspapers was that the Austro-Hungarian Empire did not seem to have granted a title to the newborn Spanish prince.

Otherwise, being granted noble titles by two foreign countries at birth would have been major news, capable of capturing even more public interest.

Fortunately, their disappointment did not last long. Before long, Carlo made another major decision: he would bestow upon his eldest son, Juan Fernando, the title of Duke of Montblanc.

The Duke of Montblanc was a rather special title within the Spanish nobility, particularly in the Catalonia region.

When the Catalonia region existed as a sovereign nation, the title of Duke of Montblanc was equivalent to the Crown Prince of Catalonia.

Of course, at this time, the Catalonia region was just an ordinary region of Spain, and the Duke of Montblanc was just an ordinary ducal title.

For Spain, the noble title that symbolized the heir apparent, akin to the Prince of Wales in Britain, was the Prince of Asturias.

However, Carlo had already decided long ago that he would not strictly adhere to primogeniture.

If his eldest son proved incompetent, the future King of Spain would be chosen from among his other, more capable children.

But if his eldest son’s abilities were acceptable, Carlo had no intention of stirring up trouble. To judge whether a prince was competent, he would need to undergo a certain level of testing.

Carlo had already laid out the trials Juan Fernando would have to face in the future. Not only would he receive a strict, elite-style aristocratic education from a young age, but at the age of sixteen, he would also need to enter a military academy and graduate to become an ordinary officer.

Only after serving in the army for at least three years would Carlo allow him to gradually engage with affairs of state and hone his political abilities.

During this period, if Carlo deemed his eldest son competent, he would grant him the title of Prince of Asturias, making him the true Crown Prince of Spain.

But if his performance after engaging in state affairs was poor and he showed little potential for improvement, Carlo would consider replacing him with someone more capable.

Of course, this was all far in the future. Carlo also believed that his child would not be a mediocrity; under his guidance, he would at least grow into a competent monarch.

Given Carlo’s age, his reign would likely span both World War I and World War II.

This meant that his son would only need to carry on the nation’s development according to plan, without having to face a brutal world war.

To some extent, this lowered the requirements for the heir to the throne. After all, a world war was unpredictable, and a single misstep could plunge a painstakingly developed nation into the abyss.

If his son lacked sufficient capability, Carlo would be unwilling to see him experience a world war as the nation’s ruler, as it would very likely lead to him becoming the ultimate scapegoat.

Just like Wilhelm II after World War I. While Wilhelm II did indeed start the war, the actual commanders of Germany in the mid-to-late stages of the war had become Hindenburg and the Junker nobility.

And the final result? Hindenburg became the president of Germany, while Wilhelm II, who had been sidelined during the latter half of the war, was stripped of his throne.

After a night of urgent printing, the news of Carlo’s firstborn son spread through the streets and alleys of Spain the next day.

Of course, the initial spread was mainly confined to the Madrid area. It would take longer for the news to reach other parts of Spain.

The newspaper companies had largely bet correctly, as the public was extremely interested in the birth of Carlo’s son. Newspaper sales that day were several times higher than the previous day, allowing the companies that had made the snap decision to rush printing to make a fortune.

The biggest earners, naturally, were The Sun and the National Daily. They not only reported the birth of Carlo’s son as planned but also revealed his name to be Juan Fernando.

Of course, this could only have been revealed with Carlo’s permission. Spain’s control over media organizations was still relatively strict at this time. If Carlo had been unwilling, news about the royal family would have had a hard time appearing in the papers, let alone in newspapers like The Sun and the National Daily, which were controlled by the royal family.

Newspaper companies could, of course, report news about the royal family—even false news—to attract attention, but the price to pay would be far heavier than any gains.

Someone audacious had tried it before and ended up not only facing a fine of tens of thousands of pesetas but also with the company’s entire senior management being thrown in jail.

Prime Minister Primo also supported the royal family’s strengthening of control over the media. After all, the royal family was primarily concerned with newspaper reports about themselves. On this point, Prime Minister Primo shared the same attitude as Carlo: reports about the royal family should be as positive as possible.

Any deliberate attempt to slander the royal family would undermine Spain’s existing monarchical system. If Spain’s monarchy were to collapse, the stable development that had been so painstakingly maintained would be all for naught.

Prime Minister Primo saw the situation very clearly. For the Spain of today, the importance of the king had been magnified to an infinite degree.

If Spain were to become a republic, the nationalist agitators who had fallen silent would surely rise again to seek their independence.

Without the grand title of the King of Spain to serve as the legal basis for integrating all of Spain’s regions, how else could the Spanish government unite the country? Through words alone? Of course not.

Chapter 180: The Establishment of the Congo Territory

The birth of little Juan Fernando was, for Carlo, the final step in integrating himself into this world.

After having his own child, Carlo felt a sense of belonging to this world. He was now genuinely willing to strive for himself, for his wife and child, for all his family, and for all Spaniards.

“Make Spain Great Again” would no longer be just a slogan, but a goal that must be achieved, a milestone crucial to the royal family’s own interests.

In the first month after little Juan Fernando’s birth, Carlo almost never left the side of Queen Sophie and the little one.

Queen Sophie’s body also recovered its health under the meticulous care of Carlo and the servants. This was one of the benefits of a natural birth—a faster recovery.

However, recovered or not, Carlo wasn’t foolish enough to be in a hurry to engage in some pleasurable activities with Sophie after just one month.

In any case, Carlo had two young maids to attend to his needs. It was best to let Queen Sophie’s body fully heal first.

For the development of the Spanish royal family itself, the more children Carlo had, the better. This would not only prevent the royal family from facing the predicament of having no heir one day, but also allow the royal family to produce more heirs and control important positions through some of its members.

The royal family’s assets were already in the hundreds of millions of pesetas. As long as they didn’t spend extravagantly and without restraint, it was impossible to squander this fortune.

Under these circumstances, the more children Carlo had, the more hands there would be to effectively manage these assets. Compared to outsiders, having capable members of the royal family manage these enterprises was clearly more reassuring.

In some cases, Spanish princes might even have the opportunity to become kings of other countries through election, allowing the House of Savoy to flourish in more nations.

If the House of Savoy was previously just a minor royal family in northern Italy, it now presided over two great powers, Italy and Spain, becoming one of the most illustrious noble families in Europe.

Although not comparable to ancient and renowned families like the Habsburgs or the Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, they were already quite famous among the ranks of European royalty.

Little Juan Fernando’s birth seemed to have brought Carlo good luck. Spain’s colonial activities in the Congo region became very smooth. The number of colonial outposts expanded to over one hundred fifty in a short time, spreading across almost the entirety of the discovered fertile Congo Plateau.

The good news was that this plateau in the upper reaches of the Congo River was very suitable for growing crops and had considerable development potential.

Currently, nearly a thousand Spaniards resided there. Including the army, about three thousand people were living near the Congo Plateau.

The railway running through the lands of the Baka people had been completed, which greatly facilitated the transport of supplies from the Guinea colony to the Congo Plateau.

After discussions, the head of Spain’s colonial expedition to the Congo and Manuel, the commander of the garrison regiment stationed there, unanimously agreed that the Congo now met the conditions to be established as a territory. Spain’s sovereignty over the Congo was deeply rooted, irremovable by other nations, and the fact of Spain’s occupation could not be refuted.

This news reached Spain precisely when Prince Juan Fernando was one and a half months old.

Because an agreement had already been reached with the government regarding the handling of the Congo region, and since the colonization of the Congo was proceeding so smoothly.

Therefore, after consulting with the Cabinet government, Carlo decided to publicly declare Spain’s rule and sovereignty over the Congo as soon as possible, establishing the Congo Territory under his direct rule.

On July 14, 1875, the Spanish government officially announced to the world that Spain had established over one hundred fifty colonial outposts in the upper basin of the Congo River, formally completing the occupation of the plateau in the upper Congo River Basin.

Spain would establish the Congo Territory based on these more than one hundred and fifty colonial outposts, with King Carlo of Spain as its ruler.

This news once again became a front-page headline in Spain, its popularity second only to the birth of Carlo’s firstborn son a month and a half earlier.

Of course, this was within Spain. Outside of Spain, the fervor surrounding this news was even more outrageous than that of Carlo’s son’s birth. It was not only closely watched by various royal families but also sparked discussions among many Europeans.

The Spaniards, naturally, were pleased to see this. Although the establishment of the Congo Territory didn’t directly concern them much, who wouldn’t want to see their country expand its territory and its land area grow larger?

Besides, establishing a colony was, to some extent, also beneficial for the Spaniards.

The establishment of the colony meant the Spanish government could obtain large quantities of cheap raw materials and make good use of the local natives—after all, they were hard-to-come-by free labor.

Although the Spanish government had long abolished slavery, what was the difference between these natives and slaves if they were given some food and an extremely meager salary?

It was just a prettier name, that’s all. But for the capitalists, they had countless ways to exploit these natives and turn them into their free labor.

Perhaps the most shocked by Spain’s establishment of the Congo Territory were the Portuguese, who had been encroaching on the Kingdom of Kongo for a long time.

It was perfectly accurate to say that Portugal was the country closest to the Congo. In fact, Portugal’s West African colonies were established by seizing land from the Kingdom of Kongo.

Following the river downstream from the newly established Spanish Congo Territory, one would find the long-weakened Kingdom of Kongo and Portugal’s West African colony at the river’s mouth.

The fact that Spain had managed to establish a territory in the upper reaches of the Congo River without Portugal’s knowledge left the Portuguese utterly shocked and bewildered.

The Portuguese didn’t even know when Spain had discovered the lands of the upper Congo River. After all, they had operated in the Congo for a long time without managing to venture deep up the river to find new lands.

At this time, European countries’ colonial progress in Africa was only a negligible few percent. There was only one truly large-scale colony: the Cape Colony established by the British in South Africa.

Apart from the Cape Colony, colonies like Portugal’s in West Africa and Mozambique were mostly just simple colonies formed by linking together a few outposts along the coast.

Besides these areas, the colonial expansion of European nations in Africa was largely confined to the coast or a few good ports.

There were many reasons for this. The most important was the various viruses and diseases on the African continent. These viruses hindered the explorers’ progress and indirectly meant that the continent’s mineral resources and fertile lands remained undiscovered by European colonizers.

Then there was the difficulty of colonizing the African continent, and the fact that a considerable portion of Africa truly held little value for colonization.

Furthermore, the populations of European countries had not yet experienced explosive growth. This ultimately resulted in European colonial development in Africa remaining at a rather preliminary stage. Almost no European country delved deep into the African interior to colonize, as most considered it unprofitable.

Take Spain’s colonization of the Congo as an example. Although Spain gained a vast expanse of land, the price paid was also significant.

Whether it was forming exploration teams or subsequently building railways and establishing colonial outposts, Carlo’s expenses were not low. Maintaining the Congo Territory afterward also required a continuous stream of expenditures. For a long time, the returns from the Congo Territory would be negative, and it would operate at a loss.

This situation might only improve once the mineral resources within the Congo were developed on a large scale and transported to the ports via railway.

Fortunately, the railway from the Congo to the Guinea colony was nearly complete. Perhaps the Congo colony bringing positive returns to the royal family could happen within a few years.

Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire successively expressed their congratulations on Spain’s establishment of the Congo Territory. Due to the kinship between their royal families and the Spanish royal family, the governments of Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were also in a honeymoon period with the Spanish government, maintaining relatively close relations.

Moreover, since neither country had any vested interests in the Congo River Basin, their congratulations to Spain were sincere.

In particular, the royal families of Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire—Victor Emanuele II and Franz Joseph I—both personally sent congratulatory telegrams, clearly showing their support for Spain’s establishment of the Congo Territory.

In fact, other countries had little reason to oppose the establishment of the Congo Territory. Spain had indeed established over one hundred fifty colonial outposts and had ample evidence to prove they were the first explorers and colonizers to arrive in this land.

Under these circumstances, it was difficult for other countries to interfere with Spain’s colonial actions. After all, the Portuguese were the closest to this region, but even they had not discovered this land.

The remaining countries were farther and farther away. What could they do? Travel thousands of miles just to interfere with Spain’s colonization?

Even the British, who had always been wary of Spain, remained silent after Spain announced the establishment of the Congo Territory.

For the British, the Congo Territory was not a particularly urgent matter for the time being. Even if the land had abundant resources and a vast area of arable land, it would take a long time to develop and exploit.

Perhaps after Spain had fully developed the land, the British could still acquire it through other means, or at least get a piece of the pie.

The British didn’t attach much importance to it, and as Britain’s “little brother,” Portugal was naturally powerless.

More importantly, Portugal had recently entered into some cooperative agreements with Spain, which left them with no recourse against Spain.

King Luís I of Portugal could only helplessly intensify his colonization efforts in the Congo, striving to bring as much of the land in the lower Congo River Basin as possible under the control of Portugal’s West African colony before Spanish colonial forces moved south.

After the announcement of the establishment of the Congo Territory, Spain’s colonial development of the Congo became public.

Almost on the same day, the Spanish government dispatched more colonial expeditions and construction teams to help the newly established Congo Territory build a more complete railway system, strengthening the connection between the Congo Territory and the Guinea colony.

Because the Congo Territory was located on the African continent, its access to the sea still depended on the ports of the Guinea colony. This made the railway from Guinea to the Congo Territory a vital transport artery. Until a railway was built from the Congo Territory to the mouth of the Congo River, this railway would be directly linked to the territory’s survival.

For the time being, at least, the Congo Territory could not be self-sufficient and needed large quantities of supplies transported from the outside to meet the consumption of the colonists in the outposts.

Fortunately, there were quite a few local native tribes as well. These natives could serve as free labor, helping Spain to better develop the local land.

After the establishment of the Congo Territory, this vast plateau in the upper reaches of the Congo River became territory that belonged to Carlo in the truest sense.

However, Carlo had no intention of being as brutal as King Leopold II of Belgium was in history. Belgium was simply incapable of controlling such a vast territory as the Congo, which led the Belgian royal family’s policy to have only one theme: to exhaust every means to exploit the Congo and extract profits from the land to ship back to Belgium.

But for Carlo, Spain had sufficient strength to control the Congo. At least before the complete collapse of the colonial system, Spain had enough time to control this land and develop some of the areas worth exploiting.

In developing these areas, the local native population was still very useful. They were a natural source of free labor and could help Spain more effectively build railways, clear farmland, and exploit local mineral resources, and so on.

They could even use a “natives managing natives” approach to divert the local natives’ hatred toward a segment of natives who had vested interests, thereby reducing the local natives’ animosity toward the Spaniards.

But then again, no matter what the policy for developing the Congo was, the ultimate beneficiaries would only be the Spaniards.

These local natives would be forever excluded from Spain’s borders; they could never become Spanish citizens.

For Carlo, once these natives had exhausted all their usable value, it would be time for Spain to abandon them without hesitation.

To prevent Spain from being “stained black” one day in the future, Carlo could only start with himself, resolutely preventing the black population from entering Spain and staunchly stopping the Iberian Peninsula from being “stained with ink.”

Almost on the same day the Congo Territory was declared, Spain once again strengthened the construction of its navy.

Of course, this time they weren’t building ironclads of several thousand or even nearly ten thousand tons, but rather auxiliary warships of various tonnages, intended to form an ocean-going fleet with ironclads as its main combat force.

After taking over a private shipyard purchased from Britain, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had sufficient blueprints and related information for these small and medium-sized warships.

The auxiliary warships mainly being built this time included seven coastal patrol ships with a standard displacement of 1,250 tons, three cruisers with a standard displacement of over 3,300 tons, and one main cruiser with a standard displacement of 4,750 tons.

The coastal patrol ships and cruisers were relatively conventional. Although their design drew inspiration from British ideas, they largely followed the mainstream construction philosophies of European countries at the time.

The only rather special one was the 4,750-ton main cruiser. Although called a cruiser, it was practically no different from some smaller ironclads.

However, this cruiser sacrificed some armor thickness. Despite its smaller tonnage, it was armed with main cannons of the same caliber as the Revival-class ironclads, putting its firepower on the same level as an ironclad.

Such a cruiser was fully capable of joining the main fleet in a decisive battle. With firepower equal to that of an ironclad, it could even play a significant role in a naval engagement.

Besides these three noteworthy types of auxiliary warships, there were also coastal gunboats of a few hundred tons, river patrol boats, and so on, which were practically essential for any fleet and need no further mention.

The good news was that because the tonnage of these warships was not large, even with a total of eleven ships over a thousand tons being built, the overall cost was only slightly more than that of building a single ironclad.

This was one of the reasons why ironclads were so expensive. After all, a fleet could not be formed with just one ironclad; it required a large number of other warships for various purposes, all coming together to form a mixed fleet formation.

The news that Spain had started building warships again was a hot topic domestically for a while, but it received almost no attention abroad.

After all, these were auxiliary ships designed to support the ironclads. It was expected that Spain would build these smaller warships for other purposes after building ironclads.

However, after this, the Spanish Navy firmly secured its position among the world’s top five. Although it was impossible to rise to fourth place, being the world’s fifth-largest navy was a testament to Spain’s former strength.

Of course, Carlo would not be satisfied with the current achievements of the Spanish Navy. Considering the scale of Spain’s existing colonies, the current fleet size was definitely insufficient to meet Spain’s actual needs.

The mainland and the colony of Southern Morocco could share a fleet, but it could only cover these two regions. For Cuba, an Atlantic Ocean away, or regions like Guinea and Congo, separated by half of Africa, the mainland fleet would struggle to exert any influence.

Not to mention the Philippines, which was practically halfway around the world. The previous Philippines was one thing; it wasn’t as large, and the Spanish government didn’t place as much importance on it.

But now, the East Indies colony had firmly established a foothold on Kalimantan Island and was even planning to begin the colonization of New Guinea Island.

This made it urgent for the East Indies to have a small-scale fleet to protect the colony’s coasts, better assist in colonial development work, and defend against the British and Dutch present in the region.

By this calculation, Spain needed at least two fleets to meet its actual needs. However, given Spain’s current financial capacity, maintaining even one reasonably powerful fleet was already a strain. A true major naval expansion would likely have to wait several more years.

Chapter 181: The Military Advisory Group in Lanfang

To demonstrate the importance he placed on naval development, Carlo personally attended the keel-laying ceremony for eleven small and medium-sized warships and also inspected the construction progress of the ironclad, the Revival.

Although these smaller warships were mostly of British design, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had made certain improvements, creating a slight distinction from the original British models.

In reality, the differences were not significant, amounting to little more than changing the caliber of the cannons and slightly increasing the warships’ tonnage.

The good news was that this allowed Spain to claim these warships were independently developed, leading the public to believe that Spain possessed richer experience and superior concepts in shipbuilding, thereby boosting the national pride of the Spanish people.

After all, warships that were independently researched, developed, and built certainly sounded far better than those that were merely reverse-engineered from foreign models.

In any case, there were no patents on warship designs. It was common practice for nations to imitate well-designed warship types, improving upon their weaknesses and accentuating their strengths.

As the world’s foremost naval power, Britain’s warship designs were particularly studied and imitated by countries everywhere. Spain’s actions were not unusual; in fact, it was a tacit choice made by many nations.

Spain’s recent naval expansion also greatly alarmed the Dutch. Although the Netherlands itself was a world away from Spain, their colonies in the East Indies now theoretically bordered Spain’s.

Their respective colonies were separated only by the Sultanate of Bulungan, in which all the great powers had interests. Further south lay the territory of the Kutai Sultanate, which was under Dutch control.

Spain was certainly not building a large number of warships for its own shores. Considering Spain’s expansion in the Philippines and Kalimantan, the Dutch deemed it necessary to strengthen the defensive forces of the Dutch East Indies colony.

The day after Spain announced its high-profile construction of eleven warships, the Dutch government urgently decided to dispatch a force of over two thousand soldiers to its East Indies colony and to build two new thousand-ton coastal defense gunboats there.

Gunboats of this tonnage lacked ocean-faring combat capabilities, but they were very useful in Kalimantan and the surrounding archipelagos.

Whether for suppressing local natives or guarding against Spanish expansion, these two thousand-plus soldiers and two new warships would play a significant role.

The Dutch had considered seeking British help, but Britain’s attitude was somewhat ambiguous; they were clearly reluctant to offer direct assistance.

It made sense. The Dutch East Indies was a vast territory, elevating the Netherlands, an industrial power, to one of the top ten nations in Europe in terms of comprehensive strength.

Allowing a moderate degree of competition between the Netherlands and Spain had its benefits. At the very least, it would make the Dutch appreciate Britain’s importance, keeping them obedient and discouraging any independent ambitions.

For the Dutch, however, this was not a pleasant situation. If Spain’s moves were limited to this, it would be one thing, but Spain had already signed a cooperation agreement with the Lanfang Republic, a Dutch vassal state.

The Lanfang Republic had submitted to Dutch rule decades ago, and the Netherlands collected a substantial amount of tax revenue from this land every year.

The primary reason for the Lanfang Republic’s founding was the significant scale the gold prospectors in the area had reached.

A portion of the wealth generated by these gold mines went to the Lanfang Republic, while the rest was paid as taxes to the Dutch East Indies colony.

For the Netherlands, losing Lanfang meant not only the loss of this tax revenue but also the emergence of a new threat.

Dutch rule over Lanfang had been anything but gentle, characterized by continuous exploitation and aggression. Now that the people of Lanfang had a more powerful ally, would they simply remain indifferent to previous Dutch incursions? That was, of course, impossible.

This meant that in the future, the Dutch on Kalimantan Island could very well face a two-front pincer attack from the Spaniards to the north and the people of Lanfang to the west.

The Netherlands did not see Lanfang alone as a threat. But a Lanfang Republic backed by Spain was a menace of a completely different magnitude.

After all, the Netherlands was a country with a population of just over four million. The army it could muster was limited, and the forces available in its East Indies colony were even more so.

On July 21, 1875, the military advisory group dispatched by Spain finally arrived in the Lanfang Republic. They were there to help establish a new army to better defend the nation’s sovereignty.

The leader of this military advisory group was Andrew Roso, who had not been seen in some time. He now held the rank of lieutenant colonel and had previously served as the regimental commander of the 25th Infantry Regiment of the 6th Infantry Division of the Spanish Royal Army. Carlo had personally appointed him as the head of the military advisory group in Lanfang.

As for Kaman Esposito, who, like Andrew, was a loyalist who had come to Spain from Italy, he had been promoted to colonel. He was currently serving as the regimental commander of the 3rd Artillery Regiment of the 2nd Artillery Division, receiving greater responsibility.

This also reflected the developmental priorities of the Spanish military. Due to the Spanish army’s relatively small size, the even smaller artillery divisions were considered more important than the infantry divisions.

Kaman Esposito had clearly integrated well into the Spanish artillery forces. According to plans from the Ministry of Defense, if the artillery forces were to expand further, he was a candidate to become a deputy divisional commander, which would put him on the path to becoming a divisional commander.

The current situation confirmed this. Kaman Esposito, an artillery specialist, had a brighter future than Andrew, an infantry specialist. After all, infantry warfare at the time lacked overly elaborate tactical systems, and training infantry commanders was simpler.

If Kaman Esposito had integrated well into the Spanish army through his own abilities, then Andrew’s situation was somewhat awkward.

It was not that Andrew lacked ability, but Carlo currently needed to place more native Spanish officers in positions of great responsibility.

As an Italian, Andrew’s position in the Spanish army was awkward, and it was unlikely he would be given much more significant roles.

Since he was a loyalist who had followed him from Italy, Carlo, after some consideration, appointed Andrew as the head of the military advisory group in Lanfang, responsible for helping the Lanfang Republic build its new army and getting him involved in colonial affairs.

If all went well, Andrew might become one of Spain’s colonial governors in the future. After all, he held a noble title. Although it was only that of a Baron, the lowest rank, he was still officially a member of the Spanish nobility.

In addition to Andrew as the head of the military advisory group, Menotti, who had previously been the military leader of the African exploration, was appointed by Carlo as the group’s deputy head.

Like Andrew, Menotti was also one of Carlo’s loyalists. Both were capable men. While it was not suitable to heavily promote them within the regular army, their abilities could be utilized in other areas, such as colonial affairs.

The journey from Spain to Lanfang required crossing the Mediterranean, passing through the Suez Canal and the Red Sea, traversing the entire Indian Ocean, and finally, navigating the Strait of Malacca to reach Kalimantan Island.

It was an extremely long journey. It took the military advisory group over two months—two and a half, to be precise—to reach Kalimantan Island.

The Lanfang Republic treated the arrival of the military advisory group with great importance. Of course, they had no choice in the matter. Spain was currently the only power they could rely on, and Spain’s strength was far beyond their ability to resist.

“Esteemed envoys of the military advisory group, welcome to Kuntian.” The moment the group’s ship docked, Liu Asheng, the current General Administrator of the Lanfang Republic, King Wu Guanghuai of the Dayan Kingdom, and numerous other Lanfang officials were already sensibly waiting at the port, having come specifically to welcome the delegation.

The Lanfang Republic adopted a very humble stance. After all, they were the ones seeking help, and Spain was the more powerful of the two.

As the head of the military advisory group, Andrew stepped forward first and nodded with a smile, showing no signs of arrogance or imperiousness.

Before coming to the Lanfang Republic, Carlo had already briefed Andrew on the purpose and mission of the military advisory group, as well as how to interact with the Lanfang officials.

First, until the Dutch colonial forces were completely defeated, Spain would not take the initiative to alienate the Lanfang Republic, which was why Andrew’s attitude was relatively amicable.

Of course, if the Lanfang officials overstepped their bounds, Andrew would follow Carlo’s orders and show them the might of Spain.

Andrew was an Italian who had learned Spanish after several years in Spain. However, the language spoken in the Lanfang Republic was Chinese, and its General Administrator, Liu Asheng, spoke neither Spanish nor Italian.

This meant that communication between the two sides required a translator. Fortunately, due to their long period of contact with the Dutch, the Lanfang Republic had a small number of translators who knew European languages.

The most mainstream European language was French, a legacy of France’s former position as the most powerful nation. Although its use had slightly declined, French remained one of Europe’s major languages, and most European noblemen could speak it.

Besides French, there were many other major languages, such as Spanish, English, and German.

Spanish was not an obscure language, which was why they had a translator who understood it.

Compared to Spanish, Italian was currently a rather obscure language. Apart from its use within Italy, Italian was rarely spoken elsewhere in Europe. Even in diplomatic settings, Italy would not use Italian unless dealing with a much weaker nation.

“Esteemed envoys, our nation has prepared a lavish welcome banquet for you. Please, follow me,” said Liu Asheng, the General Administrator of the Lanfang Republic, with a smile.

After hearing the translation, Andrew smiled and nodded, giving his answer, “I’d be delighted.”

Although the purpose of the military advisory group was to help the Lanfang Republic build a new army, this was clearly not something that could be accomplished in a single day.

Andrew was in no hurry. He wanted to understand the current situation in the Lanfang Republic as best he could in order to determine how their new army should be organized and trained.

Fortunately, Spain already had experience with military reform and had shipped several batches of weapons and equipment to the Lanfang Republic.

Currently, the Lanfang Republic had stockpiled over twenty thousand old-style firearms and more than one million rounds of ammunition. Forming a new army of about twenty thousand men was entirely feasible.

For the Lanfang Republic, with a Han Chinese population of just over five hundred thousand, an army of twenty thousand was close to its limit.

If the number were any larger, putting aside the issue of weapons and ammunition, the Lanfang Republic simply could not afford to sustain so many soldiers.

The group proceeded in a grand procession to the residence of General Administrator Liu Asheng, where a rather sumptuous feast had been prepared specifically to entertain the members of the military advisory group who had traveled so far.

At the banquet, Liu Asheng introduced Andrew to the key military officials of the Lanfang Republic, as well as King Wu Guanghuai of the Dayan Kingdom. He stated that the formation of Lanfang’s new army would be under Andrew’s command and arrangement.

Andrew was quite satisfied with the cooperative attitude of the Lanfang Republic, but he obviously could not fully trust everything the Lanfang officials said.

After the dinner concluded, Andrew returned to the rooms prepared for his group by the Lanfang Republic to rest and began studying documents to understand the current state of the republic.

The history of the Lanfang Republic’s founding was rather complex, and even its current political system was quite complicated.

It was correct to call Lanfang a country, but it was also correct to call it just a Chinese company. Although it had a so-called General Administrator as the ruler of the nation, Lanfang’s system did not resemble that of a complete state; it was more like a company that possessed its own army.

The Lanfang Republic had been founded nearly a century ago, and its Han Chinese population had reached a peak of five hundred thousand.

But the current situation in the Lanfang Republic was quite poor, and it had experienced some population decline. Many Han Chinese were choosing to move north to the Kingdom of Sarawak, where new gold mines awaited exploitation.

A considerable portion of the gold mines in the Lanfang Republic had already been depleted, and gold prospectors naturally preferred untouched mining areas.

Furthermore, the aggressive expansion of the Dutch had severely squeezed the living space of both the Lanfang Republic and the Dayan Kingdom.

The so-called Dayan Kingdom was actually an indigenous power to the east of the Lanfang Republic. And the first king of the Dayan Kingdom was Wu Yuansheng, the founder of the Jusheng Company, the predecessor of the Lanfang Company.

At that time, the Jusheng Company was also a major Chinese company on Kalimantan Island. However, Wu Yuansheng’s subordinate, Luo Fangbo, gradually surpassed him in prestige, and eventually, the Lanfang Company replaced the Jusheng Company.

After his position was usurped, Wu Yuansheng was sent to garrison the Dayan Sultanate, east of the Lanfang Company’s territory. Because the Sultan at the time was exceptionally cruel, causing discontent among the local indigenous people and the small number of Chinese, Wu Yuansheng ended up killing the Dayan Sultan. He was then acclaimed by the local population as the new King of Dayan.

Chapter 182: A Day in Carlo’s Life

When the first telegram from Andrew, the leader of the military advisory group stationed in the Lanfang Republic, arrived in Spain, the date was July 28, 1875. It happened to be the day Prince Juan Fernando turned two months old.

Since the birth of his first child, Carlo had been in a wonderful mood, wishing he could spend every moment by his son’s side.

Unfortunately, the affairs of state that Carlo needed to handle were growing more numerous. Ever since Prince Juan Fernando turned one month old, Carlo could spare no more than five hours of free time each day.

The main reason for this was that Carlo had begun to engage with more government matters, exercising his influence as the King of Spain over the government.

Some important documents from various government departments required Carlo’s personal review and approval, and major construction and engineering projects needed his signature.

This was a reflection of the king’s power, as well as a concession from Prime Minister Primo. Although neither side had stated it explicitly, a tacit understanding about the transition of power had been formed.

Prime Minister Primo was involving Carlo in more government affairs, and Carlo was carefully cultivating his own faction, preparing to take over the new government after Prime Minister Primo’s second term of office ended.

Although Prime Minister Primo had limited his power in the early stages, Carlo had no intention of discarding him once he was no longer needed. For Spain, Prime Minister Primo was certainly a man of great merit, and his contributions were significant.

If not for Prime Minister Primo pushing for Spain’s reforms at all costs, the country’s development would not have been so rapid.

While some royal authority had been sacrificed in the beginning, the resulting overall upward development of Spain was something Carlo was happy to see.

Carlo already had a plan in mind for Prime Minister Primo after his term ended. Like Grand Duke Serrano, Prime Minister Primo would be granted the noble title of Grand Duke and would enjoy his later years in Madrid.

Gradually becoming involved in more affairs of state was a good thing for Carlo, but it also meant that his previously leisurely life was no more.

In the past, Carlo had plenty of time to arrange his days as he pleased, whether it was for sightseeing, hunting, or organizing lavish dinners and banquets—it was all up to his whim.

But after beginning to handle more state affairs, Carlo’s free time was limited to no more than five hours a day. In the most extreme cases, he had almost no recreational time to arrange freely.

After waking up at eight-thirty in the morning, Carlo had an hour and a half for washing up and dining. The daily breakfast was always ordered a day in advance, allowing Carlo to enjoy delicacies from all over Europe, and even the entire world.

Carlo never scrimped when it came to food. The Royal Palace of Madrid employed over twenty chefs from various countries in Europe and around the world.

It was no exaggeration to say that any delicacy that existed in the world could be enjoyed at the Royal Palace of Madrid, with the exception of ingredients that were difficult to transport or seasonal dishes.

From ten in the morning until eleven-thirty, Carlo would meet with government officials and other individuals. If there were no urgent matters, this time could also be used to handle affairs of state.

The hour and a half from eleven-thirty to one in the afternoon was Carlo’s lunch break. He would usually choose to have lunch with Queen Sophie, and sometimes he would dine with certain officials.

The hour and a half from one to two-thirty in the afternoon was for his siesta, while the four hours from two-thirty to six-thirty were dedicated to handling state affairs, attending meetings, and various other activities.

Only after six-thirty in the evening did Carlo have his own private time. However, if the day’s affairs were light, or if there were few meetings to attend or officials to see, his workday could end as early as three or four in the afternoon.

Although such days were hectic, Carlo was quite satisfied. After all, it represented the growth of his power, a completely different kind of treatment compared to his idle days of the past.

On the afternoon of July 28, when Carlo received the telegram from Andrew, he was handling a small number of state affairs.

In truth, these “affairs of state” were mostly just reports from various Cabinet departments. The Cabinet government had already discussed them and come up with preliminary solutions, which were simply awaiting Carlo’s signature and approval.

Carlo finished all the paperwork in a short time and then focused his attention on the telegram from Lanfang.

The task Carlo had given Andrew was to form an army of over twenty thousand men in the Lanfang Republic, giving it sufficient strength to resist the colonial war waged by the Dutch.

According to Andrew’s current investigation into the Lanfang Republic, the republic had the capacity to form a twenty-thousand-man army, and the process of its formation had already begun.

Based on Andrew’s assessment of the current situation, there was a good chance the army could be fully formed within three months and achieve a certain level of combat effectiveness within half a year.

After discussions between Andrew and the leadership of the Lanfang Republic, it was decided that of this twenty-thousand-man army, the proportion of Lanfang people would be half, so just over ten thousand soldiers.

The remaining force of less than ten thousand would be filled by local natives. Although these natives were not very reliable, with an equal number of Lanfang people to keep them in check, there was no need to worry about problems arising within the army.

In any case, the Dutch army was composed in much the same way. There were very few actual Dutchmen; most of the Dutch colonial forces were a mix of Dutch, people of mixed race, and local natives.

The proportion of actual Dutch soldiers was definitely less than half. In some less-prioritized units, only the mid- to high-ranking officers were Dutch, while all the lower-ranking officers were local natives.

Compared to such Dutch colonial troops, the new army of the Lanfang Republic, with half of its soldiers being Lanfang people, had a much higher proportion of its core population than the Dutch army.

Although these new troops were equipped with outdated muzzle-loading rifles, they were more than sufficient for a colony like Kalimantan.

“Reply to Andrew that there is no need to rush the formation of the Lanfang army, but a small-scale force should be assembled as soon as possible to prepare for the subsequent colonization of New Guinea. Menotti has some experience in this area; the preliminary work of exploring and colonizing New Guinea can be handed over to him.

“Furthermore, during the process of forming the Lanfang army, you should cultivate as many pro-Spanish officers as possible to exert more influence over this force.

“I hope this newly formed army is pro-Spanish; this is a key objective of their work in building the army.” After reading the entire telegram from Andrew, Carlo gave his orders to a guard.

“As you command, Your Majesty.” The guard nodded respectfully and went to relay Carlo’s orders.

After dealing with the matters of the Lanfang Republic, Carlo’s state affairs for the day were more or less concluded.

After a moment of thought, Carlo summoned Steward Loren and inquired about the current state of the royal family’s assets.

Come to think of it, the last time Carlo had familiarized himself with the scale of the royal family’s fortune was before the economic crisis. After the crisis, Carlo had instructed Steward Loren to discreetly purchase outstanding bankrupt assets abroad and to develop the royal family’s other industries as much as possible. Since then, he had not paid too much attention to the royal assets.

The main reason for this was the sheer vastness of the royal family’s fortune. Simply put, the royal family had more money than could be counted, so much that Carlo couldn’t possibly spend it all.

Yes, it was that exaggerated. Based on the palace’s annual expenditures, the royal family’s wealth could last for at least a hundred years, even without generating any profit.

The palace’s expenses were divided into three main parts: the maintenance of the palace buildings, the salaries of the palace staff, and the annuities of the royal family members.

As one of the three great palaces of Europe, the daily maintenance cost for the Royal Palace of Madrid was an enormous figure. Based on the current annual funds required for its upkeep, Carlo’s expenditure in this area amounted to nearly one million pesetas per year.

But this was just a minor expense. The hundreds of servants and maids, attendants, guards, and a host of other positions in the palace cost over two million pesetas annually.

Then there were the annuities for the members of the royal family. Although there were currently only three members, the annuity for each was considerable.

When Carlo was in Italy, the average annual annuity he received was about 260,000 lira. At the time, Carlo thought this was a substantial sum, worth nearly ten thousand pounds, which was an astronomical figure for that era.

But after becoming the King of Spain, Carlo realized that this sum was not nearly enough. As the wealth of the Spanish royal family continued to grow, Carlo had increased the annuities for its members several times.

As the King of Spain, Carlo could collect an annuity of one million pesetas a year, the highest share any member of the Spanish royal family could receive.

As Carlo’s wife, Queen Sophie could receive an annual annuity as high as 800,000 pesetas. This annuity could be spent freely by the Queen, which attested to how extravagant the lives of European nobility and royalty were in this era.

Although little Juan Fernando was just a two-month-old baby, according to the regulations for royal annuities, he was still entitled to an annual income of 500,000 pesetas.

Fortunately, the Spanish royal family consisted of only three people in total, so the annual expenditure on annuities was only 2.3 million pesetas. Converted to pounds, this was less than one hundred thousand, which was a mere drop in the ocean for the royal family’s immense fortune.

It was not surprising that the annuities for the Spanish royal family were higher than those of the Italian royal family.

After all, the Italian royal family was a vast family, while the Spanish royal family was just a small branch of it. The number of members alone determined the difference in their annuities.

Carlo only needed to pay annuities for his immediate family, whereas Victor Emanuele had to provide for the entire, enormous Italian royal family. The difference in scale and cost between the two was worlds apart.

Fortunately, the House of Savoy had governed the Kingdom of Sardinia for a long time, and the family’s wealth was considerable. Especially after the unification of Italy, the House of Savoy’s fortune expanded once again, raising the Italian royal family’s total wealth and the average wealth per member from the lower-middle ranks among an European royalty.

“Your Majesty.” Steward Loren, who had been waiting just outside Carlo’s office, entered promptly upon being summoned. He waited respectfully for Carlo’s command.

“Steward Loren, tell me about the recent state of the royal family’s assets. How are our enterprises performing? What is their scale? And what is the approximate total value of the royal assets at present?” Carlo smiled and gestured for Steward Loren to sit down as he posed his questions.

Loren’s loyalty was beyond question; Carlo regarded him as an absolute loyalist and trusted him completely.

Steward Loren produced a thick ledger and began to detail the financial situation of the Spanish royal family to Carlo: “Your Majesty, after the economic crisis broke out, we used over 120 million pesetas to purchase excellent foreign companies, and the results have been very good.

“Our steel mills have been greatly expanded. The total steel production from the mills controlled by the royal family now accounts for nearly two-fifths of Spain’s entire steel production.

“As per your instructions, we have also increased investment in the experimental zones. Our total expenditure this year reached 170 million pesetas, of which over thirty-five million pesetas were invested in various research projects at the Royal Academy of Sciences and experiments in the experimental zones.

“Currently, based on the research progress at the Royal Academy of Sciences, some projects are expected to make some headway this year, and may even yield some results.

“In the automotive sector, the automobile company and engine company we invested in are now valued at five million pesetas and three million pesetas, respectively. This year, the R&D funds invested in automobiles and engines reached 2.2 million pesetas and 1.7 million pesetas, respectively.

“Mr. Benz reported that the car you saw last time now has a second-generation experimental model, and a finished product is expected to be manufactured within this year.

“The stability and speed of the finished product will be improved, and its appearance will also be somewhat different. This is based on the progress made with the engine, which has driven the changes in the entire automobile.

“In the field of electrical experiments, the Electricity Laboratory is currently exploring power storage devices. The laboratory has deepened its research into the generation and use of electricity. Our R&D investment in the Electricity Laboratory this year exceeded three million pesetas, making it the project with the highest R&D funding in the entire experimental zone.

“Compared to the 170 million pesetas in expenditure, the total revenue of all royal enterprises remains at a relatively stable level. Last year, our revenue was approximately 230 million pesetas, with a net profit of sixty million pesetas. In the first half of this year, our revenue has already reached 133 million pesetas, and we expect to set a new record for revenue.” Steward Loren reported respectfully on the various enterprises and research projects the royal family had invested in, as well as the total revenue and expenditure of the royal enterprises.

In truth, the revenue and expenditure figures of the royal enterprises showed that after a long period of development, they had become leaders and giants among Spanish companies.

Especially in the military industry and heavy industry sectors, the enterprises controlled by the royal family now dominated the field in Spain. If Carlo so much as stomped his foot, Spain’s military and heavy industry sectors would tremble.

Chapter 183: Land Swap

The total assets of the Spanish royal family’s enterprises had already surpassed five hundred million pesetas, with annual net profits approaching one hundred million pesetas.

Carlo was quite satisfied with this, especially since the total assets didn’t include the value of the treasure obtained from the Indian temple. If the value of that treasure were included, all the assets in the hands of the Spanish royal family would amount to nearly one billion pesetas.

These assets were certainly enormous. Converted into the most valuable currency of the time, the pound sterling, it would be approximately thirty-eight million, four hundred thirty-two thousand pounds, equivalent to 281.7 tons of gold.

Aside from ancient royal and imperial families like the British royal family and the House of Habsburg, few noble families in Europe could claim assets exceeding Carlo’s.

Of course, of the royal assets that appeared to exceed one billion, the majority were fixed assets like factories, businesses, and land, as well as the temple treasure, which could not be quickly liquidated.

The amount of cash the royal family had on hand for immediate use was less than two hundred million pesetas, or just over seven million pounds.

Although the Spanish royal family had become one of the wealthiest in Europe, this was not Carlo’s ultimate goal. It was merely a small achievement accomplished along the way to realizing his true ambitions.

For a powerful king, money was something that could be acquired easily. It wasn’t that money was bad, but it wasn’t everything. Power was far more important than money.

Although Prime Minister Primo had allowed Carlo to become more involved in government affairs, Carlo did not rush to extend his influence into the Cabinet government. Instead, he turned his attention to the affairs of the Church.

In a country like Spain, religion still held considerable power. The history of Spain’s founding was a story of blood and tears, recounting the brutal rule of the Arabs and the courageous resistance of Catholicism.

The Spaniards completely expelled the Arabs and Islam from the Iberian Peninsula in 1492, but the Arabs had ruled Iberia for nearly 700 years prior to that.

The impact of 700 years of Muslim rule on the Iberian Peninsula was undeniable, which made the process of de-Islamization exceptionally difficult.

During this process, the Catholic Church played an extremely important role, which in turn granted the Spanish Catholic Church considerable power, making it the second-most powerful force after the nobility.

Although the Church’s influence in modern Spain had diminished significantly, religious influence could not disappear overnight. The Spanish Catholic Church remained a major power in Spain, holding immense sway over the more fervent Catholic followers.

Even in later generations with highly advanced technology, religious faith persisted. While some people were indeed atheists, a significant portion still adhered to a religion.

For Carlo, the Spanish Church was a force that he absolutely had to control. The Church could indoctrinate its followers and propagate its own doctrines and dogmas.

If utilized effectively, the Catholic Church could become a sharp blade in Carlo’s hand, simultaneously strengthening his rule and status.

At the Royal Palace of Madrid, Carlo once again met with Archbishop Pedro, the current Primate Archbishop of the Spanish Church.

The Archbishop, his hair now streaked with white, was extremely deferential when meeting Carlo. He was a smart man and knew that after bowing to Carlo the last time, he no longer had a choice.

The Archbishop of Spain had officially become the Primate Archbishop of the Spanish Catholic Church, a position, along with the Archbishop of Toledo, appointed by the King of Spain.

This meant that if Carlo was dissatisfied with him, he could at any time appoint a new Archbishop of Spain to contest his authority within the Spanish Catholic Church.

Although the Archbishop of Toledo had a longer history and greater influence in Spain, the Church was ultimately in a weakened position and stood no chance of winning a power struggle against Carlo and the Spanish government.

“Your Majesty.” Archbishop Pedro bowed respectfully to Carlo in greeting.

Carlo nodded and replied with a smile, “It’s been a while, Archbishop Pedro. How have things been with the Church recently?”

“All is well, Your Majesty.” Archbishop Pedro nodded and answered respectfully, “In Catalonia and the Basque region, several Spanish-language schools have been successfully established, enrolling thousands of children and youths to learn Spanish.

We are also vigorously promoting the use of the Spanish language, striving to make Catalonia and the Basque Country administrative regions that exclusively use Spanish in a short period of time.”

Carlo nodded, very satisfied with the Church’s cooperation. In certain situations, the Church was indeed more effective than the government.

For instance, in promoting the use of Spanish, if the government were to forcibly implement it in these two regions, it would likely provoke opposition from some Catalans and Basques.

But by working through the Church, modifying the doctrines of the Catholic Church, and subtly expanding the use of Spanish in daily life, they could not only avoid provoking the Catalans and Basques but also effectively increase the local Spanish language usage rate.

“Excellent. I have called you here today for a particular matter. I have decided to donate five million pesetas in the name of the royal family to the Church for the construction of a new Iberian Cathedral. What are your thoughts, Archbishop Pedro?” Carlo asked with a smile.

As a new archbishopric created by Carlo, it naturally needed a corresponding cathedral. The cathedral for the Archbishop of Spain would be named the Iberian Cathedral, located south of the Madrid region, north of Toledo.

On the surface, it seemed the royal family was generously donating five million pesetas to the Church for a new cathedral. In reality, Carlo was reminding Archbishop Pedro that the Church’s only option was to submit to his rule; otherwise, his position within the Church would be replaced by someone else.

“Thank you, Your Majesty. On behalf of the Church, I thank Your Majesty and the royal family for your donation. May Spain march towards greater glory under Your Majesty’s leadership. The Church is also willing to contribute to Spain’s greatness,” Archbishop Pedro said deferentially, fully understanding the meaning behind Carlo’s words and quickly clarifying his stance.

Carlo nodded, the smile on his face widening. “Achieving the goal of making Spain great again requires the combined efforts of the government, the royal family, the Church, and all Spaniards.

Catholicism is the state religion of Spain. This will never change, nor can it ever be changed. Archbishop Pedro, as the Archbishop of Spain and Primate Bishop of the Spanish Catholic Church, you must lead the Church to cooperate with the government’s actions and contribute together to Spain’s development.

Of course, I will remember your contributions to Spain. The royal family will not mistreat any of the nation’s heroes. The Church will not merely be a sacrificer and contributor; it should be a beneficiary of Spain’s great achievements.”

The core message of this conversation was simple: if the Church cooperated with Carlo’s rule, it would maintain its position as the second-most powerful force in Spain.

But if it did not cooperate, not only would Archbishop Pedro’s own position be challenged, but the Church’s status in Spain would cease to exist.

Fortunately, Archbishop Pedro was a very sensible man. He certainly understood the declining influence of the Spanish Catholic Church and knew it was impossible to contend with the royal authority and the government.

For Archbishop Pedro, rather than risking a power struggle with the king and the government, it was better to securely hold on to the power the Church currently possessed and live comfortably as an archbishop with vast assets but little real power.

Carlo was very pleased with Archbishop Pedro’s sensibility. In contrast, Spain’s noble class was not nearly as discerning.

The saying, “a large forest has all kinds of birds,” was a fitting description for Spain’s vast noble class.

Spain’s population ranked among the stragglers of the great powers, but its number of nobles was by no means inferior to other European nations.

What was worse, Spain’s nobility controlled a massive amount of the country’s land. Some ancient noble families owned even more land than Carlo currently held.

Because they controlled so much land, combined with their long history, some nobles were not very supportive of Carlo, an outsider, and were even somewhat xenophobic.

Although there were shrewd men like Duke Jacopo who had shown their support for Carlo from the beginning, most adopted a wait-and-see attitude, and some nobles even secretly expressed their opposition.

Even now, when Carlo had secured his throne and grasped a certain amount of power, a considerable number of nobles remained outside of his Royal Council.

The Royal Council was the institution Carlo used to supervise the nobility. For nobles to remain outside of it, did that not signify their unwillingness to be monitored by Carlo?

Regarding the enormous noble class within Spain, Carlo had already made a decision: he would deal with them sooner rather than later, or at least resolve some of the trouble they caused.

The nobles owned too much of Spain’s land, using it to control a portion of the agricultural population and thereby exert influence over the government.

If they were mainstream Spanish nobles, it would be one thing, but Carlo feared the nobles of Catalonia and the Basque Country. These individuals were one of the primary sources driving regional autonomy.

To hold Spanish land while secretly pushing for the autonomy of Spain’s various regions was something Carlo absolutely could not accept.

Look at the Spain of later generations: regions had become autonomous communities, drastically diluting the power of the central Spanish government. Fortunately, Spain was still able to maintain its legal basis for unity through the monarchy, and with Spaniards making up the majority of the population, the country managed to勉强 maintain stability and unity.

But this still allowed the Catalans to exploit loopholes, even holding a referendum for independence in the 21st century.

History proved that being merciful to these nobles and separatists was completely ineffective. Give them autonomy, and the next thing they would want was complete independence from Spain.

Even Spanish nobles could breed corruption and engage in other activities harmful to the nation. Carlo had no goodwill for those nobles who did not stand with him; his only thought was to find a suitable opportunity and excuse to deal with them.

The current colonization of the Congo River Basin plateau was indeed a good opportunity, as it could at least be used to reclaim some land from the nobles.

How to reclaim the land?

Through a land swap, of course, exchanging Spanish land for land in the Congo River Basin. The Congo Territory was Carlo’s property, so he could certainly promote a land swap between the nobility and the royal family.

Spain’s home base was still the Iberian Peninsula. It would surely be beneficial for the nation’s development for the government and the royal family to control more land on the peninsula.

Carlo wouldn’t lose out by swapping more Congo land to the nobles. After all, this land was acquired through colonization, and Carlo had not paid a high price for it.

On the contrary, he could use the nobles’ resources to cultivate this land, accelerating the colonization of the Congo River Basin and the development of the Congo Territory.

If nobles were to build numerous plantations in the Congo River Basin, they could not only make full use of the local indigenous labor but also produce large quantities of agricultural and cash crops to be shipped back to Spain or sold to other countries and regions in Europe.

This would not only boost Spain’s economic development, but the land acquired by the royal family and the government could also be leased or sold to commoners, increasing Spain’s per capita farmland. It was a strategy that killed several birds with one stone.

Of course, the land swap would undoubtedly be a lengthy process. While there was enough land in the Congo River Basin to exchange with the nobles, it didn’t mean the nobles would willingly trade their Spanish lands, which had been cultivated for many years, for undeveloped land in the Congo.

Even if they could get several times the amount of land, it would still take a long time to clear and fertilize it, wouldn’t it? It was predictable that in the short term, few nobles would be willing to make the swap—perhaps even a negligible number.

But why did Carlo believe this method could solve the problem of nobles occupying the majority of the nation’s land? The main reason was that much of Spain’s land was arid desert, and combined with its many mountainous areas, there were not many fertile plains that could be converted into farmland.

Furthermore, as Spain gradually industrialized, a large portion of the agricultural population was destined to move to the cities to become workers or other employees.

With a dwindling agricultural population, the value of the vast lands held by the nobles would decrease. Additionally, due to Spain’s geography, farmland was often scattered in small plots, making large-scale mechanized agriculture difficult.

Rather than holding onto that, it would be better to exchange it for vast, contiguous tracts of land in the Congo, where they could hire cheaper indigenous laborers to establish various crop plantations.

With a massive public opinion campaign and some guidance, many nobles would surely be tempted to exchange their Spanish lands for more land in the Congo.

When that day came, the entire land swap plan would be a success. With more land, the royal family and the government could better pursue industrialization and agricultural concentration and mechanization.

The entire process might take ten or twenty years to complete, but once the land swap was mostly done, and Spanish land was consolidated and mechanized, Spain’s comprehensive national strength would rise to a new level.

If this farmland remained in the hands of peasants and nobles, the grain produced could feed at most twenty-five million people. But if the land were consolidated and mechanized, the grain produced could feed at least fifty million people.

Adding the lands of Portugal and Morocco, it would be no problem for a future Spain, relying on these three regions, to support a population of over eighty million, approaching one hundred million.

This farmland and grain output would serve as Spain’s capital to stand tall in the Western Mediterranean, and it would be the guarantee for Spain’s contention for regional hegemony.

To speed up this process, Carlo decided to start laying the groundwork ahead of time. This would require the help of newspaper companies and the Church. After all, to convince Spain’s nobles that the Congo had vast fertile lands, the royal family’s word alone would not be enough.

Only when the Church and the newspapers were both promoting it, and some nobles took the lead, went to the Congo, and struck it rich with plantations, would the interest of other nobles be piqued.

Fortunately, some nobles had already pledged their allegiance to Carlo’s rule. The first nobleman to “test the waters” in the Congo could be chosen from among these more loyal ones.

In truth, the nobles wouldn’t lose out by swapping for land in the Congo. The Congo was an undeveloped land with vast amounts of fertile farmland waiting to be cultivated. Moreover, the Congo possessed extremely rich mineral resources. The nobles could hardly lose money even if they managed their ventures there with their eyes closed.

After all, the indigenous labor force there was inexhaustible, and it was the kind of labor that didn’t need to be treated as human. The profits from casually exploiting this labor force would be incomparable to what could be earned from farming in Spain.

“Archbishop Pedro, you must be aware of the establishment of the Congo Territory, are you not?” Having formulated a thorough plan, Carlo turned his gaze back to Archbishop Pedro and asked with a smile.

“Yes, Your Majesty.” Archbishop Pedro nodded, awaiting Carlo’s further instructions.

He knew Carlo wouldn’t bring up the Congo Territory for no reason; there was certainly a specific task involved.

Carlo continued, “According to the explorations of our expedition teams, the plateau in the upper Congo is a vast expanse of fertile, uncultivated land. It possesses extremely rich mineral resources, a large number of natural rubber trees, and other materials.

If the Church is interested, I suggest you organize men to cultivate the lands of the Congo River Basin, establish plantations, and so on. You can also send missionaries to learn more about this land. Believe me, it is an undeveloped land full of treasures,” Carlo said with a smile.

Although Carlo could have directly ordered the Church to send people to cultivate the land in the Congo, the people from the Church would not necessarily be willing to do so.

While they might not openly defy him, they would certainly drag their feet. It was better to let the Church discover the vastness and fertility of the Congo River Basin for themselves, motivating them to spontaneously go and cultivate the land and manage the Congo Territory.

As long as it promoted the development of the Congo Territory, it was acceptable to Carlo. The Church’s development of land in the Congo Territory would not be free, of course. For the fertile lands of the Congo River Basin, they would have to give something in return, such as their less fertile farmland in Spain.

The Church’s covert actions, combined with the nobles who were the first to test the waters and the promotion in public opinion, would surely attract the attention of the majority of the other nobles.

When they too noticed that the Church and some nobles were making a fortune in the Congo River Basin, they would naturally be tempted.

At that point, Carlo wouldn’t even need to take the initiative. Nobles would naturally want to join in the development of the Congo Territory through land swaps.

And Carlo, through his sovereignty over the Congo Territory, could sit back and wait for these fish, about to take the bait, to get hooked.

Chapter 184: United Agricultural Development Company

The establishment of the Congo Territory caused a sensation both inside and outside Europe, as it was the first time a European nation had established a colony of such scale in the interior of the African continent.

Besides attracting the attention of various governments and royal families, it also drew the focus of a large number of Spain’s noblemen.

At present, the vast majority of Spanish noblemen shared a common characteristic: they were landed nobility, meaning they lived off the land they owned.

Most of their income came from their lands and castles, with very little involvement in industry and finance.

This was also why, although the royal family’s landholdings were smaller than those of the nobility, its total assets had quickly surpassed theirs.

After all, how could farming compare to the profitability of industry and finance? In this era, industry and finance were the most lucrative sectors. This was especially true after the Spanish government introduced policies to reduce land taxes and rents, which further decreased the income noblemen could derive from their lands.

The newly established Congo Territory was an absolutely undeveloped land, possessing immense economic interests and potential value.

One should not underestimate the ambitions of European colonizers. Essentially, any region in this era untouched by them was barren and not worth colonizing.

Spain’s ability to establish the Congo Territory in the high plateaus of the upper Congo River Basin signified that the Spanish royal family believed this land had development value and that establishing the territory would bring enormous revenue.

Some noblemen did have ideas about the newly founded Congo Territory, but with Carlo having made no official statement, they could only let the matter rest.

After all, the Carlo of today was not the powerless young king of the past. To bypass him and establish plantations in his Congo Territory was nothing short of a fantasy.

While the noblemen were growing anxious, Carlo had already arranged for The Church and a small number of trusted noblemen to begin developing the Congo River Basin.

Historically, King Leopold II of Belgium had amassed vast wealth from the Congo’s abundant natural rubber trees, but it was clear that Carlo could not completely replicate this model at present.

These natural rubber trees were indeed a colossal fortune, but they would only turn into income when rubber became truly valuable.

Although rubber currently had other uses, its value would not truly soar until the successive invention of tires and automobiles.

It was the significant expansion of rubber’s applications that caused its value to grow continuously, leading to the sprouting of rubber plantations and companies everywhere like bamboo shoots after a spring rain.

Currently, the value of rubber was similar to that of petroleum; both suffered from low prices because their greatest uses had not yet been discovered. The rise in petroleum prices was due to the invention of various internal combustion engines and motors, and the subsequent creation of machinery that used them, which caused the value of this energy source to climb steadily.

The same principle applied to rubber. Before the creation of tires and a series of other rubber products, natural rubber had some value, but it was not high.

Although he couldn’t make a fortune from rubber plantations, the lands in the Congo still had many other uses at the moment.

In fact, the Congo, irrigated almost entirely by the Congo River, was quite suitable for agriculture.

However, because the Congo Basin was covered in tropical rainforests, various diseases and venomous insects ran rampant, making the environment extremely harsh and agricultural development exceedingly difficult.

In contrast, the vegetation in the upstream plateau region was less dense, there were fewer venomous insects, and development was relatively simple. Coupled with its tropical location, it was quite suitable for cultivating crops such as rice, cotton, oil-producing plants, as well as cocoa, rubber, and bananas.

Since rubber plantations were not a viable option for now, he could turn his attention to cotton and banana plantations. In any case, there was a large local indigenous labor force to exploit. As long as the plantations were established, there were all sorts of ways to make money.

After the Congo Territory was officially established, crops and agricultural products from the upstream plateau could be transported in two ways. The first was by rail to the port in the Spanish colony of Guinea, and the second was by river, flowing downstream along the Congo River to its mouth at the sea.

For Spain, the natural choice was to use both methods. Although the first method, via railway, could transport goods smoothly, it was a single-track line, which meant there was a limit to its transport capacity.

The second important task was to strengthen control over the Congo River Basin. Now that the Congo Territory was established, the next priority was to control the entire Congo River, using it to extend influence throughout the entire basin and thereby control the whole Congo region.

In this regard, Spain’s greatest colonial competitor was Portugal. For a long time, Portugal had been carrying out colonial aggression against the Kingdom of Kongo and had established its own West Africa colony.

Although they had not yet fully seized control of the lower Congo River, if Spain did not act quickly, Portugal might well gain complete control of the lower river before Spain’s colonial teams arrived.

This would be disadvantageous for Spain. After all, the upper Congo River was an inland region, and without the support of river transport and a port, its economic development would be somewhat restricted.

On this point, even with the easing of relations between Spain and Portugal, Carlo would not retreat a single step.

If Portugal was determined to engage in a colonial rivalry with Spain over the lower Congo River, Carlo wouldn’t mind deploying the Royal Guard to seize the area by force.

If Portugal was dissatisfied, the worst-case scenario would be a war between the two Iberian powers. For Spain, a war would actually be a good way to train its army.

Such a colonial dispute would not be enough to provoke direct intervention from the other great powers; they would, at most, mediate. As long as the great powers did not interfere, Carlo would not have the slightest fear of a conflict between the two Iberian states.

Never mind a small country like Portugal. Even two Portugals combined would be no match for Spain.

The gap between Portugal and Spain was not just in land area and population but was a comprehensive lag in economy, industry, population, and agriculture.

The land of the Congo was extremely important to Carlo. Not only could it be used to develop agriculture and grow cash crops, but it also possessed extremely rich natural and mineral resources.

In later generations, the Congo would be known as the world’s warehouse of raw materials, possessing a vast variety of rich natural resources and numerous rare metals.

It held over seventy-five million tons of copper ore, four and a half million tons of cobalt, seven million tons of zinc, six hundred tons of gold, and two hundred million carats of diamonds. It also possessed over twenty-five million tons of petroleum, forty billion cubic meters of natural gas, and over sixty million tons of coal.

Such abundant mineral resources were an excellent supplement for mainland Spain, and its location in Africa made transportation relatively convenient.

More importantly, the Congo also possessed a large amount of high-purity uranium ore, a crucial raw material for making atomic bombs in the future.

Although the atomic bomb was in the very distant future, even if Carlo wasn’t thinking for himself, he had to consider his future heir.

If Spain could become the first country in the world to possess an atomic bomb, it would have a much stronger position in a future World War. This would be a huge game-changer for the war’s outcome and for Spain’s future destiny.

As the first native Spanish duke Carlo had become acquainted with, Duke Jacopo played a significant role in Carlo’s plans.

Upon receiving Carlo’s summons, Duke Jacopo hurried to the palace and requested an audience with great deference.

At that moment, Carlo was finalizing his development plan for the Congo River Basin. Just as Duke Jacopo arrived, the plan was nearing its conclusion.

“Your Majesty,” Duke Jacopo bowed respectfully, showing not the slightest disdain for the twenty-four-year-old king before him. Instead, his attitude was one of utmost seriousness and respect.

Duke Jacopo understood that the young king before him was no immature child. To underestimate such a king would be to trifle with his own noble title and future.

Although it was rare for European kings to abolish noble titles, it did not mean they lacked the power to do so. Furthermore, Carlo was not a native Spaniard and held no deep affection for them, the native Spanish nobility.

If any of these Spanish noblemen were reckless enough to stand in Carlo’s way, the abolition of certain noble titles might very well occur in the near future.

Whether a king could abolish a nobleman’s title actually depended on the king’s own power and his influence within the entire European aristocratic system.

After all, noblemen were people too, and they would feel fear when faced with a power that could strip them of their esteemed status. Once the noblemen became afraid, they would naturally unite to oppose the royal authority.

If a king could not handle the united opposition of the nobility, then he naturally had no right to revoke their titles. Otherwise, any civil war between king and nobility would, at best, lead to national turmoil and, at worst, the downfall of either the royal family or the nobility, dealing a heavy blow to the monarchy.

Therefore, under normal circumstances, European kings rarely turned on their own noblemen—unless a nobleman acted recklessly, violating the interests of the king and the majority of the other noblemen.

Such a nobleman wouldn’t even require the king to act personally; the other noblemen would unite to eliminate the traitor themselves.

Carlo nodded with a smile, then got straight to the point, “Duke Jacopo, I plan to establish the United Agricultural Development Company in the Congo. I wonder if you would be interested in serving as its head?”

The United Agricultural Development Company, as its name implied, would be Carlo’s primary institution for developing the Congo’s agriculture. The reason it was a “United” company was also in consideration of the future involvement of other noblemen in the Congo’s development.

“The United Agricultural Development Company?” Duke Jacopo was stunned for a moment before asking his question, “Your Majesty, what is the purpose of this company? Will it only engage in the cultivation and sale of agricultural products, or will it be tasked with developing the agriculture of the Congo region on a large scale?”

There were several different ways to develop the agriculture of the Congo region. The first was to establish plantations of a certain scale, exploiting the Congo’s resources in the simplest manner.

The second was to systematically build plantations, develop agriculture, and construct transport routes to monopolize the agricultural trade in the Congo region, and extend its influence to other areas, such as Portugal’s West Africa colony.

The choice of approach would naturally determine the power and status of this so-called United Agricultural Development Company.

If it was the first approach, then the company would be little more than a collective of several agricultural plantations, with no real power to speak of.

But if it was the second approach, the company would become a crucial tool for Spain to exert influence over Central Africa, potentially even controlling the region through the company itself.

One should not underestimate the influence of such a company. When the United Agricultural Development Company controlled a large volume of agricultural production, it could influence the price of agricultural products in a region, or even an entire country.

Fluctuations in agricultural prices, in turn, affect the income of peasants, and the income of peasants is directly related to the stability of an entire nation.

For a place like Portugal’s West Africa colony, which was not self-sufficient and relied on supplies from mainland Portugal, a large-scale agricultural development company could have a significant impact.

“I have consistently high expectations for the development of the agricultural company. According to the expedition team’s survey of the Congo region, the entire Congo River Basin has high agricultural development value.

“Especially the plateau region in the upper Congo River, where agriculture is easier to develop due to the absence of dense tropical rainforests.

“The primary task of the United Agricultural Development Company will be to establish numerous plantations in this area to increase the Congo’s crop yield.

“Only after the company becomes profitable will subsequent expansion be possible. The specifics cannot be explained in a few short words, but if you are willing to serve as the general manager of the United Agricultural Development Company, its development will be yours to decide. You will only need to answer to me,” Carlo said with a smile.

The fact that Duke Jacopo asked for clarification before agreeing to something was precisely what pleased Carlo the most. If he had simply nodded in agreement without asking any questions, Carlo would have doubted his competence.

To solve a problem, the most important thing is to understand its cause and course; only then can a reasonable solution be found. Duke Jacopo’s composed attitude satisfied Carlo greatly. The yet-to-be-born United Agricultural Development Company needed such a leader to carve out a great enterprise in the barren Congo River Basin.

After hearing Carlo’s reply, Duke Jacopo had no more reservations. He nodded and said respectfully to Carlo, “I am willing to share your burdens, Your Majesty.”

Carlo smiled and nodded again, already considering the honest and diligent duke before him as one of his own. “The Church will also participate in the agricultural development of the Congo Territory. After the company is established, you can cooperate with them.

“Once the plantations in the Congo Territory reach a certain scale and begin to turn a profit, you can use extensive propaganda to spread the news. It would be best if all the noblemen are made aware.”

Duke Jacopo was momentarily stunned to hear that The Church would also be involved in the Congo’s agricultural development. But when he heard Carlo’s instruction to launch a massive publicity campaign after the plantations became profitable, ensuring all of Spain’s noblemen would know, Duke Jacopo fully understood Carlo’s intentions.

To put it bluntly, The Church’s involvement was like the bait on a fishhook, meant to lure the noblemen—the fish—to bite.

The shrewd Duke Jacopo even thought of more, such as how the government had previously purchased land from some noblemen at high prices and then leased it to Spanish peasants at low prices for cultivation.

To put it simply, the noblemen held too much land, which not only hindered Spain’s agricultural development but also harmed the interests of the majority of Spain’s agricultural population.

Especially in a country where the land was not particularly fertile, the amount of land peasants held directly determined their income.

Since most of Spain’s land was held in the hands of the nobility, it meant that a large portion of Spain’s agricultural income was being captured by them.

What was Carlo’s purpose in attracting the noblemen to develop agriculture in the Congo? Wasn’t it for the lands those very noblemen held in Spain?

With these thoughts, Duke Jacopo’s understanding of Carlo’s plan became much clearer, and he felt a sincere admiration for the king who could devise such a scheme.

For Spain at present, this was indeed an excellent method to effectively alleviate the problem of the nobility controlling the vast majority of the land.

More importantly, this method would not excessively provoke the noblemen. After all, the Congo River Basin did indeed have more land. If it was truly fertile land, more suitable for agriculture, then the noblemen would not lose out at all by exchanging their lands.

One had to remember that the Congo Territory had only just been established. The fact that Carlo could propose such a plan meant that he had this idea even before the territory’s creation.

Based on his performance so far, Carlo was far superior to the previous two Spanish monarchs. Duke Jacopo now fully understood the importance of the United Agricultural Development Company. It was not only a vital institution for Spain to control the Congo Territory and Central Africa through economic means but also a key instrument for Carlo to solve the problem of the landed nobility.

And as the first manager of this company, Duke Jacopo’s importance in Carlo’s eyes would naturally increase.

Thinking of this, Duke Jacopo did not hesitate in the slightest. For him, this was also an excellent opportunity to enhance his influence in Spanish politics and his status among the nobility.

“I understand, Your Majesty. After the agricultural development company is established, I will contact The Church to jointly develop the agriculture of the Congo Territory.

“However, regarding the publicity campaign, we may need the cooperation of The Sun and the Spanish National Newspaper,” Duke Jacopo stood up very solemnly and gave his answer and promise.

A yet-to-be-established agricultural development company would clearly find it difficult to develop large-scale plantations in the Congo Territory on its own. But with the support of The Church, or by cooperating with them, the construction of the plantations would proceed much more smoothly.

The influence of the Spanish Church was still very significant. By publicizing through The Church, they could attract some Spaniards to go to the Congo River Basin for development.

Coupled with the efforts of The Church’s missionaries and the large number of local indigenous people, the establishment of the plantations would be very successful. Achieving profitability, and even making a huge fortune, would only be a matter of time.

Chapter 185: Valencia State Shipyard

The project to establish plantations in the Congo would take a long time to bear fruit. Although tropical crops and fruits could be harvested twice or even three times a year, the plantation system still needed to be established, the land cleared, and the seeds sown.

At the current pace, there would be no results within the next three months. However, Carlo was not in a hurry. After all, the plan to use the Congo’s large-scale agricultural development to exchange for Spanish land with the nobility was a long-term endeavor.

Once arrangements for the Congo were settled, Carlo turned his attention back to domestic affairs in Spain. The royal family currently possessed sufficient assets, and with over two hundred million in disposable funds, they still had the strength to invest in certain industries.

In fact, it was not just a simple two hundred million in disposable funds. Some of the diamonds and jewels from the temple treasure could be gradually released into the market, their value somewhat higher than their actual worth.

Then there was the small portion of gold, which could be exchanged for several times its value in cash in the hands of the Currency Issuance Committee. Coupled with the continuous income from the royal family’s industries, they could do more than just invest in a single industry. As long as they did not overextend themselves, they could invest in several industries a year without any financial problems.

Because private capital in Spain was not strong at this time, the royal family’s investment was crucial for the development of all sectors in the country.

A large injection of funds could drive the rapid development of certain industries. If these were key industries, they would provide vital assistance to Spain’s future.

For this reason, the royal family’s money had to be invested in rather crucial industries to be most effective and lay the foundation for Spain’s future strength.

It was a foregone conclusion that the first industry the royal family needed to invest in was shipbuilding.

Spain was a country with extensive coastlines and colonies spread across continents; it certainly had to prioritize the development of its navy and sea power.

Although a shipbuilding industry did not directly equate to the ability to build warships, it did determine the baseline for military shipyards. If a country’s shipbuilding industry was underdeveloped, it would be very difficult for it to build a world-class military shipyard on its own.

Conversely, if a country’s shipbuilding industry was quite advanced, it could still convert its facilities into an excellent military shipyard even without the help of other nations.

Although the process would be fraught with difficulties, a country with a more developed shipbuilding industry would find the path to military shipbuilding much smoother.

Spain’s shipbuilding industry was not bad, with numerous state-owned and private shipyards of varying sizes. However, apart from the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, which Carlo had invested in to save, none of the other military shipyards currently had the capability to build ironclads.

Furthermore, most private shipyards were technologically backward, capable only of building wooden warships or old-fashioned steamships. These vessels were acceptable for civilian use, but in a military context, they were nothing more than sitting ducks for the enemy.

The future development of the Spanish navy surely could not rely solely on the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard. If the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard were to be destroyed, wouldn’t that mean Spain would completely lose its ability to build the latest ironclads?

Taking all this into consideration, Carlo decided to invest heavily in the development of Spain’s shipbuilding industry. He would help both state-owned and private civilian shipyards gain more experience in building advanced-civilian vessels, and he would integrate some of the civilian shipyards to construct a new medium-to-large military shipyard.

This shipyard would not need the capacity to build ten-thousand-ton ironclads like the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard. It was intended to serve as a substitute for Royal Guarnizo’s capital ships in times of emergency and to function as Spain’s second-largest military shipyard in normal times. The goal for this new shipyard was to have two dry docks capable of building warships over 7,500 tons.

The Royal Guarnizo Shipyard was located in the Bay of Santander in the Cantabria Region. The new shipyard, therefore, had to be located on the Mediterranean coast to ensure that both shipyards would not be bombed and destroyed by the enemy simultaneously.

After much thought, Carlo finally decided to site the new shipyard in the city of Valencia, in the Valencia Region. This was also the major port closest to Madrid in a straight line.

Why not place it in Barcelona, which had a larger port? The main reason was that Barcelona already had an industrial zone. If a medium-to-large shipyard were added, it would inevitably become a prime target for enemy bombing during a war. That was unavoidable.

That said, the development of the shipbuilding industry could not rely solely on the efforts of the royal family; the Spanish government would certainly have to contribute.

The current Spanish government was by no means poor. After some consideration, Carlo had Steward Loren draw up a “Spanish Shipbuilding Industry Development Plan” and went with this plan to the Cabinet to meet with Prime Minister Primo.

Seeing Prime Minister Primo again after a long time, Carlo’s first impression was that the Prime Minister looked much older.

Prime Minister Primo was born in 1814, making him only sixty-one years old at present. Perhaps the exhaustive efforts of reforming Spain had drained too much of his energy, making him appear older and more frail than Grand Duke Serrano, despite being four years his junior.

If Carlo hadn’t known Prime Minister Primo’s age, he would have thought the man before him was in his late seventies or early eighties.

But in reality, sixty-one was not that old. Although the average life expectancy in Europe was only thirty to forty years, this statistic was based on commoners.

For high-ranking officials and noblemen like Prime Minister Primo, apart from those who died in childhood, the average life expectancy exceeded sixty years. Many even lived into their seventies or eighties before succumbing to various illnesses.

The most obvious examples were Garibaldi and Serrano.

Garibaldi was born in 1807 and eventually died in 1882 from complications stemming from his early years of traveling between countries and his time on the battlefield. He was nearly seventy-five years old when he died, which would be considered a ripe old age even in later eras.

Grand Duke Serrano was no different. Born in 1810, he died of natural causes in 1885, also living to be nearly seventy-five, having experienced almost the entire nineteenth century.

From these examples, it was clear that even if the average life expectancy of commoners was less than forty due to exploitation and safety issues, the high-ranking officials and nobles at the top remained unaffected.

This was true not only for these renowned dukes and noblemen; even ordinary barons and counts could live to their fifties or sixties without issue, as long as they did not do something reckless.

Moreover, many people in this era died from poisoning by various chemical elements, not truly from old age.

This was particularly true among noble ladies, many of whom used substances from the periodic table of elements in their makeup. Such practices were strictly forbidden in the Royal Palace, where any strange items or elements had to be inspected before entry.

Carlo was unwilling to have strange things mixed into the food he ate regularly, as it would not only affect his own lifespan but also the health of his family and the growth of his children.

“Your Majesty.” Although it was Carlo who had requested the meeting, Prime Minister Primo was very proactive in greeting him with a bow.

“Prime Minister Primo.” Carlo also took a step forward, stopping the Prime Minister’s bow, and led him to a nearby sofa, his attitude gentle and respectful.

For Carlo, Prime Minister Primo was undoubtedly a benefactor. Without his support, Carlo would never have become the king of Spain.

After choosing a young foreign nobleman to be Spain’s king, Prime Minister Primo not only refrained from seizing power for personal gain but also ensured that Carlo had a certain degree of say.

While this small amount of influence did not affect government decisions, it was far better than being openly sidelined.

Moreover, Prime Minister Primo had gradually handed over more power to Carlo over time. His lack of greed for power alone was enough to earn Carlo’s heartfelt admiration.

Not to mention Prime Minister Primo’s contributions to Spain. His achievements in agricultural reform, land reclamation, literacy education, industrial development, and more were enough to make him one of Spain’s greatest prime ministers in the last hundred years—and one could even remove the “one of.”

Especially since the reigns of the hot-tempered King Fernando VII and Queen Isabella II, Spain had been in a state of rapid decline and decay.

To halt such a downward trend and reverse it, Prime Minister Primo’s contribution was absolutely indispensable.

As he always believed, in Carlo’s heart, Prime Minister Primo was a great hero in Spain’s revival—perhaps even the single greatest hero.

As long as Prime Minister Primo did not do anything foolish in the future, he would be the model official whom Carlo would prominently promote and praise throughout his reign. Their decade of cooperation would be publicized as a close partnership akin to that of Germany’s Wilhelm I and Prime Minister Bismarck, a celebrated story and an epic for future generations to read and admire.

This was a true way to be immortalized in history. Even if the Kingdom of Spain were to fall in the future, this part of history would not be changed. For a politician, such a reputation was perhaps more enticing than any tangible benefit.

After all, the benefits one could grasp were tempting, but they were temporary. A legendary tale passed down through the ages was not something one could have just by wishing for it; it required the right time, the right opportunity, and the trust of the king.

“Prime Minister Primo, this is a development plan for the shipbuilding industry that I’ve formulated based on its current backward state. It requires close cooperation with the government, and I need your opinion on the relevant matters,” Carlo said with a smile, handing the prepared plan to the Prime Minister as he explained.

Prime Minister Primo nodded, took the shipbuilding development plan, and began to read it carefully.

“Integrate some unsalvageable private and state-owned civilian shipyards and convert them into a medium-to-large military shipyard? Help other salvageable private and state-owned civilian shipyards develop better and improve Spain’s overall shipbuilding system?” Prime Minister Primo read aloud as he went, occasionally nodding to himself, clearly taking the development plan very seriously.

Carlo’s plan was actually only a few pages long, but Prime Minister Primo spent nearly half an hour reading it.

Prime Minister Primo read almost every word on the plan, sometimes pausing to think deeply, showing considerable respect for Carlo’s proposal.

After reading the last word on the plan, Primo first closed his eyes, then snapped them open. He nodded as he looked at Carlo and said with a smile, “From this plan alone, I can find no problems, Your Majesty.”

Finding no problems essentially meant agreement, but Prime Minister Primo was careful not to overcommit. The specific development of the shipbuilding industry would require detailed negotiations and joint funding from the government and the royal family. Prime Minister Primo would not make sweeping promises that would only bring a huge financial burden to the government.

“My plan is for the royal family and the government to each contribute fifteen million pesetas to acquire certain unsalvageable state-owned and private civilian shipyards. We will then fully integrate these shipyards, absorb their shipbuilders, and build a medium-to-large military shipyard in Valencia to act as a substitute for the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard in emergencies. The government will be responsible for the land and the construction of the shipyard. The government will hold a fifty-five percent stake in this newly established military shipyard, and the royal family will hold forty-five percent. We will work together to build this shipyard. What do you think, Prime Minister Primo?” Some of the more complex matters could not be fully explained in a short plan and required a more detailed explanation from Carlo.

Hearing this, Prime Minister Primo thought for a moment before giving his answer: “Fifteen million pesetas? That’s not a large sum. Your Majesty, what about the subsequent measures to encourage other state-owned and private shipyards? How should that proceed?”

Seeing that Prime Minister Primo did not object to establishing a second major military shipyard, Carlo breathed a sigh of relief and began to answer the new question: “The initial plan is to issue certain tax reduction policies for the civilian shipbuilding industry and have the government take the lead in organizing the training and development of some shipbuilding workers. We also need to solve the issue of orders for civilian shipyards. Only a multi-pronged approach can completely reverse the gradual decline and decay of our shipbuilding industry and return it to the forefront of the world.”

The decline of civilian shipyards was due to many reasons, the main ones being outdated technology, a decrease in orders, and a shortage of workers.

These three factors were interconnected. Outdated technology led to a reduction in shipyard orders, which in turn affected the shipyard’s revenue, ultimately leading to layoffs.

The fewer employees a shipyard had, the more impossible it was to achieve technological advancement. This would cause the shipyard’s technology to stagnate, creating a vicious cycle where one problem fed another.

To solve this dilemma, an external force was needed to address all three problems simultaneously and with great force.

If the government and the royal family cooperated, these three problems could indeed be easily solved. Worker shortages could be quickly addressed through training, and technological backwardness could be rectified with technical support. As for the lack of orders for private shipyards, once they had sufficient skilled workers and superior technology, they could compete with foreign shipyards for orders.

Spain still had a certain reputation in civilian shipbuilding. Although it had weakened for a time, the strong emergence of its military shipyards had restored some of its prestige.

As long as they could strike while the iron was hot and accelerate support and construction for civilian shipyards, competing for some international orders would not be a problem.

The cost of civilian ships was not high, as their tonnage was not like that of capital ships, which could easily be several thousand or nearly ten thousand tons.

They also did not require superior armor protection or large-caliber cannons, which saved a great deal on costs.

Low cost meant a low selling price. With a low price, they could secure more ship orders from around the world to meet the shipyards’ demand.

Previously, they had failed to find a single buyer worldwide for the Revival-class ironclads. Now, when it came to civilian vessels, finding a few buyers would be relatively simple.

For example, Spain’s former colonies in the Americas might not have enough funds to build ironclads, but they still had enough money to build civilian ships.

Besides these countries in the Americas, some European nations with less developed shipbuilding industries could also become potential customers for Spain’s private shipyards.

And Spain’s own colonies also needed some civilian ships to enhance their transport capacity. Maritime transport was an extremely advantageous mode of transportation in any era, and this held true even in later times.

Although airplanes were faster, they could not carry much cargo and had very strict loading restrictions.

Trains were also faster than transport ships, but they had to run on land, making cross-country transport more troublesome.

Large transport ships were different. Traveling from one port to another, they only needed to cross the ocean, replenishing supplies at coastal ports along the way.

In later eras, a single super-large transport ship could carry tens of thousands of tons of cargo. If airplanes were to transport that much, it would be quite a strain.

Hearing Carlo’s explanation, Prime Minister Primo nodded, mentally calculating the expenses the government would need to bear.

In the shipbuilding sector alone, the required investment would exceed fifty million pesetas. If either the royal family or the government had to bear this cost alone, while not crippling, it would certainly affect development in other areas.

If the royal family and the government each paid half, the problem would be solved. Half of fifty million pesetas was twenty-five million pesetas, which was less than a third of the annual profit of the royal enterprises and less than one-twentieth of the government’s annual revenue.

This amount of money was not a major burden for either the royal family or the government. If it could effectively promote the development of both military and civilian shipbuilding, it would absolutely be a good thing.

After a moment of thought, Prime Minister Primo finally said, “Your Majesty, I agree with your shipbuilding development plan. I will instruct the relevant departments to cooperate closely with the royal family’s actions and have the Ministry of Industry draw up a specific construction plan and timeline for the shipyard. Let the ministers of the various departments discuss the specifics with Steward Loren. This is something that has all benefits and no drawbacks for Spain; it is a good thing that will promote Spain’s development. Your Majesty, do you have any suggestions for the name of this consolidated and newly built medium-to-large military shipyard?”

Name the shipyard? Carlo shook his head. It was better for someone like him, who was poor at naming things, not to get involved.

Seeing Carlo shake his head, Prime Minister Primo continued, “Since it’s located in Valencia, why not call it the Valencia State Military Shipyard.”

In a monarchical country, enterprises controlled by the kingdom’s government were state-owned, and those controlled by the royal family were also considered state-owned. An enterprise jointly controlled by the government and the royal family was thus doubly state-owned, so calling it a state shipyard was perfectly fine.

Carlo also nodded, having no objection to such a name for the shipyard.

The naming of a military shipyard did not require an overly fancy approach; a simple and clear name would instead enhance its recognizability.

It was just like Spain’s largest military shipyard, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, which was essentially the royal family’s military shipyard established in Guarnizo—its name was equally simple.

Chapter 186: The Light Bulb

The investment in the Valencia shipyard was only twenty-five million pesetas. For Carlo, this sum was just a small trial run.

Next, Carlo mobilized a large amount of capital to invest in and support Spain’s weaker heavy industries, such as metallurgy, machinery manufacturing, chemicals, and materials.

The average investment in each of these five major sectors exceeded twenty million pesetas, bringing the cumulative total to over one hundred million pesetas—a truly significant investment.

Even with an investment of over one hundred million pesetas, it was impossible to rapidly advance these industries in a short period. What it could do was effectively promote their improvement, though it would take a long time to see tangible results.

At the very least, with over one hundred million pesetas in funding from the royal family, the privately-owned enterprises in these sectors could stay afloat and have sufficient capital to pursue technological advancements.

Besides directly supporting companies in these industries, the royal family’s other option was to vigorously cultivate outstanding talent in these fields, providing them with a steady stream of fresh blood.

To this end, Carlo personally ordered the Ministry of Education to assist certain universities in establishing and reforming their specialized departments.

At the command of the Ministry of Education, several universities had already added majors and subjects related to heavy industry, significantly bolstering Spain’s talent development system in these fields.

Establishing a complete talent development system was undoubtedly the most effective way to advance an industry. Talent was the most crucial element for any sector, more important than any existing technology or equipment.

After all, only with sufficient talent and a comprehensive development system could an industry’s technology achieve continuous progress.

If there was a shortage of new talent to replace the old, even a temporary lead would eventually stagnate as outstanding individuals were lost.

Aside from these heavy industries, there was finally some progress in the field of electricity. After many years, the Electricity Laboratory had achieved certain results.

To be precise, more than five years had passed since the Electricity Laboratory was established. In those five years, the laboratory had built a direct current generator and an alternating current generator, and, with a hint from Carlo, discovered the electric motor.

And that wasn’t all. Gramme had been constantly exploring broader applications for electricity and had delved deep into researching the light bulb.

Before the invention of the light bulb, people primarily relied on open flames and kerosene lamps for illumination. Kerosene was also one of the main uses for petroleum at the time.

Both of these lighting methods had significant drawbacks. Using an open flame, needless to say, wasted various forms of fuel and didn’t provide very bright light.

Although kerosene lamps only required kerosene as an energy source, their brightness was also low, allowing one to only just make out objects.

It was for these reasons that the invention of the light bulb was spurred. Even the most primitive light bulb was in no way inferior to a kerosene lamp in terms of brightness.

If not for its limited lifespan and the constraints on electrical development, the light bulb would have undoubtedly replaced the kerosene lamp in short order, becoming the primary means of lighting in people’s daily lives.

Before Gramme dedicated himself to the study of the light bulb, research was still in a broad, exploratory phase.

When later generations thought of the light bulb, the first name that came to mind was usually Edison. In reality, however, the light bulb was first invented by the American scientist Henry Goeppert. He used a carbonized bamboo filament placed inside a glass bulb, which, when electrified, could provide light for over four hundred hours.

However, because Henry Goeppert did not file for a patent in time, he ultimately failed to become as famous for the invention of the light bulb as Edison, the “King of Inventors.”

Edison was certainly a capable scientist, but he was an even more brilliant capitalist. At the very least, Edison’s reputation was not entirely accurate, as a considerable number of inventions were patents he purchased and then credited to his own name.

Carlo had some understanding of this period in the light bulb’s history. Edison had purchased his light bulb patent from a Canadian scientist, who sold it because he could no longer afford to continue his research.

To put it bluntly, scientific research required a great deal of R&D funds. The birth of the light bulb was the result of scientists repeatedly experimenting with relevant materials.

Carlo knew that before the invention of the tungsten filament light bulb, the most effective and longest-lasting type was the carbon filament light bulb.

Therefore, Gramme’s research from the very beginning was aimed directly at the carbon filament light bulb, in an attempt to create a commercial model that could last at least a few hundred hours.

After five years of exploration and experimentation, Gramme finally brought Carlo good news: the Electricity Laboratory had successfully produced a carbon filament light bulb with an average lifespan of up to three hundred hours.

Upon hearing this, Carlo immediately and happily headed to the Electricity Laboratory to see for himself.

When Carlo arrived, Gramme had already prepared an experiment with the light bulbs, waiting for Carlo to witness and test them personally.

“Your Majesty, what you see before you is the entire experimental process for our carbon filament light bulb.

Our initial test subject was carbonized cotton thread, which produced a bulb with a lifespan of up to forty hours. However, such a lifespan was clearly insufficient for commercial use. Building on this, we tested carbonized bamboo filament and cardboard, and finally achieved the commercial-grade light bulb before you, with an average lifespan of over three hundred hours,” Gramme explained the experimental process for the light bulb filament, his eyes nearly overflowing with excitement and admiration.

The Electricity Laboratory had indeed made good progress over the past five years, but the theories behind both the electric motor and the carbon filament light bulb had been proposed by Carlo.

This made Gramme deeply admire Carlo, he even felt that Carlo was a born scientist. If he hadn’t become the king of Spain, Carlo would have undoubtedly become one of the greatest scientists in human history, and perhaps his achievements would have been no less than his accomplishments as king.

Unfortunately, now that he was king of Spain, Carlo clearly had little energy to devote to scientific research. This was a source of great regret for Gramme, who deeply respected him, feeling that humanity may have lost a great scientist.

Hearing Gramme’s introduction, Carlo nodded with a smile and asked his own question, “Mr. Gramme, can the lifespan of this carbon filament light bulb be guaranteed to be over three hundred hours?”

A lifespan of three hundred hours was certainly short compared to the light bulbs of later generations, but for this era, it was a huge improvement.

For an ordinary family, a lamp would not be on all night. The lighting time on a typical evening was basically the first few hours after dark.

Calculated at three to four hours of light per day, the lifespan of such a carbon filament light bulb would be about seventy-five to one hundred days, or roughly three months.

Even for a streetlight that was on all night, assuming at least ten hours of light per day, a three-hundred-hour lifespan would last for more than ten days.

This era was not like later times when many roads were equipped with streetlights. Even if Spain had a need for them, they would only be built on certain bustling streets and in cities; one couldn’t even dream of them on ordinary roads.

Considering all this, although a three-hundred-hour lifespan was not long, it was definitely sufficient for commercial use. As long as the production cost was not high, such a light bulb could be fully commercialized, and in turn promote the use of electricity. This was why Carlo was concerned about the lifespan of these carbon filament light bulbs.

“We have produced over a hundred such carbon filament light bulbs. Among them, more than sixty have a lifespan exceeding four hundred hours, nearly twenty have a lifespan over three hundred fifty hours, and only fewer than twenty barely reached the three-hundred-hour mark.

Your Majesty, based on these experimental results, we are confident that we can ensure the lifespan of the carbon filament light bulb remains above three hundred hours, and it’s even possible that we can increase it to over three hundred fifty hours in a short time,” Gramme’s face lit up with excitement as he talked about the actual lifespan of the light bulb, quickly answering Carlo’s question.

Compared to the research and registered patents on light bulbs currently underway in various countries, Spain’s model, with a minimum lifespan of three hundred hours, was definitely quite advanced.

For Gramme, who loved scientific research, being able to personally accomplish such a feat was more wonderful, more exciting, and more thrilling than anything else.

Carlo nodded, the smile on his face widening.

It seemed that Gramme’s reported lifespan of three hundred hours was actually quite conservative.

Most of the light bulbs had a lifespan of over four hundred hours; only some of the inferior ones lasted just three hundred fifty or three hundred hours.

Following the exaggerated promotional tactics of some capitalists, these carbon filament light bulbs could very well be advertised as having an average lifespan of over four hundred hours, with a maximum lifespan approaching five hundred hours—an astonishing achievement.

Gramme had not done so, which proved his rigorous approach to experimental data.

“Light up a few of the bulbs,” Carlo ordered.

Carlo was quite curious about these most primitive electric lights. Though he had experienced dim incandescent lamps, those were products that had been improved many times over a hundred years later.

As for what the most primitive incandescent lamps from over a century ago looked like, and how bright they were, the current Carlo did not know.

At Carlo’s command, Gramme signaled his assistant to flip a switch.

With a click, the few light bulbs on the lab bench lit up instantly. Because it was daytime, the bulbs’ brightness was not high; one could even say it was quite faint.

Carlo frowned. It seemed that conducting a light experiment during the day was not a wise choice.

Fortunately, the Electricity Laboratory had a way to deal with this. Curtains were drawn over all the windows, and any sources of light were covered, plunging the lab into darkness.

With the dim laboratory as a backdrop, the originally faint light bulbs instantly became bright. Though not as stunning as the lights of later generations, for 1875, when electricity was just in its infancy, this light was like a spark in a dry field, ready to spread like wildfire.

Sensing the brightness of the light bulbs, Carlo nodded, quite satisfied.

Then, the light bulbs were turned off, and several kerosene lamps were lit.

The contrast was now even more obvious. Although the brightness of the light bulbs hadn’t been that high, it was definitely clearer than the kerosene lamps.

In terms of brightness alone, these light bulbs were at least several times brighter than kerosene lamps, making it much easier to see things.

Working in an environment lit by light bulbs would at least not strain the eyes like a kerosene lamp. With this comparison, Carlo was even more pleased with the current light bulbs.

“Your Majesty, what you are seeing are the small light bulbs we’ve created, primarily for residential lighting.

Considering the lighting needs of factories and large public areas, we have also specially made larger light bulbs, which are much brighter than these small residential ones,” Gramme, seeing Carlo’s satisfied expression, was clearly more at ease and continued to introduce other types of light bulbs.

Hearing that there were other, larger light bulbs, Carlo grew even more curious and said with a smile, “Larger light bulbs? What is their lifespan like?”

While instructing someone to install a larger light bulb for the experiment, Gramme answered Carlo’s question, “Due to current technical limitations, the lifespan of these larger light bulbs is not nearly as long as the smaller ones.

After over a hundred experiments, we have determined that the lifespan of these large carbon filament light bulbs is only about one hundred twenty to one hundred fifty hours, and they cannot withstand high-intensity use.

But in terms of brightness, a large carbon filament light bulb is more than three times as bright as a small one and can illuminate a much wider area.”

Perhaps due to repeated experimentation, the lab staff installed the large light bulb very quickly, finishing in the time it took to have this brief conversation.

To highlight the brightness of the large light bulb, this test would only use one, but it would still be compared against several small light bulbs and several kerosene lamps.

With a familiar click, the larger light bulb instantly lit up, emitting a much brighter glow.

Carlo looked around the experimental area and found that it was indeed much brighter than the illumination from the few small light bulbs earlier. If the small bulbs could only light up a circle with a radius of three or four meters, then this large one could illuminate a large circle with a radius of at least five or six meters, nearly doubling the illuminated area.

Although the illuminated area had only doubled, the brightness had also increased significantly. For factories and certain public areas, such a large bulb was indeed the more suitable choice.

If those small bulbs were used for streetlights, unless the streetlight was only two meters tall, the lighting effect would be poor.

But if it were replaced with this larger bulb, the height of the streetlight could be raised to over three meters. This would light up a larger area of the road and could also prevent some incidents of bulb theft.

After all, if a streetlight was only two meters high, many people could reach the light bulb inside on tiptoe. Even if the production cost of the light bulb was not high, its selling price would certainly be somewhat inflated.

To prevent this from happening, it was better for streetlights to be as high as possible. Not only would it illuminate a larger road surface, but it would also look better and be easier to maintain.

Since it had been established that it was brighter than the small bulbs, a comparison with the kerosene lamps was unnecessary.

The kerosene lamp was the dimmest of all; it was only because it was portable and kerosene was cheap that it became the primary means of lighting in daily life.

But in reality, a kerosene lamp was not even as bright as an open fire. One of the reasons Carlo disliked working at night was that he disliked the dim light of kerosene lamps. Now with electric lights, his working hours could be extended by another hour or two.

“What is the production cost of these light bulbs? If mass-produced, can the output meet Spain’s current demand?” Having determined that the current light bulbs were ready for commercial use, Carlo once again asked the questions that concerned him most.

There were two important factors for the commercialization of light bulbs: one was production volume, and the other was the selling price.

After all, this was an item with a limited lifespan, which would vary depending on how long the light bulb was used.

If the price was too high, most commoners would probably not be able to afford it.

Of course, this was all contingent on Spain’s electrical grid being more or less established. At present, not only was it impossible to get electricity to every village, but Spain couldn’t even guarantee power to every city.

In fact, the generators at the Electricity Laboratory could only power a small amount of experimental equipment; they were completely inadequate for promoting widespread use of electricity.

This meant that before the light bulb could be fully commercialized and rolled out across Spain, one thing was essential: building a large number of power plants to rapidly increase Spain’s power generation capacity.

“At present, the production cost of the small light bulbs is not expensive. There are only two main components: the glass casing and the carbonized cardboard.

According to our estimates, if we mass-produce these small bulbs, we can effectively reduce their cost.

The current cost to produce a small bulb at the laboratory is about 2.12 pesetas, but with mass production, the cost should be reducible to below 1.5 pesetas.

As for whether the output can meet Spain’s needs, I believe that before our power plants are built in large numbers, Spain will not have a very high demand for light bulbs.

Your Majesty, regarding the promotion and use of electricity, I think it’s necessary for us to establish a large demonstration area. This would showcase the advantages of electricity to all Spaniards and serve as a model for our electrical expansion and usage,” Gramme answered Carlo’s questions one by one.

Carlo nodded, largely agreeing with what Gramme had said.

Light bulbs needed electricity. Before a connection was made, a light bulb was useless.

Connecting electricity was a troublesome process. It not only required building power plants but also linking them to the areas where electricity was needed. This involved issues of voltage and power loss, which could not be explained in just a few words.

What was certain was that even though the light bulb had now been invented, it was impossible for the average person to enjoy it yet.

At most, some noblemen and capitalists could use their financial resources to build small power stations, bringing electricity to their residential areas and powering their electrical devices, including light bulbs.

It might also drive reforms in some factories. Electricity was an extremely important energy source. Electric motors could replace certain steam engines, becoming a key source of power in factories.

Factories could also use electric lights for illumination to increase efficiency. Previously, it was difficult for factories to run two shifts, as nighttime lighting was a major problem.

But if light bulbs were used extensively, factories could remain brightly lit at night. A new batch of workers could take over from the daytime crew, allowing the factory to adopt a two-shift production model and significantly increase efficiency.

Doing so might exploit Spain’s workers, but it was unavoidable. After all, even in later generations, various forms of exploitation existed, and workers putting in over ten hours a day were commonplace.

In 1875, talking about an eight-hour workday, weekends off, or protecting workers’ rights was simply going against the times.

Chapter 187: National Flag Redesign Proposal

Although the existing carbon filament light bulbs could be used commercially, there clearly wouldn’t be much of a market for them before power plants were built.

To solve this problem and accelerate Spain’s electrification, Carlo decided to build a coal-fired power plant on the outskirts of Madrid to supply a certain amount of electricity to the Royal Palace and parts of the city.

The good news was that, at present, the light bulb was the only electrical appliance in the world, and it didn’t consume much power. Although the generators available for building a coal-fired power plant were not very powerful, they were sufficient to provide lighting.

Gramme himself was quite knowledgeable about generators. The ring armature he developed could be used not only for hydropower but also for thermal power generation.

According to Gramme’s calculations and estimates, the current ring armature generator assembly was expected to achieve a power output of 5.5 KW, which would make it one of the largest power stations in Europe.

Gramme had produced two sizes of light bulbs. The smaller one had a power rating of about fifteen watts, while the larger one was rated at thirty-five watts.

This meant that even if this 5.5 KW coal-fired power plant were operating at full capacity, it could at most light up around three hundred small bulbs or about one hundred and forty large ones.

And that was without considering power loss during transmission. Even with the power plant being relatively close to the Madrid Royal Palace, power loss was inevitable.

However, the main purpose of this power plant was to provide lighting for the Royal Palace and, incidentally, showcase the convenience of electricity to Spain’s nobility and capitalists.

It would be very difficult for the royal family alone to drive electrification in Spain. But if the nobility and capitalists joined forces, Spain’s progress towards electrification would be much faster.

At the very least, the first step was to get these nobles and capitalists interested in electric lights and power, encouraging them to invest capital in the electricity industry.

Electric lighting was still very important. It could illuminate not only the castles and manors of the nobility but also the factories of the capitalists.

The nobility sought tangible convenience and technology that reflected their status, while the capitalists wanted a way to run their factories in two shifts to make more money.

Some would surely see the business opportunities in electricity and light bulbs. In any case, with the Electricity Laboratory, Carlo was guaranteed a surefire profit. More people participating in the electricity industry meant that technological progress in the sector would also be faster.

Besides having the Electricity Laboratory construct a coal-fired power plant near the Royal Palace on the outskirts of Madrid, Carlo also assigned them new tasks.

First, to continue research on light bulbs, improving their lifespan and brightness as much as possible. The small bulbs were acceptable, but the lifespan of just over one hundred hours for the large ones was far too short.

Considering that large bulbs would generally be used in spacious areas like factories or streets, their illumination time would be quite long.

Therefore, the lifespan of the large bulbs had to be increased to at least three hundred hours. Otherwise, the cost and hassle of frequent replacement might deter some who were initially interested.

Second, to continue vigorously developing generators and related power generation concepts. A power output of 5.5 KW was simply too small, enough to light only a few hundred bulbs. How could this possibly advance Spain’s electrification?

They couldn’t just build dozens or even hundreds of power stations to meet a single city’s electricity demand. That would not only occupy a vast amount of land but also cause greater pollution.

Carlo’s requirement was to gradually increase the generator’s power output to at least 30 KW within the next five years. By installing several generator sets in one power plant to raise the output to over one hundred KW, they might just be able to meet the electricity needs of a certain street or a small city.

Only when the power output exceeded one hundred KW could they attempt to replace the steam engines in factories with electric motors. Relying on a current that could only power light bulbs, one might as well stick with the old, conservative steam engines.

Third, to research more effective methods of power transmission. This was not like later times with their highly sophisticated power transmission systems.

The war of currents between Tesla and Edison had not even begun. The method of power transmission in this era was simply stringing wires, and that was it.

Although stringing wires was very simple, a significant amount of electricity was lost during transmission. The power output of the generators was already low, and with a considerable portion lost in transit, a power plant could supply even less electricity, becoming almost negligible at greater distances.

To promote electricity, there had to be a more effective method for long-distance transmission that minimized power loss.

Only then could electricity be successfully popularized. However, considering the historical development of the electricity industry, Carlo didn’t have excessively high expectations.

The current achievements of the Electricity Laboratory had already exceeded his predictions. As for his subsequent requests, whether they could be fulfilled or not, Carlo would not cut the laboratory’s research funding because of it.

To build the coal-fired power plant, Carlo had Steward Loren establish the Spanish Royal Power Company.

Although the Spanish Royal Power Company was currently just a shell company, Carlo was very optimistic about its future prospects.

It was no exaggeration to say that the Spanish Royal Power Company would be crucial to the smooth progress of Spain’s electrification and could perhaps become Spain’s largest power giant in the future.

Besides the task of building the coal-fired power plant, the Spanish Royal Power Company had another mission: to aggressively recruit talent related to electricity from all over Europe.

The official pretext was that the construction of the power plant required a large number of electrical professionals. Although it was just a small-scale power plant, there was no upper limit on talent recruitment.

As long as they were talents and experts in the field of electricity, they could easily join the Spanish Royal Power Company after a background check.

Particularly capable researchers could even be recommended to the Electricity Laboratory and the Royal Academy of Sciences, where they would enjoy more comprehensive benefits and a higher social status.

At present, electrical research in Europe had yet to yield any significant results, so Carlo didn’t have to worry that such blatant poaching of talent would provoke opposition from other countries.

Before other nations began to pay attention to the electricity industry, it was the perfect time for Spain to absorb a large amount of foreign talent. Although they could also fill the gap by training their own people, a university education alone took four years. For Spain right now, four years was enough time to change many things; at the very least, Spain could not afford to wait.

Although the news of the Spanish Royal Power Company’s recruitment drive was causing a stir, it was ultimately just one part of Spain’s broader efforts to poach talent from abroad.

It wasn’t just the Royal Power Company; the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, Valencia United Shipyard, the Royal Steel Mill, and various other factories and enterprises were all recruiting heavily, both domestically and internationally.

Before the reforms in Spain, the country held little appeal for people from other European nations. After all, it was an absolute monarchy with an oppressive and autocratic system, its institutions were far too outdated, and the oppression of its people was too severe.

But after the reforms, Spain’s attractiveness had increased. Many domestic and foreign media outlets had already established post-revolution Spain as a representative of constitutional monarchy, widely proclaiming that only a constitutional monarchy was the most advanced system, capable of bringing progress and strength to a nation.

This also brought Spain a certain amount of attention, and the number of European immigrants it received each year was growing, especially from Italy and Portugal.

Relatively speaking, the situation in Italy wasn’t bad. However, Italy’s industry and economy were mainly concentrated in the northern regions. The vast lands south of Rome remained backward agricultural areas.

There were two main reasons for this. First, Southern Italy had fewer mineral resources and was less suitable for industrial development.

Second, Southern Italy had once belonged to the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and was not part of the Kingdom of Italy’s core region, the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Although the entire population of the Apennine Peninsula had been unified as Italians, the huge industrial and economic gap between the north and south meant that Southern Italians did not have a strong sense of national identity.

Immigration data from various European countries also reflected this characteristic. Before the unification of the great powers, the German Empire and the Kingdom of Italy, Britain had the largest number of emigrants.

But after that point in time, immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe gradually replaced those from Northern Europe, becoming the mainstream of European emigration.

Italy was indeed already showing this trend. Spain, a country with a population of only eighteen million, had an annual population growth of over two hundred thousand people.

Italy’s population had long surpassed twenty-eight million, but its annual net population growth was only around one hundred and fifty thousand people.

Was Italy’s birth rate low? Not at all.

It was because a large number of Italian peasants chose to emigrate each year, as the small Apennine Peninsula simply could not support so many people.

This was not the later era of highly mechanized and automated agriculture, but the 1870s, when farming relied entirely on manual labor. Coupled with the immaturity of fertilizer technology, the Apennine Peninsula truly struggled to feed a population of nearly thirty million.

Although Italy’s population was still growing steadily at a rate of over one hundred and fifty thousand people per year, the income of millions of peasants in Southern Italy was not high, and many lived hand-to-mouth.

Currently, Spain was receiving over ten thousand Italian immigrants annually, a number that was approaching the twenty-thousand mark.

For Spain, the influx of Italian immigrants was both a good and a bad thing.

The vast majority of these Italian immigrants came from Southern Italy, where most were peasants.

These Italian immigrants had very little education and could only speak local Italian dialects, making it difficult for them to communicate with Spaniards.

And because of their low level of education, they were willing to accept jobs with wages lower than the Spanish average in exchange for more stable working hours.

For these Italian immigrants, a stable work environment was more important than income. They were willing to sacrifice a portion of their salary for a steady job from which they would not be dismissed.

This was a good thing for the Italian immigrants, as they could secure more stable employment by compromising on their income.

But for the native Spaniards, this was not good news at all. The influx of Italian immigrants led to the seizure of many jobs that Spaniards could have had, as capitalists always preferred employees with lower salary demands who didn’t make many requests.

It was only because of Spain’s continuous industrial development and successive development plans that factories and enterprises everywhere were expanding and hiring.

Otherwise, the arrival of these Italian immigrants would have certainly disturbed the calm waters of Spain and ignited conflict between them and the local Spanish population.

Judging by the scale of talent recruitment by Spanish enterprises and factories, Spain was still very attractive to outsiders.

In the last year alone, enterprises and factories owned by the royal family recruited over a thousand foreign talents, including nearly fifty scientists who joined the Royal Academy of Sciences and other research laboratories.

At this rate, before Spain’s universities could train enough talent for the country, they could acquire tens of thousands of skilled individuals just by recruiting from abroad.

Of course, recruiting foreign talent was only one way to solve the talent shortage; cultivating their own was the fundamental solution.

Even if they could attract a large number of talented individuals each year, Spain would never abandon the approach of building universities to train its own people.

It is worth mentioning that, according to the cooperation agreement between Spain and the Lanfang Republic, the Lanfang Republic would send at least fifty exchange students to various Spanish universities this September.

Their tuition would be covered by the Lanfang Republic, which would also be responsible for their food and lodging. Spain would only dispatch transport ships to bring them to Spain and back, and would assign them to universities based on their fields of interest.

And these university exchange students were just the first step; in the future, there would be students who were cultivated from a young age.

One purpose was to help the Lanfang Republic better master industrial knowledge and technology. The other was to use the student exchange program to brainwash a group of intellectuals who would hold a very favorable view of Spain, even to the point of blind admiration for this advanced nation.

Through these intellectuals, they could influence the decisions of the Lanfang Republic, and even control the republic through them.

In the next decade or even several decades, these exchange students might climb to high positions in the Lanfang Republic, becoming high-ranking government officials or military leaders.

Their influence on the Lanfang Republic’s government would grow, and as long as their admiration and goodwill towards Spain remained, it would naturally push the entire Lanfang Republic to side with Spain.

Thanks to the continuous influx of immigrants and people, Spain’s capital, Madrid, was on track to become the country’s first city with a population exceeding five hundred thousand within the year.

Meanwhile, Spain’s second-largest city, Barcelona, had surpassed a population of four hundred thousand earlier this year, becoming the second city in Spain to do so.

The rapid population growth of Madrid and Barcelona reflected Spain’s swift development in recent years. The combined population of these two cities already exceeded nine hundred thousand, accounting for more than one-twentieth of Spain’s total population.

This was not an immigrant nation like the United States. A characteristic of immigrant nations is that the population of large cities far exceeds that of smaller ones, to the extent that the population of a few large cities can surpass the total of all the smaller cities combined.

As a traditional European country with a long history, Spain’s population was naturally not all concentrated in large cities like Madrid and Barcelona.

For just two cities to account for one-twentieth of the country’s total population was a testament to the prosperity of Barcelona and Madrid, as well as the fact that other Spanish cities were indeed not very large.

Besides the two noteworthy cities of Madrid and Barcelona, other cities like Seville, Valencia, and Zaragoza had populations of only one hundred thousand, or even less.

Carlo was in an excellent mood after returning from the Electricity Laboratory. After all, the development of all sectors in Spain had been progressing very smoothly so far.

With hefty investment from the royal family and the government, Spain’s heavy industry was about to experience vigorous growth. The electricity sector had also made significant progress, and perhaps Spain’s electrification would see a major leap forward one day.

With his mind at ease, Carlo had the energy to turn his attention to the development of other sectors, such as culture and entertainment.

Since Carlo’s coronation as King of Spain, the country’s national flag had remained the one used since the kingdom’s founding: a bicolored striped flag with red bands on the top and bottom and a wider yellow band in the middle.

On the left side of the wider middle band was a vertical, oval-shaped emblem topped with a crown. The emblem was divided into two parts: the castle on the left represented the Kingdom of Castille, and the lion on the right represented the Kingdom of León.

In truth, there was nothing wrong with such a flag, as Castille and León were important constituent parts of the Kingdom of Spain.

But for Carlo, continuing to use the same flag as the Bourbon dynasty era would inevitably cause confusion.

The reasons why the Spanish flag was not changed during the historical reign of Amedeo were, first, the political turmoil in Spain, and second, that Amedeo only reigned for three years.

But for the current Carlo, designing a new national flag was essential. A new flag had to reflect the ruling position of the House of Savoy, strengthen the connections between Spain’s various regions, and, as much as possible, avoid excessive modifications to the original design so as not to make the Spanish populace feel too uncomfortable.

Taking all these considerations into account, the later Spanish national flag actually fit the requirements quite well. It was still the familiar bicolored horizontal striped flag, and the color scheme remained unchanged.

The only difference was the royal coat of arms of Spain in the middle yellow band, which was changed from a vertical oval shape to a shield shape and divided into six parts.

The central area could feature the crest of the House of Savoy, reflecting their ruling position in Spain. Using the center point as a divider, the shield could be quartered to display the coats of arms of the four historic kingdoms of Spain: Castille, León, Aragon, and Navarre. These four kingdoms were also the most important components of Spain.

The point at the bottom of the shield could hold the banner of Granada, which was the last Muslim territory annexed by Spain and was currently Spain’s most populous region.

Even the two Pillars of Hercules on either side of the coat of arms were a valuable reference, as they represented the two shores separated by the Strait of Gibraltar.

Currently, Spain held territory on both sides of the Strait of Gibraltar, so this flag design was perfectly suitable for present-day Spain.

With this in mind, Carlo decided to assemble a team to make certain modifications to the Spanish national flag, creating a banner that could reflect the characteristics of modern Spain and distinguish it from the former Kingdom of Spain.

Chapter 188: Remnants of the Bourbons

From the moment Carlo summoned his people to discuss revisions to the Spanish national flag to the day the Spanish Congress of Deputies voted to approve the new design, the entire process took less than forty days.

The modification of the national flag went quite smoothly, as the changes to the flag itself were not extensive.

The newly revised flag received unanimous praise in parliament. After all, the new coat of arms featured Castille, León, Navarre, Aragon, and Granada—five important regions that constituted Spain—while also highlighting the ruling status of the Spanish royal family, the House of Savoy.

For the officials, the only difference between the new and old flags was the coat of arms. Since the flags were not vastly different, there was no need to risk offending the king by rejecting such a proposal.

After all, the proposal to modify the flag came from a member of the Conservative Party, and the Conservative Party would not have bothered with something like changing the flag if it had nothing better to do. This implied that the instigator behind the scenes was most likely Carlo.

Spain’s first new national flag was unveiled on October 15, 1875. From that day forward, all Spanish flags hanging at government buildings, the parliament, and the Royal Palace were replaced with the new design. The change was announced to all of Spain through government notices and news reports.

Because the new flag only differed from the old one in its coat of arms, the Spaniards accepted it quickly, with very few people expressing opposition.

In fact, because it added elements representing regions like Granada, Aragon, and Navarre, it was even welcomed by the people of those areas.

When the new flag was introduced, government announcements and news reports clearly explained the meaning of each part of the new coat of arms.

To the delight of the Spaniards, the Spanish government used the two Pillars of Hercules on either side of the shield to emphasize its authority over both sides of the Strait of Gibraltar, a move that received strong support from the populace.

As the former empire on which the sun never set, the Spanish people held strong feelings of pride and identity for Spain, and they were willing to fight for their country.

Spain’s past decline had little to do with the common people; it was more the result of chaos at the highest levels of government and the selfishness of the royal family.

As the famous philosopher José Ortega y Gasset wrote in 1921: “From the monarch to the Church, those in power in Spain have always been selfish. Whether it be the country’s monarch or its Church, when have their hearts ever truly beaten for Spain? As far as we know, never. Their actions have been quite the contrary. To secure their private interests, they have schemed and plotted, pretending that those goals were for the good of the nation.”

Under Carlo’s rule, the Spaniards once again displayed their patriotism. Carlo didn’t even need much favorable propaganda; the people spontaneously supported any action the government took.

Even when the government previously announced a military expansion, a large number of Spaniards enthusiastically signed up. Although the higher pay for soldiers was a factor, who would truly change their mind about joining the army for only a slightly higher income if they were truly unwilling?

But beautiful things are often fleeting.

Just a few days after Spain changed its national flag, bad news arrived from France to the north. The former Queen of Spain, Isabella II, publicly declared that her son Alfonso was the heir to the Spanish throne and the true King of Spain, and that Carlo of Savoy was a usurper.

If it were merely the crazed barking of a deposed queen, it could be ignored. But according to intelligence from the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, a small faction within the Spanish nobility had already begun to make secret contact with Queen Isabella. Their intentions were obvious.

It was generally rare for nobles to rebel against the king who reigned over them.

But considering Spain’s development over the past decade and the impact of various government policies on the nobles’ actual income, such an event did not seem so strange after all.

The Bourbon dynasty had ruled Spain for over a hundred years, while Carlo had been in Spain for just over six years in total.

Some nobles were unwilling to accept the environment of diminishing income under Carlo’s rule. They preferred the era of Queen Isabella’s reign, when they were unrestricted, could ruthlessly exploit the commoners, and enjoy their lavish lifestyles.

Ever since learning of this news, Carlo’s expression had not been pleasant.

He never expected that even after fleeing north to France, the House of Bourbon would remain a scourge upon Spain. However, this was indeed a good opportunity to completely resolve the long-standing influence of the Bourbons on Spain and, at the same time, sweep away some of the country’s blights.

As mentioned before, the main cause of Spain’s decline could be attributed to its government, the royal family, and high-level institutions like the Church; the common people bore no responsibility.

Although the Habsburg dynasty bore some responsibility for Spain’s decline, the primary blame still fell on the House of Bourbon—to be precise, on Queen Isabella and her father, Fernando VII.

October 27th, the Royal Palace in Madrid.

Kadir, Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, walked into the Royal Palace with a solemn expression. When he saw Carlo, he first bowed respectfully before reporting, “Your Majesty, we have confirmed the details.”

Carlo opened his eyes, a hint of coldness and disdain within them. He spoke in a voice devoid of emotion, “Tell me, how many of our noble lords are involved in this incident?”

“According to our investigation, over the past few days, approximately twelve nobles have met privately on multiple occasions and have strengthened their contact with Isabella in France. These twelve nobles are led by the Duke of Osuna, and this small group appears to be expanding,” Kadir reported nervously, his head slightly bowed.

“The Duke of Osuna?” A faint smile appeared on Carlo’s face. He nodded, the chilling smile never leaving his features. “Very good. Continue the investigation, but do not alert them. I want to see just how many vermin our country harbors. Before we take final action, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau is to do nothing. Let them continue with their little conspiracy that they believe will succeed!”

“Yes, Your Majesty.” Kadir nodded and retreated respectfully.

“The Duke of Osuna?” Only after Kadir had left did the smile vanish from Carlo’s face, replaced by a cold, expressionless mask.

“Carlo, are you alright?” Queen Sophie, who was standing nearby, walked to his side, looking with concern at the cold aura radiating from him.

“Is it serious? Do you need my father’s help?” Queen Sophie asked worriedly.

“No, it hasn’t reached that point yet.” Carlo shook his head, his face once again warm and smiling, as if nothing had happened. “Alright, let’s not talk about this, Sofia. Where’s the little one? How is he?”

Speaking of her son, a gentle smile graced Queen Sophie’s face. “The little one just fell asleep,” she said happily. “Carlo, time flies so fast. In the blink of an eye, he can already roll over.”

Carlo nodded, the smile on his face unwavering. “When he starts to crawl, let’s have a second child. The Spanish royal family has so few members; it’s up to us to produce heirs.”

At the mention of having children, a faint blush appeared on Queen Sophie’s cheeks, but she still nodded.

Having received a noble’s education, Queen Sophie naturally understood the importance for nobles to produce heirs. If there were no offspring to inherit the family estate, at best the title and property would fall into the hands of a collateral branch; at worst, it could lead to the end of a bloodline.

European nobles placed great importance on the continuation of their family line and naturally did everything possible to avoid such an outcome.

And how was that to be avoided? By having more children, of course. Especially considering the high infant mortality rate of the era, a newly married noble couple in their twenties would spend most of their time thinking about having children.

“Hahaha.” Carlo happily embraced his wife, gently tapping the tip of her slightly flushed nose. “I’ve already thought of a name for our next child,” he said with a smile. “If it’s another boy, we’ll call him Martin. If it’s a girl, we’ll call her Sofia. What do you think?”

Queen Sophie nodded, having no objections.

Beginning in late October 1875, a dark cloud began to swirl in the shadows of Spain, sweeping across multiple regions.

Carlo, of course, knew who these people were and what their objective was. But for him, now was not the time to purge them.

His ultimate goal was to let them rally more potential rebels, and then wipe them all out in one fell swoop.

Regardless, the House of Bourbon remained a hidden danger to Spain. Only by thoroughly resolving this problem could Spain’s future development be considered truly stable.

But soon, events began to spiral somewhat beyond Carlo’s expectations.

The number of nobles in contact with Queen Isabella quickly surpassed twenty and was slowly approaching fifty.

The main reason so many nobles began contacting the House of Bourbon was a piece of news that shocked even Carlo: the legitimate line of the House of Bourbon, Queen Isabella, had allied with the Carlists of the House of Bourbon.

Yes, for the sake of the Spanish throne, Queen Isabella had chosen to ally with the Carlists to jointly deal with the well-established House of Savoy.

This left Carlo with a question. Why hadn’t Queen Isabella chosen to ally with the Carlists to challenge him when he first ascended the throne?

If the two had joined forces back when Carlo’s position was still unstable, they might have created much more trouble for him. But now, if not for Carlo’s deliberate inaction, the turmoil stirred up by Queen Isabella would likely not have grown so large.

Ultimately, the investigation by the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau gave Carlo his answer.

It wasn’t that Queen Isabella was unwilling to ally with the Carlists in the early days of Carlo’s reign, but that the Carlists were unwilling to cooperate with her at the time.

After Queen Isabella was driven out of Spain, in order to preserve the Bourbon throne, she announced that she would voluntarily abdicate in favor of her son, Alfonso.

But this proposal was not accepted by Primo, Serrano, and the others. After all, they had just exiled Queen Isabella. If they were to enthrone her son as the new king, wouldn’t that mean their revolution had failed in another form?

Perhaps after Alfonso became the new King of Spain, those who had promoted the revolution would be purged.

The Carlists’ reason for refusing to cooperate with Queen Isabella was also simple: the two sides had a fundamental conflict over the choice of who should sit on the throne.

Queen Isabella supported her son, Alfonso, while the Carlists supported “Carlos VII.”

After the Carlists were utterly defeated, they too were driven out of Spain and fled to France.

However, for a variety of reasons, the cooperation between Queen Isabella and the Carlists was only finally established years later, in 1875.

Another major factor that drove Queen Isabella and the Carlists to cooperate was the impact of the land rent reduction policy enacted by the Spanish government on the Spanish nobility.

Spain’s early reforms did not have much to do with the nobility, but ever since the agricultural reforms began, the nobles’ incomes had been significantly affected.

A portion of them chose to accept the government’s reforms and continue to unite under Carlo’s rule. Naturally, there was also a portion that did not accept the reforms. They still wanted to return to the Spain of the past, to that era when nobles could unscrupulously exploit the commoners.

It was under the influence and liaison of this faction of nobles that Queen Isabella and the Carlists finally united to jointly oppose Carlo, attempting to restore the Bourbon dynasty’s rule over Spain.

Their alliance had a significant effect; a small number of nobles quickly answered their call and expressed their willingness to help them restore Bourbon rule.

As can be seen from the historical restoration of Alfonso XII, the influence of the Bourbon dynasty in Spain was immense. Even in later generations, the family ruling Spain was still the Bourbon dynasty.

However, in this world, after Carlo successively drove out Queen Isabella and the Carlists, he used the power of public opinion to vigorously publicize the damage the House of Bourbon had done to Spain, causing the populace to transfer all their hatred for Spain’s decline onto the Bourbons.

Although a small number of nobles contacted Queen Isabella after she publicly opposed Carlo’s rule, the commoners were still very supportive of him.

After all, the common people were the ones actually living at the bottom of Spanish society. They certainly knew the difference between Queen Isabella’s reign and Carlo’s.

They had a deep understanding of who was truly looking out for their best interests and who truly wanted to lead Spain to greater strength.

What’s more, the Spanish commoners did not want to see the arrival of a civil war. For the masses, a peaceful and stable environment was more important than anything else.

Civil war would only bring misfortune to the Spaniards, the pain of shattered families, and unnecessary sacrifices. In the face of the dark, swirling undercurrents within Spain, it was the common people, rather than some of the nobles who had responded to the call, who maintained their rationality.

Of course, the power of public opinion that Carlo controlled also deserved credit for this. Although Carlo did not use it to dismantle Queen Isabella’s conspiracy, Queen Isabella was likewise unable to use public opinion to build momentum for herself.

Simply put, Queen Isabella’s actions had lost the support of the people in Spain, which meant that no matter how many nobles supported her, such an endeavor was ultimately doomed to fail.

If Spain had not undergone military reforms, perhaps Queen Isabella would have had a chance. But after the military reforms were completed, Spain’s military system was no longer what it once was.

In the past, the nobility had significant influence over the Spanish army, but now, it was very difficult for ordinary nobles to insert themselves into Spain’s new Royal Army.

Only truly powerful nobles, like Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano, could retain their military positions after the reforms. They still held the rank of Marshal of the Spanish Army, and their influence in the military was undoubtedly the top two.

As for the nobles who supported Queen Isabella, including the Duke of Osuna, their influence in the Spanish army was not high.

Coupled with the help of the powerfully armed Royal Guard, Carlo was not the least bit worried, even with Queen Isabella and the Carlists allied together.

The churning undercurrents in Spain also alarmed Prime Minister Primo. Although Spain did not have a corresponding intelligence agency, as the leader of the Spanish government, Prime Minister Primo could not be kept in the dark about certain news and developments.

Upon learning the news, Prime Minister Primo hurriedly sought out Carlo to discuss countermeasures against Queen Isabella and the Carlists.

What Prime Minister Primo found baffling was that not only was there no trace of panic on Carlo’s face, but it was filled with ease and smiles.

Prime Minister Primo proposed methods to counter and prevent the remnants of the Bourbons from provoking a civil war. Carlo’s proposal, however, astonished him: to allow the Carlists and Queen Isabella to instigate a civil war, suppress it with lightning speed, and purge all the rebels, including Queen Isabella.

To call it a civil war was perhaps an overstatement; it was more like a small-scale rebellion.

After all, most nobles had brains. They could also assess the situation in Spain and were not about to rush over at the wave of Queen Isabella’s hand.

Even if they were dissatisfied with Spain’s reform policies, as long as the forces of Queen Isabella and the Carlists could not completely overthrow the Spanish government, they would not easily take sides.

Those who quickly sided with the House of Bourbon were either loyalists and trusted followers cultivated by the Bourbons, or those who had suffered significant financial losses under Carlo’s rule. Only by resisting Carlo and the current Spanish government could they save their own interests.

In his discussion with Prime Minister Primo, Carlo stated that not only would he not stop them from launching a rebellion, but he would also proactively create an opportunity for them, helping them launch a larger-scale rebellion.

The mission for Prime Minister Primo and the Spanish army was to quickly suppress the rebellion once it began and swiftly capture the ringleaders.

Everyone, including Queen Isabella and the Carlists far away in France, would be purged by the Spanish government. If the French government was unwilling to hand them over, Carlo didn’t mind using other means. After all, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau’s network of special agents was now well-established.

Chapter 189: A Tour of Southern Morocco

“Your Majesty, have you really decided to do this?” Inside the Royal Palace of Madrid, Prime Minister Primo, whose face was usually calm and unruffled, showed a surprised expression, looking at Carlo in disbelief.

“If I don’t do this, these rats hiding in the dark corners will never show themselves.” Carlo had a faint smile on his face, as if he had no worries at all about the proposal he had just made: “I don’t want to let a single rat escape. This will be a golden opportunity to wipe them all out in one fell swoop.”

“But, what you’re proposing is a bit too dangerous.” Prime Minister Primo was still worried; after all, Carlo’s proposal could be described as quite bold: “What if the enemy tries to assassinate you in Southern Morocco? If any accident befalls you, it could still disrupt the current situation in Spain. Your Majesty, you should stay in Madrid. The army will handle any threat for you and will never let the enemy get near Madrid’s vicinity.”

The proposal Carlo had made, which had so surprised Prime Minister Primo, was to head south to inspect Southern Morocco at this tense and uncertain time.

More than five years had passed since the establishment of the colony of Southern Morocco, and its development had already shown considerable results. At that time, Carlo and Prime Minister Primo had made a political trade. Prime Minister Primo had proposed the candidate for the first Governor-General of the colony of Southern Morocco, and Canovas had thus ascended to the high position of Minister of Agriculture.

Now, five years had passed, and the colony of Southern Morocco had welcomed its second Governor-General, Count Antoni, a seemingly very ordinary Spanish nobleman.

After five years of development, the number of Moroccans within the colony of Southern Morocco had sharply decreased. When Spain had just occupied this land, over a million Moroccans still lived there. But now, according to the estimates of the colonial government of Southern Morocco, the number of Moroccans in the region did not exceed eight hundred thousand.

Agadir is the largest city in the colony of Southern Morocco and also the location of the colonial capital. The reason Carlo chose to inspect the colony of Southern Morocco at this time, besides wanting to lure the snake out of its hole, was that the development of the colony indeed needed to be inspected.

The development of the port of Agadir had been quite rapid since the establishment of Southern Morocco. The vast majority of goods produced in the colony were gathered at the port of Agadir and shipped to mainland Spain by sea.

In these five years, a cumulative total of over a thousand Moroccans had chosen to embrace Spain and become glorious Spaniards. However, these people were ultimately a very small fraction. Most Moroccans could only work as cheap labor in Spanish plantations or earn a meager income by serving the Spanish colonists.

Although these Moroccans were also white, their treatment was only slightly better than that of the natives in Spain’s other colonies. Unless they willingly took on Spanish citizenship and voluntarily converted to Catholicism, they and their descendants would remain cheap labor for Spain.

There were only two ways to obtain Spanish citizenship. One was through a marriage alliance with the Spanish soldiers stationed locally; after becoming their wives, they could gain Spanish citizenship. The second was by making significant contributions to the colonial government, which allowed them to be nominated as Moroccan immigrants and gain Spanish citizenship through immigration.

But regardless of the method, on average, no more than two hundred Moroccans could join Spain each year, and every single one had to undergo a very strict political review. It was basically impossible for the more extreme Muslims to join Spain. After all, Spain was a Catholic country. An increase in heretics would undermine the nation’s stability.

Returning to Carlo’s proposal, although Prime Minister Primo didn’t want Carlo to risk going to the colony of Southern Morocco, it was clear that Carlo didn’t want to wait any longer. Only by luring the snake out of its hole and successfully sweeping away these rebellious nobles and other forces could Spain’s future political environment achieve long-term stability.

Although there were risks in going to Southern Morocco, Carlo was not going alone. Not only would a Royal Guard contingent of over a thousand men accompany and protect him, but the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau would also arrange for a large number of intelligence agents to be scattered along the route to ensure Carlo encountered no danger. For the safety of Carlo’s journey, the inspection itinerary would not be disclosed at all, and the Spanish naval fleet would also escort him to ensure the entire trip was foolproof.

After realizing he could no longer persuade Carlo to change his mind, Prime Minister Primo finally nodded and said, “Your Majesty, I have nothing more to say. May God bless you, and may your journey be smooth. I will hold the fort for you in Madrid. Whether it’s Queen Isabella or the Carlists, they will eventually be swept into the dustbin of history, becoming fertilizer for Spain’s development. Spain will only continue to advance under your leadership. Your Majesty, you must remember to return safely.”

Carlo nodded, his eyes full of solemnity: “Rest assured, Prime Minister Primo. I am still waiting to witness the day of Spain’s great revival with you. Before Spain reaches the pinnacle of the world, I cannot possibly break my promise. Besides, with the protection of the Royal Guard, even if the enemy has thousands of troops, what can they do to me?”

After this meeting ended, Carlo’s plan to lure the snake out of its hole was successfully established.

For the safety of Queen Sophie and Prince Juan Fernando, the Royal Guard would continue to be stationed on the outskirts of Madrid, protecting Spain’s political center. The Royal Palace of Madrid would also strengthen its defenses. By coordinating with the Royal Guard from both inside and out, not even a regular army unit could threaten its security.

After arranging all the defensive forces at the palace, Carlo, under the watchful gaze of Prime Minister Primo, amidst the complex expressions of many government officials, and with the farewell of the Spanish public, boarded the fleet with a grand retinue of over a thousand people and began his journey to tour the colony of Southern Morocco.

To make his southern tour seem less abrupt, the colony of Southern Morocco had released news half a month earlier about the discovery of a large gold mine within the colony. Whether the news of the gold mine was true or not no longer mattered. Carlo had left the Royal Palace of Madrid for the colony of Southern Morocco, and that was what was most important to Queen Isabella and the Carlist rebels.

The stability of Spain’s situation relied on the efforts of three people, who formed the current political triumvirate of Spain: Prime Minister Primo, Grand Duke Serrano, and Carlo. After Carlo left Madrid, only the two old men, Primo and Grand Duke Serrano, remained to guard the city.

Although overthrowing the current Spanish government was extremely difficult, for Queen Isabella and the Carlists, this might be the best opportunity. Even if Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano joined forces, they could control Spanish politics, but they couldn’t control every corner of the political scene. Although the overall direction of the Spanish government was under Prime Minister Primo’s leadership, there were still some officials who were not satisfied with the current system of government.

The previously implemented performance evaluation system for officials was a fatal blow to certain lax officials. If they received a poor evaluation in the performance review, not only would it become extremely difficult to be re-elected to their current position, but any thought of further advancement was out of the question. The Spanish people also placed great importance on the official evaluation results published by the government. Basically, any official who received poor marks would no longer have the public’s trust and support.

Since the performance evaluation system was enacted, most Spanish officials had completed their tasks with fear and trepidation. For these officials, the feeling of their fate being in someone else’s hands was like having a sword of Damocles hanging over their heads; a single misstep could cost them everything.

After everyone boarded the fleet, it began to sail south along the Mediterranean, passing through the Strait of Gibraltar and entering the vast Atlantic Ocean. Although they could have sailed south along the eastern coast of the Atlantic to reach the colony of Southern Morocco, Carlo was in no hurry to get there so soon. Carlo first ordered the fleet to head west into the vast Atlantic, then had them aim at a designated hypothetical target and open fire to test the warships’ responsiveness and combat effectiveness. Only after all this was done did Carlo order the fleet to head south to Southern Morocco.

Although Carlo arrived at the port of Agadir in Southern Morocco several hours later than expected, the Governor-General of the colony, Count Antoni, dared not show the slightest dissatisfaction. He respectfully led the colonial officials and garrison officers to welcome Carlo’s arrival at the port.

As the fleet approached the port, a thousand soldiers in Royal Guard uniforms first disembarked from the transport ships in a grand procession. After they formed neat ranks on the dock, Carlo and his entourage finally disembarked from a warship in the fleet. The officer leading this small contingent of the Royal Guard was Alessandro Lefevre. He was one of the first outstanding graduates from the Royal Military Academy, awarded the rank of Captain on the day of his graduation, and was later selected during the Royal Guard’s officer recruitment. Due to his excellent performance in the Royal Guard and the expansion of the guard, Alessandro Lefevre, who was originally a company commander, was first promoted to deputy commander of the 7th Infantry Battalion of the 2nd Guard Infantry Regiment, Guard Division, and then was exceptionally promoted to commander of the 14th Infantry Battalion of the 4th Guard Infantry Regiment, Guard Division.

The main body of the thousand-plus Royal Guard soldiers responsible for protecting Carlo this time was composed of Alessandro Lefevre’s 14th Infantry Battalion. The main reason Alessandro Lefevre was able to rise so rapidly within the Royal Guard was his outstanding ability, coupled with his Spanish identity. When Carlo first ascended to the throne of Spain, he was unsure who he could trust, so he mainly used the subordinates he had brought with him from Italy. But now, Carlo had cultivated a number of Spanish loyalists through various means, so naturally, he had to give these Spanish subordinates important positions. This was Spain, after all. A small number of Italians could rise rapidly through Carlo’s favor, but the majority of the people he heavily relied on had to be Spaniards.

As Carlo set foot on the soil of Southern Morocco, the Governor-General of the colony, Count Antoni, led a group of officials and garrison officers and quickly came forward, saying to Carlo with great respect: “Your Majesty, Antoni greets you on behalf of all the officials and garrison officers of the colony of Southern Morocco!”

Carlo nodded and looked at the Governor-General before him. The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau’s investigation had laid bare Count Antoni’s family background and recent activities. Although Count Antoni was not particularly capable, his loyalty, at least, could be guaranteed. His family had not been given important positions during Queen Isabella’s reign; after all, they were just an ordinary part of Spain’s vast aristocratic system. Before being appointed Governor-General of the colony of Southern Morocco, Count Antoni had stayed quietly in his castle, with no major blemishes on his record other than keeping a few lovers. This was nothing in this era. After all, some nobles had dozens, even hundreds of lovers, too many to count. As long as they weren’t forcing innocent women into prostitution, Carlo didn’t care how many lovers his nobles and officials had.

After Count Antoni, a group of colonial officials and garrison officers bowed respectfully to Carlo. There were not many people bowing, less than ten in total at a generous count. Although there were many colonial officials and garrison officers, only a few among them were qualified to meet Carlo and greet him personally.

Led by Count Antoni, Carlo and his entourage proceeded in a grand procession to the Governor-General’s residence to first understand the current state of development in the colony of Southern Morocco.

For transportation to the Governor-General’s residence, Carlo chose the luxurious carriage he had brought from Spain. Yes, Carlo had also brought his custom-made luxury carriage.

There were several reasons. First, Carlo was used to riding in this luxury carriage. This carriage was a full size larger than a normal one, not only having more space but also featuring quite extravagant decorations. This carriage alone cost several thousand pesetas, which was equivalent to more than a full kilogram of gold. A carriage of this larger size required at least six strong horses to pull. This time, Carlo had brought eight white horses bred at the Royal Palace, enough to ensure this massive carriage could travel smoothly on the lands of Southern Morocco. Although the exterior of the carriage appeared to be made of wood, the interior was lined with thick steel plates that could withstand rifle fire. The base of the carriage was protected by steel plates several centimeters thick, ensuring that the occupants could survive even if hit by a bomb blast.

Sitting in such a carriage, Carlo had no concerns for his safety. Carlo wasn’t foolish enough to stick his head out and create an opportunity for a potential assassin. Historically, many of the high-ranking officials and nobles who were assassinated had been riding in open-top carriages, without overly tight security, travelling in full public view. Being assassinated under such circumstances was practically asking for it. Carlo would not place himself in such a dangerous situation. On this trip to Southern Morocco, Carlo would of course make public appearances. But such public venues would be searched in advance, and no one would be allowed to get close to Carlo.

After five years of construction, the port of Agadir had transformed from a Moroccan-style city into one with a mixed architectural style. This was especially true for the street near the Governor-General’s residence, where all the buildings were in the Spanish style, with the barracks of the Spanish colonial army located just beside it. A colonial garrison regiment was stationed here, which could ensure the safety of the Governor-General’s residence to the greatest extent. Not far from the Governor-General’s residence was the colonial government building, which meant this street and its surroundings were basically the political center of the entire colony of Southern Morocco, and hardly any Moroccans could be seen.

Before coming to Southern Morocco, Carlo had heard that the colonial officials took pride in having a Moroccan maid. But after arriving in Morocco, perhaps because the colonial officials knew of his impending arrival, Carlo did not see any of these so-called Moroccan maids.

The group arrived at the Governor-General’s residence in a grand procession, and the Royal Guard quickly took over the security duties of the residence. For Carlo’s safety, the Royal Guard would take over security at any location where he was present. This naturally included the Governor-General’s residence and the colonial government building.

Led by Count Antoni, Carlo and several colonial officials and military officers entered the conference room of the Governor-General’s residence for a brief meeting. Count Antoni first took out the materials that had been prepared in advance and reported to Carlo on the development of the colony of Southern Morocco to date.

Although the population of the colony had decreased by two hundred thousand in the five years since its establishment, many of these two hundred thousand people were more extreme Muslims. Because they were difficult to govern, they were either sent to work to death as slaves in mines and plantations, or they were driven into the Sahara Desert to the south by force. With the sacrifice of these two hundred thousand people, the development of the colony of Southern Morocco was also very rapid.

Currently, the colony had built a Gamma-shaped railway line from Agadir to Tata and from Agadir to Tantan. The railway was over five hundred kilometers long and was the colony’s most important transportation route. It was because of this railway that the Spanish army could easily reach any location within the colony of Southern Morocco. No matter where a major Moroccan rebellion broke out, the Spanish army could arrive in the shortest possible time and suppress the rebellion.

Since the establishment of the colony of Southern Morocco, there had been many rebellious actions by the Moroccans. But the scale of this resistance was mostly small, with the largest involving fewer than ten thousand people, and they were quickly suppressed by the Spanish colonial army. The number of Spaniards in the colony of Southern Morocco had also grown from a scattered few at the beginning to over a thousand, and the number was still increasing.

Chapter 190: The Uprising Begins

At noon on November 1st, 1875, in a secret manor on the outskirts of Madrid.

This was once the suburban estate where a certain Spanish Count kept his mistress. Since late October, it had become a meeting place for certain noblemen.

And the purpose of these private meetings was singular: to conspire to overthrow the current Spanish government and install Alfonso XII of the House of Bourbon as the new king of Spain.

A short while ago, only a few dukes attended these meetings. But ever since Carlo publicly announced his inspection tour of the colony of Southern Morocco, the number of dukes frequenting the manor had increased.

The nobles attending the meeting now wore joyful expressions, their discussion filled with enthusiasm. The Duke of Osuna was the most excited of all.

When the Duke of Osuna was previously investigated and exposed as the true culprit behind the assassination attempt on Prime Minister Primo, Carlo and the Prime Minister had chosen not to handle the matter severely for the sake of Spain’s stability. This had allowed the Duke of Osuna to keep his life.

But his mistake was not without consequence. The Duke of Osuna was forced to sell the vast majority of his lands to the government and the royal family at a low price, reducing the ancient Dukedom of Osuna to an embarrassing state where its assets were less than that of an ordinary count.

If one were to name the most radical among these nobles, the one most opposed to Prime Minister Primo and Carlo, it would undoubtedly be the Duke of Osuna.

Only by overthrowing the rule of Carlo and Prime Minister Primo could the lands that once belonged to the Duke of Osuna be reclaimed. With his and his family’s interests on the line, the Duke of Osuna had already placed all his bets on Queen Isabella’s side. He had no other choice. The crime of assassinating Prime Minister Primo alone was enough to exclude him from the core circle of power in Spanish politics. Coupled with the loss of most of his land and property, if he didn’t risk everything at this juncture, the title of Duke of Osuna and his family would never see the light of day again, perhaps even sinking below the level of an ordinary ducal family.

“Our King Majesty actually chose to go south to Southern Morocco at a time like this. Did no one tell him that disaster is about to strike?” The Duke of Osuna raised a glass of red wine from his own winery, took a small sip, and spoke with a mocking smile, his tone remarkably relaxed.

He had originally worried that with both Carlo and Prime Minister Primo staying in Madrid, their coup would be much more difficult. But now that Carlo had left for Southern Morocco, wasn’t he practically creating an opportunity for their coup?

It could only be said that Carlo was, after all, a young man, unable to grasp the shifting political landscape, acting without any consideration for the consequences.

“Before our plan is complete, it’s best not to lower our guard.” Another duke standing beside the Duke of Osuna rose and offered his opinion: ”

We should still be cautious, investigate the matter thoroughly, and then formulate a plan of action. For His Majesty our King to travel to Southern Morocco at this particular moment is too strange to be believed.

Even if our young king didn’t consider the implications, could that old fox Primo be unprepared? His Majesty our King is crucial to his grand plan for reform; he won’t just stand by and let something happen to Carlo.”

The attitudes of these two dukes were roughly representative of all the nobles at the meeting, who were divided into two camps. One was more radical, believing the time was ripe to overthrow the Primo government. The other was more cautious, feeling they needed to wait for the right moment and determine if there was something unusual about Carlo’s trip south to Southern Morocco.

As the meeting reached a stalemate, a speech by the representative of the House of Bourbon finally broke the deadlock between the two factions.

The so-called representative of the House of Bourbon was, in fact, the former Queen Isabella II’s aide-de-camp. As Queen Isabella’s absolute loyalist, the aide-de-camp’s words essentially represented the Queen’s own views.

“Gentlemen, it is not as complicated as you think. Although the evil revolution instigated by Primo forced Queen Isabella to flee to France, this does not mean Her Majesty will simply surrender without a fight.

In France, the power of the House of Bourbon is immense. We have trained a small, elite unit for the very purpose of restoring the great rule of the House of Bourbon.

No matter Carlo’s purpose in going to Southern Morocco, this is indeed our best opportunity. We will take care of Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano. You all must be prepared to reorganize the government amid the chaos after the Spanish government loses its Prime Minister and Minister of Defense.

The moment we control the Spanish government will be the moment Queen Isabella and His Majesty King Alfonso return to Spain. When the rule of the House of Bourbon returns to Spain, its loyal subjects will also receive the glory that is their due.”

Hearing the words of the Queen’s aide-de-camp, the nobles present breathed a sigh of relief. If they had to rely on their own strength to carry out a coup, it was blatantly obvious that they would not succeed.

Prime Minister Primo controlled the government, and both he and Grand Duke Serrano held immense prestige within the Spanish army. This point alone made the current Spanish government invulnerable.

Unless Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano could be dealt with, or if they had a stronger and larger army to confront the Spanish Royal Army, a coup was absolutely impossible.

Although Queen Isabella did not have an army capable of challenging the Spanish Royal Army, eliminating the two troublesome figures of Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano would significantly increase the chances of a successful coup.

With the lingering influence of the House of Bourbon and the combined efforts of numerous nobles, they might be able to stabilize the situation in the chaotic Spanish government that had lost its Prime Minister and Grand Duke Serrano.

That way, even if Carlo noticed and returned to Spain, it would be difficult for him to regain control of the situation. At the end of the day, Carlo was an Italian, and some Spanish nobles still harbored a strong aversion to him.

Furthermore, Prime Minister Primo’s agricultural reforms threatened the interests of the nobility, making their rejection of Carlo even more severe.

While Spain’s situation was stable, this wasn’t a major issue. But if Spain descended into chaos, it was uncertain whether the nobles would still listen to Carlo.

At that point, if Queen Isabella rallied support, there would likely be a great number of nobles wishing to return to the era of Bourbon rule, not just the small group currently attending this meeting.

“As long as we can deal with the trouble of Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano, the rest will be much simpler.” The duke who had advocated caution also nodded, his expression relaxing slightly. He looked at the Duke of Osuna and the aide-de-camp with a broad smile and said, ”

Then why don’t we continue discussing our course of action, and how to quickly take control of the Spanish government? Only by controlling the government can we welcome the return of Queen Isabella and His Majesty King Alfonso sooner, can’t we.”

None of the nobles present were fools. If their planned coup were successful, the House of Bourbon would once again be in control of Spain.

The House of Bourbon and Queen Isabella, once hated by everyone in Spain, would become the rulers of the country once more.

Whoever could win Queen Isabella’s trust would surely be given greater responsibility in the future Spanish government.

Hadn’t they gone through all this trouble to topple the rule of Prime Minister Primo and Carlo just so they could gain more importance and reclaim their interests?

These nobles would naturally not miss such an opportunity to curry favor with Queen Isabella.

At this duke’s suggestion, the nobles quickly launched into a detailed discussion on how to act and how to swiftly seize control of the Spanish government.

In a flurry of excited discussion among the nobles, a rather complete and detailed plan of action was freshly drafted. It even included methods for quickly taking control of the government after the successful assassinations of Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano, as well as a series of temporary policies to stabilize the situation.

The nobles showed unimaginable enthusiasm in their discussions. The leading dukes simply thought it was due to everyone’s anticipation of ending Primo’s revolution and restoring their noble privileges, harboring no suspicions.

On November 2nd, 1875, a steam train rumbled from a city in southern France towards Spain. After a series of rather troublesome procedures at the Spanish border, the passengers boarded a new train to continue their journey into Spain.

Because of the significant difference in track gauge between France and Spain, French trains could not run directly on Spanish soil.

Although this hindered economic exchange between Spain and the rest of Europe, it had also effectively prevented a French invasion during Spain’s period of weakness.

France did successfully invade Spain during the era of the Napoleonic Empire, but at that time, France was virtually unstoppable in Europe, so Spain’s invasion was to be expected.

After the Napoleonic Empire, France could no longer maintain its control over Spain, and subsequent attempts to invade Spain failed.

After successfully transferring to the Spanish train, several burly men from the last carriage gathered together again. The leader of the group visibly sighed in relief, his expression relaxing.

“Leader, do you think our mission will succeed this time?” one of the burly men asked in a low voice after scanning their surroundings and quietly approaching the leader.

“Of course, no problem.” The man called “leader” kept his eyes closed, pretending to rest, while quietly communicating with his team member. “What’s so difficult? We just get close to the target and fire a shot. We’ve practiced this procedure hundreds of times in France. This time, we only need to do it once.”

The team member nodded, his doubts dispelled.

With a complete plan of action in hand, the rebellious nobles and the Remnants of the Bourbons did not hesitate, preparing to launch a large-scale rebellion that very day.

The core of the coup was the successful assassination of Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano. To ensure success, the rebellious nobles decided to stir up some trouble to attract Prime Minister Primo’s attention and lower his guard.

What kind of trouble, you ask?

Something like the age-old conflict of interest between capitalists and workers.

If the main conflict in a feudal, autocratic kingdom was between the landed nobility and the peasants, then the main conflict in a constitutional monarchy was between the capitalist class and the factory workers.

Although Spain had labor laws and other legal protections that offered workers a small guarantee of their interests, the workers could not ultimately escape exploitation and enslavement by the capitalists.

As the saying goes, where there’s a policy, there’s a countermeasure. The enslavement of workers by capitalists could never be completely eradicated. The Spanish government’s labor laws stipulated that workers’ hours should not exceed eleven hours a day or seventy hours a week.

But capitalists used all sorts of methods to coerce workers into working overtime, and in the end, the working hours of a Spanish worker still exceeded eleven hours.

If not for the ten-hour workday implemented by government and royal family-owned enterprises, the average working time for a Spanish worker would likely exceed twelve hours.

Yes, it was that exaggerated. This was a dark era, and an unavoidable topic in the industrialization of all European nations.

Spain was not alone in this; the great powers like Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Austria were all the same.

The industrial rise of Western countries was built not only on the colonial exploitation of regions around the world but also on the exploitation of domestic workers and citizens by the burgeoning capitalist class.

The industrial history of the West is a history written in blood and tears. It was through the exploitation of tens of millions of people that Europe became the jewel of the world in this era—the most developed, advanced, and prosperous region on the planet.

Of course, as time went on, the treatment of workers in various countries did see some improvement. At the very least, a Spanish worker’s workday would not exceed twelve hours, a bottom line set by Carlo and Prime Minister Primo.

Capitalists were allowed to exploit the people within certain limits, but they were not allowed to treat people as less than human. As long as they didn’t cross this line, the government would turn a blind eye to the capitalists’ exploitation.

After all, doing so did indeed improve factory production efficiency and promote Spain’s industrial and economic development.

With the overall environment in Spain improving, the conflict between capital and labor, while intense, was not a powder keg.

However, for these rebellious nobles, nothing was off-limits. If they could ignite the old topic of capitalist exploitation of workers, they could make Spain even more chaotic.

It’s always easier to fish in muddy waters. If large-scale demonstrations broke out, they would certainly attract Prime Minister Primo’s attention. When his attention was focused on the demonstrations, his guard against the rebellious nobles would naturally be lowered.

At that moment, a surprise assassination would throw the Spanish political scene into even greater turmoil. The nobles could then step in, winning the favor of the public and the workers by criticizing the capitalist class, and then take over the Spanish government without Primo. Everything would seem so natural.

On the afternoon of November 2nd, several newspaper companies in Spain published articles about factory owners excessively exploiting workers, pointing out that despite government regulations limiting the workday to eleven hours, they were still using various means to make workers’ hours approach twelve.

As if guided by an unseen hand, these newspapers, originally small-scale operations without the ability to distribute across all of Spain, suddenly appeared on the major streets of Madrid and in several surrounding cities as soon as the news was published that day.

Thanks to the Spanish government’s literacy education efforts, more than half of the Spanish population was literate; at the very least, they could understand most words in Spanish.

Because of this, the report sparked widespread discussion in Madrid and the surrounding cities, further inciting the workers’ hatred for the capitalists.

The masses are prone to herd mentality. Regardless of whether they themselves had been exploited by factory owners, upon seeing such news reports, they would involuntarily put themselves in that position, thereby intensifying their hatred and hostility towards the factory owners.

At this time, Spain had no real labor unions. The workers’ power had no outlet and could only fester in secret.

When such reports appeared on the streets and alleys of Madrid, they immediately caught the attention of Prime Minister Primo. Of course, the Prime Minister knew who was behind this; after all, the capitalists weren’t foolish enough to distribute such reports all over Madrid themselves.

“What a bunch of damned scoundrels! They disregard the nation’s interests for their own selfish gains.” Prime Minister Primo sat in his office, his face ashen as he read the news report.

“Perhaps His Majesty was right all along. This kind of vermin must be swept away completely to prevent them from harming Spain in the future. The fruits of Spain’s reforms cannot be allowed to be corroded by these vermin.” Prime Minister Primo sighed, his admiration for Carlo’s decision growing.

A young king who had the courage to risk his life to lure the snake out of its hole—this was truly admirable.

In the face of the rebellious nobles, Carlo seemed to be handling the situation with ease. This made Prime Minister Primo sigh with emotion; Carlo had matured and already possessed the qualities of an excellent king.

“It seems… it is time to return power to His Majesty the King.” Prime Minister Primo looked at the map of Spain hanging on the wall, instinctively stroking every inch of its territory, and then seemed to make a firm decision.

Within the city of Madrid, the workers’ anger had nowhere to go, eventually evolving into gatherings and discussions of their shared discontent.

With a push from an unseen force, small-scale protests soon broke out. These protests, in turn, attracted the attention of more workers, escalating into larger-scale strikes and demonstrations.

In just half a day, workers from over a third of the factories around Madrid went on strike, and the number of workers participating in the demonstrations exceeded ten thousand.

The workers gathered spontaneously, holding homemade, crude slogan placards and banners, and began a massive march through several of Madrid’s bustling streets.

The large-scale demonstration quickly drew the attention of the Department of Public Security, but the police could do nothing about it. A protest of over ten thousand people was not something the police could handle unless a huge number of officers could be mobilized.

But the current chaotic situation in Madrid left the Department of Public Security with no time to mobilize police. It seemed the only force that could suppress such a large-scale protest was the army.

Chapter 191: Assassination and Trump Cards

“What a lively show.” Carlo looked at the content of the telegram from mainland Spain, a placid smile on his face. His mood seemed unaffected.

“Your Majesty, should we have the garrison prepare?” asked Count Antoni, the Governor-General of the colony of Southern Morocco, with a grave expression.

Although the chaos in Madrid was currently limited to worker demonstrations, no one could guarantee that these workers, blinded by anger, wouldn’t do something rash.

Moreover, the fact that such a large-scale worker demonstration could form in such a short time meant there was definitely someone guiding it from behind the scenes.

From the perspective of a conspiracy theorist, perhaps the worker demonstrations in Madrid had broken out as part of someone’s plot. Although their ultimate goal was unknown, it was certainly not good news for the Spanish government or Carlo.

The reason Count Antoni was so worried was that he feared some accident might occur during the demonstrations, triggering a large-scale conflict between the government and the protesters, or even sparking a rebellion.

Having the colonial garrison ready would allow them to transport troops to mainland Spain at a moment’s notice to suppress the rebellion. Although mainland Spain also had a large number of stationed troops, they were not under Carlo’s direct line of sight, nor were they within his scope of control.

“That won’t be necessary.” Carlo shook his head, not sharing Count Antoni’s concern. The smile on his face didn’t fade; he looked quite relaxed.

“We don’t need to worry about the demonstrating workers, but about the rebels hiding among them. We can only spring the trap when they reveal themselves.”

Carlo had a fair amount of trust in Count Antoni. Although he was a nobleman, Count Antoni did not own much land and could even be considered an impoverished aristocrat.

If not for Carlo’s patronage, Antoni and his family might have faced bankruptcy long ago. Upon receiving Carlo’s favor, Antoni, as a pledge of loyalty, had promptly sold the lands under his name to the royal family at a low price.

Today, Count Antoni owned very little land. His family’s business had long since shifted to finance and industry, and he was also a member of the Royal Council.

He had no reason to betray Carlo. After all, he had been entrusted with great responsibility, holding the esteemed position of Governor-General of the colony of Southern Morocco, one of Spain’s four major colonies.

As long as he dutifully completed his tasks and accumulated merits during his term of office as Governor-General, it wasn’t impossible for him to be granted a ducal title in the future.

With such a bright future ahead of him, it would be truly senseless for Count Antoni to betray Carlo.

Of course, even if Count Antoni did betray Carlo, it wouldn’t affect Carlo’s plan to lure the snake out of its hole in the slightest.

The rebellious nobles and the House of Bourbon had already reached the point of no return. Even if news were sent back from the colony of Southern Morocco, the rebellion would likely have already begun by the time the rebel nobles received it.

Besides, a rebellion was not child’s play; it couldn’t be canceled on a whim. The rebellious nobles no longer had a choice. They could either follow this dark path to the end and seek survival in rebellion, or they could surrender and await judgment.

This was no small-scale operation, and the probability of Carlo forgiving them was extremely low. For this very reason, even knowing the chances of a successful rebellion were slim, the nobles would press on, gambling on their own futures and the fates of their families.

In this era, there was still a time delay in communication. By the time the colony of Southern Morocco received the news via telegram, the situation in Madrid had already developed further.

The rebellious nobles and the House of Bourbon knew that worker demonstrations alone could not shake the Spanish government. In fact, the true purpose of the demonstrations wasn’t to overthrow the government but to protest the exploitation of the workers by the capitalist class.

Simply put, the workers still trusted the government. As long as the government made promises and gave them hope, the demonstrations would quickly fall apart.

But that no longer mattered. The rebellious nobles had instigated the worker demonstrations for the sole purpose of distracting the Spanish government.

The rebel nobles first used the massive scale of the demonstrations as cover to attack several police stations in Madrid, preventing the Department of Public Security from controlling the situation in the city.

Then, the assassins lay in wait for a long time on the road between the government building and the Prime Minister’s residence, seeking an opportunity to assassinate Prime Minister Primo.

And as it happened, they did find an opportunity.

Although Prime Minister Primo had strengthened his security detail after the last assassination attempt, the distance between the government building and his residence was not great—only a few hundred meters at most. Therefore, he wasn’t accompanied by a large number of guards.

This indeed gave the assassins their chance. Learning from the failure of the previous attempt, they employed a small-caliber cannon this time, planning to overturn the Prime Minister’s carriage first, then swarm it and gun him down.

Boom!

As the sound of the cannon blast shook the entire street, the shell landed one meter in front of Prime Minister Primo’s carriage.

“Assassins!” The guard driving the carriage only had time to shout those words before he was engulfed by the explosion, unable to make another sound.

Prime Minister Primo, sitting inside the carriage, felt a deafening roar as the carriage was overturned by the aftershock of the explosion.

“Success! Keep going, blow him to bits!” The assassin operating the cannon from a distance looked delighted and quickly began reloading for another shot.

The cannon and shells could not have been smuggled into Spain from France; the Spanish nobles had gone to great lengths to acquire them from the army’s logistical supplies.

To avoid attracting attention, the cannon was small-caliber, and they had only managed to obtain three shells.

However, it seemed to be very effective. Even though the Prime Minister’s carriage was specially modified, it couldn’t withstand several cannon blasts.

Boom!

Although the assassins wanted to fire in quick succession, this cannon was not the latest model from the Royal Arsenal, and its rate of fire was rather slow.

After about ten seconds, the second shell was finally loaded and fired.

Bang!

The second shot was clearly less accurate than the first, but the blast wave and shrapnel still shattered the wooden carriage, revealing the steel plates embedded within.

Even with the protection of the steel plates, the entire carriage frame was deformed, and it would be no exaggeration to describe it as on the verge of collapse.

“One more shot. It would be best if we can kill Primo with the blast,” the leader of the assassins ordered.

Killing him with the blast was the ideal method, as it would allow them to retreat safely. If they went to finish him off with guns, there was no guarantee that whoever was inside the carriage was already dead.

If the enemy mounted a final counterattack, they might all perish here.

The assassin operating the cannon immediately began reloading, but he soon realized something was wrong.

In the distance, Prime Minister Primo’s guards were already rushing toward them.

Bang! Bang, bang!

As soon as they caught a glimpse of the assassins, the guards opened fire without hesitation. The continuous rifle fire forced the assassins to seek cover, preventing them from reloading the cannon.

“Suppress the enemy! Protect the Prime Minister!” the lead guard commanded, while also calling out to Primo, “Mr. Prime Minister, are you alright?”

“Damn it, what is that idiot Jim doing? Can’t he even hold off these guards for five minutes?” The lead assassin was clearly caught off guard. Pinned down by the supporting fire, they didn’t dare move an inch.

The power of a rifle was no joke. If they were hit, even if they managed to escape, they would most likely just be waiting to die.

Never mind that the technology of this era couldn’t heal a grievous gunshot wound; even if such medical technology existed, assassins like them wouldn’t dare go to a hospital.

A gunshot wound was too conspicuous. Going to a hospital would be tantamount to turning themselves in. This meant they had to ensure they weren’t injured, or else all they could do in Spain was wait for death.

Seeing the assassins cowering behind cover, the lead guard issued a new order: “Toen, take a team and circle around to their rear. I refuse to believe these assassins can fly. Remember to leave one alive. I want to see which bastards dared to assassinate Mr. Prime Minister.”

A guard beside him nodded and slipped away with a few men.

“Damn it, we have to find a chance to retreat. If we don’t go now, we won’t get another chance.” The lead assassin knew their situation was dire. The gunshots would definitely attract more reinforcements, making their escape even more difficult.

“Thomas, Eric, you two cover our retreat. The rest of you, with me. Let’s get back to the manor in the outskirts first. After two cannon blasts, unless Primo is blessed by God himself, he’s a dead man,” the lead assassin ordered.

Their mission was indeed to assassinate Prime Minister Primo, but that didn’t mean they were willing to die for it. Besides, the Prime Minister’s carriage had already been hit by two cannon shells. The carriage itself was about to fall apart, let alone the person inside.

Even if he miraculously survived, he would be severely wounded. With the medical technology of the era, a severe injury was a death sentence. This meant their assassination attempt had a very high probability of complete success.

All they had to do now was figure out how to retreat, and the mission would be a perfect success.

The two assassins whose names had been called had complex expressions. Although they were soldiers personally trained by Queen Isabella, no one had mentioned they would have to pay with their lives!

Who could have imagined that what was supposed to be a simple assassination would turn into this? Knowing that staying behind meant certain death, the two assassins’ faces turned pale and ashen.

“I will report to Her Majesty the Queen and see that your families receive the compensation they deserve.” The lead assassin looked at the two men he had named, his eyes devoid of pity as he made his emotionless promise.

To ensure the others could retreat, someone had to make a sacrifice. These two were just the unlucky ones. But if they didn’t sacrifice themselves, was he, the leader, supposed to?

Assassinating Prime Minister Primo was a great achievement. If he could make it back alive, he would surely receive a handsome reward, perhaps even a noble title.

The leader was not so foolish. He had to prioritize his own survival. After all, only the living could claim rewards; the dead got nothing.

Hearing their leader’s words, the two assassins forced to cover the retreat nodded with pale faces, but they didn’t object.

If they volunteered to stay behind, their families might receive compensation. But if they refused and jeopardized the others’ escape, not only would their families get nothing, they would also face the Queen’s wrath.

Queen Isabella was an autocratic and tyrannical monarch, and her methods of rule were exceedingly brutal. If they incurred her displeasure, their families would surely suffer in the future.

With the sacrifice of the two rearguards, the other assassins did manage to escape.

But their end was tragic. They were gunned down by the enraged guards, each riddled with more than a dozen bullets, leaving a river of blood.

Once the area was secure, the guards frantically searched for Prime Minister Primo.

The good news was that Prime Minister Primo was not dead. Under the dual protection of the carriage and the aide-de-camp inside, he was only severely injured and had fallen into a coma, his life not in immediate danger.

The bad news was that his injuries were severe, and he showed no signs of waking up. This meant that for a short time, the Spanish government would be leaderless. Without Prime Minister Primo to suppress and mediate, the workers’ rebellion would grow even more intense.

The assassins escaped and spread the news of their successful assassination.

This news immediately sent the rebellious nobles and the Queen’s emissary into a frenzy of delight. Overjoyed, they immediately decided on their next step: an all-out rebellion. They would seize control of the Spanish government while it was leaderless, then use its authority to quell the worker demonstrations and restore stability to Spain.

It was worth noting that an assassination attempt on the Minister of Defense, Grand Duke Serrano, was being carried out simultaneously with the one on Prime Minister Primo.

However, before Carlo had left for the colony of Southern Morocco, he had personally instructed Grand Duke Serrano to temporarily move the Ministry of Defense’s offices into the military barracks and not to take a single step outside, awaiting further orders.

Although Grand Duke Serrano was surprised by the order, he immediately nodded in understanding after Carlo explained the gravity of the situation.

It wasn’t that Carlo was being overly cautious; rather, history had provided enough lessons. He had to be fully prepared, and at the very least, he needed to have the army firmly in his grasp to feel at ease.

If the rebellious nobles truly managed to seize a portion of military power, this would no longer be a small rebellion, but another Spanish civil war.

Spain had just managed to end its internal turmoil through reforms and was entering a golden age of development.

If these rebellious nobles and the Remnants of the Bourbons plunged Spain back into the morass of civil war, the loss would far outweigh any potential gain.

Even if he were to win a future civil war, it would deal a severe blow to Spain’s infrastructure and industrial economy. At best, it would set Spain’s development back several years; at worst, it could completely extinguish Spain’s hopes of becoming a major power.

Although the previous assassination attempt on Prime Minister Primo had failed, in history, Primo’s fate was to die by an assassin’s hand.

To be safe, he had to ensure that at least one of the two pillars of stability, Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano, remained safe.

Grand Duke Serrano’s safety was the easiest to guarantee. As long as he stayed in the barracks, no one could threaten him.

Prime Minister Primo was a different matter. Under the influence of the rebellious nobles and the House of Bourbon, Spain was destined to fall into temporary chaos.

As the Prime Minister of the Spanish government, Primo would be extremely busy during this period and would have to make public appearances on certain occasions.

This would make it easier for enemies to assassinate him, which was why Carlo had chosen to have Grand Duke Serrano ensure his own safety and serve as the ultimate pillar of stability.

So far, the plan was working well. When Grand Duke Serrano learned that Prime Minister Primo had been assassinated and was severely injured and unconscious, he was even more thankful that he had obeyed Carlo’s orders and never once stepped outside the barracks.

In the manor on the outskirts of the city, the rebellious nobles and the Queen’s emissary also received news of the failed assassination attempt on Grand Duke Serrano.

In fact, it wasn’t that the assassination had failed, but that it had never even been launched. Grand Duke Serrano resided within the military barracks, making it impossible for assassins to infiltrate.

They couldn’t just charge into the barracks to kill him; after all, the soldiers there were armed with live ammunition and numerous cannons.

Unless they had overwhelming numbers, rushing the barracks was a suicide mission. They would be suppressed before they even caught a glimpse of Grand Duke Serrano, let alone assassinate him.

“Everyone, will the fact that Grand Duke Serrano is still alive affect our plans?” The Duke of Osuna’s face was ashen. He hadn’t expected a complication in the assassination of Serrano.

“I don’t believe it will have a significant impact,” the Queen’s emissary stepped forward again to voice his opinion. “Primo is dead, and the Spanish government is now leaderless. We just need to seize control of the government, and we will control all of Spain.

When we issue orders in the name of the Spanish government, will Serrano dare to refuse? Haha, once we control the Spanish government, we will have more troops at our command.

Then, whether it’s Serrano or Carlo, their fates will be in our hands. Gentlemen, the most important thing now is to quickly seize control of the government and prevent parliament from interfering.

If we let parliament elect an acting Prime Minister, it will be much harder for us to take control.

Gentlemen, it is your time to shine. As long as you can take control of the Spanish government, Her Majesty the Queen and His Majesty the King will be able to return to Spain,” the Queen’s emissary said with a smile.

Chapter 192: Prime Minister for a Day

News that Prime Minister Primo had been seriously injured and left unconscious in an assassination attempt quickly spread through various channels across most of Madrid, and even throughout all of Spain.

Whether it was the ministers of the Spanish Cabinet or the members of the Congress of Deputies, all were greatly astonished.

Since his election as Prime Minister of Spain after the revolution, Prime Minister Primo had held a firm grip on Spanish politics and was undeniably the government’s pillar of stability.

With Prime Minister Primo present, the officials were confident they could quell even the greatest chaos under his leadership.

But now, Prime Minister Primo was seriously injured and unconscious. Another influential figure was urgently needed to step forward and stabilize the situation. Who would it be?

The Spanish government quickly split into two factions. One was led by Minister of Transportation Ruiz, with most of its members belonging to the Progressive Party. They believed they should push for a parliamentary election to choose an acting Prime Minister to stabilize Spain until Prime Minister Primo awoke, at which point the acting position would be dissolved.

The other faction, the Conservative Party led by Minister of Industry Canovas, argued that the most important matter at hand was to bring Carlo back from Southern Morocco and have His Majesty the King issue orders to stabilize the situation.

The Progressive Party was originally the largest party in the Spanish Parliament, but without Prime Minister Primo’s leadership, they found themselves in a stalemate with the second-largest party, the Conservatives.

While heated debates raged within parliament, the rebellious nobles had already begun to make their move.

Under the malicious instigation of certain individuals, worker protests in some areas descended into chaos and violence, turning the original demonstrations into clashes with local police.

Once the clashes began, even the workers who were not originally opposed to the government could not stop the conflict from escalating.

The result was that severe clashes erupted on several streets in Madrid, with casualties on both sides among the protesting workers and the police maintaining order.

The clashes altered the dynamics of the debates in the Spanish Parliament. The Minister of Transportation, Ruiz, suddenly gained the support of the Liberal Party. With the backing of over half the parliamentary seats, he was elected acting Prime Minister of Spain, tasked with performing the duties of the Prime Minister while Primo was injured and unconscious. His term would automatically end upon Prime Minister Primo’s recovery.

Having overcome numerous obstacles to become Spain’s acting Prime Minister, Ruiz was truly high-spirited and vigorous. He knew Prime Minister Primo’s injuries were severe and that even if he could be saved, his physical condition would plummet.

Although his term as acting Prime Minister was nominally only for the duration of Primo’s recuperation, it was, in reality, a political trial that no one else could obtain.

When Prime Minister Primo eventually retired, who would be able to take the reins of power from him? It would naturally be the man who had served as acting Prime Minister. This would greatly aid his future bid to become the new Prime Minister of Spain and the new leader of the Progressive Party.

As for such a minor worker protest, Ruiz paid it no mind.

On the afternoon of November 5, 1875, Ruiz, shortly after being elected acting Prime Minister, immediately issued an order for the troops stationed in Toledo to march north to Madrid. He also declared martial law in the capital, demanding that the protesting workers disperse and promising to seek justice for them.

Although Madrid also had a garrison, Ruiz was clever enough not to mobilize the city’s main force. Why? Because Grand Duke Serrano had moved his Ministry of Defense office to the Madrid military barracks, placing the troops there under his complete control. Ruiz was no fool.

The troops in Madrid were certainly closer, but they posed a greater threat to his position as acting Prime Minister. His ideals as a radical reformer were already at odds with those of a conservative nobleman like Grand Duke Serrano. If Grand Duke Serrano were to stage a military coup d’état, it would be a disaster.

Therefore, Ruiz preferred to summon forces from Toledo, dozens of kilometers away, rather than mobilize troops from the much closer barracks on the outskirts of Madrid.

What Ruiz did not expect was that before the troops from Toledo arrived, a new crisis would unfold.

If the rebellious nobles were merely dissatisfied with Prime Minister Primo, their feelings toward the more radical reformer Ruiz were of naked hatred and disgust.

Prime Minister Primo’s reforms took the nobles’ opinions into account and would not push them to annihilation. But Ruiz’s reforms were extremely radical; he had even once supported abolishing the Spanish monarchy to establish a fully republican and democratic Spanish state.

For the rebellious nobles, Ruiz was also a problem that had to be eliminated. If Ruiz consolidated his power, he would undoubtedly seize the opportunity to push Spain toward a republic.

The rebellious nobles were still waiting to welcome back Queen Isabella and restore their aristocratic privileges; the last thing they wanted was for Spain to become a republic before the Queen’s return.

If that happened, what would be the point of the Queen’s return? Would she be issued a resident ID card for the Republic of Spain?

While rapidly preparing for an armed rebellion, the rebellious nobles also spread all sorts of damaging rumors about Ruiz.

For example, some claimed that Ruiz had actually sent the assassins after Prime Minister Primo, with the goal of seizing power in Spain while Primo was incapacitated.

Other stories alleged that Ruiz owned several large factories and was even more detestable than the factory owners who had been exposed, all in an attempt to tarnish his name as acting Prime Minister.

Ruiz now had a massive headache. He had only just become acting Prime Minister, and before he could even enjoy his new power, his reputation was already being smeared like this.

However, the most pressing matter was to end the worker protests that had engulfed much of Madrid; otherwise, the government would be unable to address any other issues.

To ensure stability in Madrid, Ruiz issued a new order: police responsible for maintaining public order were authorized to use firearms under dangerous conditions to prevent the worker protests from escalating into armed conflict.

But to his surprise, this order instantly inflamed the situation at the protests.

The police had not intended to open fire on the workers, but they couldn’t stop the rebellious nobles from maliciously inciting the crowd and adding fuel to the fire.

When someone in the chaotic crowd fired at the police, the officers, no matter how reluctant they were to shoot at commoners, had no choice but to use their firearms to protect their own lives.

The deadly consequence was that several protest sites erupted in an instant, and the cumulative casualties among workers and police quickly rose into the hundreds.

“What?” Upon hearing the news of the casualties, Ruiz’s face showed utter shock. He asked in disbelief, “Who told them to fire first? Didn’t I say they were only to use firearms in the most dangerous situations?”

“Mr. Prime Minister, it wasn’t our police who fired first. Someone in the crowd fired at them first,” the Minister of Public Security explained with a wry smile. “After the shots were fired, the crowd fell into chaos, and our police suffered numerous casualties. To maintain control of the situation, they had no choice but to fire warning shots into the air to force the crowd back.”

“Dammit,” Ruiz slammed his fist on the table twice, his mood anything but pleasant.

The situation had now reached a more critical stage. If the worker protests were not handled properly, they could very well evolve into an internal rebellion against the government.

“Where are our troops? How much longer until they reach Madrid?” Ruiz asked.

Only with the army in hand could he ensure stability in Madrid and secure his position as acting Prime Minister.

As for whether using the military to suppress the protests would provoke a fierce backlash from the workers, that was no longer a question Ruiz wanted to consider.

After all, only by resolving the current worker protests could the Spanish government even think about other problems. If they couldn’t even handle the protests in Madrid, there was no point in considering anything else; the workers would overthrow the government themselves.

“We received a message from the troops in Toledo this morning. They are on the move. Given the distance between Madrid and Toledo, they should be able to reach Madrid in half a day at most,” the Minister of Public Security replied.

When it came to mobilizing the army, Ruiz did not dare to trouble Grand Duke Serrano. Instead, he had directly contacted the garrison in Toledo in his capacity as acting Prime Minister.

Although he was only acting, he possessed all the powers of a Prime Minister, including the authority to mobilize troops in an emergency.

Hearing that the army was about to arrive, Ruiz finally nodded in relief and then instructed, “The moment the army reaches Madrid, immediately begin suppressing the worker protests. I don’t want to see any protest marches on the streets tomorrow. Spain should be stabilized by tonight.”

“I understand,” the Minister of Public Security nodded.

Meanwhile, at the Madrid military barracks, Grand Duke Serrano was communicating with Carlo via telegram.

Grand Duke Serrano provided a detailed report on the current situation in Madrid, including the fact that Minister of Transportation Ruiz had become the acting Prime Minister with the support of the Progressive and Liberal parties in parliament.

Carlo’s reply was that since the Spanish government now had an acting Prime Minister, there was no hurry for Grand Duke Serrano to intervene.

Originally, Carlo had only planned to deal with the rebellious nobles and the Remnants of the Bourbons amidst the chaos. But since the Progressive and Liberal parties had gotten involved, it was far more entertaining to let them fight among themselves.

As long as Carlo did not wish it, Ruiz would be unable to suppress the worker protests. This was because Spain’s military power was completely concentrated in the hands of Grand Duke Serrano, who in turn obeyed Carlo.

Prime Minister Primo had wielded significant influence over the army, but with him seriously injured and unconscious, no one could rival Grand Duke Serrano in that regard.

Although Ruiz thought he was being clever by dispatching the troops from Toledo, in reality, the commander of the Toledo garrison had already telegraphed Grand Duke Serrano to ask for his opinion.

If Grand Duke Serrano had refused, the Toledo troops would not have moved an inch, let alone publicly complied with Ruiz’s order.

On the evening of November 5th, the rebellious nobles, leading a small number of troops, attacked the police in Madrid and seized a cache of weapons and equipment.

With these arms, the number of rebel forces quickly swelled to several hundred. These several hundred men, sweeping up several thousand workers with them, stormed Spain’s government and parliament buildings. They also attacked several armories set up by the Department of Public Security in Madrid.

During the chaos, one group also attacked the Royal Palace, but the Guard Division had been stationed around its perimeter since the start of the worker protests.

Let alone an armed force of a few hundred, even an army of tens of thousands could not breach the Royal Palace in a short time.

Having failed at the Royal Palace, the rebellious nobles could only turn their attention to other important locations, such as the Spanish government building, the parliament building, and the residences of high-ranking government officials.

Caught completely off guard, the Spanish parliament building was quickly occupied. A fierce battle broke out around the government building between some police officers and the rebel forces.

The Spanish government was steadily losing ground to the rebel army. The Toledo troops that Ruiz had been so anxiously awaiting were still advancing at a leisurely pace south of Madrid.

Carlo’s objective was to muddy the waters in Madrid even further. Therefore, although Grand Duke Serrano’s reply to the Toledo army’s telegram was not explicit, it hinted that they should delay their march.

The distance between Madrid and Toledo is only seventy kilometers, and the army barracks were located north of Toledo, just over fifty kilometers from Madrid.

But over this distance of just over fifty kilometers, the Toledo troops had marched from morning until evening and still had ten or twenty kilometers to go.

The Toledo army’s deliberate delay left the Spanish government with few means of resistance against the rebel forces. While there were many police officers in Madrid, they were scattered throughout the city maintaining order and preventing the protest marches from causing chaos.

The police protecting the government and parliament buildings combined numbered only a few dozen. Against a force of several hundred armed men and thousands of workers, a few dozen police officers were pitifully outmatched.

“Dammit!” Inside the government building, Ruiz’s face was ashen. He knew he was finished.

The worker protests had turned into a rebellion, which meant that a small-scale civil war had broken out on his watch. Regardless of the war’s outcome, with Prime Minister Primo incapacitated, he would be the primary person to take the blame.

With the stain of causing a civil war on his name, he could forget about running for Spain’s next Prime Minister. He would be lucky to avoid being purged.

Moreover, the rebels had already reached the government building. Escape was now impossible for Ruiz.

Pale-faced, Ruiz wanted to make one last stand. He asked in a hoarse voice, “Where are the troops from Toledo? Have they reached Madrid?”

The Minister of Public Security first shook his head. Then, a telegram arrived at the government building.

After reading its contents, the Minister of Public Security walked forward with a strange expression and handed the telegram to Ruiz.

“Mr. acting Prime Minister, you should see this for yourself. The troops from Toledo have arrived, but they have gone to the south of Madrid to report to Grand Duke Serrano.”

Ruiz’s pupils instantly dilated, and he collapsed onto his stool, his face deathly pale. “It’s over!”

Chapter 193: Dissolving Parliament, Abolishing the Cabinet

The moment the troops from Toledo arrived in Madrid, Grand Duke Serrano, who had remained secluded in the military barracks, finally made a public appearance. He brought with him a new order from King Carlo: nationwide martial law.

Due to the grave injuries that left Prime Minister Primo unconscious and the erroneous decisions of acting Prime Minister Ruiz, which led to a massive conflict between the police and the protesting workers, Carlo, as the King of Spain, declared in accordance with the constitution the dissolution of the Spanish Parliament and the abolition of the Spanish Cabinet government. A Spanish Provisional Military Government was to be established, with Marshal Serrano as its Commander-in-Chief and Minister of Industry Canovas as the Governor-General of Madrid.

The moment the order was proclaimed, the Spanish army surged into the city and launched an exceptionally brutal suppression of the rebels besieging the Parliament and government buildings.

Things having reached this point, it was certain that the protesting workers would suffer unnecessary casualties. But there was no alternative; to completely root out the rebellious noblemen, some regrettable sacrifices were unavoidable.

However, Carlo had no intention of holding the protesting workers accountable, as they had, after all, been swept up by the rebellious nobles. Although their protests had caused great losses for the Spanish government, they had also inadvertently facilitated Carlo’s consolidation of power.

With Prime Minister Primo gravely injured and unconscious, and the reputation of the Progressive Party’s second-in-command, Ruiz, severely damaged, Carlo’s power had grown without limit.

He could even establish an absolute monarchy at any moment, turning the entire Kingdom of Spain into his personal one-man show, provided he could control the army.

But excessive authoritarianism was not a good thing. Even if Carlo could steer Spain in the right direction using the lessons of history, he could only ensure that no problems would arise during his own reign.

Should any of his children who inherited the throne make a mistake, an absolute monarchy could very well plunge the House of Savoy’s rule in Spain into an abyss.

When it came to the monarchical systems of Europe, the one Carlo truly wished to emulate was that of Britain.

Although the British monarch typically held little power, if the king steadily cultivated his prestige and reigned long enough, he could still acquire significant authority in the middle and later stages of his rule.

This system could ensure that a capable king would obtain the power he deserved, while an incapable one could serve as a fine figurehead, at least guaranteeing the throne would not be lost on his watch.

Of course, implementing such a system had to be a gradual process. In the early stages of his reign, Carlo had no intention of relinquishing all power to the government and parliament.

By the time he gave the order to finally close the net, Carlo had already left the colony of Southern Morocco, leading a large retinue back to Madrid in a grand procession.

The tour of the colony of Southern Morocco had always been a ploy to lure the snake out of its hole. Now that its original purpose had been accomplished, the tour naturally had to come to an end.

The entire ‘fishing’ operation had gone relatively smoothly, despite a few unexpected incidents. Prime Minister Primo falling into a coma from his injuries was something Carlo had not anticipated. He had repeatedly advised the Prime Minister to strengthen his security detail, but his enemies had still managed to find a loophole.

The good news was that although Prime Minister Primo was comatose, his life was not in danger. However, it was uncertain when he would awaken, or what the extent of the damage to his body would be when he did.

Perhaps the assassination attempt would force Prime Minister Primo into an early retirement. This, however, might be a good thing for Carlo, as there was now no one left to obstruct his consolidation of power. The only remaining threat, Ruiz, had jumped out on his own during this operation and dug his own grave.

Under the army’s suppression, the nobles’ rebellion was quickly quelled, and the government regained control of the government and parliament buildings.

As for the workers’ protests that had threatened Madrid for days, they were resolved by a personal promise from Grand Duke Serrano.

After all, the workers’ initial goal was merely to protect their own interests. They had no intention of opposing the government; they were simply caught up in their hatred for the capitalists, echoing what others said.

Although Grand Duke Serrano’s prestige among the Spanish public was not as high as Prime Minister Primo’s, he represented King Carlo of Spain.

With a promise from the king, a personal appearance by the Grand Duke, and the fact that the rebellious nobles had been brought to justice, the workers’ protests were naturally resolved with ease.

By the time Carlo returned to Spain, it was the evening of the next day.

No sooner had he returned to the Royal Palace in Madrid than Grand Duke Serrano and Canovas presented him with a list of the nobles who participated in the rebellion, as well as a list of officials who had secretly allied themselves with the House of Bourbon.

It was quite a shocking sight. The list of high-ranking nobles and officials connected to the House of Bourbon totaled several hundred people, including fourteen Dukes, four Marquises, thirty-two Counts, and over fifty Barons.

The number of rebellious nobles alone was nearly one hundred. The lands held by the fourteen Dukes and four Marquises combined were several times larger than the lands held by the Spanish royal family.

“Truly eye-opening!” Carlo said, looking at the list of rebellious nobles in his hand. The coldness in his eyes made even Grand Duke Serrano feel a trace of fear.

Compared to these nobles, the officials involved in the rebellion were of little consequence. Aside from a few Senators, the rest were not of particularly high rank and were not worthy of being listed alongside the nobility.

“Have Kadir come here,” Carlo said, his voice ice-cold and devoid of any emotion.

Kadir, the Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, strode over with his head held high, his eyes filled with loyalty and fanaticism. He bowed respectfully to Carlo and awaited his orders.

This was the first time Carlo had revealed his trump card in front of others. The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau had never been made public before; even Prime Minister Primo only knew that Carlo possessed such an organization.

“Investigate these people thoroughly. Don’t let a single one get away.” A cold smile played on Carlo’s lips; he had already sentenced them to death. “Investigate their families, investigate their friends.

“Arrest anyone connected to the Remnants of the Bourbons and throw them in the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau’s prisons. Also, I do not want something like this to happen again. As for the main culprit in France, I trust you know what to do.”

“As you command, Your Majesty.” Kadir nodded. He knew exactly what Carlo meant.

Since the House of Bourbon had plotted the assassination of Prime Minister Primo, it was only natural for Spain to return the favor.

Although the House of Bourbon was a former royal family of Spain, that did not give them the right to meddle in the affairs of Spain under Carlo’s rule.

If they had the audacity to interfere in Spain’s internal affairs and plot to subvert the Spanish government, then they should also have the courage to bear all the consequences.

Carlo was not an indecisive man. Since the House of Bourbon had become his enemy, the best solution was to eliminate them.

Hearing the naked meaning in Carlo’s words, Grand Duke Serrano swallowed hard, not daring to utter a single word of rebuttal.

Canovas, standing to the side, dared not show any expression at all, listening quietly for Carlo’s further instructions.

After watching Kadir leave, Carlo turned his gaze to Grand Duke Serrano and Canovas, who were waiting quietly by his side. He smiled and continued, ”

Gentlemen, although the situation in Madrid has stabilized, Prime Minister Primo remains unconscious. May God grant him a swift recovery. However, the most important task for us now is to get the Spanish government back to work and end the recent chaos.

“The acting Prime Minister chosen by the parliamentary election handled this crisis terribly, which is why I abolished the Spanish Parliament. To ensure the smooth operation of the government, I have decided to reorganize the Provisional Military Government into a Provisional Cabinet. Grand Duke Serrano will serve as the Prime Minister of this Provisional Cabinet, and Canovas, you will serve as the Deputy Prime Minister. What do you think?”

Grand Duke Serrano had not expected the Prime Minister’s seat to fall back into his hands after so many years, so he naturally had no objections.

As for Canovas, although he was appointed to the newly created position of Deputy Prime Minister, it was at least related to the premiership and was certainly a promotion from his previous role as Minister of Industry.

Seeing that neither objected, Carlo nodded in satisfaction and instructed, “Very well, I’ll leave the task of getting the government running again to you.

“Parliament has been dissolved, so your appointments need only be announced in the name of the government. Once Prime Minister Primo has recovered, we can discuss the formation of a new parliament and cabinet elections.”

Appointing Grand Duke Serrano as Prime Minister of the Provisional Cabinet was a calculated decision on Carlo’s part. Although he could have directly promoted Canovas to the position, doing so would have seemed contrived, and Canovas did not yet possess enough prestige to command the government and the army after the recent chaos.

Making Grand Duke Serrano a transitional figure in this power shift was the best choice. He had enough prestige and status to maintain stability in the government and the army, and his advanced age meant he would not interfere with future successions of power.

If Prime Minister Primo, born in 1814, was nearing retirement age, then Grand Duke Serrano, who was four years his senior, was already sixty-five years old.

This was, in fact, why Carlo felt at ease making Grand Duke Serrano the interim Prime Minister. After all, this was not a later era; sixty-five was considered a very advanced age.

On the morning of November 7, 1875, the Spanish government officially announced Carlo’s order: the Provisional Military Government would be reorganized into a Provisional Cabinet government, with Grand Duke Serrano serving as Prime Minister and Canovas as Deputy Prime Minister, a position also known as Minister of State.

In addition to the newly added position of Deputy Prime Minister, or Minister of State, the Spanish Provisional Cabinet underwent several other changes.

The ten departments—Defense, Finance, Industry, Agriculture, Public Welfare, Transportation, Public Security, Health, Education, and Foreign Affairs—remained unchanged. In addition, three new positions were created: Minister of Royal Affairs, Minister of Colonial Affairs, and Minister of Justice.

Including the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, the Spanish Cabinet now had fifteen important positions. However, since the Deputy Prime Minister would typically also serve as the head of a department, the Cabinet would generally consist of fourteen members.

Chapter 194: Harsh Punishment

The formation of the Provisional Cabinet was left in the hands of Grand Duke Serrano and Canovas, while Carlo’s more immediate concern was how to deal with the rebellious noblemen.

There was little to discuss regarding these rebels. The process was straightforward: strip them of their titles, confiscate all their property, execute the ringleaders, and imprison the accomplices.

However, since this involved dealing with nearly a hundred noblemen, among them high-ranking aristocrats like dukes and marquises, it was still necessary to assuage the fears of the other nobles.

At the very least, he had to avoid causing a panic throughout the entire aristocracy; after all, he would still need their help to rule Spain in the future.

It was worth noting that the reason the rebellious nobles used to incite the workers’ march was the exploitation of workers by capital. This had further deepened the conflict between the aristocracy and the capitalist class.

For Carlo, this was actually good news. Spain’s landed nobility would eventually become a thing of the past. The nobility of the future would be more involved in finance and industry, forming a new capitalist power.

After this rebellion, it would be difficult for the noble-owned capital and private capital to unite as one. Pitting them against each other would not only effectively limit the power of the capitalist class but also allow the royal family to act as the arbiter between these two forces.

If this balance was maintained well, both the future nobility and the capitalists would become assets to the royal family. Acting as the referee between these two forms of capital, the royal family could, in turn, further strengthen its relationship with the workers.

With a monarchical government supported by the working and peasant classes, how could a battle like this possibly be lost?

At noon on November 7th, the Spanish government first seized the factories that had been reported in the news for exploiting workers and docking their pay. It then allocated funds to pay the full salaries of all workers in those factories.

When government officials distributed the wages, they made a special point of mentioning that the order for full payment came from Carlo. This gesture instantly filled the previously tense workers with elation, and they were filled with gratitude for their king, Carlo.

For the workers injured during the march, Carlo also promised to provide them with free medical assistance. Although this money was nominally supposed to come from the royal family and the government, in reality, a fraction of the confiscated property from the nobles and officials would be more than enough.

The reason for covering the medical expenses of the injured workers was also to mend the rift between the government and the workers caused by the armed conflict during the march.

Regardless of the initial purpose of the workers’ march, once shots were exchanged between them and the police, it was inevitable that a rift, and even animosity, would form between them.

Carlo could only do his best to repair this rift and shift the workers’ hatred away from the government and onto the capitalists and the House of Bourbon, who had instigated the rebellion.

While Carlo was using various methods to calm public sentiment, The Sun and the National Daily published news reports that revealed the cause of the internal strife, pinning the blame squarely on the House of Bourbon for inciting the rebellion and on the capitalists for docking workers’ pay.

The workers also desperately needed a reason to absolve themselves of responsibility. Regardless of their original intentions, they were indeed the ones who had caused the large-scale march and armed conflict.

Thus, the workers’ hatred was smoothly redirected toward the House of Bourbon and the capitalists, with little blame directed at the government.

Even though significant conflict had broken out between the police and the workers, it was attributed to the instigation of the House of Bourbon and the capitalists docking their wages.

If the capitalists had not withheld their pay, and if the House of Bourbon had not incited the march, none of this would have happened.

Under the guidance of this public opinion, the House of Bourbon soon became reviled by all in Spain, completely shattering any hope of a Bourbon restoration.

For at least the next fifty years, the workers and peasants of Spain would firmly remember the harm caused to the Spanish government and its people by the internal strife instigated by the House of Bourbon.

The nearly one thousand casualties among the police and the workers generated a great deal of hatred, the vast majority of which was redirected onto the House of Bourbon.

Of course, certain capitalists ultimately became scapegoats. Although they had not participated in the incident, the extreme anger of the workers led to many factories being vandalized, resulting in substantial losses.

For all this, Carlo could only apologize to them in his heart. However, while they may have been innocent bystanders caught in the crossfire, if they had never engaged in practices like docking wages and exploiting workers, how could the workers’ fury have been turned upon them?

After dealing with the fallout from the workers’ march, Carlo immediately began to address the matter of the rebellious nobles and the officials involved in the incident.

To prevent widespread panic among the nobility, it was necessary to define the scope of the purge before it began.

Upon his return to Spain, Carlo had informed Duke Jacopo to notify all the nobles of the Royal Council to attend a meeting to discuss the handling of the rebellious aristocrats and to reassure the others.

Duke Jacopo naturally did as he was told, notifying almost every noble of the Royal Council he could reach and requesting they come to Spain for the meeting as soon as possible.

The meeting was scheduled for the morning of November 9th, giving any noble on the Spanish mainland more than enough time to attend.

There was no need to notify the more distant nobles overseas, but the results of the meeting would be made public to all aristocrats, thoroughly reassuring those who had not participated in the rebellion.

On the morning of November 9th, the meeting of the Royal Council officially began.

This meeting brought together the vast majority of Spain’s nobility, including dozens of high-ranking Grand Dukes, hundreds of nobles from ancient and distinguished families, and a great number of Marquises and Counts.

Barons were completely overlooked in such a venue. They could only sit in the farthest corners of the hall, allowed only to listen, with no right to speak.

The number of nobles in Spain was extremely large. Even with nearly a hundred of them rebelling, there were still close to a thousand other unaffected nobles.

In total, a full six hundred nobles attended this meeting. The land held in the hands of these six hundred people was more than all the land held by the peasants of Spain combined.

It was no exaggeration to say that the wealth possessed by the people in that hall was greater than that of the entire rest of Spain outside it.

This was the best illustration of how a nation’s wealth is always concentrated in the hands of a few. The Spanish nobility, a class of only a thousand or so people at its peak, controlled a fortune that was unimaginable to the common person.

Even the inconspicuous Barons at the meeting, whose wealth was modest compared to the other nobles, possessed riches that a commoner’s family could not earn in a lifetime.

Around half past eight, as a contingent of guards lined up outside the meeting hall, Carlo officially arrived.

Accompanied by Grand Duke Serrano, Count Canovas, Duke Jacopo, and others, Carlo walked straight to the center of the hall.

Here, a large platform stood nearly a meter above the floor, upon which the materials Carlo would need for the meeting had already been placed.

After ascending the platform, Carlo did not speak immediately. Instead, he swept his calm gaze over all the nobles. Only after most of them had nervously lowered their heads did Carlo begin to speak slowly.

“Gentlemen, a shocking event has recently taken place in Spain. Some of the nobles I trusted have betrayed me. They sought to collude with the House of Bourbon to overthrow my rule.

To oppose me, they did not hesitate to incite a workers’ march involving tens of thousands of people, sparking a conflict between the workers and the government.

This incident has caused immeasurable losses to Spain and has deepened the public’s suspicion and hostility towards the government.

It is simply unimaginable that such vermin and scum existed among the noble class I so trusted. If this incident had not occurred, how long would they have remained hidden among you?

Tell me, my trusted nobles, are you still loyal to me?”

“I would shed my last drop of blood for Your Majesty,” Grand Duke Serrano promptly stepped forward and shouted his oath.

The other nobles were no fools, and they quickly followed Grand Duke Serrano’s lead, shouting in unison.

Carlo nodded, a smile appearing on his face, and said, “Of course, I believe you all. Gentlemen, this incident was merely an accident, but it has allowed us to discover some of the vermin and scum that exist among the nobility.

As long as we sweep them away, the noble class will continue to have my trust and will, of course, remain an indispensable part of this nation.

Now, let us discuss how to deal with these vermin and scum. And how to prevent such vermin and scum from appearing again, to keep them from destroying the prestige and status of the entire noble class.”

Most of the measures for dealing with the rebellious nobles had already been decided. For instance, their titles would be revoked, their property confiscated, and so on.

What was left for these nobles to discuss was the exact manner of their punishment. Whether they would be executed or imprisoned, who would be executed, and who would be imprisoned—these were decisions to be made by a vote among these nobles.

The reason for involving them in the vote was to make them witness the consequences of opposing Carlo’s rule. Carlo certainly believed in the nobility and was willing to place great trust in them.

But all of this was predicated on the willingness of Spain’s nobles to submit to his rule and remain loyal to him.

Many of the nobles understood this. Therefore, in the subsequent vote, they all chose to deal with the rebellious nobles harshly.

In any case, Carlo had already set the tone at the beginning of the meeting: these rebellious nobles were merely vermin and a scourge upon the aristocracy; they did not represent the noble class itself.

This also meant that the purge of the rebellious nobles would not extend to others. As long as a noble had not participated in the rebellion, they were safe and would not be affected in the slightest.

The final result of the vote was very satisfactory to Carlo.

Over six hundred nobles attended the meeting, and the vast majority of them voted for harsh punishment. Most of the remaining few abstained, as the relationships among the nobility were complex, and it was quite common for them to be related.

After receiving the final vote count, Carlo’s expression remained unchanged, as if he were unconcerned. “Very well,” he said, “according to the results of the vote, the punishment for these rebellious nobles will be severe.

That being the case, I, as the King of Spain, hereby declare the abolition of the titles of all nobles who participated in the rebellion and their families, the confiscation of all property belonging to the rebellious nobles and their families, and the imprisonment of all rebellious nobles and their families.

The nobles who personally participated in this rebellion will all be sentenced to death, to be carried out in different ways. Their families will be imprisoned for life. Their titles shall not be restored, nor shall they be released, except for making significant contributions to the state and the royal family.

I hope you all will remember this lesson, this lesson that has severely damaged the hope and status of the noble class.

Spain needs the strength of its nobility, but it has no need for its vermin and scourges. I hope the Royal Council can strengthen its supervision of all nobles to prevent such cases from recurring within the aristocracy.

Furthermore, I plan to reorganize the Royal Council and merge it with the Spanish Senate to form the Royal Senate, which, along with the Congress of Deputies, will serve as the upper and lower houses of Spain. What are your thoughts on this?”

If the harsh punishment of the rebellious nobles was the stick brandished at the aristocracy, then the decision to reorganize the Royal Council and merge it into the Senate was the carrot offered to them.

Previously, the Royal Council was not part of Spain’s parliament but an organization established by Carlo to supervise the noble class.

Other than its supervisory role, the Royal Council had no real power. Nobles who joined it were subject to supervision and gained no other benefits.

But after merging with the Senate, these members of the Royal Council would become part of the Royal Senate.

Although it was impossible for all six hundred-plus nobles to become senators, it meant that a significant portion of them would join the Senate.

While the Senate did not hold as much power as the lower house, that was only a matter of comparison.

After merging with the Royal Council, the Spanish Senate’s power would certainly be greater than before. Carlo’s reason for merging the two was not without purpose; he intended to use the Royal Senate to counterbalance the Congress of Deputies.

The Prime Minister of Spain was elected by the Congress of Deputies, and most members of the Cabinet were appointed by the Prime Minister. The Cabinet government was, in turn, responsible to the Congress of Deputies. This allowed the power of the Congress of Deputies to grow without limit, enabling the party that controlled it to influence the Cabinet government to an almost infinite degree.

This was something Carlo was unwilling to see. Not every person in power was like Prime Minister Primo, who had no craving for it. Many would be corrupted by self-interest and eventually go down the path of sidelining the king or even autocratic rule.

To prevent this from happening, using the Senate to check the Congress of Deputies was an excellent solution.

The Congress of Deputies had legislative power, but the Senate could veto its legislation. Moreover, the Senate had the power to supervise officials, including the Prime Minister.

Even the power to impeach officials and the Prime Minister belonged to the Senate, which would largely ensure it could counterbalance the Congress of Deputies.

After the merger of the Senate and the Royal Council, nobles would form the majority in the Senate. Since the nobles answered to Carlo, this meant Carlo would directly control Spain’s Senate.

According to the rules for electing the Prime Minister in Spain, if no candidate could secure a majority of votes, the Senate would join in the election process.

This meant that in the future, Carlo would have a significant say in the election of Spain’s Prime Minister. Combined with a degree of military authority, this would ensure that Spanish royal authority could be passed down through many generations with a solid foundation of power.

Just as Carlo had anticipated, upon hearing his intention to merge the Senate and the Royal Council, many nobles revealed expressions of joy.

If some nobles could become Senators, it meant that the power of the noble class would also be strengthened. Although this power was far from what it was during the era of noble privilege, it was still a considerable improvement over their previous state.

More importantly, once the nobles entered the Senate, they could unite to reject proposals that harmed their interests, unlike before, when they could only surrender passively when the government introduced certain policies.

This was the true purpose of the carrot Carlo offered. The Senate did not have legislative power, so the nobles could not propose bills that benefited them.

But because they had the power to veto bills, they could reject those that were harmful to them. This approach would ensure the entire noble class had a certain degree of influence that the royal family could wield, while also ensuring they did not gain too much influence and threaten the royal authority.

It would even create a natural opposition between the nobility and the Congress of Deputies, prompting the nobles to actively confront and check the lower house. It was simply killing two birds with one stone.

Seeing that some of the nobles were tempted, Carlo continued, “The matter of merging the Senate and the Royal Council is just an idea of mine.

Now that parliament has been dissolved, there is sufficient time to consider this issue. If any of you have related thoughts or suggestions regarding the merger, you may submit them to me.

Well, the main objectives of today’s meeting have been accomplished. I hope you will all reflect on the lessons from this incident to prevent it from happening again.

Gentlemen, the stability of the nation requires the support of all of you. I hope every noble will contribute their strength, for the stability and peace of Spain, and to achieve the dream of making Spain great again. Let us work hard together.

If you have any additional information about the rebellious nobles, you may also submit it to Director Kadir. After this incident, Spain will enter a new chapter, and I do not wish for any more accidents to occur.

Alright, gentlemen, the meeting is adjourned. You are all dismissed.”

After finishing his speech, Carlo was the first to leave the hall. Grand Duke Serrano and Canovas, who were behind him, hurried to follow.

At the very end was a column of guards who respectfully followed their king back to the Royal Palace, leaving only the nobles in the hall, their expressions varied, still discussing in low voices.

Taking a Day Off

Taking a day off to rest.

Updates will resume tomorrow. Thank you for your support!

Chapter 195: Primo Awakens

After the meeting concluded, Carlo immediately went to the Madrid Royal Hospital near the palace, where the gravely injured Prime Minister Primo was being treated.

As a hospital directly controlled and funded by the royal family, the Madrid Royal Hospital was the most luxurious and advanced in Spain, employing famous medical experts and pharmacologists from across Europe.

Carlo placed great importance on his own health and that of his family. The annual funds allocated to the Madrid Royal Hospital amounted to several million pesetas. Besides developing various advanced medicines, another major objective was to explore advancements in medical equipment.

While the Madrid Royal Hospital was not the largest hospital in Spain, it was undoubtedly the most medically capable.

Normally, besides receiving members of the royal family, the hospital primarily served high-ranking government officials and nobility; it was not open to commoners.

It wasn’t that Carlo was unwilling to let commoners enjoy advanced medical services, but for most of them, a full year’s income wouldn’t be enough to cover a single day’s stay at the Royal Hospital.

Inside a luxurious room in the Madrid Royal Hospital, Prime Minister Primo lay on the bed, his face pale. Fortunately, the shrapnel from the exploding shell had only passed through his abdomen and had not caused a fatal wound.

Thanks to the desperate protection of his guards, Prime Minister Primo had not died from his injuries and had managed to survive the assassination attempt.

Unfortunately, medical technology in this era was not so advanced. Although timely treatment had saved him from bleeding to death, a wound infection could threaten his life at any moment, a danger even more severe than the injury itself.

While Europe symbolized civilization and progress in this era, its medical technology before the twentieth century could only be described as abysmal and backward.

How did European doctors treat the ulcers and inflammation caused by wound infections?

The most famous method was, of course, the time-honored practice of bloodletting. The history of bloodletting could be traced back to the humoral theory proposed by the renowned Greek physician Galen in the second century.

Galen stated that the human body contained four humors: blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile. When these humors were out of balance, the body would suffer from various diseases.

Of the four humors, blood was considered the easiest to become imbalanced, as it was produced by the liver in a continuous supply.

The humoral theory allowed bloodletting to prevail in Europe for over two thousand years, during which time a vast number of European commoners, high officials, and nobles died from this treatment.

Among the more famous victims were King Charles II of England, Queen Anne, and the first President of the United States, George Washington.

Although technological advancements in the mid-nineteenth century, more than twenty years ago, led more people to question bloodletting, eventually causing it to be gradually abandoned by European doctors, it was still prevalent in certain regions of the relatively backward Spain—and not just a few.

In fact, it wasn’t just Spain; even in some regions of the great powers, bloodletting had not entirely disappeared.

The practice had simply been prevalent for too long. In an age when all of Europe believed in it, bloodletting was claimed to be a cure for all ailments.

From the common cold to all sorts of plagues and diseases, European doctors widely adopted bloodletting, ultimately achieving truly heart-wrenching results.

During its two thousand years of prevalence, bloodletting killed millions of Europeans, if not tens of millions, including countless famous figures.

Besides bloodletting, there were only two other methods in Europe for treating wound infections.

One was to cauterize the infected area with a hot iron, but this would lead to even more severe infection in the burned area. The other was direct amputation—yes, amputation.

For wound infections, Europe currently had only these three treatments. If praying to God counted, that made a fourth.

The first three could certainly not be used on Prime Minister Primo; doing so would only hasten his death.

The first thing Carlo did upon returning to Spain was to have the Madrid Royal Hospital change the sheets and bedding in Prime Minister Primo’s room daily and to disinfect his wound.

How was it disinfected? With high-proof spirits, of course.

Regardless of its effectiveness, it was the best method Carlo could think of at the moment. Medical technology in this era was just that poor. For a serious injury, one couldn’t rely on medicine, but on the ethereal will of God and a faint flicker of the will to live.

Whether Prime Minister Primo could survive this ordeal depended on his luck and whether the God Carlo had never seen would favor him.

The assassination of the Prime Minister once again reminded Carlo that before the advent of various antibiotics and anti-inflammatory drugs, before medical technology advanced to the point where he could be assured of his safety even if injured, the most important thing was to protect himself and avoid accidental injury.

Before medical technology developed, the world was, in some ways, relatively fair. Whether a high official, a nobleman, or even a top-tier aristocrat like King Carlo, when faced with a serious injury, all one could do was pray to God and hope that the doctor treating them wasn’t incompetent.

This was not much better than the situation for commoners; basically, everyone was just waiting to die. Only the lucky survived.

Once medical technology fully developed, this fairness would be shattered. The rich and powerful would have more than enough capital to treat their illnesses, while ordinary people facing serious diseases could still only wait for death.

The good news was that in this era of underdeveloped medical technology, Prime Minister Primo was clearly the luckier one.

The reason Carlo had rushed to the Madrid Royal Hospital was that news had arrived from within: Prime Minister Primo had awoken.

After hurrying to the hospital, Carlo saw the awakened Prime Minister. His face was still just as pale, but his eyes were open, and he could turn his head.

To care for his physical injuries, Prime Minister Primo was not allowed to get out of bed, or even sit up.

Throughout his recovery, his every need—eating, drinking, and sanitation—would be handled by specialized attendants arranged by the Royal Hospital. These attendants were professionals who could provide Prime Minister Primo with exceptionally considerate care.

Of course, once Prime Minister Primo was out of danger, his family could also come to care for him.

“Prime Minister Primo, how are you feeling?” Carlo sat on the sofa next to the bed and inquired about the Prime Minister’s condition.

“Not dead yet, Your Majesty,” Prime Minister Primo said with a self-deprecating tone. “I’ve made you worry, Your Majesty. I was careless this time. I never thought the enemy could plot another assassination in heavily guarded Madrid. How is the government? Has the workers’ protest been resolved? Is the rebellion over?”

Prime Minister Primo was concerned about the government and the current situation in Spain.

“The workers’ protest has been dispersed, and the nobles who instigated the rebellion have been arrested. They will face a harsh trial,” Carlo said with a smile. “We have achieved a total victory in this incident. From now on, there will be nothing to hinder Spain’s development.”

“That’s good, that’s good.” Prime Minister Primo nodded repeatedly before turning his gaze to Carlo, his expression serious. “Your Majesty, in these past six years, you have grown so much. I had planned to return power to you after my term as Prime Minister ended, but I didn’t expect such an accident.

“Please forgive my previous consolidation of power; I had to do it for Spain’s sake. But now, Spain should be steered by a more suitable person. Your Majesty, you are the most fitting helmsman for this warship that is Spain.” Tears welled in Primo’s eyes, and his face held a mixture of relief and release. As he spoke, he seemed to aggravate his wound, his mouth twitching slightly, but he quickly composed himself. “Ruiz is a radical reformist, and he poses a certain threat to Your Majesty’s authority. Your Majesty, if it truly comes to it, I support you in acting preemptively to eliminate the potential threats facing the kingdom.

“Grand Duke Serrano is a dependable man. With him in control of the Ministry of Defense, no one else will dare to have any funny ideas.

“The Canovas you selected is a qualified Prime Minister, but he is better at maintaining the status quo than forging ahead. For Spain’s future development, I suggest you select a future Prime Minister from the current Progressive and Liberal Parties, and then control and cultivate him.

“If utilized well, the Liberal and Progressive Parties will become Your Majesty’s reliable allies. The Conservative Party can be used to check these two, but if they were the ruling party, they would stifle the spirit of progress that Spain has worked so hard to cultivate.

“In the future, when Spain is strong enough to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Austria, perhaps the Conservative Party can be put to good use. But until then, I still advise you to pay attention to the Senators from the Liberal and Progressive Parties.

“Your Majesty, I believe you can achieve your stated goal to ‘Make Spain Great Again.’ It’s just a pity I may not live to see it.

“I truly want to see what Spain will be like then. Perhaps we will stand at the pinnacle of the world once more?”

Carlo took Prime Minister Primo’s outstretched hand and patted it firmly, his admiration for the Prime Minister growing.

Prime Minister Primo had just awoken, and his first concern was the situation in Spain; he showed no interest in his own position as Prime Minister.

Upon learning that Spain’s political situation was stable and the rebellious nobles were all imprisoned, Prime Minister Primo’s thoughts turned to how Carlo could secure his throne and eliminate potential dangers.

Such selflessness was indeed rare, especially in a position like Prime Minister, which was second only to one and above all others. He had consolidated power but was not despotic; perhaps this was the personal charm of Prime Minister Primo.

It was Italy’s fortune to have produced a Garibaldi, but Carlo was not envious. Spain also had a great man like Prime Minister Primo, and that was Spain’s fortune as well.

“God will bless you, Prime Minister Primo,” Carlo said in a hoarse voice after a long silence. “After you recover, you will still be the Prime Minister of Spain. Our collaboration isn’t over yet. We must see the future of Spain’s great revival together, and witness the sight of Spain standing once again at the pinnacle of the world.”

Prime Minister Primo shook his head, fresh tears tracing paths down his cheeks, yet a smile appeared on his face. “Perhaps, Your Majesty. But whether God blesses me or not, it is indeed time for me to rest.

“Under your leadership, Spain will undoubtedly achieve greatness. I have never worried about that, nor have I ever thought of reclaiming the position of Prime Minister.

“Your Majesty, I will inform the Progressive Party of my resignation. From now on, the party’s affairs will have nothing to do with me. The Progressive Party is not a party that pursues a republic. Except for a very small number of radical reformers like Ruiz, the vast majority hope to implement appropriate reforms within the framework of a monarchy.

“I advise you not to move against the Progressive Party, so as not to upset the balance of parties within Spain. But if the Progressive Party ever stands against you, please do not mind my feelings. Put the future development of Spain first.”

“Minister Ruiz?” Carlo’s expression was unreadable as he replied, “While you were injured, Minister Ruiz forcibly convened a parliamentary session and was elected as the government’s acting Prime Minister. However, under his control, the workers’ protests intensified, even erupting into armed conflict. The rebel forces besieged the Government Building and the Parliament Building, nearly leading to the collapse of the Spanish government.

“Due to this terrible performance, and because the parliamentary election of an acting Prime Minister violated the Spanish constitution, I have dissolved the parliament. Grand Duke Serrano is currently the Prime Minister of the Provisional Government.”

Hearing about Ruiz’s actions during his unconsciousness, Prime Minister Primo nodded without surprise and sighed. “That fellow finally took this step after all. If he were willing to submit to your rule, he would absolutely be the most suitable Prime Minister for you. But unfortunately, he is a radical reformer, and his dream is to push Spain towards a republic.

“This is for the best, though. With the trouble of Ruiz resolved, the Progressive Party will no longer be a threat to Your Majesty. A balance among the Progressive, Liberal, and Conservative parties may be the best situation for Spain.”

Carlo nodded. Britain’s two-party system was quite representative; the party with the majority of seats in parliament became the ruling party, while the one with fewer seats became the opposition party.

The ruling party formed the British government, and the opposition party had the power to supervise it. It seemed relatively balanced.

But the struggle between two ideologies and two parties would inevitably be fierce, leading to situations where one side opposes for the sake of opposition, or agrees for the sake of opposition.

When the two parties clashed, Senators did not consider the impact of the issue on national development, but rather its effect on their own elections and their party.

Of course, the two-party system also had its advantages. Because power alternated only between two parties, the transition of power was more stable. The British monarch could also gain a certain amount of power through the struggle between the two parties, ensuring they were not completely excluded from the British government.

The dynamic between Spain’s Liberal and Conservative parties was just like the party struggle in Britain’s two-party system. The Liberal Party championed democracy and workers’ rights, while the Conservative Party favored free trade and maintaining the status quo.

The Progressive Party, which held the most seats in parliament, acted more as a balance between the Liberal and Conservative parties. Like the Liberal Party, the Progressive Party advocated for reforms to change the social status quo, demanding protection for workers’ rights and granting the people a certain degree of democratic power.

But at the same time, like the Conservative Party, they sought to keep reforms within certain limits, not wanting to completely change the country and cause social turmoil.

Prime Minister Primo was a quintessential Progressive. He pushed for various reforms and enacted laws and a constitution completely different from those of Spain’s absolutist era.

But simultaneously, Prime Minister Primo supported Spain’s monarchy and, in some respects, also supported preserving the status quo.

It was just as Prime Minister Primo had said: the current Spain was not suited for one party to dominate. A healthy competition among the three parties was more appropriate.

The Progressive Party, being a special entity among the three, was quite flexible. It could form a government in coalition with either the Conservative Party or the Liberal Party.

This could prevent the emergence of a far-left or far-right government, allowing Spain to maintain relatively stable development.

With the three parties in a sort of equilibrium, Carlo, as the King of Spain, naturally had much room to maneuver within this political balance.

The political leanings of the Progressive Party could also be classified as part of the royalist faction. They supported Spain’s monarchy, which meant that the Progressive Party was, to some extent, loyal to Carlo.

Adding the staunchly royalist Conservative Party to the equation meant that Carlo could control two of Spain’s three major parties. Didn’t that mean he could indirectly control the Spanish Parliament?

By controlling the Spanish Parliament, he could decide the future Prime Minister of Spain. Compared to Britain’s two-party system, Spain’s three-party system was perhaps more suitable.

Carlo could adjust the composition of the Spanish government at any time by leveraging the balance among the three parties, ensuring that the government’s development would not stray from his control.

Seeing that Carlo had listened attentively to everything he had said, Prime Minister Primo nodded in satisfaction, and his entire body relaxed.

“Your Majesty, that is all I have to say. You are absolutely the king with the most promise of leading Spain to its great revival that I have ever seen. This is why I chose you in the first place.

“Now it seems my initial judgment was entirely correct. Spain is on the right path. Perhaps Spain’s great revival is not just a goal, but a milestone that will be achieved soon.

“Whether I can see that moment or not, I have no regrets. Your Majesty, it has been an honor to cooperate with you for so long. This period has been what I would call Spain’s golden age of development.

“For Spain to have a king like you is truly an honor for all Spaniards.” Prime Minister Primo looked at Carlo with sincerity, explaining why he had chosen him as the King of Spain.

“For Spain to have you is the honor of Spain and all Spaniards,” Carlo said, turning his gaze to Prime Minister Primo, his eyes filled with admiration and respect. “Prime Minister Primo, you are one of the greatest Prime Ministers since the founding of Spain.

“It has also been my honor to be able to work with you for so long. I am still waiting for your full recovery so we can discuss the great affairs of the Spanish state together again.

“Get well soon, Prime Minister Primo. Spain’s development cannot do without you for the time being. You are the greatest hero promoting Spain’s development, are you not?”

Chapter 196: Protecting Workers’ Rights

Beginning in November 1875, Spain fully entered the era of Carlo.

On November 11th, over twenty nobles and officials, whose crimes had been confirmed by trial, were publicly executed in the central square of Madrid.

These condemned nobles and officials were free to choose their method of execution, such as the Guillotine or the gallows.

The large-scale execution of officials and nobles piqued the public’s curiosity; not even the revolution six or seven years prior had reached the point of mass public executions of the nobility.

In the eyes of the Spanish people, Carlo’s ability to issue the execution order for nobles was a sign that he valued their opinions.

Executed alongside these twenty-some nobles and officials were the owners of the several factories at the center of the media storm that had been exposed.

To quell the anger of Spain’s workers, there was no choice but to pull them out as scapegoats. However, they were not entirely innocent; after all, flies are only drawn to cracked eggs. The fact that the rebellious nobles could use them as a pretext for their demonstrations proved that their everyday exploitation of workers was considerable.

In addition to executing these criminals, the government also publicly announced the punishments for other nobles and officials whose crimes did not warrant death.

First, whether nobleman or official, all their assets were confiscated, and the nobles were stripped of their titles. Their families were barred from running for parliament for fifty years, and any who were currently serving as senators had their qualifications revoked.

Their prison sentences varied according to their level of involvement in the rebellion. But even the shortest sentence among them was nearly twenty years, while the longest was life imprisonment.

Carlo would establish a new prison in the Congo Territory to house these traitors. As for whether these people were going to prison to serve their sentences or to the Congo as laborers, only the people in the Congo Territory would know.

In any case, these people were all criminals. Rather than letting them waste food in prison, it was better to let them make one last contribution to the development of the Congo Territory.

After executing these criminals, the Spanish government immediately turned its attention to protecting the rights of workers.

The primary reason the large-scale worker demonstrations in Madrid could be ignited in the first place was the utterly shameless exploitation of workers by the factory owners.

Although the government had enacted the corresponding Laborer’s Protection Act, there were always loopholes in the law. These capitalists did everything they could to exploit these loopholes, continuing to shamelessly exploit workers in areas beyond legal oversight.

To protect the interests of the workers, and also to completely quell the public anger sparked by the demonstrations, the Prime Minister of the Provisional Spanish Government, Serrano, made a public appearance. He stated that he would push for further reforms to the Laborer’s Protection Act to clearly define workers’ hours and minimum income, and to implement it in all regions of the country.

Serrano acted swiftly, promulgating Spain’s new The Laborer’s Protection Act in just a few days.

The new Laborer’s Protection Act stipulated that when Spanish citizens worked in domestic enterprises and factories, their normal daily working hours could not exceed ten hours.

Once the single-day working time exceeded ten hours, the extra time would be considered overtime and should be compensated at a rate higher than normal working hours, at least 1.5 times the normal wage.

The weekly working hours of a Spanish citizen could not exceed seventy hours, and they were entitled to at least two days of vacation per month. Overtime workers who continued to work during major holidays and important events should be provided with overtime pay of 1.5 times or more their normal wage by the factory or enterprise.

Although the government did not explicitly mandate that workers’ hours could not exceed ten hours, as soon as they did, the factory had to provide overtime pay at 1.5 times the normal rate.

This more or less satisfied the workers’ demands. What angered the workers was not加班, but加班 without any compensation.

As long as加班 could earn them a higher income, most workers were willing to work a little harder to earn a little more.

The new Laborer’s Protection Act regulated the working hours of Spanish citizens, while the subsequently enacted The Laborer’s Minimum Income Act revised the minimum income standards for Spanish citizens participating in labor.

For Spain at present, the minimum income law enacted a few years ago was clearly no longer applicable.

In the six years of Spain’s rapid development, per capita income had seen a huge increase. If the old minimum income law were still used to protect all of Spain’s laborers, factory owners would have a great deal of room to exploit them.

Since a revision was necessary, the minimum income law naturally had to be revised as well.

According to the latest The Laborer’s Minimum Income Act, the minimum income for Spanish citizens participating in labor also saw a significant increase.

The minimum weekly wage for an adult male Spanish citizen was not to be less than two pesetas and fifteen céntimos, and the minimum weekly wage for an adult female Spanish citizen was not to be less than one peseta and seventy-five céntimos.

The minimum weekly wage for a male Spanish citizen over fifty years of age was not to be less than one peseta and sixty céntimos, and for a female Spanish citizen over fifty, not less than one peseta and twenty-five céntimos.

The minimum weekly wage for child workers was uniformly set at no less than ninety céntimos. Furthermore, child workers were not allowed to work overtime for any reason, their daily working hours could not exceed ten hours, and every Sunday was to be their day of rest.

Compared to the Laborer’s Minimum Income Act from a few years ago, the latest version was clearly much more robust in its income protection.

Even a child worker’s weekly wage was guaranteed to be above ninety céntimos, an income higher than that of a female Spanish citizen over fifty under the previous law.

The massive increase in child workers’ wages was primarily intended to look after the poor families who had no choice but to send their children to work.

Carlo could tolerate capitalists exploiting workers to a certain extent; after all, it was beneficial to factory production and to Spain’s industrial construction and economic development.

But if the capitalists wanted to exploit even child workers, Carlo wouldn’t mind letting them feel the force of Spanish justice.

The interests of child workers had to be protected. Their workdays could not exceed ten hours, and they had to have one day of rest per week. This was Carlo’s bottom line.

This latest The Laborer’s Minimum Income Act was formulated with Spain’s per capita income as a reference. The economic conditions of Spain’s various regions were not the same, so there was some fluctuation in the minimum income across the regions.

But this fluctuation only considered the issue that people in more economically developed regions should receive higher incomes. Therefore, regarding the fluctuation of the minimum income law in the various regions, it was only permitted to increase, not decrease.

With the back-to-back revision of two laws concerning the protection of laborers’ interests, the public anger caused by the worker demonstrations was completely pacified.

Again, the people of Spain still trusted the Spanish government. Their anger was directed only at the capitalists’ exploitation of workers; they held no significant dissatisfaction with the government.

After the government successively amended the labor laws, the public felt only satisfaction and reverence for the government; there couldn’t possibly be a hint of discontent or opposition.

Carlo and Grand Duke Serrano, who had spearheaded the labor law reforms, also earned the love and praise of the Spanish people.

A few days later at the Royal Palace of Madrid, Carlo received Count Canovas, who had become the Deputy Prime Minister of the Provisional Cabinet.

The biggest winners in this rebellion, apart from Carlo who gained control of the government, were Grand Duke Serrano who became Prime Minister, and Count Canovas who became Deputy Prime Minister.

Any discerning person could see that Grand Duke Serrano’s appointment as Prime Minister was merely a transition, and that Count Canovas was certain to be the next official Prime Minister.

The reasons were simple. First, Grand Duke Serrano was already sixty-five years old and lacked the energy to be the master of the Spanish government.

Second, Grand Duke Serrano himself possessed extremely high prestige in the military and had served as Minister of Defense for two terms since the revolution.

If he were to become Prime Minister as well, wouldn’t his prestige rival that of the former Prime Minister Primo? Having waited so long for his chance to hold power, how could Carlo allow another Prime Minister Primo to emerge?

It was precisely this line of thought that led many senators and officials to believe that Count Canovas, who held little prestige in the military, would ultimately become the Prime Minister of Spain.

Of course, Carlo thought so too, but not out of wariness toward Grand Duke Serrano. Rather, he felt that the younger Canovas was more suited to be Spain’s Prime Minister.

Canovas was born in 1828, which made him forty-seven years old at most. For the position of Prime Minister, Canovas was clearly still in his prime, with plenty of time and energy to manage the affairs of state in Spain.

Grand Duke Serrano, after all, was already sixty-five. What’s more, the Grand Duke himself was not particularly skilled in state affairs and economic development; otherwise, he would not have let Primo serve as Prime Minister after the revolution while he himself became the Minister of Defense.

With Canovas taking over as Spain’s Prime Minister, his prime years meant he could cooperate with Carlo for two terms of office, which was ten years.

A longer period of rule was an incredibly valuable stage of development for Spain at this time. The greatest fear was an overly frequent change of government, which could cause a country with the potential for rapid growth to stagnate due to political transitions.

Historically, Spain had suffered during this period precisely because of internal strife and frequent changes of government. Queen Isabella was followed by the Provisional Government, which was followed by Amedeo I, who was followed by the Republican Government, which was followed in turn by Alfonso XII.

Throughout this period, whether under the three monarchs, the provisional government, or the republic government, there was never a stable choice for the seat of Prime Minister or president of Spain.

This led to Spain having almost no stable room for development during this historical period. After missing this relatively golden window of opportunity for development, Spain fell into a thorough decline.

Carlo would not repeat the same mistakes. Unless a Prime Minister had loyalty issues, Carlo would not consider changing them too frequently.

Of course, if there was an issue with their ability, a replacement was still necessary. After all, only a capable prime minister could promote national development; an incapable one would only make things worse.

While Spain’s political parties and senators were concerned with reorganizing parliament and holding new elections, Carlo was concerned with the vast tracts of land obtained from the confiscation of the nobles’ property.

Speaking of which, even though nearly one hundred nobles participated in the rebellion, they were merely a tenth of the Spanish nobility.

But it was this one-tenth of the nobility whose wealth was innumerable, and whose landholdings reached an exaggerated figure.

According to preliminary statistics, the land owned by these nobles exceeded one million acres, of which nearly 600,000 acres was farmland—a resource that Spain desperately needed right now.

Once all the assets of these rebellious nobles were fully inventoried, the land resources obtained would be even greater.

Although it wouldn’t completely solve Spain’s farmland shortage, it would at least solve a considerable part of it.

Carlo did not intend to keep these lands in his own hands, but rather to sell or lease them to the local people for cultivation.

The land would be sold at the standard market price, with a subsidy of no more than 10% considered for some poor families with lower incomes.

Leasing would be conducted strictly according to Spain’s land lease laws. Carlo would not lower the rent further, believing that charging appropriate fees was sometimes beneficial for maintaining relations with the people.

But no matter what, a portion of this land would ultimately have to change hands. Carlo had no intention of letting the royal family become part of the landed nobility; the royal family only needed to control a small amount of land.

There were countless industries more profitable than farming and leasing land. There was no need for Carlo to still be in the agricultural sector, competing with the peasants for a piece of the pie.

Apart from reserving some plains and flat areas for the future development of mechanized agriculture, it was best to sell the rest of the land to the government or the peasants.

And speaking of land, the royal family still controlled the entire Congo Territory. The land area of the Congo Territory was limitless; wherever a Spanish colonial outpost was established, that place became a part of the Congo Territory.

Carlo was already having headaches over the development of the Congo Territory, so naturally, he would not cling to these lands.

A few days later, the royal family began to gradually sell and lease the lands confiscated from those nobles.

The price for selling the land was very fair, and it was sold directly to local peasants to prevent it from flowing back into the hands of the nobility.

For those peasants who truly had no money to buy land, the royal family could also lease it to them at a low price. The current land rent in Spain was relatively low, at least much lower than before the land lease law was promulgated.

This also effectively protected the peasants’ income; at the very least, the income of Spanish peasants had seen considerable growth.

Besides vast tracts of land, the nobles also owned castles and manors of various sizes, as well as all sorts of other properties.

Carlo had Steward Loren screen these castles and manors. The royal family could keep some castles and manors with good geographical locations and environments.

Those with poorer locations or environments were publicly sold off to Spain’s nobles or capitalists in exchange for funds.

Although the Royal Palace of Madrid was one of the three great palaces of Europe, Carlo did not intend to reside there permanently.

Occasionally traveling to some manors with better environments for vacation and residence could not only serve the purpose of relaxation but was also beneficial to one’s health.

Apart from the Royal Palace of Madrid, the Spanish royal family indeed did not have many other castles and manors to offer Carlo for vacationing.

These nobles’ properties were an excellent supplement for Carlo; at least a few of their manors and castles truly met his requirements.

Within the nobles’ castles and manors, there was also a large quantity of precious jewels and other assets. Because the items were so scattered, even though Steward Loren had been taking inventory with his men for several days, they still hadn’t completely tallied everything.

However, it was certain that the combined wealth of these nearly one hundred nobles was immense. The cash alone amounted to nearly ten million pesetas.

And the value of the gold, jewels, and various antiques and paintings was as high as tens of millions of pesetas. The total value of the assets inventoried so far was already close to fifty million pesetas.

Although a considerable portion of this was contributed by the dukes, when the assets of the counts and barons were accumulated, their wealth was no small sum.

In fact, if the land were included, the wealth of these rebellious nobles would be even greater. And then there were the castles and manors—the value of this real estate was inestimable.

Some of the castles had histories stretching back several hundred years. While this meant little to Carlo, if they were to be auctioned in a later era, they would easily fetch over a hundred million, and that would be in US dollars.

The good news was that these nobles’ assets and various gold and silver treasures could be easily sold off.

Even the value of the assets inventoried so far was enough to increase the royal family’s wealth by one-twentieth.

However, Carlo did not intend to keep all these assets for himself. Instead, he would establish an organization related to poverty alleviation and charity to burnish the royal family’s reputation.

Carlo moved quickly. This reputation-boosting institution for the royal family was established in Madrid in just a few days.

Carlo named this charitable organization the Spanish Royal Relief Committee, with the aim of providing assistance and aid within its capacity to Spain’s extremely low-income population.

On the day the establishment of the Royal Relief Committee was announced, Carlo publicly declared an injection of five million pesetas into the committee to aid the low-income population, and he promised to contribute no less than two million pesetas annually.

To ensure the Royal Relief Committee fulfilled its value, Carlo went further, encouraging all Spaniards to supervise the committee’s expenditures and ensure that all money invested in it was used to help the low-income population, and not to let some people line their own pockets.

After all, since it was an institution for burnishing the royal family’s reputation, it had to do some actual work.

Besides having its headquarters in Madrid, the Royal Relief Committee would also expand to the capital cities of Spain’s major regions, spreading the good name of the Spanish royal family throughout the entire country and bringing a great deal of prestige to the royal family each year.

Chapter 197: Rebuilding Parliament, Reforming the System

Although the number of nobles and officials involved in the rebellion was just under a hundred, the actual number of people affected was far greater, reaching over a thousand.

If one were to count the armed forces eliminated during the rebellion, the number of participants would be even higher. After their trials, all of them would be sent to the colony of Southern Morocco and the Congo Territory in Africa to work in colonial development.

Together with the local Moroccans and Congolese, they would become ordinary plantation workers for Spain. To ensure these individuals would not band together and stir up trouble again, the thousand-plus people would be dispersed throughout Southern Morocco and the Congo and kept under strict supervision.

Parts of Southern Morocco were barren desert, and outside its colonial strongholds, the Congo Territory was also a sparsely populated region of inland Africa.

In such places, even if they managed to escape Spanish supervision, they would most likely perish in the wild.

This was no joke. Even well-equipped and numerous colonial expeditions faced life-threatening dangers, let alone criminals who might have been lucky enough to escape from plantations or other guarded locations.

Unless they could find sufficient food, weapons, and medicine, fleeing across the African continent would be a torment worse than death.

Carlo did not pay much attention to the fate of these treasonous nobles and officials; instead, he was considering whether to re-establish the Spanish Parliament.

Although Carlo had dissolved the parliament on the grounds of its poor performance and its unconstitutional election of an acting Prime Minister, the Spanish Parliament had developed considerable influence over the years.

Unless he could go a step further and dissolve the political parties themselves, the parliament would eventually have to be rebuilt.

Carlo had no intention of establishing an autocratic and dictatorial government; making proper use of the parliament had its benefits.

However, the current Spanish Parliament held far too much power. It had to be constrained, and the parliament itself needed to be reorganized and the constitution amended to create a more reasonably structured government for the Kingdom of Spain.

On November 17, 1875, Carlo convened a meeting of the Spanish Senate and announced the decision to merge the Royal Council and the Senate into a new Royal Senate.

The newly established Royal Senate instantly became a colossal institution with over a hundred senators, and it was now the only parliamentary body in Spain.

Subsequently, Carlo convened a meeting of the Royal Senate to hold a public vote on whether to restore the Congress of Deputies and hold new elections for its members.

The final vote in the Senate was in favor of restoring the Congress of Deputies, which put the rebuilding of the Spanish Parliament on the agenda.

On November 19, 1875, Carlo announced the re-establishment of the Spanish Congress of Deputies and that elections for its members would be held between December and January.

Unlike the previous Congress of Deputies, the rebuilt one would have a total of 298 seats, which would be allocated proportionally to Spain’s major regions and colonies.

Take Madrid, the capital of Spain, for example. With a current population of over half a million, Madrid would receive eight seats in the Congress of Deputies.

The election for these eight seats would be held in the Parliament of Madrid, where its members would be eligible to nominate other candidates or run themselves.

The eight individuals with the highest number of votes would win the seats in the Congress of Deputies for a three-year term. Should any unforeseen circumstances prevent a member from serving, the relevant Regional Parliament would hold a new election to fill the vacancy.

By increasing the number of seats in the Congress of Deputies and having them all elected by the regional and colonial parliaments, it would become more difficult for any single political party to dominate a large number of seats.

Under these new rules, any party that still managed to secure a majority of seats would, to some extent, have proven its deep support and trust among the people.

Along with the changes to the seats in the Congress of Deputies, the laws concerning political parties and the election of the Cabinet government were also amended.

First were the laws regarding Spain’s political parties.

To establish a legal political party in Spain, one had to submit an application to the Royal Senate for review and a vote. Only after receiving at least fifty percent of the approval votes could it be considered a legal party.

Otherwise, it would be an illegal party, prohibited from engaging in any political activities, and its members would be barred from participating in elections for parliament and other positions.

Currently, the majority of the senators in the Royal Senate were noblemen, and the noblemen followed Carlo’s orders. This meant that Carlo could now determine the legality of any political party in Spain.

This ensured, to a great extent, that large parties like the Republican Party would not emerge in Spain to interfere with parliamentary and governmental elections.

As long as Carlo was unwilling, any party formed henceforth would be deemed illegal. An illegal party would receive no support from the government, could not participate in any political activities, and would have extremely slim chances of expanding.

At present, the Spanish Royal Senate had declared only three legal political parties: the Progressive Party, the Liberal Party, and the Conservative Party.

These three were originally Spain’s top three parties and were significantly larger than the others, so it was naturally impossible for Carlo to declare them illegal without a valid reason.

Regarding the election of the Spanish Cabinet government, with the expansion of seats in the Congress of Deputies, the conditions for election were also modified.

Although in theory the Cabinet government was formed by the Prime Minister or the ruling party, a few positions in the current Spanish Cabinet were not appointed by the Prime Minister, but by Carlo as the king, or elected by the Royal Senate.

The cabinet positions directly appointed by Carlo were the Deputy Prime Minister and the Minister of Royal Affairs.

The official title for Spain’s Deputy Prime Minister was Minister of State, meaning a cabinet minister who assists the Prime Minister in handling affairs of state. The Deputy Prime Minister would assume the Prime Minister’s duties when the latter was unable to manage state affairs, making it a rather crucial role.

The Minister of Royal Affairs, as the name implies, was the cabinet minister responsible for helping the government handle matters related to the royal family. Because a thorough understanding of royal affairs was required, this position was also directly appointed by Carlo.

In addition, the Minister of Colonial Affairs and the Minister of Justice were to be elected by the Senate; the Prime Minister and the ruling party had no power to replace or nominate candidates for these roles.

The Minister of Defense, as one of the most important positions in the Cabinet, was also set apart by Carlo. Of course, the Minister of Defense was not directly appointed by Carlo, nor elected by the Senate, but appointed through an internal vote within the Spanish Defense Committee.

The Spanish Defense Committee was composed of seven members: the King of Spain, the incumbent Prime Minister of Spain, the incumbent Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish Army, the incumbent Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish Navy, the incumbent Chief of the General Staff of the Spanish Ministry of Defense, the incumbent Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guard, and the incumbent Minister of Defense.

At each transition of the Cabinet government, this seven-member Spanish Defense Committee would vote to elect the new Minister of Defense for Spain, thus preventing a scenario where the Minister of Defense could be completely controlled by the Prime Minister.

For Carlo, such a regulation was clearly to his advantage. As the Marshal of both the Spanish Army and Navy, it was quite normal for the King of Spain to be a member of the Defense Committee.

Most of the remaining members of the Defense Committee were also high-ranking military officials, especially the incumbent Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guard, who answered directly to Carlo.

This meant that Carlo only needed to win over one person from among the Marshals of the Army and Navy, the Minister of Defense, and the Chief of the General Staff to make it very difficult for him to lose the vote on the choice of Minister of Defense. If he could win over two of them, Carlo would have the power to appoint the Minister of Defense.

Although the Prime Minister could not directly decide the candidate for Minister of Defense, his power was still substantial.

The nine departments of Finance, Industry, Agriculture, Public Welfare, Transportation, Public Security, Health, Education, and Foreign Affairs remained under the Prime Minister’s control. Including the Prime Minister himself, that was ten cabinet seats.

The positions not controlled by the Prime Minister—the Minister of State, Minister of Justice, Minister of Royal Affairs, Minister of Colonial Affairs, and Minister of Defense—totaled only five seats.

But as long as he held the most crucial element, the military, in his hands, Carlo would not have to worry about a crisis like this recurring, no matter how the selection of Spain’s Prime Minister changed in the future.

Of course, it would now be impossible for a powerful figure like Prime Minister Primo to emerge in Spain. Prime Minister Primo’s consolidation of power was unique because he controlled not only the government but also the Spanish military.

It was for this very reason that Carlo had separated the appointment of the Minister of Defense from the Prime Minister’s authority and handed it over to the Defense Committee for election.

Of the seven seats on the Defense Committee, Carlo himself held one, and the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guard held another.

Among the remaining four positions—the Commanders-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, the Minister of Defense, and the Chief of the General Staff—Carlo only needed to win over any two to control the selection of the Spanish Minister of Defense.

By controlling the appointment of the Minister of Defense, he could freely exert his influence over the army. Coupled with the cooperation of the Royal Guard, Carlo, with the military in his grasp, would have complete control over all of Spain and could direct the nation in the direction he desired.

Although Spain’s parliament would be rebuilt, Carlo had no intention of holding new elections for the Spanish Cabinet government.

The most suitable option was to continue with the current Cabinet, as Carlo held significant sway over it. A blind change would be counterproductive.

The current Spanish Cabinet positions were as follows:

Grand Duke Serrano served as Spain’s Prime Minister and concurrently as Minister of Defense, nominally the highest-ranking and most powerful person in the Spanish government.

Count Canovas served as Minister of State and concurrently as Minister of Industry, and like Grand Duke Serrano, he was a high-ranking official holding two cabinet seats.

Unlike Grand Duke Serrano, who, despite being the nominal Prime Minister, was primarily responsible for the affairs of the Ministry of Defense, Canovas, though only the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Industry, had in fact begun to shoulder the responsibility for Spain’s entire economic development.

After all, Carlo had previously noted that while Grand Duke Serrano possessed sufficient status and influence, he was not particularly skilled in economic development.

The positions of Minister of Justice and Minister of Colonial Affairs were currently vacant. The newly merged Royal Senate had not yet begun the election process for these two cabinet seats.

Carlo intended to appoint Menotti as Minister of Royal Affairs. Menotti had proven his loyalty and capability during the exploration of Africa, and Carlo did not mind entrusting him with greater responsibility.

The Minister of Finance would continue to be Ewald Bartel. Ewald was one of Prime Minister Primo’s loyalists and was indeed very capable in financial management.

Since the Cabinet was not being re-elected, there was naturally no need to replace a highly competent Minister of Finance.

The Minister of Agriculture was Jovellar y Soler. As a member of the Conservative Party, Jovellar y Soler had earned Carlo’s initial trust and was given significant responsibilities.

The Minister of Public Welfare was Carlisle Daniels. Carlisle was also a member of the Progressive Party, but unlike the rather radical Ruiz, Carlisle was clearly more conservative.

During his tenure as Minister of Public Welfare, he had no major accomplishments, but also no major faults; his political achievements could only be described as mediocre.

The Minister of Transportation was originally Ruiz. But Ruiz, elected acting Prime Minister by the parliament, performed extremely poorly during the workers’ strike. When Carlo dissolved the parliament, he also dismissed the Spanish Cabinet of that time.

After being acting Prime Minister for just one day, Ruiz was honorably unemployed and arrested by the Spanish military for endangering the state.

Carlo had little fondness for such a radical reformer. If this man were to gain power, Spain would likely become a republic in short order.

But the lessons of history were sufficient. Spain had indeed become a republic during that period, but the republic did not end the internal struggles. On the contrary, conflicts between various political parties and factions caused the republic, which had lasted for several years, to collapse dramatically.

Looking at this period of republican history in Spain from a god-like perspective, its beginning was quite rushed, and its end was quite disastrous.

A radical reformer like Ruiz had failed to see the true situation in Spain. At present, Spain did not need a republic; on the contrary, it could only maintain national unity and stability as a monarchy.

The position of Minister of Transportation was currently vacant, but Carlo intended to promote the Deputy Minister of the Department of Transportation, Icarus Montoya.

Icarus’s performance in the Department of Transportation was quite good, even excellent. If Icarus had not blocked some of Ruiz’s more radical decisions, the department’s performance this year might have been much worse.

Allowing such a capable individual who was already familiar with the department to take charge would effectively reduce the work stoppage caused by the change in leadership.

The Minister of Public Security was Garcia Herrera. Garcia was a rare non-partisan in the Spanish Cabinet, but he was also a member of the Spanish nobility and, in theory, leaned more towards the Conservative Party.

Carlo was unfamiliar with the name of the Minister of Health, which might be related to Spain’s rather poor medical environment.

After all, the level of medical care in this era was indeed very poor. Carlo’s focus in the medical field was mainly on pharmaceutical and biological research, so he paid little attention to the Ministry of Health.

The current Minister of Health was Javier Jacobsen, a figure of some renown in the fields of biology and medicine.

The Minister of Education continued to be Gerard Wilson. Gerard Wilson’s achievements in Spain’s literacy education program were quite good, and Carlo intended to give him more responsibilities.

In any case, there were no term limits for Spain’s cabinet ministers. As long as they were capable enough, it was not an exaggeration for someone to hold a cabinet position for several decades.

Finally, there was the Foreign Secretary. The Foreign Secretary was also a member of the nobility and even held the noble title of Marquis. Carlo was no stranger to the Marquis of Everton, because the Marquis was not only one of the first Spanish nobles to express goodwill to Carlo but also one of the first to join the Royal Council.

Chapter 198: The General Election and Industrial Development

Beginning in December 1875, the election atmosphere in Spain’s various regions became exceptionally lively.

Because the results of the regional parliamentary elections determined the selection of senators for each region, the competition in every region was fierce.

This election was also crucial for Spain’s three major political parties. Only by securing over sixty percent of the seats in the lower house could any of the three parties form a government and appoint a prime minister on their own.

If they failed to win over sixty percent of the lower house seats, the three major parties would have to consider cooperating with other parties to form a coalition government.

During Prime Minister Primo’s administration, the lower house was controlled by the Progressive Party. Of a total of 208 seats, the Progressive Party held more than fifty-one percent—a full 106 seats.

Next was the Conservative Party, occupying twenty-five percent of the total seats with 52 members. The Liberal Party had the fewest seats among the three major parties, but still held more than twenty percent, with 42 seats.

The three parties’ control over the lower house was clear to see. Apart from them, only eight of the 208 seats in the lower house belonged to other minor parties and non-partisans.

This significant disparity was largely a result of the revolution at the time.

The revolution had pushed forward Spain’s constitutional government, establishing a parliamentary constitutional monarchy with the parliament as its core.

To advance his reforms, Prime Minister Primo had no choice but to strengthen his control over the government and parliament. This led to a large number of Progressive and Liberal members in the lower house, while the Conservatives were relegated to second place, with a number of seats similar to the recently formed Liberal Party.

However, based on the actual situation in Spain, the number of Conservatives and non-partisans was in fact much larger.

As the most powerful class in Spain, the nobility consisted mostly of Conservatives or non-partisans who leaned conservative.

This meant that in Spain’s new lower house, the proportion of Conservatives and non-partisans would see a certain degree of growth, widening the gap with the Liberal Party.

By Carlo’s own estimation, the Progressive and Conservative parties should each hold around thirty percent, which would be about 100 seats each.

The Liberal Party’s share should be around ten percent; securing 30 seats would be quite an achievement.

The number of non-partisan senators might even exceed that of the Liberals, accounting for around twenty percent of the lower house seats, totaling approximately 58.

Although the three parties’ support varied from region to region, this ratio was a reasonable estimate of Spain’s overall political landscape.

After all, Prime Minister Primo, who had supported the Progressive Party, had already announced his retirement from politics. Spain’s current Prime Minister, Grand Duke Serrano, and Deputy Prime Minister, Count Canovas, were both members of the Conservative Party.

The reason Carlo believed the Liberal Party would not exceed ten percent of the lower house seats was that the current Spanish Liberal Party lacked a pivotal figure to lead them.

The Progressive Party had Prime Minister Primo, and the Conservative Party had Grand Duke Serrano and Count Canovas.

The Liberal Party, however, currently had no outstanding leaders. The only member with some prestige in the government, Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, was a Liberal, but his actions and principles were more aligned with the Progressive Party, or rather, the Progressive-Liberal Party under Prime Minister Primo’s rule.

Mateo was quite famous in Spanish history. He had formed a Cabinet seven times and was considered an equal rival to Canovas.

Particularly in the nearly thirteen years from 1884 to 1897, the position of Prime Minister of Spain alternated between Canovas and Mateo. This realized Mateo’s goal of establishing a limited monarchy where the king and parliament shared power to ensure political stability and peace.

The period of their alternating governance was also a phase of relatively stable development for Spain.

Unfortunately, both Canovas and Mateo died around the turn of the twentieth century. Canovas died in 1897, and Mateo in 1903.

After their deaths, the Spanish government gradually descended into chaos, ultimately leading to the birth of the Second Spanish Republic.

Carlo held a rather high opinion of Mateo. He was not an extremist; on the contrary, he supported the establishment of a limited monarchy.

On this point, Mateo’s stance was consistent with Prime Minister Primo’s. Their ideal government was not one completely controlled by parliament, but one where the king and parliament shared power, with the government alternating between several parties to ensure that no single party or faction could monopolize politics, thereby preventing dictatorship from taking root in the Spanish government.

For this very reason, Carlo ultimately decided to let the Liberal Party continue to exist, hoping that Mateo could lead it to become a true third major party in Spain, on par with the Conservatives and Progressives, rather than one that had merely scraped by on its support for reform.

While the elections were in full swing across Spain’s regions, a lengthy Cabinet meeting was also taking place in the Government Building, the very center of Spanish power.

This Cabinet meeting had been requested by Grand Duke Serrano in his capacity as Prime Minister, and Carlo, as the King of Spain, also attended.

Unlike during Prime Minister Primo’s tenure, when Carlo only had the right to listen to the proceedings, he now had the authority to issue orders to the Cabinet government and its ministers.

During Grand Duke Serrano’s administration, Carlo had already gained such power; at the very least, the other cabinet ministers dared not ignore his opinions.

During stalemates in the meeting’s discussions, Carlo’s opinion even became the key to breaking the deadlock. Although this meeting had been convened by Grand Duke Serrano, Carlo had effectively become the one in charge.

“Your Majesty, Mr. Prime Minister. Based on the latest news from various European countries, I believe it is highly likely that the economic crisis will make a comeback in the new year,” said Ewald Bartel, Spain’s current Minister of Finance, expressing his opinion with a very serious expression.

Carlo nodded and looked at the capable Minister of Finance, who was deeply trusted by Prime Minister Primo, and asked, “Do you have any supporting evidence?”

Of course, Carlo knew that this economic crisis would erupt in two waves, affecting Europe and the United States for several years.

But for it to be brought up by someone else versus by Carlo himself were two completely different things. Carlo didn’t need such foresight to add to his mystique; his duty was to take early precautions and prevent Spain from being affected.

Ewald nodded, took out the documents he had prepared, and handed them to Carlo before continuing, ”

These are the industrial production scales and market price conditions of various European countries. A certain connection can be seen from this data.

Although the impact of the economic crisis has weakened considerably this year compared to the previous two years, this does not mean the crisis is over.

On the contrary, I believe Britain’s economy may be on the verge of collapse. If they cannot save the London market before the crisis returns, I’m afraid London will be the next place to experience an economic crisis.

During the economic crisis, at least a quarter of the steel mills and factories in various European countries were forced to shut down, with the figure reaching as high as one-third in severe cases.

But in London, the number of affected factories is far from this figure. Considering Britain’s distance from the European continent, I believe the impact of the economic crisis has been delayed.

And this year, bankruptcies of British factories are still continuing. For a country as industrially developed as Britain, the impact of the economic crisis would be the most severe.

If this crisis is ignited, it could very well evolve into a new round of economic crisis no less severe than the last. I believe it is essential for us to prepare in advance to cope with a new wave of crisis that is likely to spread across Europe.”

Carlo looked at the data Ewald had prepared, and it was indeed as he had said. In the last round of the economic crisis, Germany and Austria were the most severely affected (US data is incomplete).

But theoretically, as the most industrialized nation, Britain should have been hit the hardest.

One reason Britain hadn’t suffered on the same scale as Germany and Austria was that its industrial and economic development in recent years had not been as rapid as that of Germany and the United States.

Another reason was that Britain had much larger colonies, which represented a vast market. Britain did not face the severe overproduction problems that Germany and the US did, so it was naturally able to withstand the initial stages of the economic crisis.

But the impact of an economic crisis is comprehensive. Britain’s industry and economy were the strongest in Europe, so it was impossible for it to escape unscathed.

The outbreak of the economic crisis led to a sharp decline in the production of industrial products in Europe. The price drop was particularly exaggerated for metal products related to steel.

The overall fall in European prices put British factories under even greater pressure. They either had to lower their prices or face competition from low-priced European industrial goods.

In addition, various countries had reduced their import volumes during the crisis, which also put British industry at a certain risk.

With these risks accumulating, even though Britain’s industrial development was not as bloated as that of Germany or the US, it did not mean it was completely safe.

Although Carlo’s stance was to agree with preparing for a second round of the economic crisis, this did not mean he would directly express his opinion.

As the King of Spain, Carlo’s role was not to bluntly state his views, but to let the Cabinet meeting express its attitude on how to handle the matter.

On one hand, it was to motivate the Cabinet members. There was a fundamental difference between Carlo giving a direct order and the cabinet ministers discussing and reaching a solution themselves.

They would be more motivated when implementing a solution they had proposed themselves. If Carlo simply ordered them around, it might be fine in the short term, but over time, it could cause discontent among some cabinet ministers.

It was also to stimulate the Cabinet ministers’ initiative and thinking in handling matters, preventing the Spanish government from becoming too rigid.

Although Carlo could offer a direct opinion on the economic crisis, it didn’t mean he could decisively find a reasonable solution for every problem.

Active discussion among Cabinet members was therefore particularly important. Not only could it pool wisdom to find a better solution, but this brainstorming process would also give the cabinet ministers a greater sense of participation, shaping a more democratic Spanish government.

Of course, there was another rather important point: finding someone to take the blame if things went wrong.

If a proposal came from the king himself, he would naturally be the one responsible. But if a proposal came from other cabinet ministers, even if it failed, the king would not bear too much responsibility.

This was the art of being a monarch that Carlo had come to understand. Although what Carlo wanted to create was a government that followed his orders, it did not mean that everything in the Spanish government had to run on his commands.

Carlo would only guide them in a generally correct direction; the execution of specific details still depended on the Cabinet government itself.

Seeing that Carlo had not expressed an opinion, Grand Duke Serrano paused for a moment, then turned his gaze to the Minister of State, Canovas, and asked, “Count Canovas, what do you think?”

Grand Duke Serrano was truly not skilled in matters of economic development. Since Carlo had no intention of voicing his opinion, Grand Duke Serrano could only ask the Deputy Prime Minister, who was more experienced and capable in this area.

In any case, the official title of the Deputy Prime Minister was Minister of State, which, to put it plainly, was a cabinet minister who assisted the Prime Minister in handling state affairs.

Since Grand Duke Serrano was undecided, it was quite reasonable for him to ask Count Canovas.

“I believe it is somewhat necessary,” Count Canovas expressed his opinion, but he did not give a definite answer, instead speaking rather tactfully, “I think we can hold a vote. If everyone feels it is necessary to prepare for a second round of the economic crisis, then it is naturally better to be prepared.”

In the nearly two years that Canovas had served as Minister of Industry, he had come to deeply understand the impact of the economic crisis on industry and had some knowledge of the losses suffered by European countries.

But understanding was one thing; Canovas was not foolish enough to make a final decision right in front of Carlo. Carlo hadn’t even expressed his opinion, so how would it look if he, a deputy, made the call?

Letting the cabinet ministers vote was clearly the most conservative choice, but it was also the best one. Regardless of whether the vote was in favor of preparing in advance or of not believing in a second economic crisis at all, the vote involved all members of the Cabinet, so there would be no hint of overstepping his authority in front of Carlo.

The Cabinet members quickly held a vote, and the majority supported preparing for the economic crisis in advance.

In truth, there wasn’t much to vote on, as preparing for the economic crisis did not require the Spanish government to pay too high a price.

It was mainly because Grand Duke Serrano was undecided, and Count Canovas was unwilling to overstep his bounds too much in front of Carlo, that this otherwise unnecessary vote took place.

However, the result was ultimately a good one, and it aligned with Carlo’s expectations.

“Although we may face the threat of a second economic crisis in the new year, it is not entirely bad news for us.” After the vote, Minister of State Canovas stood up with a smile and said to Carlo and the other cabinet ministers, ”

As long as we can avoid the impact of this economic crisis, we can take advantage of it to accelerate our development and close the gap with countries like Britain, France, and Germany.

Judging by our current industrial and economic growth rate, this is easily achievable. We currently have sufficient funds to cope with the risks brought by an economic crisis. For us, this may not be a crisis, but an opportunity for accelerated development.”

The other ministers in the Cabinet all nodded in agreement with this statement.

Although the economic crisis had affected Spain, the impact was not significant, or at least not fatal. While the industrial production of the great European powers was severely affected, Spain’s industrial production, on the contrary, was not too seriously impacted.

When the economic crisis broke out, Spain’s industrial scale was very limited, and the number of bankrupt factories was negligible.

In fact, during the economic crisis, Spain’s industry even achieved positive growth. This was quite rare at a time when industrial production in other countries was declining due to the crisis, and it proved that the Spanish government’s efforts during the crisis had not been in vain.

“The Cabinet government should take the primary credit for being able to avert the impact of this economic crisis,” Carlo also nodded, praising the efforts of the Cabinet. ”

After this economic crisis is over, I will reward everyone according to their merits. But before that, we must be prepared for the second round of the economic crisis and, at the same time, look for opportunities within the crisis to close the gap between Spain and the other great European powers.”

At the mention of rewarding based on merit, everyone present showed a look of joy and anticipation.

After all, Spain was a monarchy, and the nobility still held considerable weight. Whether they were from the Progressive, Conservative, or Liberal Party, none were averse to becoming a nobleman.

This not only represented an elevation in status but also an increase in political influence. Moreover, in addition to the bestowal of a noble title, nobles could also receive other rewards, including land, funds, and factory shares.

Although the new-style nobles ennobled by Carlo could not obtain the lands, castles, and manors of the traditional landed nobility, they could receive some funds and other benefits—in short, the advantages were many.

The nobility was also the largest political force in the country. Becoming a member of the Spanish nobility meant one had become part of the upper echelon of the Kingdom of Spain.

“In that case, why don’t all departments report on their achievements this year and, while we’re at it, set tasks for next year,” Grand Duke Serrano said with a smile. ”

If a second economic crisis really does break out next year, it means that next year’s development will be very important for Spain.

It is essential to formulate a development plan in advance, and I hope all departments can successfully complete their plans and make our country stronger.”

The so-called reporting of achievements was actually a way for Carlo to understand what each department had done and, incidentally, to learn about the accomplishments of each department’s minister.

Cabinet ministers with greater achievements would receive more generous rewards. Grand Duke Serrano, already at the pinnacle of the Spanish nobility, no longer had much desire for rewards.

But it was different for the others. Most of the cabinet ministers were not nobles and were quite eager to become one.

With Ruiz removed from the current Spanish government, all the ministers in the Cabinet were now supporters of the monarchy.

“Your Majesty, the development of the Ministry of Industry has been very good. The construction of our Barcelona Industrial Base is proceeding very smoothly, and there is hope that it will begin preliminary production early in the new year.

As of now, a total of over seven hundred eighty-six large and small factories have been added nationwide throughout the year. Among them, four hundred seventy-two have capital exceeding fifty thousand pesetas, and one hundred thirty-three have capital exceeding one hundred thousand pesetas.

Currently, there are thirty-four large factories in our country with a value exceeding one million pesetas or employing over one thousand people, mainly concentrated in Madrid, Seville, and Barcelona.

The Ministry of Industry plans to invest over twelve million two hundred fifty thousand pesetas in the new year to promote the development of factories and related enterprises nationwide and to introduce more factories to the Barcelona Industrial Base.

Originally, without the impact of an economic crisis, the number of new factories in our country was expected to reach a new high next year. But since we have to prepare for the effects of the crisis, the number of new factories next year may be reduced to around five hundred.

However, the Ministry of Industry plans to invest over fifteen million pesetas to help various factories cope with the potential economic crisis, which will further reduce the impact of the crisis on our country’s industry.

Currently, our country’s total steel production has surpassed nine hundred fifty thousand tons, and we hope to officially exceed the one-million-ton mark in the new year.

Of this, our annual steel output is over two hundred seventy thousand tons, and pig iron output is over six hundred eighty thousand tons, both showing good growth compared to last year.

However, considering the impact of the economic crisis, the Ministry of Industry has set the projected growth target for steel production next year at one million tons, with steel and pig iron production at three hundred thousand tons and seven hundred thousand tons, respectively.”

Canovas reported in detail on the situation of the Ministry of Industry and its development plans for the coming year, setting a good example for the other cabinet ministers.

In the two years since Canovas took over the Ministry of Industry, its development had been quite rapid.

This was why Carlo was satisfied with Canovas and planned to make him the new Prime Minister of Spain. Although a member of the Conservative Party, Canovas’s personal abilities were quite outstanding.

With Carlo setting the broad direction for Spain’s development and Canovas managing the details of the smaller aspects, Carlo was confident he would witness a new golden age of development for Spain.

Of course, the position of Prime Minister of Spain could not be held by Canovas forever. For a talent like Mateo, Carlo didn’t mind giving him some time to grow.

If a truly capable person emerged to compete with Canovas, Carlo would, after confirming their loyalty, certainly be willing to see more competition for the prime minister’s post, to avoid having the same person in the position for too long.

Carlo’s intention in maintaining Spain’s three major parties was, in fact, to have the Prime Minister alternate among these three parties, allowing them to compete with and supervise each other.

The three parties could also avoid the phenomenon seen in the British government’s two-party system of opposing for the sake of opposition. With Carlo controlling things from the center, he could also ensure that the King of Spain retained sufficient power and would not be sidelined into a figurehead by the prime minister or parliament.

Chapter 199: The Performance Evaluation Bureau and the Anti-Corruption Bureau

At this Cabinet meeting, the Spanish government set the theme for the new year’s development as “steady progress.” The primary goal was to pursue stability in industry and the economy, with the secondary goal of making some advancements on the existing foundation.

If a second round of the economic crisis were to erupt, it would be an achievement for Spain to simply maintain its current industrial and economic scale.

To greedily pursue rapid development during an economic crisis, even if it could be achieved, would easily attract the attention of the other great powers.

This Cabinet meeting revealed Carlo’s deepening influence over the Spanish government. One clear signal was that after the meeting, Carlo instructed the Royal Senate—the upper house—to strengthen its supervision of officials, strictly investigating and eliminating corrupt and incompetent individuals.

If the Officials’ Performance Assessment Bill pushed by Prime Minister Primo was a relatively gentle means of reviewing officials, then the anti-corruption campaign advanced by Carlo was a much harsher one.

The Senate had the authority to supervise the Cabinet government and other officials, so spearheading an anti-corruption movement was naturally within its rights.

Beginning in December 1875, while Spain was holding elections for the Congress of Deputies, it simultaneously launched a massive anti-corruption surveillance effort. This included verifying the reasonableness and accuracy of the performance evaluations of regional government officials over the past year.

Although Prime Minister Primo controlled the Cabinet government, this did not mean the officials below him had no way of dealing with it. Even with the nationwide implementation of the Officials’ Performance Assessment Bill, there were still instances of tampering with evaluation scores, changing what were originally poor results into better ones.

It was important to remember that the annual results of these performance evaluations were reported to the Cabinet government and the Regional Parliaments, serving as a vital basis for promoting officials.

Tampering with these results would allow more corrupt and incompetent officials to enter the upper echelons of Spain’s regional governments, or even the Cabinet itself.

Carlo had a certain tolerance for corruption. But for those who were both corrupt and incompetent, Carlo had absolutely no tolerance at all.

For this group of people, Carlo’s plan was to conduct regular reviews and purges each year. Only by ensuring the Spanish government was staffed entirely by capable or non-corrupt individuals could it remain vibrant, unlike the stagnant administration of Queen Isabella’s reign.

To improve the efficiency of reviewing the performance of regional officials and to strengthen supervision over officials in both the regions and the Cabinet, at Carlo’s behest, the upper house voted to establish the Performance Evaluation Bureau and the Anti-Corruption Bureau to deal specifically with these two matters.

As crucial departments for the upper house to exercise its power of oversight over the government and its officials, the importance of the Performance Evaluation Bureau and the Anti-Corruption Bureau was self-evident.

The director of both bureaus was to be the President of the Senate. There would be three Deputy Directors, elected by the upper house, but they could not be members of the ruling party or any coalition party.

The President of the Senate had been elected not long ago, and the chosen candidate was none other than Duke Jacopo, with whom Carlo was quite familiar.

In truth, from the moment a large number of nobles joined the upper house, it was destined to be controlled by them. The president they elected would certainly be one of their own. Duke Jacopo was not only a duke from a noble family with a long history in Spain but also deeply trusted by Carlo, making him the most suitable candidate for President of the Senate.

From this, one could also see that Spain’s bicameral system was beginning to imitate Britain’s, rather than remaining the unique entity it had been before.

The official names of Spain’s two houses were the Royal Senate and the Congress of Deputies. Originally, neither was under the king’s control, and parliament held considerable power.

But after Carlo dissolved and re-established parliament, this situation was immediately rewritten. The Senate, originally composed of representatives from each region, was changed into the Royal Senate, composed of regional representatives and nobles. It transformed from a system more akin to the United States Senate to one more like the British House of Lords.

As everyone knows, noble titles are hereditary. Therefore, their seats in the upper house were naturally hereditary as well, just as in the British system.

Since the beginning of December 1875, Duke Jacopo, serving concurrently as the director of the Performance Evaluation Bureau and the Anti-Corruption Bureau, had been so busy he was almost impossible to find.

Since being elected President of the Senate, Duke Jacopo had gained immense power, which made him quite happy.

However, because Carlo demanded a strict investigation into the performance evaluations of regional officials and a nationwide anti-corruption campaign, he, as the director of both bureaus, naturally had to travel all over Spain.

Although the performance evaluation system introduced by Prime Minister Primo had effectively alleviated some corruption, it had only alleviated a part of it.

The chaotic and corrupt practices throughout Spain could not be eradicated without extremely powerful and strict supervision and investigation.

In the half-month that Duke Jacopo spent traveling across Spain, he discovered more than a dozen incidents of tampered performance evaluations.

And this was only from investigating the regional governments. If the investigation delved deeper into the cities and even the towns, the phenomena of falsified evaluations and corruption would certainly be even more severe.

When Duke Jacopo reported these findings to Carlo, he received a succinct order: handle it severely, to serve as a warning to others.

Having received his orders, Duke Jacopo did not hesitate in the slightest, but this also turned him into “the Butcher” in the eyes of Spanish officials. He even earned the title “Jacopo the Cruel.”

In the following week, Duke Jacopo dealt with over twenty regional-level officials, including high-ranking ones like the Regional Governor of La Rioja.

Officials who had tampered with evaluation scores all received a “poor” rating for 1875 and were barred from promotion or running for parliament for two years.

Those involved in more serious cases of corruption were dismissed from their posts and required to repay all embezzled funds within three months.

If they could not repay the full amount within three months, all their assets would be confiscated, and they would be sentenced to at least ten years in prison.

Duke Jacopo set a threshold: a red line of 1,500 pesetas. If the amount of corruption was below 1,500 pesetas, an exemption from punishment could be considered on a case-by-case basis.

This was especially true for capable officials; as long as the amount was not over 1,500 pesetas, they could be given a second chance.

For those who had embezzled more than 1,500 pesetas, if they had a good track record or possessed genuine ability, a lighter punishment could be considered, such as a “poor” evaluation and repayment of the embezzled funds.

However, for those with neither achievements nor ability who had also embezzled more than 1,500 pesetas, they could only be dealt with severely to serve as a deterrent to other Spanish officials nursing corrupt ideas.

And as it happened, there were indeed quite a few inept officials with substantial amounts of embezzled funds in Spain’s regional governments.

One official in the Valencia Region had an astonishing corruption total exceeding 100,000 pesetas, making him the biggest embezzler caught since the performance evaluation system was enacted.

Now that this “tiger” had been caught, there was nothing more to be said. After several days of gathering evidence, the corrupt official was publicly executed on the streets of Valencia, his body hung from a newly erected wooden pole.

By confiscating the embezzler’s property, Duke Jacopo managed to recover over 120,000 pesetas. These funds would be reinvested into the development of Valencia to compensate for the impact its progress had suffered due to the birth of such a criminal.

Remarkably, this campaign of large-scale investigations into officials and public handling of corrupt individuals quickly earned the Provisional Cabinet prestige and garnered Carlo even greater support.

Duke Jacopo’s reputation among officials was not very good, but among the Spanish populace, he was being described as a sword of Damocles hanging over the heads of officials, earning praise from many media outlets.

Although a great deal of this was due to the guidance of the royal family-controlled newspaper companies, it was true that the Spanish public expressed high approval and great interest in the anti-corruption campaign initiated by Carlo.

Duke Jacopo was a sharp sword, and the wielder of the sword was, of course, the King of Spain, Carlo. As the people lavished praise upon Duke Jacopo, they naturally did not forget Carlo, the true protagonist behind him who was driving this entire anti-corruption movement.

At some point, the Spanish press had begun to widely proclaim that Carlo was the wise monarch Spain had been waiting a hundred years for.

Initially, the Spanish people did not deeply identify with this view. But now, after Carlo had been in Spain for over six years, more and more people accepted this idea, to the point where they now constituted the majority of the population.

For the Spaniards, whoever could lead Spain to greater glory was Spain’s true wise monarch.

Coincidentally, Carlo’s immediate and penultimate predecessors were both notoriously foolish monarchs in Spain. Under such circumstances, it was only natural that Carlo, this sagacious monarch, was quickly embraced by the Spanish people.

Taken on his own, what Carlo had done might not have been enough to be considered a wise monarch. But compared to Isabella II and the hot-tempered King Fernando VII, Carlo was as wise as one could be.

Why was this so?

Little needs to be said of Isabella II’s incompetence and debauchery; she triggered Spain’s great revolution and ultimately buried the Bourbon dynasty.

If not for the fact that her successor, Amedeo I, was not particularly capable, and that the Spanish Republic was equally chaotic, Spain and the House of Bourbon would likely have parted ways for good.

Such a monarch who lost her kingdom was naturally as foolish as they come.

And her father, the hot-tempered King Fernando VII, though not a king who lost his kingdom, directly caused decades of great chaos in Spain.

Fernando VII’s incompetence was demonstrated in countless ways. He and his daughter, Isabella II, were the main culprits behind Spain’s decline from a great power to a second-rate European nation.

When Napoleon invaded Spain, Fernando VII, then the prince, directly led the French troops and forced his father, Charles IV, to abdicate, making himself the new king of Spain.

But Napoleon, who controlled France, ended Fernando VII’s dream by detaining him in France and installing his own brother, Joseph Bonaparte, as the new King of Spain.

During the French invasion, the Spanish people spontaneously resisted and rallied in support of their detained Prince Fernando.

But upon his return to Spain, Fernando immediately overturned the liberal constitution Spain had adopted and implemented a cruel and bloody dictatorship, stabbing his own supporters in the back.

It was also because of Fernando VII’s brutal and despotic rule that Spain lost the vast majority of its colonies in the Americas during his reign, causing the powerful colonial empire to fall completely into the abyss.

During the period when Fernando VII established his dictatorship, constitutionalists and republicans in the army launched an uprising. Fernando VII immediately announced his surrender to the army and publicly swore an oath before the constitution to uphold it, but he then went back on his word, using foreign forces to crush the domestic rebellion.

After Napoleon’s restoration failed, the House of Bourbon was restored to power in France. To ally with France, Fernando VII, also a Bourbon, deliberately weakened the Spanish army through various means to reduce opposition forces within it, while also making it convenient for French troops to intervene in Spanish rebellions.

Furthermore, Fernando VII forcibly changed the law of succession, plunging Spain into decades of Carlist Wars.

This rebellion caused Spain to lose a golden opportunity for development and remained in chaos until just before World War II. The Spanish-American War during this period cost Spain its only two remaining large colonies, which directly led to Spain becoming a second-rate European nation with little fame in later eras.

When later generations spoke of Europe’s great powers, they would think of Germany, which took on all of Europe in two world wars; the mighty British Empire of the Victorian era; Napoleonic France, which swept across Europe; Russia, which, though decrepit, could win through sheer numbers; and the unique Austro-Hungarian Empire. But they would never think of Spain, the world’s first empire on which the sun never set.

Spain’s decline had multiple causes and cannot be blamed entirely on the House of Bourbon. But it is undeniable that during the decades ruled by Fernando VII and Queen Isabella, Spain rapidly fell from a mighty colonial empire to a second-rate nation with few colonies.

Fernando VII and Isabella II, that outstanding father-daughter duo of monarchs, could absolutely compete for the title of Europe’s most foolish and incompetent father-child royal combination.

It was precisely because of this pair’s terrible performance that Carlo quickly won the support of the Spanish people. In truth, the Spaniards did not ask for much; they only wanted a stable and peaceful environment for development, plus a faint glimmer of hope for the nation’s revival.

Since Carlo gave them that glimmer of hope, they were willing to hold onto it and fight for the hope of national revival, for Spain.

While the nationwide anti-corruption campaign and performance evaluation screenings were underway, Carlo also reiterated the requirements regarding the official performance assessment.

In fact, the performance evaluation was simple. It primarily examined the changes that occurred in a department an official was in charge of, or a city they governed, during their term of office.

Whether in industry, agriculture, economy, or education, as long as there was some growth, it was counted as that official’s political achievement.

Although under such metrics, officials might place too much emphasis on on-paper data, for the current Spain, having data was better than having no data.

At least in the short term, vigorously developing industry, agriculture, the economy, and education had more pros than cons. Spain’s development had not yet hit a bottleneck; under the current circumstances, major development would only make Spain stronger and stronger.

As Christmas approached, the land confiscated from the rebellious nobles and officials began to be sold and rented out to peasants in batches.

The selling price of land varied completely across different regions. In fertile plains, the price of farmland was relatively expensive.

But in mountainous and hilly areas where the land was not fertile or even rather poor, the price of farmland was much lower.

The same was true for land rent. The rent was not fixed; it would be adjusted based on the land’s previous harvest yields, combined with local grain prices and peasant incomes.

The Land Tenancy Act also had relevant regulations regarding rent. Whether for fertile or poor land, the rent could not exceed one-fourth of the income.

For peasant families with incomes below the per capita annual average, they could also apply for an agricultural tax reduction subsidy of up to 30 percent.

If they were families of soldiers in the Royal Army, they could apply for one year of tax exemption on land plus three years of agricultural tax reduction subsidies of up to 25 percent. If a soldier was wounded or died in battle, the tax reduction subsidy could be extended for ten years.

The benefits for the Royal Guard were slightly better, but overall, they were much the same.

This era had no comprehensive pension system. The compensation a soldier’s family received after his death depended entirely on whether the ruler was willing to give it.

Carlo was quite generous in this regard, at least willing to provide certain subsidies and compensation to soldiers who sacrificed themselves for the country and the royal family.

Soldiers’ families could also enjoy certain agricultural and commercial tax reduction subsidies. In short, being a soldier had many benefits, which was also intended to encourage Spaniards to enlist enthusiastically.

Under this system, Spaniards were indeed not opposed to joining the army. They even hoped to join, to earn military merits and a chance to be ennobled with a title.

Even if they couldn’t obtain a title, receiving subsidies of land and money was also quite good. Especially for peasant families, the more land they owned, the higher their family’s income.

Land awarded for military merit could be exchanged for land in a different location. This allowed them to connect their lands into a single plot, which not only made planting and harvesting more convenient but also saved a lot of travel trouble.

Carlo and the Spanish government also encouraged those who received land awards to consolidate their holdings into one place through land swaps.

Consolidated, whole plots of land were beneficial for the future advancement of agriculture. Whether for the use of fertilizer technology or future mechanized farming, it was much more convenient than fragmented, scattered plots.

Chapter 200: Lower House Elections and Educational Achievements

After an unusual Christmas, the calendar turned to January 1, 1876.

Carlo’s eldest son, Juan Fernando, was nearly seven months old at Christmas and could crawl all over Carlo’s large bed.

Carlo doted on the little guy, spending the entire Christmas Day playing with little Juan Fernando, fully fulfilling his duties as a father.

It was worth noting that the little one was also quite fond of his father, Carlo. When Carlo approached the bed, the little guy would immediately scramble over to his father’s side, making Queen Sophie, who had been caring for him for so long, a little jealous.

With the addition of the little one, the Christmas atmosphere in the Royal Palace became much livelier. In previous years, although the Christmas activities prepared by the palace were just as grand, the royal family consisted of only Carlo and Queen Sophie, which seemed too lonely and quiet.

In every Christmas to come, the number of members of the Spanish royal family would surely continue to grow. Queen Sophie’s health had mostly recovered, and Carlo intended to have a second child with her in the new year.

After all, the Spanish royal family had no financial worries, so naturally, the more princes and princesses, the better. Only by increasing the number of its members could the royal family produce heirs and avoid the risk of the bloodline ending.

The good news was that Carlo and Queen Sophie were still young, with plenty of time to have children over the next decade or so.

If he was lucky, Carlo might have enough children to form a football team. The royal family having many children also served as an example, encouraging the common people to have more children and promoting Spain’s population growth.

As time moved into January 1876, the elections for the members of the lower house in Spain’s various regions were gradually coming to an end.

The elections concluded first in the Madrid Region and a few other regions with smaller populations. Regions with smaller populations naturally wouldn’t get many lower house seats, so the elections for those few seats were naturally very quick.

Carlo immediately received the election reports from the regions that had already finished. Currently, a total of four regions had completed their elections: the Madrid Region, the Balearic Region, the La Rioja Region, and the Cantabria Region.

Among the fewer than thirty lower house seats in these four regions, the Progressive Party still held the majority, but their numbers no longer gave them a crushing advantage over the Conservative Party.

The proportion of Progressive Party Senators was only about 40%, while the proportion of Conservative Party Senators rose to 30%. The Liberal Party had only a meager two Senators, making up less than 10% of all the Senators in these four regions.

Although this was only the result of the elections in four regions, to some extent, it reflected the current level of support for each party throughout Spain.

Thanks to the lingering influence of Prime Minister Primo, the Progressive Party was still temporarily Spain’s largest party. But the Liberal Party, having lost Prime Minister Primo’s protection, was no longer one of Spain’s three major parties alongside the Conservative Party, and a considerable gap had already formed between it and the Progressive and Conservative parties.

Although Carlo was still optimistic that Mateo could lead the Liberal Party to gradual growth, considering the current political landscape in Spain, the path to leading the Liberal Party to become a powerhouse on par with the Conservative and Progressive parties was destined to be fraught with difficulties.

More than half a month passed, and by the end of January, the elections for all 298 lower house seats in Spain’s regions were finally complete. The new lower house officially convened on February 3, 1876.

The distribution of the 298 lower house seats was not much different from what Carlo had predicted. The Progressive Party remained Spain’s number one party, taking 37.6% of the lower house seats, for a total of 112 seats.

The Conservative Party leaped to become Spain’s second-largest party, significantly closing the gap with the Progressive Party. The Conservative Party’s share was also as high as 33.2%, nearly becoming the second party in Spain to hold over one hundred seats in the lower house.

The Liberal Party stumbled badly, securing only 34 seats in total, which accounted for 11.4% of the total seats in the lower house.

In addition, about 17.8% of the Senators in the lower house were non-partisan. They occupied a total of 53 seats, more than the third-largest party, the Liberal Party.

After the lower house was reassembled, Carlo personally attended its first session. It had to be said, a large meeting of nearly 300 people was indeed livelier than a meeting of 200. The chamber had been temporarily expanded to ensure it could accommodate nearly 300 lower house Senators.

With the lower house formed, the next most important matter was to elect its Speaker.

The position of Speaker was quite important. Externally, the Speaker is the symbol of the house. Internally, the Speaker holds the power to preside over meetings, rule on proposals, and announce the results of votes and elections.

Since the Speaker of the house is also a Senator, the Speaker possesses all the powers of a Senator.

The weekly regular sessions and emergency meetings of the lower house were all to be presided over by the Speaker. Therefore, the first order of business after the establishment of the lower house was a full vote to elect the new Speaker.

From the distribution of seats in the lower house, it was clear that the Speaker would almost certainly be chosen from either the Progressive Party or the Conservative Party.

However, since neither party held more than 50% of the seats, they also needed to win over Senators from other parties, or the non-partisan Senators, to better ensure that one of their own would become the Speaker of the lower house.

In terms of its bicameral system, Spain at present bore some similarities to Britain.

Although most cabinet ministers were appointed by the prime minister, it was not an unconditional appointment. Even with the prime minister’s support, to become a cabinet minister in Spain, one must first be a Senator of either the upper or lower house.

Only after becoming a Senator could one be eligible for nomination as a cabinet minister. Such a system ensured that the parliamentary elections could serve as an initial screening process before one could become a cabinet minister.

With very few exceptions, most of those who managed to become Senators in either house generally possessed a certain degree of capability.

After several days of competitive elections, the lower house finally elected a new Speaker: Juan Fernández, a Senator from the Progressive Party.

In truth, the contest between the Progressive and Conservative parties for the Speakership had been at a stalemate. However, considering that the Conservative Party already held the positions of Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, Carlo had ensured the position of Speaker for the lower house went to the Progressive Party.

Compared to the Conservative Party, the Progressive Party, having been shaped by Prime Minister Primo, was currently the most suitable choice for the ruling party in Spain. If it weren’t for their number two, Ruiz, being too radical, Carlo might not have chosen Canovas to succeed Prime Minister Primo.

1876 was destined to be a busy year for Carlo.

By day, he had to attend various government and important institutional meetings; by night, he had to work diligently with Queen Sophie.

If Carlo hadn’t made a point of exercising regularly since coming to Spain, he would never have been able to endure such a strenuous schedule day and night.

In his spare time, Carlo also had fun with the two maids, Anna and Alice, making the most of every moment.

Through this diligent effort, Queen Sophie soon had good news.

Thanks to the experience from having little Juan Fernando, when she experienced the signs of pregnancy again, Queen Sophie quickly realized she might be pregnant.

Although it was their second child, Carlo and Queen Sophie’s concern for the little one in her belly was undiminished.

From the moment the pregnancy was confirmed, she was attended by countless people: the royal family’s private doctor who was always by her side, and a large number of maids and servants ready to serve at a moment’s notice.

The entire Spanish Royal Palace had just over a hundred servants in total, and more than twenty of them were assigned to wait on Queen Sophie.

Speaking of the palace servants, one had to mention the extremely stringent selection and training process.

Among the more than one hundred servants currently employed, all had undergone background checks to rule out infiltration by Republican Party rebels from the start.

In addition, Carlo also sought out orphans from all over Spain to be raised and trained, guiding some of the loyal but less capable ones toward becoming servants and maids.

Besides the strict selection and training system, Carlo was also quite generous with the salaries and benefits for all palace servants.

The lowest salary for a palace servant exceeded Spain’s average annual income, and the average salary was far higher.

In particular, servants in more important positions received substantial pay raises to ensure their loyalty.

Although Carlo trusted these servants enough, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau also monitored them.

After all, it concerned the safety of himself and his family, so it was not excessive to be cautious.

On a morning in February, Minister of Education Gerard Wilson requested an audience with Carlo, bringing with him a piece of news that made Carlo very happy: the latest results of Spain’s literacy education program.

“Your Majesty, the Ministry of Education has compiled the latest results of the literacy education program, and the data completely met our expectations,” Gerard Wilson said with a broad smile, reporting the good news to Carlo the moment he saw him.

Carlo nodded, took the documents on literacy education that Gerard Wilson handed him, and began to read.

The documents showed that Spain’s literacy education achievements in the previous year, 1875, were quite impressive.

In 1874, the number of people participating in literacy education in Spain had grown to a staggering one million. Although a major reason for this was that these people wanted to get the free lunch provided by Carlo for nothing, it was undeniable that those who participated in the program had effectively reduced the proportion of Spain’s illiterate population.

By the beginning of 1875, Spain’s illiterate population had already dropped to below 39%, which was a huge improvement from the roughly 70% when Carlo was first crowned.

A year later, Spain’s illiterate population had once again seen a sharp decline, and the total illiterate population was now less than 35%.

According to government data, as of the beginning of 1876, Spain’s population was approximately eighteen point two five million.

Of these, the illiterate population had fallen to below six point four million. A large portion of this number consisted of young children who could not yet receive education and the middle-aged and elderly who were too old.

Besides these groups, most of the remaining illiterate population were the family breadwinners who had to work constantly to earn an income.

They simply had no spare time to attend literacy classes, and the factories certainly wouldn’t give them time off. This was the biggest challenge facing the literacy education program.

Fortunately, the revisions to the labor laws could ensure that the vast number of workers and other employees in Spain had more rest time. Although the improvement was not much, according to government estimates, workers could get an extra half-hour to an hour of rest time per day on average compared to before.

If an illiteracy rate of 70% a few years ago was too outrageous, then the current rate of less than 35% could not be considered poor even when looking at Europe as a whole.

Although great powers like Britain, France, and Germany had lower illiteracy rates, they were, after all, extremely developed great powers.

There were still large areas in Europe with numerous illiterate and low-income populations, and their existence lowered the average European education and income levels.

Looking at Europe as a whole, Spain’s average education level and illiteracy rate were not bad; it could at least be considered average.

Especially when compared to Russia, which was also a great power, Spain was not doing poorly in education. The majority of Russia’s population was illiterate, and popularizing education was extremely difficult.

Although Russia had undergone reforms, they were not thoroughly completed. Peasants remained at the very bottom of Russian society; never mind the right to education, even their most basic human rights were not respected.

Of course, its large population was also one of the reasons for Russia’s strength. Its reputation as the “European steamroller” was known throughout the world, making Russia one of the five traditional great powers of Europe, comparable to Britain, France, Germany, and Austria.

Lesser great powers like the United States and Italy still had a significant gap compared to Russia. For this reason, even though Russia performed poorly in terms of per capita income and education, it was still a great power, and an undisputed one at that.

“The Ministry of Education has done a very good job. You have not disappointed Prime Minister Primo,” Carlo said, looking at Minister of Education Gerard Wilson with satisfaction. He held a high opinion of this rather capable minister.

More than a year ago, Gerard Wilson had proposed the model of dual-track education, advocating for a two-pronged approach of general education and technical education to simultaneously cultivate the highly educated and highly skilled personnel that Spain lacked.

The dual-track education system was now being implemented in Spain and was expected to show results in a short time. In particular, the technical schools established by the Spanish government had already enrolled a large number of technical trainees.

After completing their technical training, these trainees would be transformed into the highly skilled technical personnel that Spain urgently needed.

And the Minister of Education who proposed this system, Gerard Wilson, had long since earned Carlo’s approval and support, and had successfully been re-elected as Minister of Education.

Hearing Carlo’s words, Gerard Wilson breathed a sigh of relief.

Although he had won Carlo’s trust through his own abilities, he was, after all, the Minister of Education appointed by Prime Minister Primo and a member of the Progressive Party.

If Carlo had been dissatisfied with Prime Minister Primo’s previous consolidation of power and intended to completely sever the current Spanish government from Primo’s legacy, then it was highly likely that he would have had to bid farewell to the Cabinet government and end his political career.

It seemed that Carlo had no intention of completely cutting ties with Prime Minister Primo. As a cabinet minister from the same party as Primo, Gerard Wilson could remain in his position as Minister of Education and continue to shine.

“This is all due to Your Majesty’s merit,” Gerard Wilson flattered, while subtly expressing his own stance. “If Your Majesty had not supported the dual-track education system I proposed, the Ministry of Education would not have achieved such remarkable success.”

“If one had to name the greatest contributor to Spain’s educational development to date, I believe it would have to be Your Majesty. The Ministry of Education still needs Your Majesty’s guidance. I will continue to contribute my remaining years under your command, adding my small part to the great cause of Spain’s education.”

Chapter 201: Compulsory Education and Three Meals a Day

Gerard Wilson, the Minister of Education, sought an audience with Carlo not to report on the steady annual progress of the literacy campaign, but to request Carlo’s support for the next phase of educational reform: the nationwide implementation of compulsory primary education in Spain.

A nationwide literacy campaign and compulsory primary education were two entirely different levels of educational reform.

The current nationwide literacy campaign in Spain was merely a short training period of three to five months, ensuring that the illiterate population being trained could master a certain number of commonly used Spanish words and understand some simple, accessible knowledge and common sense.

Those who completed the literacy program were still, in essence, people with a low level of education, only a fraction better than being illiterate.

The compulsory primary education that Gerard Wilson wanted to promote, however, was a further popularization built on the foundation of the literacy campaign, ensuring that all school-aged children and youths in Spain could receive at least a primary-level education.

Since it was compulsory education, it would naturally be free, which was why Gerard Wilson had come to see Carlo.

Judging by Spain’s current financial commitment to education, it would be very difficult to establish compulsory primary education on a national scale.

Although Spain was not densely populated, it currently had a population of nearly 18.25 million. While over 65% of Spaniards were no longer illiterate, the vast majority had achieved this through the literacy campaign.

Only about 20% of the entire Spanish population had completed primary education, and the figure for secondary education was even lower, less than 10%.

This was also one of the major factors hindering the expansion of universities and higher education in Spain. If the population with primary education was insufficient, how could higher education at more advanced levels attract enough students?

This was why Gerard Wilson was so insistent on promoting compulsory primary education in Spain. Only by having more people receive lower-level primary and secondary education would there be more outstanding students applying to university.

No matter how well universities were built, or how many laboratories and excellent educators they had, it would be useless. Only with an increase in high school graduates could universities have a sufficient student pool to ensure their income and operations.

“Your Majesty, this is the development plan for compulsory primary education formulated by the Ministry of Education. If this plan can be fully implemented, it will drastically change our current educational situation and allow us to close the gap with the great powers in terms of education,” Minister Gerard Wilson said, handing another development plan for compulsory primary education to Carlo.

Carlo took the plan and began to read it carefully.

Spain’s current number of primary schools was certainly insufficient to support the development of nationwide compulsory primary education. Therefore, before promoting it, the Ministry of Education’s first task was to build at least a thousand public primary schools and prepare an adequate number of teachers, laying a solid foundation for compulsory primary education.

Even if these primary schools were all built using simple construction methods, the cost of a thousand schools would still be a considerable sum.

Adding the cost of preparing teaching staff for a thousand primary schools, as well as the corresponding textbooks and materials, this would be another enormous expense.

Compulsory education was free, which also meant that these thousand primary schools would bring almost no financial return to the government.

Although it was beneficial for Spain’s development, expecting the government to produce so much money at once to promote compulsory primary education was clearly somewhat difficult.

Carlo understood why Gerard Wilson had come to him. He was clearly hoping to use him to influence the government so that Grand Duke Serrano, the Prime Minister, and Count Canovas, the Deputy Prime Minister, would approve this development plan.

After all, both of these leaders of the Cabinet government belonged to the Conservative Party and would, in theory, obey Carlo’s orders.

The last Cabinet meeting had indeed gone that way, which was likely why Minister Gerard Wilson had submitted this development plan to Carlo first, rather than discussing it in a Cabinet meeting.

Carlo did not rush to ask about the financial investment required for compulsory primary education. Instead, he asked a few questions that interested him more: “How does the Ministry of Education intend to execute this plan?”

“Your Majesty, the Ministry’s plan is to prioritize requiring young people between the ages of six and twelve to enter primary school. According to the compulsory education guidelines, the Ministry will waive their tuition fees to ensure the public is willing to accept the regulations.

For young people over the age of twelve who have not yet completed primary education, we will still encourage them to enroll, and no primary school in Spain will be allowed to refuse these overage students.

After completing their primary studies, graduates can advance to secondary school by passing a unified examination organized by the government.

If they achieve excellent results in the unified exam, the Ministry of Education will waive a portion of their secondary school tuition fees and award scholarships of a certain amount to students with exceptionally outstanding performance.

If their results in the unified exam are poor, they will not have the opportunity for tuition waivers or scholarships but can still enroll in secondary school.

Of course, students who complete primary education can also enter technical schools for training, which will have corresponding subsidies. The Ministry of Education will not interfere with their choice.

For some extremely poor families, the Ministry of Education is considering providing a certain amount of financial aid in primary schools to ensure that the youth from these families can complete at least a primary-level education.

Considering the government’s finances, financial aid will only exist in primary schools, while scholarships will be available from primary school through secondary school, high school, and university, as a reward for those students who excel in their studies,” Minister Gerard Wilson answered, his plan laid out clearly.

Carlo nodded and continued to ask, “The plan is very good, but there are a few difficulties. Has the Ministry of Education considered the issue of funding? If compulsory primary education were to be implemented nationwide, wouldn’t the ministry’s budget multiply several times over?

Can our treasury support such a massive educational expenditure? It will take at least six years to see the results of compulsory primary education, but we will need to sustain extremely high educational costs during that time.

If we cannot solve these problems, I’m afraid Grand Duke Serrano and Count Canovas will not easily agree to this plan.”

Grand Duke Serrano and Count Canovas’s identity as members of the Conservative Party was not just for show; they were definitely more conservative than Prime Minister Primo.

Minister Gerard Wilson’s plan for compulsory primary education was indeed beneficial for Spain, but any results would not be seen for at least six years.

Spain’s current finances were not that prosperous. Every department needed a large financial budget, and it would clearly not be easy for the Ministry of Education to get the largest piece of the pie.

After all, Grand Duke Serrano, as Prime Minister, and Count Canovas, as Deputy Prime Minister, also held other cabinet minister positions. They certainly had to consider the development of other departments as well.

If the Ministry of Education took a larger share of the budget, it meant that other departments’ budgets would be reduced. The Ministry of Education would indeed gain great merit from this plan, but whether the other departments were willing to sacrifice their own interests to help was not certain at all.

Hearing Carlo’s question, Gerard Wilson understood that this was his only chance to persuade Carlo. He thought seriously for a moment before replying: ”

If we use the lowest-grade configurations for all our school constructions, we can effectively reduce our initial expenses for implementing compulsory primary education.

The popularization of compulsory education doesn’t need to be rolled out nationwide simultaneously. We can select one or two regions as pilot areas to reduce our initial costs.

If possible, I believe the regions of Madrid and Catalonia could serve as pilot regions for compulsory education. According to the Ministry of Education’s estimates, we would only need to build 200 primary schools in these two regions before we can consider moving forward with popularizing compulsory education.

If we only implement the pilot program in these two regions, according to our estimates, the annual increase in educational expenses can be limited to within 15 million pesetas.

Even with a nationwide rollout, the additional expenditure brought by compulsory education would not exceed 60 million pesetas. As long as we can persevere for six years, the Spain of six years from now will be completely different from today.

Your Majesty, for just 15 million pesetas, the Ministry of Education is confident that it can fully promote the popularization of compulsory education in Madrid and Catalonia on a trial basis, setting an example for other regions.

Only by cultivating enough primary school students can we have enough middle school students. And only by cultivating enough middle school students can we have enough high school and university students.

Now is our best chance, Your Majesty. The Ministry of Education is confident in completing this plan and presenting you with a perfect report card in six years.” Gerard Wilson’s words were sincere and heartfelt. He was very confident in the development plan for compulsory primary education formulated by his ministry.

This would not only be a great achievement for the Ministry of Education but also an important step for Spain in its transformation from a country with weak education to one with strong education.

Carlo remained expressionless, but inwardly, he was very satisfied with this Minister of Education. In his eyes, although this development plan was not flawless, it was indeed suitable for the current Spain.

If implemented according to this plan, Spain would be able to gradually close the educational gap with other great powers in the future.

The importance of education, naturally, went without saying. Education could produce a large number of local talents, and with talent, one could drive the development of science, technology, and all other industries.

Spain’s biggest problem at present was the shortage of talent, especially local talent. Education could undoubtedly remedy this shortcoming. Although it would take a long time to see results, time was what Spain had in abundance right now.

For Spain, the few relatively important wars were the Spanish-American War at the end of the century and the two World Wars that affected the entire globe.

Even the Spanish-American War was still more than twenty years away from its historical outbreak. Although the development of the world situation in this reality was not entirely the same as in history, Spain was not short on these few years.

Moreover, the current Spain was more than just a little stronger than the historical Spain. Spain’s decline had stopped since the revolution; its industry, economy, and comprehensive national strength had turned from negative to positive and begun to grow.

Under such circumstances, the United States might not necessarily have the confidence to win against the Spain of today. Furthermore, the Spanish-American War was still more than twenty years away. Carlo was confident that in twenty years, he could build Spain into a powerful nation comparable to the five traditional great powers of Europe, so there would be no need to fear the United States of that era.

“As things stand, I personally approve of this development plan.” A smile finally appeared on Carlo’s face as he expressed his approval of the compulsory education plan formulated by the Ministry of Education. He said, “Education is a vital part of Spain’s development, and it is essential to prioritize it.

Minister Gerard, you may propose this plan at the next Cabinet meeting. I will inform Grand Duke Serrano and Count Canovas to have the government support this plan.”

Hearing Carlo’s promise, Minister Gerard Wilson finally breathed a sigh of relief and said with excitement, “As you command, Your Majesty.”

A few days later, at the Cabinet meeting, Minister Gerard Wilson, as instructed by Carlo, proposed the development plan for compulsory primary education for the Cabinet to discuss.

Because of Carlo’s instructions, Count Canovas expressed his approval, while Grand Duke Serrano did not offer any opinion.

However, the cabinet ministers all knew that Count Canovas, the Deputy Prime Minister, was actually the most important head of the Cabinet government. Although Grand Duke Serrano was the Prime Minister, his role was more symbolic and akin to a pillar of stability; he would not interfere too much in the development of the various departments.

After Count Canovas expressed his approval, the other cabinet ministers, who were no fools, also voiced their support.

However, approval was one thing; certain details of the development plan were also modified.

For example, the plan had originally intended to build at least a thousand primary schools throughout Spain to meet the demand for popularizing compulsory primary education.

After discussion among the cabinet ministers, the plan was changed from building new primary schools to renovating existing buildings as much as possible, such as the properties of rebellious nobles and officials, as well as those in the hands of capitalists.

Some of these properties were located in cities, were large in scale, and were not of high value. Although they had been abandoned for some time, the buildings themselves were still usable.

With just a few modifications, these abandoned properties could be transformed into new schools.

Since it was for popularizing free compulsory primary education, the schools did not need to be brand new; renovated second-hand buildings would be perfectly serviceable.

Of course, if a building was already extremely unsafe, it naturally could not be converted into a school.

Those that could be renovated were definitely ones that had been inspected and confirmed to be sturdy enough. Comfort was a separate issue, but they had to be sturdy enough to ensure the safety of the school’s teachers and students.

On the matter of schools alone, for every 100 fewer schools built, a large sum could be saved from the education budget. This budget could be invested elsewhere to better promote the development of compulsory education.

Besides saving money on schools, savings could also be made on textbooks and other books. Primary education did not involve overly complex knowledge; the main subjects were teaching the Spanish language and simple mathematics.

Under these circumstances, they could completely abandon the method of one textbook per student and change it to several students sharing one textbook.

It was even possible to proceed with lessons as long as the teacher had a copy of the textbook. The knowledge in primary school was generally not difficult, and with only two main subjects, there was plenty of time to teach all the students these simple concepts.

The costs saved on school construction and textbooks could be invested in other expenses, such as teachers’ salaries and meals for the teachers and students.

Of course, compulsory education did not have to provide three meals a day to students. But given the current income level of the Spanish populace, if these students were not provided with three meals a day, many would refuse to enroll and would send their children to work in factories to earn money instead.

Although doing so for the sake of the family’s livelihood was understandable, if even a portion of this population could be saved, it would naturally be for the better.

It was for this reason that when Carlo saw the plan, he had considered a an official provision of three meals a day for these students in compulsory education.

Of course, these so-called three daily meals would not be luxurious; they would simply ensure that these growing students could eat their fill and not go hungry.

With the large savings from school construction and textbooks, it was indeed possible to provide these students with three meals a day, giving children from poor families a sufficient opportunity to receive an education, rather than spending the rest of their lives like slaves in dim factories.

On this matter, Carlo had thought further. If the three meals were provided in the name of the government, the royal family would not gain much prestige.

But if they were provided in the name of the royal family, these children would naturally be grateful to the monarchy, and their parents would also be indebted to the royal family.

Of course, to gain such prestige, the royal family could not contribute nothing. Therefore, at the Cabinet meeting, Carlo proposed that the royal family bear a portion of the costs associated with the students’ three daily meals.

Doing so would relieve the government of some expenses, which the officials were naturally happy about. Of course, Carlo also had his own condition: the three daily meals had to be provided in the name of the royal family.

With both Grand Duke Serrano and Count Canovas in agreement, such a proposal was quickly passed by the cabinet ministers.

The royal family would be responsible for the cost of the students’ breakfast and lunch, while the government would cover the cost of dinner. Of course, all these meals provided free to the students were given in the name of the royal family, and they would be available every day during school time.

Since the meals were provided to all students, the food could not be too grand. However, Carlo had related minimum requirements for this, which was that the students had to eat meat at least once a week, as they were in a crucial stage of growth.

Chapter 202: Turbulent Ottomans, Volatile Balkans

In mid-February 1876, the Primary School Compulsory Education Development Plan, approved by a vote in the Spanish Cabinet government, was officially made public and put into effect.

The news immediately caused a sensation, drawing widespread attention from the Spanish public.

According to government documents and announcements, this compulsory education program, focused on primary schools, would completely waive tuition and miscellaneous fees, and also provide all primary school students with three free meals a day.

The government’s announcement specifically mentioned that the three daily meals would be funded by the royal family, which sparked a wave of gratitude toward the royal family and praise for Carlo among the populace.

What the common people cared about most were their practical interests. If the royal family was funding students’ daily meals, it meant that Spanish families no longer had to bear the cost of their children’s food at school.

The cost of one day’s meals might be a small expense, but over an entire year, or even the full six years of primary school, it was most certainly not a small sum.

For an ordinary Spanish family, feeding one less person three meals a day meant a significant reduction in expenses. This money, if used elsewhere, could effectively improve the quality of life for all family members.

Carlo was, of course, keeping a close eye on public opinion in Spain. When he learned that the people were expressing their gratitude to the royal family and himself, he knew he had made the right move.

The more grateful the people were to the royal family, the more stable the royal family’s position would become. This concerned not only Carlo but all future monarchs as well.

The more stable the Spanish royal family’s standing, the less future succeeding kings would have to worry about their thrones. Otherwise, any small mishap could lead to the throne being overthrown, which would cause all of Carlo’s painstaking arrangements to go to waste.

After publicly announcing the Primary School Compulsory Education Development Plan, the Ministry of Education began its plan to renovate primary schools in the regions of Madrid and Catalonia.

The Madrid and Catalonia regions were home to Spain’s two largest cities, Madrid and Barcelona, which was why these two regions were chosen as the pilot areas for compulsory education.

But for that very reason, the populations of Madrid and Catalonia were not small, totaling over two million people combined.

How to smoothly advance the implementation of compulsory education and resolve all problems that arose during the process was something the Ministry of Education needed to constantly monitor.

If any unsolvable problems occurred during the pilot program, it would affect the rollout of compulsory education nationwide.

It was not only the Ministry of Education that was paying close attention to the compulsory education pilot in Madrid and Catalonia; the public was also quite concerned.

Although Madrid and Barcelona had large numbers of workers, the income of an ordinary worker in this era was not that high. Compulsory education with fully waived tuition and fees held an extremely high appeal for Spain’s worker and peasant classes.

The promotion of compulsory education in the two pilot regions was a joint effort between the Ministry of Education and the regional governments of Madrid and Catalonia.

Carlo had also specifically instructed Minister of Education Gerard Wilson and Deputy Prime Minister Canovas, demanding that the government strictly control the construction quality during the school renovation work and prohibit any reuse of dilapidated buildings.

In the event of any reuse of dilapidated buildings, shoddy construction, or any corruption during the promotion of compulsory education, the Cabinet government and the Upper House would deal with it swiftly and severely, holding all officials involved in such incidents accountable.

Gerard Wilson and Count Canovas certainly did not treat Carlo’s instructions as a casual conversation. From the look on Carlo’s face, it was clear that he was absolutely serious when he said that harsh punishment would be dealt out immediately if any such incidents occurred.

The two men dared not be the slightest bit careless. They not only repeatedly instructed their subordinate officials to strictly control the quality of the renovated and newly built primary schools but also personally went to the renovation sites to supervise, ensuring that no quality issues would arise.

If any of the aforementioned incidents were to occur, they would certainly have to bear some responsibility, even if they were not the cause.

More importantly, if an accident happened after Carlo had already given explicit instructions, it would cause them to lose his trust.

What losing Carlo’s trust meant under the current system of the Spanish Cabinet government was self-evident.

Even though Deputy Prime Minister Canovas was a shoo-in for the next Prime Minister, if he were to lose Carlo’s trust over the issue of primary school construction quality, everything he had would likely vanish into thin air.

With Prime Minister Primo out of the picture and Grand Duke Serrano not stepping up to oppose Carlo, the current Spanish government was effectively run by Carlo alone.

Carlo had already built up immense prestige among the people, which was the foundation of his control over the government through both the Upper and Lower Houses. Let alone the still fledgling Count Canovas, even if Prime Minister Primo were to re-enter the political scene, he might not be able to contend with Carlo.

Of course, this was only in the context of political struggle. If the struggle were to escalate to the point of mobilizing the army, it would evolve into a new Spanish civil war, and the outcome would be uncertain.

The Ministry of Education moved quickly. In just over three months, the number of renovated primary schools had already reached more than a dozen.

Of course, the so-called renovation process was actually very simple.

The first step was to select buildings suitable for use as primary schools. The second step was to clean them and partition them into classrooms and dormitories.

The biggest task during this period was repairing broken windows and doors, which was why the school renovations were proceeding so quickly.

In fact, half of these three months was spent searching for buildings; the actual renovation work took less than a month and a half.

At the current pace, it was hoped that over sixty primary schools could be renovated in the two regions before September of this year, allowing compulsory education to officially commence.

Sixty primary schools were certainly not enough, but it wouldn’t be impossible for students to squeeze in during the initial phase. With an insufficient number of schools, priority could be given to enrolling school-aged children from six to twelve years old.

Once there were enough schools, enrollment could be opened to all age groups.

Yes, Spain’s compulsory primary education would be open to all age groups; even adults could participate.

But for the sake of fairness, and also for the healthy development of the true primary school students aged six to twelve, these older “primary students” would not be in the same schools as those under twelve.

After all, true primary school students aged six to twelve were not yet fully mentally mature compared to teenagers and young adults in their twenties, and they would surely be at a disadvantage in competitions for scholarships.

While education was developing, in May 1876, the situation in Europe also saw a slight change.

It wasn’t about the great powers of Europe, but rather a development within the Ottoman Empire, the vast empire that once spanned Europe, Asia, and Africa.

Because the Ottoman Empire spanned three continents and controlled the strategically vital Constantinople Straits, developments within the empire attracted the close attention of various European countries, with Britain, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Russia being the most watchful.

This was easy to understand. The Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia had well-known ambitions for the Balkan Peninsula, and the master of the Balkan Peninsula was precisely the Ottoman Empire.

The British were also quite concerned with the situation around the Constantinople Straits; after all, their reputation as Europe’s shit-stirrer was not for nothing.

The changes in the Ottoman Empire’s situation stemmed from the empire’s decline. This massive empire, which once spanned three continents with unmatched arrogance, had long since become a decrepit and feeble old man.

Although the empire was still holding on by a thread, it was just that—clinging to its last breath. Compared to the traditional great powers of Europe, the Ottoman Empire was like a fat piece of meat waiting to be carved up—a piece of meat with all the hair shaved off, so it wouldn’t even prick your mouth.

As early as the end of last year, a major famine in the central and northern regions of Anatolia had caused chaos throughout the Ottoman Empire.

But the European powers merely watched the situation closely, each keeping the others in check. No single great power was confident enough to interfere in the Ottoman Empire’s affairs while under the watchful eyes of the others.

But starting in May of this year, the situation in the Ottoman Empire changed again.

The reigning Ottoman Sultan, Abdülaziz, was deposed by enlightened individuals within the Ottoman Empire, led by Midhat Pasha, and Murad V was installed as the new Sultan.

This was originally just an internal power shift within the Ottoman Empire and should not have altered the situation.

What the Ottoman people hoped for was a Sultan who could bring a new constitution, lead the Ottoman Empire towards a constitutional monarchy, make it more democratic, and promote reforms to bring about national revival and strength.

Logically, Murad V was deeply influenced by France and had the potential to accomplish the above steps.

But as it happened, Murad V was not fond of the Ottoman Empire’s northern neighbor, the Russian Empire; in fact, he was extremely hostile towards it.

An Ottoman Sultan hostile to the Russian Empire naturally attracted the attention and dissatisfaction of the Russians. The Russian Empire had long wanted to control the Constantinople Straits to secure an outlet to the Mediterranean for its Black Sea Fleet, so it naturally gloated over the chaos in the Ottoman Empire, even wishing for it to become more chaotic.

A Sultan hostile to the Russian Empire was an excellent pretext, prompting the Russian Empire to become more actively involved in Ottoman affairs diplomatically, such as by supporting the independence of their Slavic brothers in Serbia.

Russia was not the only one watching the chaos in the Ottoman Empire; Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were watching as well.

Russia’s undisguised intervention in Balkan affairs greatly displeased the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which also coveted the Balkans. It expressed an attitude completely opposite to Russia’s, namely, a preference for maintaining the status quo in the Balkans. After all, a decrepit Ottoman Empire was more conducive to Austro-Hungarian infiltration of the region.

In fact, as early as the latter half of last year, Russian Foreign Secretary Gorchakov had engaged in secret talks with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, discussing the possibility of both countries jointly pressuring the Ottoman Empire to grant autonomy to the provinces of Herzegovina and Bosnia, where uprisings were frequent.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire naturally understood Russia’s intentions and did not agree to the Russian Foreign Secretary’s proposal.

Now, with the Russians vigorously supporting the uprisings of various ethnic groups on the Balkan Peninsula, the Austro-Hungarian Empire naturally grew vigilant and wary.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire’s most powerful ally was Germany, but Germany, Russia, and Austria were all part of the League of the Three Emperors. Germany’s diplomatic stance on this matter was quite ambiguous; it neither supported Russia’s intervention in the Ottoman Empire nor Austria-Hungary’s desire to maintain the status quo, adopting a rather neutral position.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire could only turn its attention to another ally: Spain, which had already begun to implement reforms.

Although Spain was also an extremely weakened empire, its current reforms had allowed it to recover some of its strength, and it was not an overstatement to call it a European power.

With Germany not directly supporting the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Spain was the most reliable ally it could count on.

Of course, the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s hopes for maintaining the status quo in the Balkans did not rest solely on Spain. The most crucial point was that the British were unwilling to see Russia expand its sphere of influence in the Balkan Peninsula, much less see the Russians control Constantinople and the straits.

After the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador contacted the Spanish government, the Cabinet urgently convened a meeting and invited Carlo to attend.

Carlo had some knowledge of this period of history. In the end, a war did break out between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, known in history as the Tenth Russo-Turkish War.

Historically, the Tenth Russo-Turkish War ended in a Russian victory, but the spoils of war were ultimately divided among Britain, Austria-Hungary, and Russia.

It is worth noting that this war allowed the Austro-Hungarian Empire to acquire Bosnia and Herzegovina, which indirectly triggered the First World War.

After all, the spark that ignited the First World War is very famous: the assassination of Crown Prince Ferdinand in Sarajevo. Sarajevo is a city in Bosnia, and the reason for Crown Prince Ferdinand’s assassination stemmed from the conflict between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Serbia over the two provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire hoped that Spain would fulfill its treaty obligations and provide diplomatic support, ensuring that Austria-Hungary had enough confidence to oppose Russia’s forcible interference in the Balkan situation.

Carlo, being familiar with the course of this history, naturally understood that the Austro-Hungarian Empire would not participate in this war. Merely supporting the Austro-Hungarian Empire on a diplomatic level would entail no loss for Spain.

Although this would offend Russia, Russia was in the far east of Europe while Spain was in the far west. The two countries had no conflicting interests, so offending them was of little consequence.

Furthermore, the lifespan of the Russian Empire wasn’t long anyway. The Ottoman Empire was a decrepit old empire, but was the Russian Empire any different?

Incomplete reforms had given the Russian Empire a new lease on life, but Carlo knew very well how long that breath would last.

Although the five traditional great powers of Europe looked impressive on paper, only three were truly powerful: Britain, France, and Germany.

Britain, France, and Germany crushed both Russia and Austria-Hungary in terms of industry and economy, and they were currently the top three strongest powers in the world.

Russia won the war against the Ottoman Empire, but in the end, it had to yield to the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Britain. The fundamental reason was Russia’s weakness and Britain’s strength.

If the dispute in the Balkan Peninsula had involved only the Ottoman Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Russia, Russia might even have had the confidence to go to war with Austria-Hungary after defeating the Ottomans to completely control the situation in the Balkans.

But unfortunately, behind the Austro-Hungarian Empire stood Germany, and behind the Ottoman Empire stood Britain. It was extremely difficult for Russia to gain complete control over the Balkan Peninsula, just as it was difficult for Spain to control Gibraltar now.

After discussion in the Cabinet meeting, the Spanish government officially stated its position: it agreed to support the Austro-Hungarian Empire on a diplomatic level, supporting the principle of non-interference by the great powers in the affairs of the Balkan Peninsula.

After receiving the support of the Spanish government, the Austro-Hungarian government finally breathed a sigh of relief. Although Spain could not compare to the five traditional great powers of Europe, it was definitely a strong nation in Europe.

Spain’s diplomatic support was very important to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and they believed it would make Russia consider certain issues more carefully when plotting its moves in the Balkan Peninsula.

While the Austro-Hungarian Empire was breathing a sigh of relief, Carlo was already having the military factories prepare for the production of a new batch of weapons, equipment, and artillery shells.

The scale of the Tenth Russo-Turkish War was enormous, with both sides mobilizing over a million troops and more than four thousand artillery pieces.

In this war, both sides engaged in large-scale troop confrontations, were equipped with rifled guns and cannons, and used railways and field telegraphs for communication.

This made the scale of the battlefield even larger, and the methods of warfare changed from previous conflicts. This war was characterized by battles on broad fronts with considerable depth, making it a valuable learning opportunity for the Spanish army.

And the two warring parties would certainly require large quantities of weapons and equipment. For Spain’s arms factories, this was a potential opportunity to export arms.

Chapter 203: Child Worker Schools

Whether viewed from a historical perspective or from the current situation in Europe, recent years had been a relatively peaceful and stable period for the continent.

Since the establishment of the German Empire, the great powers of Europe had reached a state of equilibrium. Although intense conflicts existed between nations, they were not severe enough to push them into a major war with one another.

This was fortunate for Spain, as a peaceful and stable environment for development was precisely what it lacked. However, it was also unfortunate, as such a stable environment led to slower development in the military industry, making it difficult to find opportunities to export weapons on a large scale, like during World War I and World War II.

The Tenth Russo-Turkish War was a historically proven large-scale conflict, and it presented the Royal Arsenal with its first major opportunity to export weapons and equipment since its founding.

Of course, it was not certain whether Spain could get a piece of the pie in this war. After all, besides Russia, other European great powers, led by Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, were also closely watching the situation in the Balkan Peninsula.

For this reason, when Carlo instructed the Royal Arsenal to expand production, he set the arms stockpiling targets at one hundred fifty thousand rifles, one thousand two hundred cannons, and the corresponding ammunition.

Even if Spain failed to sell the weapons during the Russo-Turkish War, these stockpiled rifles and cannons could be sold to other countries in smaller orders or be used by Spain itself.

After all, military training also consumes weapons and ammunition, so stockpiling a bit more would not be a major issue.

The military equipment of this era primarily consisted of standard-issue firearms, mainly rifles, and artillery, which served as a crucial source of firepower. The manufacturing costs for these two types of weapons and their accompanying ammunition were not very high, which was why Carlo was confident enough to order the Royal Arsenal to begin production without a prior assessment.

Notably, while expanding, the Spanish Royal Arsenal hired a large number of child workers.

This was not because Carlo intended to exploit child labor, but because this was simply the reality of the era. Child workers were a common sight not only in Spain but across all of Europe, including traditional great powers like Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Austria.

One of the main reasons the average life expectancy in Europe was only thirty to forty years during this period was that a vast number of children entered factories as child workers. They were brutally exploited by factory owners and capitalists, which led to various health problems and, ultimately, premature death in their twenties or thirties.

In fact, living to be twenty or thirty was considered quite fortunate. Many child workers died directly on the production lines under the oppression of factory owners—a bloody and cruel reality of the times.

Of course, the reason the Royal Arsenal hired a large number of child workers was not that Carlo wanted to exploit them, but rather to provide them with the best possible welfare and treatment within his means.

Although Spain’s labor laws and minimum wage laws stipulated the working hours and income for child workers, these could only alleviate the suffering of a portion of them.

These children were the future of Spain. Even if only for the sake of Spain’s future, Carlo had to care for as many child workers as possible, allowing them to grow up healthier.

The current Royal Arsenal was undoubtedly the leading enterprise in Spain’s military industry, serving as a benchmark and a representative company for the sector.

Currently, the proportion of child workers in the arsenal exceeded thirty percent, an astonishing figure. Every day, a vast stream of over a thousand child workers could be seen heading to their production lines, contributing their small part to Spain’s military industry.

Carlo would not raise the child workers’ wages excessively, as that would be unfair to the adult workers. However, the child workers did receive the welfare benefits they were due, and in fact, received more than what was stipulated by the labor laws.

All child workers in royal family enterprises were guaranteed at least one day off per week, totaling more than four days off a month. In addition, the factories and enterprises would distribute milk or bone broth to the child workers at least once a week to help nourish their growing bodies.

Child workers were also forbidden from working overtime. Once the factory’s official closing time arrived, the child workers were the first to leave.

This was Carlo’s way of helping these children as much as he could, letting them feel a glimmer of warmth in this dark era.

Changing this situation was not something Carlo could achieve alone. It required propelling the entire nation’s economy forward. Only when Spaniards had more savings and income would they send their children to school instead of to factories for hard labor.

As early as the literacy education campaign, Carlo had organized for child workers in royal family enterprises to participate in literacy classes during their days off. The progress so far had been quite good. At least within the royal family’s factories and enterprises, a majority of the child workers had completed their literacy education and were no longer illiterate.

Moving forward, Carlo also planned to establish child worker schools within some of the larger factories. This would allow these children to receive a compulsory primary education while on-site, completing their studies while they worked.

These child worker schools could not only teach the curriculum of compulsory primary education but also provide them with basic technical skills, transforming them from child laborers into skilled workers.

This would not only raise the educational level of the Spanish people but also effectively improve the living standards of these child workers.

After all, the income of an illiterate child worker who knew nothing was certainly different from that of a child worker with a primary school education and some technical skills.

However, the child worker schools involved aspects not covered by ordinary public schools, so Carlo only had a nascent idea and had not yet had the chance to implement it.

Compared to the child workers in the factories of royal family enterprises, the income levels and welfare benefits for those in privately-owned factories were far worse.

This was unavoidable, as the labor a child could provide was limited. Moreover, child workers were easier to exploit than adult workers. Their resistance was much weaker, and under the threats and intimidation of capitalists, many child workers dared not resist at all.

The capitalists of this era were not the seemingly affable business tycoons of the internet age but vicious tyrants who would devour people without spitting out the bones.

On this point, Carlo could only feel powerless. It was a widespread phenomenon of the era, and even if he wanted to rectify it, he could not eradicate it completely.

However, Carlo did establish certain bottom lines regarding child labor.

Europe was quite extreme when it came to child labor. To what extent? Capitalists’ factories even employed large numbers of children under the age of ten.

Yes, children under the age of ten. To be more precise, there were large numbers of four, five, and six-year-old children.

The sources of these child workers were varied. Some came from families who could not afford to support too many children and were forced to send some of them to factories to fend for themselves.

Others were bought and sold from various church relief houses, orphanages, and other institutions.

If human trafficking existed in later eras with such advanced technology, it was even more rampant in the 1870s, when technology and relevant laws were severely lacking.

Human trafficking was common in European countries, and the lives of the lower classes during this era were truly miserable.

Ironically, while these capitalists brutally exploited child workers for exorbitant profits, they simultaneously disguised themselves as kind and benevolent gentlemen.

They donated to the Church, allowing it to establish more relief houses and schools to take in orphans and abandoned children.

These orphans were then secretly transferred to the capitalists’ factories, becoming free labor under the crack of their whips.

The capitalists showed no mercy whatsoever to these purchased children. For any disobedient child worker, the punishment ranged from a beating with a rod to being made to disappear through various means.

The Spanish government would have to reform such church relief houses and schools sooner or later.

Putting aside the hidden problem of human trafficking, the mere fact that these relief houses and church schools imparted knowledge laced with their own agendas meant they were destined to be shut down by the government or undergo extensive reform.

It is well known that the public can be blind and easily swayed by opinion. Children are the most impressionable group among them; they readily believe what they are taught, and capitalists and the Church used such methods to shape a distorted worldview in them.

This was completely unacceptable to Carlo. In Spain, only the royal family and the government had the right to use education for ideological shaping. The actions of the capitalists and the Church were a challenge to the status of the royal family and the authority of the government.

Spain did not prohibit the existence of private schools, but they had to submit to the control of the Ministry of Education, and their corresponding teaching materials had to be approved by the Ministry. They could not simply teach whatever they wanted.

In the official public schools, on the other hand, ideological education courses would be plentiful, starting from primary school. These courses would not forcibly brainwash students but would subtly cultivate in them the ideals of loyalty to the monarch and patriotism, fostering love for Spain and admiration for the royal family and Carlo.

These students, just entering school, were like blank slates. Even if Carlo did not write anything on them, someone else would eventually scribble on them.

Rather than let that happen, it was better for Carlo and the government to proactively write things beneficial to Spain’s development on these blank slates. Starting with the children, they would cultivate a sense of national identity and pride among Spaniards and use the royal family as a bond to unite the people from all regions, jointly building the great Spanish nation and a united state.

Binding the royal family and the nation together had many benefits, such as ensuring the stability of the royal family’s position. If politicians did not want the country to fall into division, they had to preserve the royal family and use its legitimacy to govern a unified nation.

This approach was quite similar to that of the British royal family. Although the British royal family of later generations lost most of its power, its role as a unifying bond for the different regions of Britain was enough to prevent the British government from touching it.

The British government could indeed easily abolish the royal family, but the consequence would be that Scotland and Ireland would no longer be under England’s control, and the British Empire would shatter into pieces.

What Carlo aimed to do was to give the Spanish royal family a status similar to that of the future British royal family. Even if the monarchy did not hold much power, the government would not dare to disrespect it.

As long as the succession to the throne did not fall into a chaotic situation like that of the Carlists, the future Spanish royal family would be irreplaceable, and its position would become extremely stable, free from any risks that might threaten its status.

Time flew by, and soon it was late August 1876, the first year of the official implementation of the compulsory primary education pilot project in the regions of Madrid and Catalonia.

In the preceding months, the Ministry of Education had renovated or built over a hundred primary schools, which were barely able to support the rollout of compulsory education in the two regions.

Although these schools were very rudimentary, they could squeeze in a few hundred students without issue. A hundred schools meant they could accommodate tens of thousands of students. Combined with the existing primary schools in the two regions, they just about met the demand required to launch compulsory education.

As this was the first year of the program, the enrollment period for all primary schools was extended. For a full month, from late August to late September, children willing to participate in compulsory education could register at their nearby schools.

As it turned out, completely free compulsory education, coupled with the benefit of providing three meals a day, was highly attractive to the Spanish people.

Since the primary schools began enrollment in late August, it took less than a week for the number of registered students in Madrid alone to exceed ten thousand.

In less than ten days, the total number of registered students across both Madrid and Catalonia surpassed twenty thousand.

The public’s enthusiastic participation in the rollout of compulsory education brought relief to both Carlo and the Minister of Education, Gerard Wilson.

Although compulsory education was completely free and even provided students with three meals a day, they had feared that some shortsighted parents, focused only on immediate benefits, would prefer to send their children to factories rather than to school.

After all, sending them to school cost nothing, but it also earned nothing. If they were sent to a factory, even as a child worker, they could earn a considerable income thanks to Spain’s newly enacted minimum wage law.

The very law that had been enacted to improve the living standards of child workers had now ironically become a reason for some parents to keep their children out of school.

In the era before the minimum wage law, an adult male worker’s income was several or even more than ten times that of a child worker.

But with the minimum wage law, the income of child workers had steadily increased, now reaching almost half that of an adult male worker.

The consequence of this was that many capitalists no longer favored cheap child labor. After all, child workers not only had to be given holidays and rest time, but their wages were not much lower than those of female workers.

Because the combined population of the Madrid and Catalonia regions was only just over two million, the peak period for student enrollment was limited to late August and early September.

By mid-September, very few students were registering at the various primary schools. However, in the span of just over half a month, the total number of students enrolled across all primary schools in the two regions had exceeded thirty thousand, which was considered a great success.

Chapter 204: The Second Economic Crisis

While Spain was fervently rolling out its compulsory primary education, the smoke of war had already begun to drift across the Balkan Peninsula, blanketing all the peoples who called that land home.

Regarding the internal chaos and decline of the Ottoman Empire, the Russian government held an attitude of gloating over their misfortune. Russia even went so far as to provide strong diplomatic support to several of the Ottoman Empire’s vassal states, including Romania, Serbia, and Montenegro, in their resistance against Ottoman rule.

Speaking of which, one must mention the last Russo-Turkish War, that is, the treaty signed by various countries regarding the situation in the Balkan Peninsula after the Crimean War.

One of its clauses stipulated that the great powers required the Ottoman Empire to implement partial reforms in the regions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, including granting the people of these two regions the right to religious freedom, lowering their taxes, and carrying out tax system reforms, among other things.

At the time, the Ottoman government expressed its agreement and stated its willingness to implement the relevant reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

However, this did not last long. After the end of the Crimean War, not only did the Ottoman Empire’s reforms show no sign of progress, but its suppression of uprisings and rebellions by the various peoples of the Balkan Peninsula grew even more brutal.

This not only intensified the hatred between the various peoples of the Balkan Peninsula and the Ottoman Empire, but also gave the European great powers, led by Russia, an opportunity to intervene in the region’s affairs.

With Russia’s strong support and encouragement, many countries and peoples of the Balkan Peninsula united, expressing their dissatisfaction with the Ottoman Empire and joining the armed rebellion.

Currently, apart from the Kingdom of Greece, all other countries in the Balkan Peninsula were vassal states of the Ottoman Empire. No single vassal state could pose a threat to the Ottomans, but if all of them united, with Russian support behind them, it would become a considerable threat indeed.

In early July, the armed rebellion between the Ottoman Empire and the Balkan peoples had already entered a stalemate.

The Ottoman Empire possessed advanced weaponry from Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, while the rebel peoples’ armaments were by no means inferior, supplied entirely by Russia.

The Ottoman Empire had zero tolerance for these rebellions among the Balkan peoples. For these rebels, there was only one solution: brutal suppression with military force.

In the month of July alone, the Ottoman Empire mobilized its army multiple times to suppress the Balkan peoples’ rebellions, eliminating hundreds of rebels in total. Over a thousand more were affected and faced long prison sentences.

Although the Ottoman Empire was rather decayed, it was backed by two of Europe’s traditional great powers, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the British Empire, giving it a significant lead in terms of weaponry.

Even though the Balkan peoples actively and enthusiastically participated in rebellions and armed uprisings against the Ottoman Empire’s brutal rule, they still could not pose a significant threat.

As long as the great power of Russia did not intervene directly, the current situation in the Balkan Peninsula was acceptable for the Ottoman Empire.

This was also a question that concerned the great powers, including the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Britain: would the Russians intervene directly? Would they join this conflict that had already captured the attention of all of Europe?

Whether to participate or not was a question worth considering for other European countries, but for the Russian Empire, the answer had long been decided.

Two major conflicts existed between Russia and the other European great powers: one with the Austro-Hungarian Empire over the Balkan Peninsula, and another with Britain over Central and East Asia.

And these two conflicts were related to another of Russia’s major weaknesses: despite its vast territory, it lacked natural warm-water ports.

Russia’s three main sea outlets currently faced the Baltic Sea, the Black Sea, and the Sea of Japan.

The Sea of Japan was in the Far East and offered no help to Russia’s strategic positioning in Europe. Under these circumstances, Russia’s access to the sea via the Baltic and the Black Sea became especially important.

But both of these outlets faced the danger of being blockaded by enemies. For Russia to reach the Atlantic from the Baltic Sea, it had to pass through straits controlled by Denmark and traverse the North Sea, which was controlled by Britain.

To enter the Indian Ocean or the Mediterranean from the Black Sea, it also had to pass through the Constantinople Straits, controlled by the Ottoman Empire.

Solving the problem of the Baltic Sea outlet was impossible. After all, the Baltic had numerous neighboring countries, including a power like Germany, one of Europe’s five traditional great powers.

Even if Russia controlled the Baltic Sea, it would be useless. Further west of the Baltic lay Britain’s sphere of influence, and the British Navy could still blockade it.

Under these circumstances, the relatively weak Ottoman Empire became the Russian Empire’s only choice for expanding its sea access, and this was the reason for the repeated Russo-Turkish Wars.

For Alexander II, this was a golden opportunity that could not be missed. It was Russia’s best chance to fully extend its influence into the Balkan Peninsula and seek control of the Constantinople Straits.

Speaking of Alexander II, the emancipation of the serfs that he promoted had a significant impact on Russia. But at the same time, his reforms were not thorough. Russia remained, in essence, that same decaying empire, its life merely extended for a short time.

Imagine the entire Russian Empire as a dam with its water level about to reach its absolute limit. Alexander II’s reforms were like adding a few more meters to the dam’s height, delaying the moment it would overflow by a few decades.

But the dam would inevitably fill up, and the moment it did would be the moment the decaying Russian Empire fell apart.

Judging from the current composition of troops and weaponry of both the Ottoman and Russian Empires, the Russian Empire held an absolute advantage.

As one of Europe’s most populous countries, Russia’s standing infantry numbered a terrifying seven hundred twenty thousand men and possessed nearly three thousand artillery pieces, organized into sixteen army corps distributed across Russia’s vast territory.

On the Ottoman side, despite some reforms, the entire empire had a force of just over four hundred thousand men. Compared to the Russian Empire’s more than three thousand artillery pieces, the Ottoman Empire had only around eight hundred, a considerable portion of which were relatively outdated.

However, considering that British aid was arriving in a continuous stream, the gap in weaponry between the Ottoman and Russian armies would actually continue to shrink.

Russia’s seven hundred twenty thousand troops were scattered across its vast territory, so the number of soldiers it could deploy to the Balkans was not large.

The Ottoman Empire was in a similar situation. Although it claimed to have four hundred thousand troops, only about two hundred eighty thousand were deployed in the Balkan Peninsula. The remaining nearly one hundred thirty thousand were in Anatolia, separated from the Balkans by the Constantinople Straits.

As time moved into September 1876, the war between Serbia, Montenegro, and the Ottoman Empire grew increasingly intense.

Yes, war. Serbia and Montenegro, existing as vassal states, had declared war on the Ottoman Empire several months prior, citing the reason of reclaiming their legitimate lands illegally occupied by the Ottomans.

Seeing the flames in the Balkan Peninsula burn ever fiercely, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Britain could only call for rationality from both sides while providing as much support as possible to the Ottoman Empire to ensure it held the advantage in the war.

In the month of September alone, Britain shipped large quantities of weapons, equipment, and food supplies to the Ottoman Empire. With these armaments, the Ottomans were able to fight Serbia and Montenegro on even terms, and in most cases, even gain the upper hand.

This precious aid from Britain was like a lifeline for the Ottoman Empire. As early as the end of last year, a great famine in Anatolia had caused the empire’s finances to collapse, leaving it unable to even maintain its existing army.

As for the Austro-Hungarian Empire, while the war in the Balkans was raging, it was already considering how to deal with a potential Russian intervention.

Based on the currently available information, it would be very difficult for the Russians to stay out of this war, unless Britain directly announced it would help the Ottoman Empire suppress the rebellion.

But that was obviously impossible. Unless there were sufficient interests at stake, the British would not proactively join this war.

Even if the British were truly willing to join the war, would that be a good thing for the Austro-Hungarian Empire? Probably not.

With Britain’s direct intervention, the Ottoman Empire would surely be able to end the rebellion quickly and wouldn’t have to worry about the Russian threat.

But afterward, the Ottoman Empire would certainly be infiltrated by the British, making it much more difficult for the Austro-Hungarian Empire to exert its own influence in the Balkans.

It was for these reasons that the Austro-Hungarian Empire currently maintained a rather ambiguous stance. If one had to describe it, Austria-Hungary’s attitude was more akin to wishing that both Russia and Britain would disappear from the Balkan situation, leaving it as the sole great power in the region.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire adopted a rare neutral stance on the Balkan situation, patiently waiting for a new round of diplomatic struggle between Britain and Russia.

At the same time, Franz Joseph I ordered the Austro-Hungarian army to be on standby, ensuring that the empire could intervene in the Balkan war at any moment.

Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire did not intend to interfere in the war, it operated on the principle that it deserved a piece of the pie. No matter who emerged as the final victor, Austria-Hungary had to ensure it could get its share of the spoils.

If Russia defeated the Ottoman Empire, Franz Joseph I would choose to ally with the British, even resorting to the threat of war to force the Russians to concede, partitioning the Balkan Peninsula into three rather than allowing Russia to annex it all.

If the Ottoman Empire defeated Russia, that would naturally be the best possible news. Not only would the situation in the Balkans remain as it was, but it would also further thwart the ambitions of the Russian Empire.

But the likelihood of this scenario was far lower than the first. Although both the Ottoman and Russian Empires were declining, the Ottoman Empire was clearly on its last legs. And while the Russian Empire was merely clinging to life, a starved camel is still bigger than a horse.

Since the end of the Franco-Prussian War, the war in the Balkan Peninsula was probably the most sensational news in Europe in recent times.

Because of this, the Balkan Peninsula not only attracted the attention of the three great powers but also drew in a large number of newspaper companies, media outlets, and Europeans who followed the news.

Spain had not been idle during this period either. On one hand, it vigorously promoted the expansion of compulsory primary education, carrying out pilot projects in the regions of Catalonia and Madrid.

On the other hand, it secretly contacted both the Ottoman Empire and Russia, looking for opportunities to export Spain’s weaponry.

Besides weaponry, other strategic materials, including grain, were also for sale. Spain’s domestic situation had been relatively stable in recent years, and its grain production was steadily increasing, so exporting a portion of it was not an issue.

Seeing that Russia and the Ottoman Empire were not going to start fighting in the Balkans anytime soon, Carlo gradually turned his attention to other matters, especially the response to the economic crisis.

Just as had been discussed in the Cabinet meeting at the beginning of the year, the government and the Ministry of Finance had estimated that there was a high probability of a second wave of the economic crisis this year.

And reality proved this to be true. Between February and March, the British economy experienced a new round of turmoil, which triggered the outbreak of the second economic crisis.

Fortunately, Spain had prepared for this, so the fluctuations of the economic crisis did not have a very severe impact.

Of course, a major reason for this was that Europe was still grappling with the ongoing economic crisis.

The impact of the first wave of the economic crisis could be said to have weakened, but the crisis itself had not ended. As of the beginning of 1876, many European countries still had their economies in shambles, and their industrial production had been severely affected.

Under these circumstances, although the second wave of the economic crisis affected many countries, it was no longer as devastating as the first.

The businesses that couldn’t withstand the economic crisis had already gone bankrupt during the first wave. Most of the remaining resilient companies had government support, so surviving the second wave was naturally not a problem.

If the first wave of the economic crisis had hit Germany, the United States, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire the hardest, then the second wave hit Britain and France the hardest.

Britain and France, relying on their vast colonies, had held out longer during the first wave, and the impact of the crisis on their industry and economy was far less severe than in other countries.

But after the second wave began, even by exploiting their colonies, it was clear that Britain and France could no longer endure.

Fortunately, the first wave had already bankrupted many companies with weak foundations. The impact of the second wave was therefore limited, and for countries with economies and industries as vast as Britain and France, it was almost negligible.

During the worst period of the first economic crisis for Germany and the United States, over a third of their factories shut down, and nearly half of their workers faced unemployment.

In the second wave, the total number of factories that shut down in Britain was less than one-fifth of the total, and this was the cumulative effect of both waves of the crisis.

Of course, for the British Empire, the impact of the second economic crisis was still significant.

If not for the second economic crisis, the British Empire could have supported the Ottoman Empire much more vigorously. But now, because its domestic industry and economy had also been affected, Britain’s support for the Ottomans was limited, and it had no intention of using its military to interfere in the war.

Chapter 205: Empress of India

In Britain, besides the major news of the recurring economic crisis, another piece of news sparked heated discussion among the public: the Royal Titles Bill, promulgated in May.

This bill granted Queen Victoria a brand-new title: Empress of the Empire of India.

Although Britain was known as the British Empire, the title of its ruler was actually King or Queen of Great Britain. At a time when Europe was teeming with empires, Britain, as the most powerful nation on the continent, had finally taken a step toward the rank of an empire.

However, compared to the titles of other European empires, “Empress of India” was somewhat awkward.

The imperial titles of other European countries had different origins. The Russian Empire claimed to have inherited the title of the Eastern Roman Empire, while the Austro-Hungarian Empire was formed from the merger of the Austrian Empire, founded by the former Holy Roman Emperor, and Hungary.

Although the German Empire was only an empire of the German lands, the German lands had once held the legitimate imperial title of the Holy Roman Empire.

In contrast, the title of Empress of India, which the British had prepared for so long, derived its legitimacy from the previous rulers of the Indian region, the Mughal Empire.

In terms of imperial legitimacy, the so-called Empire of India was not at all comparable to the imperial titles of other European nations. And since Europe placed extreme importance on legitimacy, Queen Victoria’s coronation as Empress of India faced considerable pressure.

The title “Empress of India” had first been used by the rulers of the Indian princely states as a term of address for the Queen of Britain. When British rule in India transitioned from the East India Company to the Indian colony, Queen Victoria also began to firmly believe she was the Empress of India.

For more than a decade, Queen Victoria had grown accustomed to the title of Empress of India and considered the lands of India as part of the empire under her rule.

In June 1872, when an envoy from the Indian colony prostrated himself before her, Queen Victoria used the title herself, saying, “As the Empress of India, I refuse to accept such a ceremony.”

Queen Victoria’s public acceptance and fondness for the title of Empress of India inspired some noblemen to push for her coronation to the Indian throne.

As early as three years ago, Queen Victoria’s secretary, Frederick Ponsonby, had publicly proposed to Earl Granville that Queen Victoria be crowned with the title of Empress of India.

The reason Frederick Ponsonby gave was that the title had long been used to refer to Her Majesty Queen Victoria; it had just never been publicly proclaimed.

As Queen Victoria’s secretary, it was impossible for Frederick Ponsonby to be widely propagating ideas the Queen did not approve of.

This meant that being crowned Empress of India was Queen Victoria’s own wish.

Besides her fondness for such a title, another major reason for Queen Victoria’s haste to become an empress was that her son-in-law, Frederick William Nicholas Charles, had been elevated from Crown Prince of Prussia to Crown Prince of the German Empire, while his father, Wilhelm I, had been elevated from King of Prussia to German Emperor.

When her son-in-law inherited the imperial throne in the future, if she were still just the Queen of Great Britain, wouldn’t her title be a rank lower than his?

Among the five traditional great powers of Europe, Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the Russian Empire were all empires. France was a republic and didn’t count.

Britain, the most powerful of them all, was merely a kingdom, a point of dissatisfaction for Queen Victoria.

For this very reason, despite significant domestic resistance, Queen Victoria pushed through the titles bill and was crowned Empress of the Empire of India, becoming the fourth monarch among European rulers to hold an imperial title.

While Britain was busy crowning its queen as an empress, its arch-rival, France, was not idle.

As the United States was about to celebrate the centennial of its founding, France announced it would gift the United States a statue representing liberty. This statue would become very famous in later years—it was the Statue of Liberty, the symbol of American freedom.

The proposal was made by the French political intellectual Édouard de Laboulaye in 1865 and received assistance from many Frenchmen, including the sculptor Auguste Bartholdi, as well as the approval of both the French and American governments.

It was in that same year that Bartholdi began constructing the statue. In a very short time, he completed the sculpting of the torch held by the Statue of Liberty and had it shipped from France to the United States to be displayed at the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia.

A hundred years ago, when the United States gained its independence, the French had provided substantial help. Now, a century later, the French were once again taking great pains to gift the United States the renowned future landmark, the Statue of Liberty. France’s kindness and support for the United States was profound.

The year 1876 was a rather busy one for the nations of Europe, and Spain was no exception.

Carlo was closely monitoring the situation on the Balkan Peninsula, but it seemed the Russians had no intention of starting a war at present.

After adding the crown of Empress of India to Queen Victoria’s head, the British frantically began preparations for a coronation ceremony in India.

After all, this was an imperial title for India; if the coronation ceremony wasn’t held in India, the so-called imperial title would lack substance.

One had to admire Britain’s attentiveness to the situation on the Balkan Peninsula. Even while preoccupied with their own affairs, the British were able to closely monitor the Balkans and even deliver material aid to the Ottoman Empire on schedule, helping them stabilize the region.

Seeing that war was unlikely to break out in the Balkans, Carlo turned his attention back to domestic affairs in Spain. He simultaneously revised problematic laws and accelerated the pace of Spain’s development, moving toward the goal of “making Spain great again.”

For Spain, the past few years of development had brought a good deal of positive news.

First was railway mileage.

More than two years had passed since the end of the last Five-Year Plan, and Spain’s achievements in railway construction were quite gratifying.

Since the beginning of the Second Five-Year Plan, the average length of railway built each year exceeded five hundred fifty kilometers. This brought Spain’s existing railway mileage to an astonishing eight thousand eight hundred seventy-five kilometers, with hopes of increasing the total to over nine thousand kilometers this year.

At the current rate of construction, Spain’s total railway mileage would one hundred percent surpass ten thousand kilometers within the Second Five-Year Plan, and there was even hope of exceeding the target of eleven thousand kilometers set by the plan.

In terms of railway mileage, Spain had already surpassed Italy, which had once been its peer, and was now striving to catch up with the five traditional great powers of Europe.

The expansion of railway mileage brought not only convenience in transportation but also a series of improvements in related auxiliary industries.

Stimulating the overall growth of the Spanish economy by radiating out to these auxiliary industries was the unseen benefit of railway construction.

As for the visible benefits, there were many. These included facilitating communication and cargo transport between Spain’s various regions, enabling the Spanish government to control the regions more quickly and effectively, and stimulating population mobility.

Spain’s total railway mileage did not include the simple railways built in the colonies. Otherwise, the total railway mileage within Spain’s sphere of influence would have long since surpassed ten thousand kilometers.

Currently, Spain’s colonies could be divided into the Cuban colony, the colony of Southern Morocco, the Guinea and Congo colony, and the Philippine colony.

Spain had built extensive railway and road systems in all four of these colonies, with Cuba and the Philippines having the longest railway lines.

However, with the declining importance of Cuba and the acquisition of the new colony of Southern Morocco and the Congo Territory, Spain’s focus for colonial railway construction had shifted to Africa.

Although railways were still being built in Cuba and the Philippines, the intensity of construction and the proportion of funds invested were significantly less than in the two African colonies.

It is worth mentioning that after the military advisory group arrived in Lanfang, it also devised a plan to build a railway connecting the Lanfang Republic and the Spanish-occupied territories.

The Lanfang Republic and the Spanish-occupied territories were located in the southwestern and northeastern parts of Kalimantan, respectively, making it rather difficult to build a railway connecting the two.

Running the railway through the Dutch colonies in the south was completely impossible. This meant there were only two options for the railway’s construction: either go north through the Kingdom of Sarawak and Brunei, or cut through central Kalimantan, cross the primeval forest, and then follow the Sultanate of Bulungan’s territory north to connect with Spanish-controlled lands.

The northern route would pass through Britain’s sphere of influence, while the central route would cross the Ilan Mountains in the middle of Kalimantan Island. This made the plan to connect the railways of the Lanfang Republic and the Spanish-controlled Philippine colony very difficult to realize.

The good news was that, with the help of the military advisory group, the training of the Lanfang Republic’s new army was proceeding very smoothly. After a year of training, this force of about twenty thousand men had officially become the main army of the Lanfang Republic.

During the army’s training period, the local natives and the Dutch were not without their provocations. But because their numbers were small, they were quickly defeated by the newly formed army.

After all, this was an army of twenty thousand men, all equipped with muskets and cannons. Although their weaponry was inferior to that of the main armies of European nations, it was more than sufficient to deal with the native forces in Kalimantan.

The native armies were mostly equipped with cold weapons, with very few firearms. Even if they were equipped with firearms, the native soldiers had difficulty understanding how to use them properly.

The muskets and cannons the natives possessed were mostly sold to them by Britain and the Netherlands, which meant they were extremely dependent on ammunition supplies from them.

Even if they could learn how to use rifles and artillery, once their bullets and shells were depleted, they were helpless.

And the British and Dutch homelands were tens of thousands of kilometers away from Kalimantan Island, which meant the weapons, equipment, and ammunition supplies these natives could obtain were limited.

Under these circumstances, they could hardly pose a threat to the twenty thousand-strong new army being trained by the Lanfang Republic, unless the Dutch were willing to intervene personally and transport a shipment of weapons and ammunition to the colony before launching a war.

As for the Philippine colony, after unifying the entire region, Spain carried out a series of reforms and investments.

Not only did it enhance railway construction, ensuring the colonial government’s control over the colony, but it also invested in some plantations and mines to generate sufficient profit from the Philippine colony.

For the administration of the Philippine colony, the Spanish government adopted a strategy of division and suppression.

It segregated the newly incorporated natives from those who had always been part of the Philippine colony and granted the latter certain privileges.

This way, the natives of the Philippines would not be a monolithic bloc, making them easier for Spain to rule.

The natives who received privileges, in order to maintain them, had to support Spanish rule in the Philippines while simultaneously confronting the unprivileged natives.

And the unprivileged natives, facing oppression from the privileged ones, would also redirect their hatred toward them.

Through this method of division and suppression, the Filipinos, who should have been hostile to the Spanish colonizers, were internally divided into two factions, ensuring they would not unite to oppose Spanish colonial rule.

In fact, in Carlo’s vision, the Lanfang Republic was also a crucial piece of the puzzle.

Although dividing the Filipino natives was an effective way to control the Philippines for now, it was ultimately a temporary solution.

There were no major conflicts among the Filipino native groups; their hatred would sooner or later return to the Spanish colonizers.

But if the Lanfang Republic were brought into the mix, it would evolve into a conflict between the Lanfang people and the Filipinos.

Due to their different ethnicities and cultures, these two peoples would find it very difficult to unite against Spanish colonial rule. Spain could also stabilize its rule in the Philippines by controlling these two peoples and turning both into its enforcers.

The future World War I and World War II would still require a large amount of manpower. Spain’s own population was not large. If it could provide a large number of auxiliary troops from the Philippines and Lanfang, it could reduce the loss of its own native population.

The loss of these auxiliary troops would be acceptable to Spain. Even with a poorer combat loss ratio, as long as they could contribute, the cost of raising the army would be well worth it.

The extent of manpower losses was also related to the distribution of spoils after a war. France’s losses in World War I were nothing short of staggering, nearly wiping out an entire generation.

The resulting economic and agricultural losses were even more severe. It was not until more than a decade after the end of World War I that France gradually emerged from its shadow.

But it had only just emerged from the shadow. The war had cost the country its young and able-bodied workforce, and the impact was not something that could be remedied in just over a decade.

France’s later transformation from a traditional white European country into a nation with a large black population is also linked to the immense losses from the two World Wars.

France lost so many people in World War I that it had to rely on labor from its colonies to supplement its domestic manpower needs.

The consequence of this was a significant demographic shift, and France eventually became a prime example of a nation where the black population had turned the tables on the original inhabitants.

As for Carlo, he had no desire to see the day Spain underwent a similar transformation. For this reason, how to minimize Spain’s manpower losses in war was a problem that Carlo needed to consider from every angle.

Chapter 206: Bullfighting

For the people of the 1870s, society was sorely lacking in entertainment. A major reason for this was the relentless exploitation of workers by factory owners, which left them with no time for rest or recreation.

However, it was also undeniable that the backwardness of technology and the scarcity of various entertainments were contributing factors to the public’s sense of tedium.

Although Spain’s media industry had given birth to entertainment newspapers that specialized in gossip news, not all Spaniards bought newspapers.

When the populace lacks sufficient recreational outlets to vent their emotions, various anti-government voices and factions inevitably emerge over time.

This meant that Spain was in urgent need of a form of entertainment that could stir the emotions of the vast majority of its people—an activity that also had to be wildly popular in Spain.

Looking across the whole of Spain, only one tradition currently met these requirements: the sport of bullfighting, which had been popular in the country for several hundred years.

Spanish bullfighting originated from ancient religious activities and possessed a long history and tradition in the two Iberian nations of Spain and Portugal.

According to historical records, the ancient Roman Emperor Caesar, who once ruled Spain, was an avid bullfighter on horseback, and bullfighters were seen as symbols of courage and martial prowess.

Originally, this sport was popular only among the Spanish nobility, as breeding bulls and preparing for such events required substantial funds.

However, due to the high number of casualties bullfighting caused among the nobility, Philip V banned members of the royal family from participating. This led to the transformation of bullfighting from a noble’s privilege into a national spectacle that commoners could also take part in.

After a long period of development, bullfighting had become an irreplaceable Spanish tradition, an activity that a great number of Spaniards were passionately devoted to.

Bullfighters were regarded as brave and fearless men, admired and revered by all Spaniards.

To Carlo, there was no activity more worthy of promotion than bullfighting. The bullfighter inherently symbolized a spirit of courage and fearlessness. The more the Spanish people revered and admired this spirit, the more it would be reflected in the fighting strength of the Spanish army.

The influence of national spirit on an army’s combat effectiveness was considerable. The Italian army’s strength was not exceptional, but it was by no means weak.

Why, then, was Italy’s performance in both World War I and World War II so poor? The primary reason was that the Italian national spirit leaned more towards freedom and pleasure, coupled with a weak sense of national identity and belonging. Naturally, they were unwilling to fight for the abstract concept of the Italian state.

Spain, with its bullfighting tradition, clearly did not have such a weakness. If properly cultivated, the Spaniards, even with a small population, could ensure that the armies they formed possessed formidable combat strength.

A spirit of courage and fearlessness has a significant impact on an army. When all Spaniards revered such a spirit, what reason was there to doubt the fighting capability of the Spanish army?

If paired with the advanced rifles and artillery Carlo was preparing for his army, the Spanish military would be confident in fighting the army of any nation, provided their numbers were not vastly different.

Even if outnumbered by the enemy, as long as they defended their position relying on the Pyrenees Mountains, Spain would fear no country’s invasion.

This was the conviction brought by national spirit. When all Spaniards possessed sufficient national cohesion and a sense of identity, the Spanish army would become an enemy that no country in the world would want to encounter.

Besides cultivating a courageous and fearless national spirit, promoting bullfighting had another major advantage: it could stimulate economic circulation.

The public had to buy tickets to watch bullfighting performances, which would increase the circulation of currency and promote the growth of the Spanish economy.

Bullfighting was also a unique feature of Spain, attracting large numbers of European tourists every year. In this era, there were no football or basketball games; bullfighting was one of the few large-scale events capable of capturing the public’s eye.

Although bullfighting had many drawbacks, they were less significant when compared to the benefits it brought.

Carlo decided to vigorously promote bullfighting. On one hand, it would instill a brave, fearless, and combative character into the Spanish national spirit. On the other hand, it would provide Spaniards with more recreational activities to vent their emotions and expend their energy, while also stimulating economic exchange.

Currently, the largest bullring in Spain was Lealtad Square in the center of Madrid. At the heart of Lealtad Square was a circular bullring, and the period from March to October each year was Spain’s bullfighting season.

The Lealtad Bullring could accommodate over thirty-five hundred spectators, making it the largest in Madrid and drawing the attention of a great number of Spaniards from the surrounding areas.

The first step in Carlo’s vigorous promotion of bullfighting was to personally experience its charm and to gauge the level of public support for the activity.

At the end of September 1876, Carlo personally arrived at the Lealtad Bullring to watch a bullfighting performance specially prepared for him.

The loudly cheering crowd, the magnificent bull, and the confident bullfighter holding his red cape combined to create a breathtaking scene within the arena.

Upon learning that Carlo would be personally attending, the bullring had made meticulous preparations. The bullfighter performing for Carlo was the most famous in the Madrid area. He had been undefeated in recent years, having easily bested over a thousand bulls.

Unfortunately, the so-called “Spanish Bullfighter’s March” did not exist yet. The thrilling, blood-pumping spectacle could only be set to the background music of the audience’s roars and the bull’s angry bellows.

This gave Carlo a new idea. Before vigorously promoting bullfighting, he first needed to commission a piece of music tailored for it, to be named the “Spanish Bullfighter’s March.”

A powerful, majestic, and magnificent musical score, combined with the brave, fearless, and confident performance of the bullfighter—that would be the perfect match.

A single bullfight did not involve just one bull. Instead, three bullfighters would appear in succession to fight a total of six bulls.

For the bullfighters’ safety, they did not act alone but were supported by three banderilleros and two picadors on horseback.

After watching the entire performance, Carlo left the Lealtad Bullring quite satisfied. Before leaving, he made sure to offer words of encouragement to the head of the bullring.

The fact that Carlo, the King of Spain, had personally watched a bullfighting performance at the Lealtad Bullring attracted the attention of some news media.

Although newspaper circulation was subject to control, this was not considered negative news. Therefore, the newspaper companies that reported on Carlo watching the bullfight were not stopped.

This also piqued the public’s interest. After all, during the Bourbon dynasty, bullfighting had been forbidden among members of the royal family, which was one of the reasons it transformed from a noble sport into a commoner’s activity.

Did Carlo’s attendance at the bullfight in Lealtad Square signify that the young king also had some interest in the sport?

The public was quite concerned about this, curious as to how His Majesty would treat this sport, which was, after all, an ancient Spanish tradition.

Upon returning to the Royal Palace, Carlo discussed his plan to promote bullfighting with Steward Loren.

Steward Loren was quite supportive but also offered a few suggestions of his own: “Your Majesty, if you wish to vigorously promote bullfighting, the current number of bullrings is completely insufficient.

“The largest bullring in the Madrid region is the Lealtad Bullring, which has only thirty-five hundred seats. Even counting those who stand on the sides, the maximum capacity of the entire arena will not exceed five thousand people.

“If your plan is to develop bullfighting into a large-scale national sport, a bullring of this size is far from enough.

“I suggest that while vigorously promoting the sport, we build a large bullring on the outskirts of Madrid, ensuring that a single performance can accommodate at least ten thousand spectators.

“This would not only be beneficial for the promotion of bullfighting but also for the economic exchange in the Madrid region. If each performance can attract over ten thousand people, it will not only boost the local economy but also attract more tourists.”

Carlo nodded, largely agreeing with Steward Loren’s viewpoint.

Spain’s bullfighting tradition was very long, and bullrings built at different times existed throughout the country. This was especially true for Andalusia in southern Spain, the region with the richest bullfighting culture in the entire country, which boasted several historic bullrings.

But no matter how long the history of these bullrings, they all shared one significant drawback: they could not accommodate a large number of spectators.

The size of a bullring varied greatly depending on the size of the city it was in and the financial resources of its builders.

Typically, a bullring had between two thousand and thirty-five hundred seats. A few larger ones could hold over four thousand people, but they rarely exceeded five thousand.

After all, to have more seats, one had to continuously expand the area of the bullring. And for those seats farther from the action, the viewing experience was not very good.

For a sport like bullfighting, a larger, national-level bullring was essential. A bullfighting event held in such a grand arena would be better able to attract the attention of both domestic and international audiences, and could even become a signature event for Spain.

After Steward Loren presented his proposal, Carlo immediately expressed his approval. “You are right, Steward Loren. The bullfighters do need a large arena that can hold over ten thousand spectators. This new bullring will also become one of Spain’s landmark buildings.

“Steward Loren, I am entrusting you with the task of building a large bullring on the outskirts of Madrid. I don’t care how much it costs, but I want the bullring we build to have a distinct Spanish character and be able to attract both bullfighters and spectators.”

A large bullring capable of holding over ten thousand spectators would immediately become a landmark building in Spain upon its completion. Although it would require a lot of money, if the promotion of bullfighting went smoothly, the subsequent income from tickets and related commercial operations would be enough to cover the construction costs.

For this reason, Carlo was not worried about the investment in building the bullring. Constructing such a large venue was a case of the benefits far outweighing the costs.

Hearing Carlo’s instructions, Steward Loren nodded solemnly, indicating that he understood.

The lack of a financial limit demonstrated Carlo’s trust in him, so naturally, he had nothing more to say.

There were no major technical challenges in building a bullring, and Spanish construction teams had plenty of experience with such projects.

The only difficulty was selecting the site. It had to be in a location with convenient transportation to facilitate the arrival of future tourists, yet it also needed to be far from the city center of Madrid so as not to interfere with the city’s future expansion.

It was worth noting that Madrid was currently the most populous city in Spain and was experiencing rapid population growth.

The only city that could compare with Madrid in terms of population growth was Barcelona. These two cities were Spain’s twin stars.

Due to its constantly growing population, the urban scale of Madrid had been continually expanding compared to a few years ago. If the site of the new bullring affected Madrid’s future urban expansion, it could become a problem down the line.

It was better to consider the issue of Madrid’s urban expansion from the start, so as not to affect the construction and subsequent operation of the bullring while also facilitating the city’s growth—killing two birds with one stone.

To date, Madrid had officially become the first and only city in Spain with a population exceeding five hundred thousand.

With over five hundred and twenty thousand people, the Spanish capital had become a true metropolis and was currently Spain’s cultural, economic, and religious center.

Barcelona’s population was just over four hundred and thirty thousand, somewhat less than Madrid’s. However, Barcelona’s population was expanding at a pace no slower than Madrid’s. Perhaps one day in the future, Barcelona’s population might even surpass Madrid’s.

After all, Barcelona had the advantage of sea transport, something Madrid lacked. Madrid was located in the very center of Spanish territory, giving it a strategically important geographical position.

But precisely because it was inland, Madrid’s transportation had to rely on railways and roads, which limited its development to a certain extent.

With the matter of the large bullring settled, the next step was to think about how to accelerate the development of bullfighting.

The simplest way to promote bullfighting more quickly was to organize official competitions with lavish prizes and have the Spanish newspapers and media spread the word far and wide, sparking spontaneous public interest in the events.

However, there was one piece of bad news: the bullfighting season in Spain was about to end. The season generally ran from March to October, and it was already early October, meaning the activities would soon conclude.

This meant that any major push to promote bullfighting would have to begin in March of the following year.

Fortunately, that was only a few months away—just enough time to prepare for the bullfighting events and to spread news about them across Spain, attracting more tourists and public attention, thereby increasing the competition’s visibility, engagement, and excitement.

A few days later, Carlo established the Spanish Bullfighting Association, specifically responsible for promoting bullfighting, managing future competitions, and so on.

And just a few days after its establishment, the Spanish Bullfighting Association announced the first national Spanish bullfighting competition they had meticulously prepared.

The official name of the competition was the Spanish Royal Bullfighter Competition. The entire event would be divided into two major stages, held in various regions across Spain and in the capital, Madrid.

The first stage, from March to July of the next year, would be held in the bullrings of Spain’s major regions to select a total of ten outstanding bullfighters. These bullfighters would then gather in Madrid for the second round of competition.

The second stage would take place from August to October of the next year. The elite bullfighters selected from the various regions would gather in Madrid to present even more spectacular performances.

The three-month competition period would determine the best bullfighter in Spain. In addition to the traditional rewards of applause, the bull’s ear, and the bull’s tail, the final winner would also receive a personal audience with Carlo and the title of Royal Bullfighter of Spain.

Besides these honorary awards, the top ten bullfighters from each region would receive monetary prizes of varying amounts. And after the final three months of competition, once the ten best bullfighters in Spain had been chosen, they would receive even more generous rewards, with the minimum being a check for at least a thousand pesetas.

As for the most outstanding bullfighter, who would earn the title of Royal Bullfighter, in addition to the honorary awards, they would also receive a check for no less than ten thousand pesetas—an amount several dozen times the annual income of an ordinary Spaniard.

Chapter 207: The Ironclad is Launched

When the public learned through various channels that Carlo would be organizing bullfighting competitions in the new year, they immediately burst into cheers. Some Spaniards who were particularly fond of bullfighting were ecstatic.

The Spaniards’ love for bullfighting is undeniable. During the bullfighting season from March to October, almost every performance is sold out.

Someone once commented on the Spanish passion for the sport: “Spaniards might be late for any other event, but never a bullfight.”

This is no exaggeration, especially in the southern regions of Spain, such as Andalusia.

As Spain’s most populous region, Andalusia boasts the most bullrings and the most fervent bullfighting fans in the country.

An excellent bullfighter can be rewarded with the bull’s ear and tail. In the bullrings of Andalusia, a bullfighter beloved by the audience can not only take a victory lap around the arena but also pass through the bullring’s “Prince’s Gate” under the thunderous cheers and watchful eyes of the spectators.

Although such an honor attracts bullfighters from all over Spain, earning the right to pass through the “Prince’s Gate” is no easy feat.

A bullfighting event features three bullfighters and six bulls, with each bullfighter getting two opportunities to perform.

To qualify for the “Prince’s Gate,” a bullfighter must win the crowd’s favor in both performances, earning at least three bull’s ears and one bull’s tail, only then do they get the chance to pass through the gate.

Admittedly, bullfighting is extremely dangerous. The reason Spaniards revere bullfighters is that they dare to face immense risks head-on during the fight.

The bulls used in the rings are pure-blooded wild bulls, typically healthy, aggressive adult bulls selected from North Africa.

Because their violent tempers and aggressive natures are innate rather than trained, these bulls are exceedingly dangerous, making bullfighting an activity with a very high rate of injury and death.

It was foreseeable that with Carlo promoting bullfighting throughout Spain, the number of Spaniards dying in the sport each year would grow at an alarming rate, quickly reaching hundreds or even thousands.

But for Carlo, these drawbacks were acceptable, because bullfighting also brought many benefits to Spain.

Setting aside external factors like weapons and equipment, the combat effectiveness of the Spanish army was not poor compared to other great powers; it was still stronger than Russia’s and Italy’s.

By leveraging the martial spirit that bullfighting instilled in the Spanish people, Carlo was confident he could build a Spanish army with combat capabilities that were first-rate, or even top-tier, in Europe.

With a smaller population than the other European great powers, Spain’s only option was to improve the combat effectiveness of its army as much as possible to even stand a chance against them.

As November approached, Spain received another piece of good news: the Revival-class ironclad, the Revival, which had been under construction, was about to be launched.

This news also captured the attention and cheers of the Spanish people, quickly becoming a sensation throughout the country.

Spain had not been secretive about the construction of this ironclad. The Ministry of Defense had publicly announced the warship procurement plan, and it was built openly by the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

The reason for this complete transparency was precisely to stir public interest and boost the national pride of the Spanish people.

According to the original construction timeline provided by the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, the Revival was expected to be completed in the summer, launched, and begin its sea-trial phase.

However, the Ministry of Defense subsequently ordered nearly twenty other small and medium-sized warships, putting all three of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard’s dry docks into full production. Naturally, the construction of the Revival was delayed by several months.

The good news was that, thanks to the shipyard’s expedited efforts, two 3,000-ton cruisers would be launched for testing alongside the Revival.

With three warships launching simultaneously, and this being the first ironclad Spain had launched in many years, Carlo was determined to attend the launching ceremony personally.

On the day of the ceremony, parts of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard were opened to the public, and a crowd of curious Spaniards gathered.

When the people saw with their own eyes the behemoth in the distance being pushed into the ocean, they could no longer hold back their tears, cheering and celebrating loudly.

The Revival had a standard displacement of a staggering 8,600 tons, placing it in the first tier of ironclads currently being built by European nations.

For comparison, the British Majestic-class ironclads built during the same period had a displacement of only 9,644 tons. This was enough to prove that the tonnage of the Revival-class already ranked among the top ironclads of various nations.

More importantly, the Revival-class was equipped with four breech-loading 12-inch, 305-millimeter steel naval guns. Although their caliber was smaller than the 318-millimeter naval guns mastered by the British, their advantage was that they were breech-loaders, with a rate of fire and range far superior to muzzle-loaders.

Although the British Majestic-class ironclad had 1,000 tons more displacement than Spain’s Revival-class, its main armament consisted of only two 11-inch muzzle-loading rifled guns, lagging behind the Spanish Revival-class in terms of firepower.

Overall, the combat effectiveness of the Revival-class ironclad was definitively in the first tier of active ironclads in Europe. This was the result of Carlo’s strong support for Spain’s original shipbuilding system, as well as the technology and information acquired from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Italy, and Britain.

Compared to this ironclad with a displacement of over 8,600 tons, the two adjacent cruisers of just over 3,000 tons seemed rather miniature.

However, having seen the main course that was the Revival, the public certainly wasn’t going to turn their noses up at these two side dishes.

With the launch of these three warships, Spain’s naval strength was firmly established in the world’s top five. Although it was only fifth, with no chance of competing for fourth, it was still in the top five.

More importantly, this was only the first ironclad Spain had built in a decade. As Spain built more ironclads in the future, would its naval power remain at just fifth in the world?

This was naturally the question that the public was most focused on and excited about.

At the launching ceremony for the three warships, Carlo kept a relatively low profile to avoid provoking Britain’s wariness.

The British were not afraid of Spain developing its army, but if Spain’s focus shifted to naval development, they would have reason to worry.

After all, Britain’s status as a world hegemon was maintained entirely by its navy. Their greatest fear was a challenge from the seas, which would threaten the power and status of the British Empire.

At present, the main conflicts among the great powers in Europe were the German-French conflict, the Anglo-French conflict, the Anglo-Russian conflict, and the Russo-Austrian conflict.

But why did it ultimately evolve into Britain, France, and Russia fighting against Germany and Austria? The fundamental reason was that Germany’s naval development threatened Britain’s position, forcing the British to choose the lesser of two evils and ultimately cooperate with the less threatening French to defeat the Germans.

Of course, Britain’s motives were not so pure. What they truly wanted was to eliminate both Germany and France—two grave threats—in a single war, ensuring that no country on the European continent could ever challenge their position again.

The final result was clear: Germany was defeated under the combined assault of Britain and France, while the French suffered enormous casualties, which ultimately led to France’s poor performance in World War II.

France’s surrender in World War II couldn’t be blamed on the French people; after all, France had already suffered too many casualties in World War I. With only about twenty years between the two wars, there were still many French people alive during World War II who had experienced the first war. These people certainly did not want to go through another massive conflict like World War I.

Although Spain did not intend to be high-profile about its naval expansion, it was still necessary to build several more ironclads in the coming years.

Firstly, Spain’s economy was gradually improving and could support a larger fleet of ironclads. Secondly, with the expansion of Spain’s colonies, a more powerful fleet was indeed needed to protect them.

As mentioned before, although Spain had the world’s fifth-largest navy, most of its warships were sailing warships, products of a bygone era.

Just as a pre-dreadnought encountering a dreadnought, a sailing warship against an ironclad was like an egg hitting a stone.

The massive technological leap was a gap that sailing warships could never close, no matter how hard they tried. This caused Spain’s status as a naval power to be somewhat bloated, its strength more apparent than real.

While Carlo had no intention of maintaining a massive navy, he felt it was necessary to take advantage of the current period of rapid economic growth to replace some of the fleet with new warships powered by steam turbines.

The speeds of sailing warships and ironclads were completely disproportionate. After all, one was powered by wind, the other by steam turbines.

An ironclad could even complete an ocean voyage without sails, something previous sailing warships were incapable of.

And it just so happened that Spain’s colonies were spread across the globe, in the Americas, Africa, and Asia. In such circumstances, warships with long-range capabilities were essential to help Spain better stabilize its colonies.

If they had to rely on those sailing warships, by the time they reached a distant colony, any rebellion would have long been over.

With this in mind, immediately after attending the launching ceremony for the Revival-class ironclad, Carlo notified the other members of the Spanish Defense Committee and convened a new defense conference at the Royal Palace of Madrid.

The Spanish Defense Committee was an organization Carlo established after quelling the worker protests. Besides electing the Minister of Defense during a cabinet reshuffle, it also served as Spain’s supreme military council.

Carlo’s purpose for convening the Defense Committee meeting was simple: to discuss Spain’s naval expansion plans and firmly secure the Spanish Navy’s position as fifth in the world.

The attendees of the Defense Committee meeting were fixed: Carlo, the Minister of Defense, the Prime Minister, the Chief of the General Staff of the Ministry of Defense, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, the Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, and the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guard—just these seven individuals.

Because Grand Duke Serrano served as both Prime Minister and Minister of Defense, only six people actually attended the meeting.

The fewer the people at a meeting, the less debate there is. Everyone was in agreement about Spain’s naval expansion, even the Commander-in-Chief of the Army.

The main reason for this was that the current peaceful environment limited the growth of the Spanish Army. The Spanish Royal Army currently had a total of 136,000 men, which was already a considerable number.

Adding the 15,000 men of the Royal Guard, Spain’s total army size exceeded 150,000, with a combined combat effectiveness second only to the five great powers.

Under these circumstances, it was very difficult for the army to expand further. Unless faced with a war crisis, the most the army could do was lobby for a larger equipment budget, allowing soldiers to train without worrying about ammunition consumption.

In fact, the current Spanish Royal Army did not skimp on training. Excluding the 46,000 colonial troops, the Royal Army still had over 90,000 soldiers.

And in the military expenditure announced annually by the Ministry of Defense, the training costs for these 90,000 soldiers accounted for the largest share.

The cost of soldier training should not be underestimated. If each soldier conducted target practice twice a week, using ten rounds each time, a single soldier would expend twenty rounds per week.

With 90,000 soldiers in the Royal Army, this meant that if the Spanish army trained at such a rate, it would consume over 1.8 million rounds of ammunition per week.

At 1.8 million rounds a week, the monthly consumption would exceed seven million rounds. At this rate, the ammunition used by Spanish soldiers just for target practice would amount to hundreds of millions of rounds annually.

Although the actual training situation was surely not so simple, this was enough to demonstrate the enormous expense of the Spanish army’s daily training.

Fortunately, after years of expansion, the production capacity of the Royal Arsenal for weapons, equipment, ammunition, and artillery shells had increased several-fold, even dozens of times over.

Especially now that the army was fully equipped with new rifles, the Royal Arsenal only needed to keep one rifle production line running to replace routine wear and tear, while the remaining lines could work overtime to produce bullets.

Although it couldn’t fully meet the training needs of the Spanish soldiers—after all, the colonial troops also consumed ammunition, not to mention the 15,000 soldiers of the Royal Guard who weren’t included in the calculation.

The good news was that seventy percent of the ammunition consumed in training was produced domestically in Spain, with only thirty percent being imported.

This was thanks to the fact that Spain’s rifle was a modified version of an Italian rifle, and both models could use the same type of ammunition.

This allowed Spain to purchase rifle bullets of the same model from Italy, solving the problem of ammunition demand caused by military training.

Chapter 208: The Population Import Plan

November 11, 1876, Lanfang Republic, Kalimantan Island.

A long time had passed since the Lanfang Republic officially began its cooperation with Spain, and the changes it brought to the republic were obvious.

Besides the new army, which numbered twenty thousand and was currently in training, a large Spanish language school had also been established within the Lanfang Republic.

In addition to providing free Spanish training to Lanfang citizens, the school also offered higher-paying job opportunities to those who mastered the language.

Although the Lanfang Republic was a Chinese settlement formed around gold prospecting, this vast community was still home to many commoners; not everyone was a gold prospector.

The gold prospectors might look down on such high-income jobs, but for the commoners of the Lanfang Republic, the work offered by the Spaniards was quite appealing.

Although the Spanish military advisory group was small, dozens of Lanfang people were already working for the Spaniards.

What did their work entail? Besides acting as translators, they also worked at the Spanish language school, helping more people master the language.

Though Lanfang’s population was not large, it was backed by the populous nation to the north, giving it significant population potential.

Spain’s purpose in building the Spanish language school in Lanfang was precisely to attract a portion of its people to Spain and the Philippines.

Of course, the main target was the Philippines. If the Philippines were inhabited only by Filipinos, they would not remain so docile forever.

But if a balance of power could be formed within the Philippines between the Filipinos and the Lanfang people, perhaps even mixed with other ethnic groups, the stability of the entire region could be guaranteed.

Then, whether it was the Filipinos or the southerners, it would be extremely difficult for them to stage an armed rebellion to fight for independence. They would be facing not only the Spanish colonists but also the other ethnic groups within the colony.

Under such circumstances, there was only one way to resist the colonizers: for the several ethnic groups to unite and fight together.

As long as the Spanish government mediated from the center, such a situation would be hard to bring about. After all, it is difficult for different ethnic groups to unite, as each has its own interests and needs.

Creating a situation where Filipinos and southerners were pitted against each other was still impossible in the short term. The Filipinos were already a sizable population, while the southerners were few in number. It would take a very long time for them to establish a significant presence in the Philippines.

Fortunately, Spain still had enough time to plan and did not need to worry about the security of the Philippines for the time being.

Historically, Spain lost the Philippines largely because the rebellion in Cuba attracted the covetous eyes of the United States. The Spanish-American War, which erupted over Cuba, ultimately caused the Spaniards to lose the Philippines.

With the Cuban issue being less of a concern, the Philippines was currently relatively stable. Judging from history, Spain had at least another twenty years to deal with the Philippine problem.

If Cuba could be considered expendable, then the Philippines was worth holding for the medium to long term. Unless it could be exchanged for a more valuable colony or one that could be held longer, it was better to keep it in hand for now.

After all, possessing the Philippines provided influence that could radiate throughout Southeast Asia, a region that would become enormously valuable economically after the advent of the automobile.

The rubber industry alone was enough for Carlo to consider holding onto a colony in Southeast Asia, not to mention the other resources on the lands of the region. The numerous indigenous people also made for excellent cannon fodder.

Given some time to develop, the lands of the Philippines and Kalimantan could provide Spain with an army of at least one million soldiers when World War I broke out.

This would effectively compensate for Spain’s population deficit, allowing it to deploy more troops in World War I. Whether Spain would actually participate in the war and test its military strength and national foundation against the great powers of Europe, or use its military as a final trump card, leveraging its unique geographical position to demand greater benefits—both were excellent options.

As of now, Carlo’s view on World War I was still quite vague, and he had not yet made firm plans for Spain.

If sufficient benefits could be obtained without joining the war—for instance, if the British were willing to cede Gibraltar, or allow Spain to occupy all of Morocco.

If such gains could be made without fighting, then there was naturally no need for Spain to make pointless sacrifices. After all, war itself is waged for the sake of diplomacy; all outcomes of war lead to diplomatic negotiations.

If even war could not guarantee Spain sufficient benefits, then Carlo wouldn’t mind considering what gains war could bring Spain.

But whether he chose neutrality or war, Carlo’s goal was the same: to ensure that Spain gained enough from the future conflict. This included benefits in land or finances, as well as technology, industrial equipment, technical data, and so on, including technical personnel and scientists from all sectors. In Carlo’s eyes, all of these were interests worth fighting for.

Because the plan to import the southern population was only in its infancy, only a few isolated cases of southerners obtaining Spanish citizenship had occurred so far.

But in Southern Morocco, where the population import plan had been underway for several years, it had already achieved considerable success.

Because Moroccans were white, Spain’s requirements for them to obtain Spanish citizenship were relaxed.

As long as one converted to Catholicism and became proficient in Spanish, they were eligible to apply for Spanish citizenship.

Of course, after applying for citizenship, there would be an observation period. An ordinary peasant with a clean background would generally be granted Spanish citizenship after this period and given the opportunity to go to Spain.

But if their background was somewhat complicated, or if they were at risk of being extreme nationalists, then unfortunately, everyone, including their family, would be denied Spanish citizenship.

The observation period was generally three to six months, with a maximum of one year. It could usually be shortened through good performance, but never to less than three months.

Spain had established mines in Southern Morocco, as well as some construction teams and plantations. As long as a Moroccan performed well in the mines, construction teams, or plantations, they could shorten their observation period. They could even bypass the Spanish proficiency requirement, gaining citizenship by knowing just a few words.

In any case, there would be opportunities for Spanish language training after arriving in Spain, so relaxing the restrictions on this matter was acceptable.

But no matter what, to gain Spanish citizenship, one had to convert to Catholicism. Spain’s condition for European immigrants was that any Christian denomination was acceptable, but for immigrants from outside Europe, the condition was strictly Catholicism.

After Spain established the colony of Southern Morocco, the population import policy had a noticeable effect.

Currently, the number of Moroccans who had acquired Spanish citizenship had exceeded twenty-five hundred and was increasing by more than five hundred people annually.

If it weren’t for Spain’s overly strict background checks, the rate of Moroccan immigration could have been several times higher.

Although only twenty-five hundred Moroccans had obtained Spanish citizenship, this did not mean that only this many were willing to do so.

Spain’s approach to governing the Moroccans was polarized and based on an open double standard. Toward the more extreme Muslims and radical Moroccan nationalists, Spain’s attitude was exceptionally cruel.

Their fate was to be worked to death in the mines and other labor sites, with no possibility of ever leaving.

As for the Moroccans who were not extremists, Spain was willing to give them a chance. As long as they performed well at work, possessed certain technical skills, or were willing to enter into a marriage alliance with Spanish soldiers, they could have the opportunity to obtain Spanish citizenship.

Currently, the number of Moroccan girls who had married Spanish soldiers was already in the hundreds, which proved that a considerable number of Moroccans were not opposed to becoming Spaniards.

After all, in terms of appearance, Moroccans and Spaniards were quite similar. The real differences were religion and language, but these could be changed later in life.

While there were indeed extremely devout followers in the Muslim religion, there were also many who were not so extreme, or whose religious convictions were not so deep.

When their own interests were at stake, religion was not something that couldn’t be changed.

In the colony of Southern Morocco, there was a huge disparity in wages between those who spoke Spanish and those who didn’t, and between Muslims and Catholics.

Moroccans who spoke Spanish and practiced Catholicism might still have to labor in plantations and mines, but they would not be assigned to more dangerous areas. Their work was less strenuous, and they received enough food, even seeing meat, vegetables, and fruit from time to time.

Those who met only one of the two criteria—Spanish language or Catholicism—also received some preferential treatment, such as less dangerous or less tiring work.

Those who neither spoke Spanish nor practiced Catholicism received no preferential treatment at all. They would be prioritized for more dangerous jobs, and even the safe ones were extremely exhausting.

Their daily food consisted of black bread made from a mix of coarse grains, even straw and bran. If they were lucky, they might find sand, bark, and grass roots in it.

Even so, they only got one full meal a day. The other two meals were extremely thin gruel and soup made from rotten vegetable leaves, just enough to keep them from starving.

The reason for such a vast difference in treatment was not only to give advantages to the compliant Moroccans and attract more to “defect,” but also to save on the colony’s expenses as much as possible.

Compared to northern Morocco, the colony of Southern Morocco was economically backward, with most of its land being desert and mountains.

Spain’s purpose in occupying this land was to integrate Southern Morocco, and eventually all of Morocco. Naturally, there was no need to be too precious with the Moroccan people.

If the Moroccans were willing to submit to Spanish rule, Spain could certainly assimilate them gently.

But if the Moroccans were strongly opposed or even hostile to Spanish colonial rule, then the Spanish government could only consider a complete expulsion of the Moroccans and immigrate Spaniards to occupy the region.

As long as the land of Morocco was entirely populated by Spaniards, then this land would have been Spanish territory since ancient times.

This method could also ensure the integration of the Moroccan region, likewise without any future worries. It was only because Spain’s population was too small that Carlo still wanted to acquire Morocco’s population of several million, provided they could be assimilated.

Otherwise, even crueler methods awaited the Moroccans. Before the end of World War II, Spain still had enough time to carry out various assimilation experiments in the Moroccan region.

In reality, Carlo had truly underestimated the appeal that Spanish citizenship, or rather the status of a freeman, held for the Moroccans.

Although Moroccans were white, this was a backward region of Africa. Slavery still existed in Morocco, and it was a very feudal monarchy.

Though Morocco had a population of several million, a significant portion of them were slaves belonging to the nobility.

The prospect of gaining the status of a freeman simply by submitting to Spanish rule and obtaining Spanish citizenship was a tremendous attraction for those Moroccans who were slaves.

As for the enslavement of the entire Moroccan people by the Spaniards, what did that matter to a Moroccan slave?

Before the Spaniards arrived, the Moroccan noblemen and other landlords had enslaved them in the same way. The only difference was a change of masters, which meant nothing to the slaves.

Those who truly hated the Spanish, the more extreme Moroccan nationalists and devout Muslims, had already been worked to death in the first few years of the colony of Southern Morocco’s establishment.

The process of establishing the colony of Southern Morocco was exceedingly bloody, which was standard practice for European nations founding colonies.

Most of the labor used was local natives, and their lives and deaths were of no consequence to the European colonizers; it was not something to worry about at all.

This was perhaps good news, for after the more extreme Moroccans died, those who remained were more obedient.

According to reports from the colony of Southern Morocco, over ten thousand Moroccans had mastered Spanish, and the number who had ostensibly converted to Catholicism was as high as over one hundred thousand.

This truly confirmed the saying: if it weren’t for Spain’s strict screening process for immigration, the number of people with Spanish citizenship in the colony of Southern Morocco would have long surpassed ten thousand.

Regardless of whether these Moroccan converts to Catholicism were sincere, this demonstrated the appeal of Spanish citizenship to Moroccans.

This also meant that such a plan could be applied to the entire Moroccan region. Morocco’s population of several million would be an excellent supplement for Spain.

Even if only half or less than a third of the population could be absorbed, it would still amount to over a million people.

Of course, Spain handled all immigrants, whether from Morocco or elsewhere, with considerable caution.

These immigrants would be dispersed and settled mainly in the regions where nationalism was prevalent: Catalonia and the Basque Country.

Only by continuously diluting the populations of Catalonia and the Basque Country could the stability of these two regions be ensured.

Currently, Spain’s handling of Catalonia was proving quite effective. By building the Barcelona Industrial Base, it had helped Catalonia attract over one hundred thousand immigrants.

This had led to an effective reduction in the proportion of Catalans in the Catalonia region, and it was still decreasing.

With the development of the Barcelona Industrial Base, there was hope that the proportion of Catalans could even be reduced to below sixty percent in the future.

And among that sixty percent of Catalans, how many would truly consider themselves pure-blooded Catalans?

The Basque region was being handled similarly. Although the Basque region had a smaller population, it was much more difficult to move a large number of immigrants there.

Compared to the Catalans, the Basques were more radical, and their national consciousness was clearer.

If a considerable number of Catalans were somewhat unclear whether they were Spaniards or Catalans, then almost all Basques knew they were of Basque lineage.

The Basque region was sparsely populated, with the two regions combined having only a few hundred thousand people. This resulted in the majority of the population in these two regions being Basque, possessing a national culture and character distinctly different from Spain.

Dealing with the Basque region had always been a difficult problem, even more thorny than Catalonia. The Barcelona Industrial Base offered hope for solving the Catalan issue, but as of yet, there was no effective solution for the Basque region.

Fortunately, there were not many Basques, so they couldn’t pose a major threat to Spanish rule.

Perhaps the only solution was to wait for an opportunity of mass immigration, seize the moment, and move over a hundred thousand, or even hundreds of thousands of people, into the Basque region to solve the problem.

Otherwise, as Basque nationalism became more radical and flourished, when the Basques felt they deserved autonomy or even independence, Spain would ultimately face a civil war.

Carlo often asked himself, why were Spain’s problems always so bad?

Indeed, Spain’s problems were quite bad.

Compared to Spain, a country unified for hundreds of years, the German Empire and the Kingdom of Italy, unified for only a few years, did not have so many problems.

The Germans and Italians accepted the concept of the state quite well. Even if there were issues of national independence, they weren’t so radical.

Yet in Spain, a country unified for centuries, the Catalans and Basques were radically demanding autonomy, and even independence. It was somewhat baffling.

Fortunately, while Spain’s problems were numerous, they were not beyond saving. Once the Catalan problem was solved, the Basque region would be nothing more than a minor nuisance.

Whether through mass immigration or victory in a civil war, the ultimate victor would inevitably be the Spanish government.

The small Basque population also limited their ability to defeat the Spanish government, unless they had the support of other great powers.

But then again, the great powers had their own troubles. The British, who loved to stir things up, would have their own backyard catch fire. The Indians also wanted autonomy and independence, and the later Boer War would be a source of great humiliation for them.

At the end of the day, everyone was running a makeshift operation; it was just a matter of who had smaller problems and fewer troubles. The one who did would be the final victor.

Chapter 209: Eldest Daughter Sofia

As time moved into November of 1876, Carlo was about to welcome his second child.

Fortunately, having the experience of the last birth, although the arrival of the second child was still taken seriously, Carlo was no longer as nervous.

Because she had spent over half a year recuperating before the pregnancy, Queen Sophie was in excellent health during her second pregnancy and faced no danger during childbirth.

And so, in a rather smooth manner, Carlo welcomed his second child, his eldest daughter, Sofia.

Ever since the birth of his first child, Carlo had already decided on the names for his eldest son and eldest daughter.

The eldest son’s name was Juan Fernando, and the eldest daughter’s would be Sofia. Of course, if the second child had been another son, he would have been named Martin.

Having already been blessed with an eldest son, Carlo had no preference for the gender of his second child. In fact, he was even hoping for a daughter. After all, a sweet daughter was far more comforting to think about than a little rascal.

Of course, Carlo wasn’t worried about his children being mischievous. The rigorous, elite noble education he had personally designed would leave them no time for mischief.

At only one and a half years old, Prince Juan Fernando was already being taught Spanish words and simple phrases.

When he grew a little older, he would have to start learning more, and his days would become truly busy.

As Carlo’s eldest son, it was highly likely that the throne would one day pass to Juan Fernando.

Therefore, Carlo was extremely serious about Juan Fernando’s upbringing. Not only would he have to master all the traditional subjects of a nobleman’s education, but he would also have to study many newly discovered fields of knowledge, as well as the essential courses for a monarch: history, politics, and psychology.

Later, he would also have to serve in the military for two to three years to cultivate some loyalists, completing the entire training plan for an heir to the throne.

After that, Juan Fernando could gradually begin to engage in affairs of state, awaiting the day Carlo would pass the Crown to him.

As long as the training process went smoothly, he would be the first in line to the Spanish throne. However, if Juan Fernando performed poorly during his training as heir, Carlo would consider passing the throne to a more capable child.

The King of Spain certainly represented immense power, but it also came with immense responsibilities and duties. Carlo’s stance was clear: if one lacked the ability, not even the eldest son could inherit the throne.

Whether it was Juan Fernando or any other princes born in the future, the first twenty years of their lives would be incredibly demanding.

But for princesses like Sofia, they would not have to endure such hardships.

Of course, daughters also needed to be educated, but since they were not heirs to the throne, their training did not need to be so rigorous.

They only needed to learn some cultural knowledge and then choose a field of study that interested them. After they graduated from university, Carlo would arrange their futures for them.

After Princess Sofia was born, Carlo doted on his daughter. Not only did he make time every day to play with the swaddled Princess Sofia, but he also specially created a new noble title for her: Duchess of Arganda.

Arganda is a small city southeast of Madrid with a population of only a few thousand. However, the scenery there is quite beautiful, and Carlo owned a large estate there, which served perfectly as a gift for Princess Sofia.

Carlo was extremely fond of his children. His eldest son, Juan Fernando, was granted the title of Duke of Montblanc right after birth, and his eldest daughter, Sofia, received the title of Duchess of Arganda. From the moment they were born, they both stood at the pinnacle of the Spanish nobility.

And that wasn’t all. When they came of age, Carlo would bestow even more rewards upon them.

The royal family’s assets already amounted to hundreds of millions of pesetas, and Carlo would not be stingy with his children. Whether it was his eldest son and daughter or any future children, they would all receive a substantial fortune upon reaching adulthood.

These gifts would include not only land, estates, gold, jewelry, and antiques, but also shares in various enterprises, and even complete control over some companies.

The future heir to the throne would certainly inherit the majority of Carlo’s wealth. As for the other children, Carlo would ensure they would want for nothing for the rest of their lives, able to live in prosperity even if they lacked great ability.

For the entire month after Princess Sofia’s birth, Carlo made time every day to be with Queen Sophie and Princess Sofia.

Although the infant mortality rate was high in this era, it seemed that both his eldest son, Juan Fernando, and his eldest daughter, Sofia, were in good health.

Not long after Princess Sofia turned one month old, Christmas of 1876 arrived.

This year, Christmas at the Royal Palace was even livelier. The royal family was growing at a rate of almost one person per year, which was definitely good news for the Spanish royal family.

The royal family felt more like a proper family now. Carlo, Queen Sophie, Prince Juan Fernando, and Princess Sofia spent a joyous Christmas together. Although Princess Sofia only watched quietly from her crib for a while before falling asleep, it was still a family of four together, making the atmosphere feel much more lively and warm.

The news of Princess Sofia’s birth once again excited Spain, but it didn’t cause the same sensation as Prince Juan Fernando’s birth had.

This was to be expected. After all, Juan Fernando was Carlo’s eldest son and the future heir to the Spanish throne, so it was natural for foreign governments and high-level officials to take notice.

While Sofia’s status was also noble, she was, after all, only a princess. Congratulations came only from the royal families of Italy, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and a few other countries with blood ties to Spain.

Compared to the birth of Princess Sofia of Spain, the nations of Europe were clearly more focused on Queen Victoria’s coronation as Empress of India.

As early as May 1876, the British had already made this a reality, and Queen Victoria officially became the Empress of India, possessing her own imperial title.

Becoming an empress certainly required a coronation ceremony, and since it was the imperial throne of India, the ceremony had to be held in India.

The British had been worried about the Balkan Peninsula issue, but after waiting for several months without any sign of Russia planning to enter the war, they were finally able to set their minds at ease.

The British government decided to hold Queen Victoria’s coronation ceremony in India on the first day of the new year, to place the crown of the Empire of India upon the head of the British queen.

Although the Indian imperial title was arguably a form of self-delusion, the person indulging in it was, after all, Queen Victoria, the ruler of Britain, so other nations still had to show some respect.

However, within Britain itself, the public had two distinct and opposing views on this Indian crown.

A pamphlet titled The Blemish on the Queen’s Head sold over ninety thousand copies in a short time. This booklet used cartoons to attack Prime Minister Disraeli, mocking him as a Jew with strong orientalist ideas.

In the cartoons, Disraeli, depicted as Aladdin, was shown egging on Queen Victoria to accept the crown of the Empress of India.

The pamphlet’s stance was clear: Queen Victoria did not need a superfluous empress’s crown, because the word “Empress” easily evoked images of despotic monarchy, rather than the constitutional monarchy that the British government currently maintained.

Another pamphlet reached a similar conclusion. The Members of Parliament and British citizens who supported this view generally believed that the crown and the resulting act would undermine the principles of the British monarchy and that the imperial title of India was a lie.

They argued that the title of Empress of India was imperial in nature and ran counter to the British system of monarchy. It was a despotic and arbitrary title, representing personal power overriding the public will, where individual whim could become law. It was an extremely flawed decision.

The opposition party used the Empress’s accession to oppose the ruling Conservative Party, arguing that the Conservatives had completely ignored the public’s needs, lost in the phantoms of their own political propaganda. Some extreme opponents even labeled the ruling Conservative Party a dictatorial party that revered absolutism.

Even Britain’s famous newspaper, The Times, expressed its opposition and criticism, believing that the coronation as Empress of India was an arrogant and conceited act by Queen Victoria, one that betrayed the principles of the British constitution.

John F. Dickinson publicly stated that the Titles Act was a complete subversion of the collective will by Queen Victoria’s personal will. The title of Empress legally confirmed India’s subordinate relationship to Britain, which would exacerbate tensions between India and Britain.

At the same time, it would legally set the British Empire on a new course of expansion, something most Britons did not want to see. The prioritization of personal desires over the public interest, as caused by the act, would destroy the British Empire.

He believed that the fewer and simpler Britain’s principles of rule in India were, the better the results would be. At the height of the Empire’s prosperity, it was all the more reason to be more restrained in its India policy.

The “New Crown, Old Queen” cartoon also became a hotly debated topic among the British government and public, and the sensation it caused even overshadowed the actual event of Queen Victoria’s coronation as Empress of India.

The reason it drew opposition from so many officials and democrats was, at its core, the public’s concern over the word “authority.”

The British Empire possessed colonies on a scale far exceeding that of any other nation, but the relationship between the colonies and the Empire was not one of complete submission and loyalty.

The United States had once been a British colony but later chose independence. This served as a clear example that the people of the colonies were not entirely loyal to the British Empire; they had their own considerations regarding it.

Under these circumstances, whether Queen Victoria’s coronation as Empress of India would provoke discontent in multiple colonies, including India itself, was a question that some British officials and Members of Parliament had to consider.

Did the authority of the British Empire and Queen Victoria supersede that of the colonies? Did the British Empire have complete control over its colonies? Should it increase its control over them?

These questions were also key points of debate between Britain’s two major political parties and numerous MPs, and they were the reason for the uproar within the country.

But clearly, these discussions alone were not enough to sway Queen Victoria herself.

The fact that these opposing MPs could not prevent the bill’s passage showed that both Prime Minister Disraeli and Queen Victoria were keen to see the British Empire secure the imperial throne of India.

On January 1, 1877, the ceremony for Queen Victoria’s coronation as Empress of India was officially held in India.

Despite the many voices of opposition at home, the British government placed great importance on this coronation ceremony.

Prime Minister Disraeli even attended the coronation in person, and the Indian colonial government had prepared a magnificently grand ceremony and a vast number of extras for the Queen.

Regardless of how the Indian people truly felt about Queen Victoria’s coronation, on the day of the event, over one hundred thousand Indians fervently celebrated and even shouted, “Long live Her Majesty the Empress!”

Queen Victoria was more than satisfied with the lively scene prepared by the Indian colonial government. Being crowned Empress fulfilled a long-held wish of hers, and her gaze towards the Governor-General of India was filled with satisfaction and admiration.

Carlo did not pay much attention to Queen Victoria’s coronation. To him, this imperial title was more of a blemish for her; having it or not gave her no additional prestige.

Without the Indian imperial title, Queen Victoria was already one of the greatest monarchs in British history, having ushered in the most glorious Victorian era for the British Empire—a golden age of its global dominance.

Fortunately, this blemish was not too serious, nor would it affect Queen Victoria’s reputation within Britain.

Compared to Queen Victoria’s imperial title, Carlo was more interested in the developing situation in the Balkans.

The reason the British government felt confident enough to hold the coronation ceremony was precisely because Russia had not made any significant moves in the Balkan Peninsula.

The war in the Balkan Peninsula was still one between the Ottoman Empire and several nations striving for independence. Russia was currently still in the phase of providing covert support.

Through his telegram exchanges with Franz Joseph I, Carlo had confirmed one thing: Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire had underestimated Russia’s ambitions in this Balkan war.

The British Empire arrogantly believed that Russia would not dare to launch a war against the Ottoman Empire when Britain had clearly stated its support for the Ottomans. This was why Britain had reduced its focus on the Balkan Peninsula.

After all, in the current war, the Ottoman Empire already had the upper hand. Serbia and Montenegro were clearly no match for the Ottoman Empire.

This was also why, historically, Russia had swiftly crushed the Ottoman Empire and achieved victory after launching its war.

Because the British Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were largely unprepared, they could only use diplomacy after the war to threaten Russia into giving up some of its gains, ensuring their own losses were not too great.

Chapter 210: The Warmonger, Tsar Alexander II

In stark contrast to the joyous celebrations of the coronation ceremony in Britain, the atmosphere within the Tsarist government in Eastern Europe was extremely tense.

As the only Orthodox Christian nation among the great powers, the relationship between Orthodox Christianity and Tsarist Russia was far closer than the relationships between other great powers and Catholicism or Protestantism.

The Russian government had long advocated Pan-Slavism, protecting communities of the Orthodox faith and their fellow Slavic peoples.

Serbia, resisting Ottoman rule in the Balkan Peninsula, conveniently met both criteria: they were a Slavic people and also Orthodox Christians.

For Tsarist Russia, abandoning its support for Serbia was unthinkable. This was not only about opening a passage from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean but also about upholding its Pan-Slavic ideology and justifying Russia’s expansion.

On this point, Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire had clearly underestimated Russia’s determination. For Tsarist Russia, this was an issue on which there could be no compromise, one worth taking a gamble on.

At a government meeting in Tsarist Russia, officials discussed the matter with grave expressions.

Despite Russia’s support, the resistance of Serbia and other nations against the Ottoman Empire was now at a disadvantage, even facing the possibility of being completely suppressed by the Ottomans.

This was entirely unacceptable to Russia. Allowing the Serbian rebels to be annihilated by the Ottoman Empire would not only undermine Russia’s expansion in the Balkan Peninsula but also cause Tsarist Russia a great loss of face.

Regardless of the considerations, perhaps a war was the most suitable option for Russia at this moment.

“Speak your minds. What should we do to help Serbia repel the Ottoman Empire?” Tsar Alexander II asked, his face ashen, as he looked towards his trusted ministers.

Born in 1818, Alexander II was now 59 years old and appeared old and frail. But his advanced age did not diminish his ambition. During his reign, Tsarist Russia’s territory had expanded by over a million square kilometers, a feat Alexander II considered a glorious achievement.

Of course, Alexander II’s most famous measure was his reform that abolished serfdom, earning him the affectionate title of “the Liberator” from the people.

Unfortunately, Alexander II’s reforms were not resolute enough and instead led the Russian government into new turmoil.

The Reformists had believed that the more liberal-leaning Alexander II was a beacon of hope for reform, but his limited changes clearly disappointed them.

While carrying out his half-hearted reforms, Alexander II brutally suppressed Russia’s revolutionary movements, placing himself in a rather awkward position, at odds with both the Conservatives and the Reformists.

The Conservatives would only conceal their dissatisfaction with the Tsar, waiting for an opportune moment to release it. But the discontent among the Reformists led some of the more extreme individuals to adopt more extreme measures, such as assassination attempts on Alexander II.

As early as several years ago, revolutionaries had plotted to assassinate the Tsar. Although unsuccessful, the incessant assassination attempts were indeed a source of great distress for Alexander II.

For Alexander II himself, the war between Serbia and the Ottoman Empire was also an opportunity—a chance for Tsarist Russia to expand on a grand scale.

By completing this territorial expansion, Alexander II would have a chance to restore his standing in the eyes of the public. He would once again be the Tsar trusted and loved by the people, and the threat of assassination from revolutionaries would be resolved.

Faced with Alexander II’s inquiry, the ministers naturally knew the Tsar’s own stance.

Even after the reforms, Tsarist Russia remained an autocratic monarchy, and as Tsar, Alexander II possessed unparalleled supreme status and authority.

Since Alexander II’s position was clear, the next step was simple: to follow his lead and push for war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire.

“Your Majesty, I believe we should begin preparations for war with the Ottoman Empire. There is no other way, unless we are willing to see Serbia swallowed by the Ottomans once again,” a minister recently promoted by Alexander II spoke first, expressing his support for the war.

Alexander II nodded with satisfaction. This was what he wanted to hear—voices in the government supporting war. “Has the military considered this war? If we were to launch a war against the Ottoman Empire now, what are our chances of victory?”

Alexander II was not just asking about a war with the Ottoman Empire alone, but one under the circumstances of Britain’s strong support for the Ottomans and the possibility of their joining the war.

Furthermore, the British Empire was not the only one watching the situation in the Balkan Peninsula. The Austro-Hungarian Empire was also paying close attention, posing another problem for Tsarist Russia.

“Your Majesty, as long as the Germans do not support the Austro-Hungarian Empire, they will certainly not join the war just to oppose us. In that case, we only need to deal with an Ottoman Empire backed by the British. As long as Britain does not enter the war, we have a one hundred percent chance of victory. The Ottoman Empire is absolutely no match for Russia, even with the support of the British Empire,” the Minister of War replied to Alexander II with absolute confidence.

Although Russia had its share of problems, it was still one of the five most powerful nations in Europe at the time.

The Ottoman Empire was no match for Russia, just as Serbia was no match for the Ottoman Empire.

A clear gap in strength existed between nations, a gap that could not be closed even with the support of other great powers.

Unless the British Empire was willing to join the war for the sake of the Ottoman Empire, but would the British really go to war? It was highly unlikely.

True to their shit-stirrer nature, the British would only vigorously support the Ottoman Empire to counterbalance Russia and, at most, provoke the Austro-Hungarian Empire to provide military aid. They themselves were unlikely to risk their own skin.

The British, with their shit-stirrer tendencies, had kept Europe in a state of chaos and mutual competition for a long time, but this was also an opportunity for Tsarist Russia.

As long as the British did not personally join the war, the Russians didn’t give the Ottoman Empire a second thought.

With the added support of the various Balkan peoples, the war could perhaps be won in a short time. Russia would get its long-desired exit from the Black Sea and the opportunity to control the peoples of the Balkan Peninsula.

This was also a very good omen for the Pan-Slavism that Russia had been promoting. If they could win the support of the South Slavs in the Balkan Peninsula through this war, Tsarist Russia’s Pan-Slavic plan would be a preliminary success.

A Tsarist Russia that controlled the Balkan Peninsula would be fully qualified to stand once again at the pinnacle of the world. At that point, even the British Empire, with the world’s number one navy, could not guarantee a 100% victory in a direct confrontation with a Russia that controlled the Balkans.

Hearing the Minister of War’s report, Tsar Alexander II nodded with satisfaction and then issued his decision: “From this moment on, Russia will enter a state of war preparation. The army is to be ready for deployment at any time. When Serbia can no longer resist the Ottoman offensive, that is when we will send our troops against the Ottoman Empire. Devotees of the Orthodox faith will not tolerate bullying by heretics, and the Slavic people will not suffer abuse from other races. The Balkan Peninsula is the land of the Slavs and should be governed by the Slavs themselves.”

“As you command, Your Majesty!” The ministers all nodded solemnly, not daring to show the slightest dissatisfaction with the Tsar’s order.

With Alexander II’s command, the entire nation of Russia entered into tense war preparations.

For a behemoth like Russia, with a territory of over ten million square kilometers, war preparations required a very long time to complete.

Even mobilizing a portion of the army often took several months.

Besides the vastness of its territory, another major reason was that Tsarist Russia’s political system was too corrupt, and communication between departments was too slow.

Outdated technology was certainly a factor, but other countries did not take as long as Russia to mobilize for war.

Great powers like Germany and France could mobilize over two hundred thousand troops to the border within a month and mobilize all their domestic forces within three months.

But for Russia, a month was not enough to move even one hundred thousand troops; it would take at least three months to mobilize over two hundred thousand.

And this was because the Balkan Peninsula was in Europe. If the battlefield were in the Far East, Russia might not be able to transport several hundred thousand troops to the Far East front even with a year’s time.

Historically, Russia’s loss to Japan in the Russo-Japanese War was largely due to Russia’s terrible logistics, which made it difficult to send troops and other supplies to the Far East front.

The Russo-Japanese War was indeed the war that certified Japan as a great power, but Japan’s enemy was only half of Russia, or perhaps not even that.

This is also why, although Japan was recognized as a great power after the war, it could only be ranked as a lesser great power.

Reforming into a powerful great power in just a few decades was a miracle for a relatively backward East Asian country like Japan.

But it cannot be denied that Japan, despite being recognized as a great power, still had many flaws, especially in its industrial and economic aspects.

During both World War I and World War II, Japan’s industry was only in the lower-middle tier among the great powers. Coupled with the lack of mineral resources within the country, it was difficult for the nation to develop as rapidly as emerging great powers like Germany and America.

Under Tsar Alexander II’s orders, Russia’s war machine began to lurch into motion, like a senile old man.

Meanwhile, the war between the Ottoman Empire and other peoples in the Balkan Peninsula raged on.

In the Balkan Peninsula, the Ottoman Empire had mobilized over two hundred eighty thousand troops, commanded by General Abdülkerim Nadir Pasha.

In the Asian part of the Ottoman Empire, there were over one hundred twenty-six thousand more troops, commanded by General Ahmed Muhtar Pasha.

The combined armies in Europe and Asia numbered over four hundred thousand men, with more than eight hundred fifty cannons. An army of this scale was quite formidable.

Although it couldn’t be compared to the armies of the great powers, these forces were more than enough to crush the rebellious Balkan peoples like Serbia and the others. It was a complete steamroll.

It was only because the rage of the Serbians and other peoples against the Ottoman Empire was so intense that the war dragged on for a long time.

Coupled with the fact that the Ottoman army was not particularly strong in terms of discipline and overall combat effectiveness, a war that should have been one-sided turned into a protracted stalemate.

Although Britain provided the Ottoman army with a batch of rifles and some scarce strategic resources, this still failed to effectively improve the Ottoman army’s actual combat effectiveness.

On the side of Serbia and the other ethnic armies, the equipment provided by Russia was even less in quantity and worse in quality, yet they unleashed extremely fierce combat power with it.

It was precisely because of the Ottoman army’s poor performance in this war that Russia became determined to intervene, aiming to defeat the Ottoman army with great speed and force the British government to accept the fact of Russia’s victory.

Although the Ottoman army’s performance on the battlefield was poor, both the Ottoman Empire and its backer, the British Empire, remained rather optimistic about the war.

Under the Ottoman army’s relentless attacks, which disregarded casualties, the anti-Ottoman rebel forces, including Serbia, had been pushed into a corner.

Perhaps in less than a year, the Ottoman Empire would be able to end this war completely and re-establish its dominant position over Serbia and other peoples and regions.

This was also why the British were confidently holding Empress Victoria’s coronation ceremony and had reduced their focus on the Balkan Peninsula.

The situation seemed excellent, and the British government had even reduced its aid to the Ottoman Empire.

After all, the economic crisis was affecting the British Empire, so it was naturally better to cut spending where possible.

However, what Britain and the Ottoman Empire didn’t know was that Russia was already preparing for war. Russia had even informed the nations resisting the Ottoman Empire, like Serbia, of their war preparations, which brought great joy to these South Slavs.

Buoyed by the good news, the Balkan peoples’ resistance against the Ottoman offensive became even fiercer, even pushing the Ottoman army back several kilometers.

Unfortunately, Tsarist Russia’s equipment support for the Balkan peoples was also gradually decreasing, as these supplies were needed to arm their own troops for the upcoming war.

Between receiving support in weaponry and Russia entering the fray itself, the Balkan peoples naturally knew which option was more beneficial for them.

The Serbians, Bulgarians, and Montenegrins waited with eager anticipation, completely ignoring the deteriorating situation on their own front line, where they were being pushed back step by step.

After much anticipation, as the situation in the Balkan Peninsula grew ever more desperate, Russia finally made its decision: it was time for war!

Chapter 211: Russia Enters the War

In April 1877, a piece of news from Tsarist Russia shocked all of Europe and immediately made the Balkan Peninsula the focus of global attention.

Tsar Alexander II formally declared war on the Ottoman Empire. With lightning speed, the Russian army passed through Romanian territory and launched an offensive against the Ottoman Empire along the Danube River.

Due to a lack of sufficient preparation, the Ottoman forces were thrown into a panic when they were attacked by the Russian army.

The Ottoman army, which had been fighting rebels from Serbia and other regions, had never felt the kind of pressure exerted by the forces of Tsarist Russia.

Although Russia had only managed to mobilize just over two hundred thousand troops to the front after several months, the combat effectiveness of these two hundred thousand soldiers was clearly on a different level from the forces of nations like Serbia.

With several months of preparation, Tsarist Russia launched its attack on the Ottoman Empire along two fronts. The first, comprised of two army corps totaling one hundred thousand men, formed the Army of the Caucasus. Its Commander-in-Chief was Tsar Alexander II’s younger brother, Mikhail Nikolaevich. Militias from Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Ossetia, and other regions also joined the Army of the Caucasus.

Meanwhile, in the European theater, the Army of the Danube was projected to reach a strength of three hundred thousand men. Although more than two hundred thousand soldiers were still en route, the one hundred thousand troops already at the front, combined with the Bulgarian militias incorporated into the Army of the Danube, were more than enough to contend with the Ottoman Empire for the time being.

Although the Army of the Danube was temporarily understrength, Russia had equipped it with over a thousand cannons, more than the total number of cannons in the entire Ottoman Empire.

This caused the Ottoman Empire to suffer greatly from the very first encounter. Due to their insufficient artillery firepower, Ottoman troops were so suppressed by Russian cannons during frontal engagements that they dared not even raise their heads.

The disparity in firepower prevented the Ottoman army from advancing an inch, which in turn damaged their morale.

With one side’s strength growing as the other’s waned, the Russian army advanced irresistibly. In just one week, they pushed the Ottoman forces that had been threatening Romania back by more than ten kilometers.

The news of Tsarist Russia’s entry into the war shocked the entire world, including the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the British Empire, which were closely monitoring the Balkan Peninsula.

Neither country had expected the Russians to have such resolve. Despite the possibility of British intervention, the Russians had decisively chosen to join the battle.

Looking at the on-paper military strength of Tsarist Russia and the Ottoman Empire, the two nations were completely mismatched.

Russia’s regular forces consisted of 48 infantry divisions, totaling 720,000 men, equipped with over 3,000 cannons.

In contrast, the entire Ottoman army numbered only 400,000 men, with just over 850 cannons.

Although the quality of Ottoman rifles was superior to that of the Russian infantry, as they were supplied by Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russia maintained absolute superiority in heavy firepower.

Of the Ottoman Empire’s 850 cannons, over 300 were supplied by Britain and Austria-Hungary. But there was no helping it; the Ottoman Empire’s original industrial foundation was simply too weak. Being able to arm themselves with over 850 cannons in such a short time was already the result of extensive British support.

Although Russia’s industry was not strong among the five traditional great powers, it was still quite substantial compared to other non-great power nations.

Arming 720,000 troops with over 3,000 cannons was a level that not even land-based powerhouses like Germany and France could claim to surpass on paper, let alone the Ottoman Empire.

More importantly, Russia’s military potential was far greater than what was on the surface. Under full mobilization, Russia could field an army of several million, which was why other European countries were wary of it.

The Ottoman Empire’s population was far smaller than Russia’s, and the core Turkish population was smaller still. This led the Ottoman Empire, upon learning of Russia’s entry into the war, to immediately switch its strategy from offense to defense without the slightest hesitation and appeal to Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire for help.

By the time the news of Tsarist Russia’s declaration of war on the Ottoman Empire reached Spain, the war had already been underway for a day.

The then Prime Minister of Spain, Grand Duke Serrano, approached Carlo with a look of astonishment, bringing the news that Carlo had long anticipated.

“What is the British reaction?” Carlo asked with a smile, showing no panic or worry over the outbreak of war.

“The British government has not yet had any reaction, but we cannot rule out the possibility that they will announce their entry into the war,” Grand Duke Serrano replied. “Your Majesty, if the British do declare their entry into this war, what should we do?”

It was a good question, but considering history, it was a question that should never have arisen.

“It’s highly unlikely the British will join the war unless the Ottoman Empire collapses faster than expected,” Carlo answered with a smile.

Although Britain was the world’s hegemon at the time, the British were equally unwilling to confront the powerful Tsarist Russia.

Unless Russia was on the verge of occupying Constantinople or had achieved an overwhelming victory in the Balkans, the British were unlikely to step in.

The title of “shit-stirrer of Europe” was not unearned; this was one of the reasons the British Empire was so disliked in this era.

Grand Duke Serrano nodded, a flash of regret in his eyes.

Carlo smiled and said nothing more. He certainly understood what Grand Duke Serrano was thinking: recapturing that small sliver of land in southern Spain, Gibraltar.

Ever since the British seized Gibraltar during a time of Spanish crisis, it had become a thorn in the side of every Spanish leader, a thorn they wanted to remove at all times.

Unfortunately, after Britain occupied Gibraltar, its national power only grew stronger. Spain, on the other hand, had declined from a mighty great power since losing Gibraltar and had been in a rather awkward position ever since.

To say Spain was strong, one could easily find stronger nations in Europe. To say Spain was weak, it appeared powerful compared to the truly small countries.

Not as good as the best, but better than the worst. This awkward position left Spain with little presence, whether in the future European Union or on the world stage.

As the king of Spain, Carlo naturally wanted to reclaim Gibraltar. This would be a political achievement that simple territorial expansion could not compare to.

It was no exaggeration to say that if Carlo could reclaim Gibraltar, he would become one of the most influential monarchs in Spanish history, and no other family would be able to threaten the House of Savoy’s rule in Spain.

Unfortunately, the British Empire’s strength was too overwhelming; Spain could not hope to retake Gibraltar by its own power.

Offending the British at this moment was clearly not a good decision, especially since they were unlikely to join the war between the Ottoman Empire and Tsarist Russia.

As for the right time to reclaim Gibraltar, aside from the Boer War, which would demand a significant British commitment, the only other opportunities would likely be during World War I or World War II, when Britain was preoccupied with a global conflict and Gibraltar could be recovered through a deal of mutual interests.

After Tsarist Russia declared war on the Ottoman Empire, all the countries of Europe were watching the British Empire’s attitude.

If the British also joined in, the war in the Balkans would immediately escalate into a contest between two great powers, and its impact would spread across all of Europe.

But if the British stayed out, Tsarist Russia would defeat the Ottoman Empire in a very short time and expand its influence throughout the Balkan Peninsula.

Would the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which also had its eyes on the Balkan Peninsula, allow Tsarist Russia to do so? If the British Empire didn’t participate, would the Austro-Hungarian Empire join in to halt Tsarist Russia’s expansion?

The Balkan Peninsula truly lived up to its name as the powder keg of Europe. Although World War I was still decades away, the European powder keg was already immensely potent.

Several days passed, and the British government still had no clear stance on the matter, its attitude remaining extremely ambiguous.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was certainly not going to jump into the fire alone, which led to the Balkan battlefield becoming Tsarist Russia’s one-man show.

Although it made no clear statement, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was urgently inquiring about the British Empire’s position while ensuring the support of its allies, the German Empire and the Kingdom of Spain.

For Emperor Franz Joseph I, the Balkan Peninsula was a sphere of influence the Austro-Hungarian Empire absolutely could not lose.

If Russia’s influence expanded into the Balkans, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would be completely confined to its existing territory, forever remaining a lesser great power.

It was often said that Germany was a battleground state, but in reality, the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s geographical position wasn’t much better.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire had five neighbors. To the north and east were two of Europe’s five traditional great powers: the German Empire and Tsarist Russia.

To the southwest was the newly-risen great power, the Kingdom of Italy, while to the south were Romania and the Ottoman Empire.

Among all its neighbors, only the Ottoman Empire and Romania in the Balkan direction were relatively easy to bully.

Even little Italy was no longer an easy target for the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Before the unification of Italy, the Austro-Hungarian Empire still occupied large swathes of Italian land. But after unification, it became extremely difficult for Austria-Hungary to expand in that direction.

Although Italy was only a lesser great power, a lesser great power was still a great power. Its strength was far inferior to that of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, but other nations were clearly unwilling to allow Austria-Hungary to annex the Kingdom of Italy.

Expanding toward Germany and Russia was even more impossible; neither of these countries was weaker than the Austro-Hungarian Empire in terms of overall strength.

Faced with the only direction for expansion on the continent, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would absolutely not allow itself to lose control of the Balkan Peninsula, even if the enemy was the more powerful Tsarist Russia.

In fact, Emperor Franz Joseph I was already prepared to intervene in the war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire even without British support.

If the British truly did not get involved, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would have to rise to the challenge, at least to ensure that it too could gain sufficient benefits from this war.

That’s right, the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s idea was not to help the Ottoman Empire defeat Russia, but to take advantage of the situation. While the main forces of the Ottoman and Russian armies were engaged, they planned to send troops to invade Serbia and Bosnia, at the very least occupying those two territories.

Of course, this was a move they would only make if they were certain the British would not interfere in the war at all.

With British support, the Austro-Hungarian Empire might be able to snatch a large piece of the prize from the Russians without even having to go to war.

Spain, as an ally of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, was naturally on its contact list.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire did not reveal its plan of action, merely requesting that Spain support Austria-Hungary’s position on the situation in the Balkan Peninsula.

In return, Austria-Hungary would convert all of Spain’s previous loans into interest-free loans and provide Spain with a new batch of industrial and financial aid.

This industrial and financial aid was still very useful for Spain, so Carlo certainly didn’t mind supporting the Austro-Hungarian Empire diplomatically.

Although the British were shit-stirrers, on matters of principle as significant as Constantinople, their position was quite firm.

No matter how the situation in the Balkan Peninsula developed, it was impossible for Russia to monopolize it. Supporting the Austro-Hungarian Empire would have no disadvantages for Spain, and the benefits offered by Austria-Hungary were things that Spain currently lacked.

Regardless of what preparations the Austro-Hungarian Empire was making in secret, on the surface, neither Britain nor Austria-Hungary reacted too strongly.

This caused the confidence of the various Balkan peoples in defeating the Ottoman Empire to swell even further. A few days after Russia’s declaration of war, countries and regions such as Romania, Serbia, and Montenegro also announced that they were joining Russia’s side to jointly confront their common enemy, the Ottoman Empire.

From the anticipation of the Balkan peoples for this war, it was clear that the Ottoman Empire was indeed not welcome in the Balkans.

This was mainly because the Ottoman Empire’s policies for ruling the various Balkan peoples were too cruel. As times changed, sheer suppression was no longer viable.

The long history of resistance against the Ottoman Empire had also instilled a fierce and warlike spirit in the Balkan peoples. This made their fighting strength formidable, and the military power of the Balkan nations that later gained independence was not to be underestimated.

After the various Balkan peoples joined Russia’s side, the number of troops on the Russian side in the European theater quickly exceeded two hundred thousand.

In contrast, the Ottoman army concentrated in Europe also numbered just over two hundred thousand, which meant the Ottoman Empire had already lost its numerical advantage.

In the Caucasus theater, the Ottoman Empire also lacked a numerical advantage. The Asian army commanded by Ahmed Muhtar Pasha had only 120,000 men. The Russian Army of the Caucasus, combined with the militias of various ethnic groups, also had over 120,000 soldiers, putting the two sides on an equal footing in terms of troop numbers.

Chapter 212: The Arms Trade

The war between Tsarist Russia and the Ottoman Empire had begun, which was also good news for Spain.

As soon as the war broke out, the armies deployed to the battlefield by both sides numbered close to one million, a figure that would only grow more exaggerated over time.

The daily consumption of ammunition and supplies for this million-strong army was a colossal figure, and also the business opportunity Spain had been eagerly awaiting.

More importantly, neither of the warring parties, be it Russia or the Ottoman Empire, possessed the ability to be self-sufficient during the conflict.

Before the war, the Ottoman Empire had experienced a famine, and Russia also had problems with reduced grain production. In this war, Spain could not only sell its weapons, equipment, and ammunition but also medical resources and food. In short, it was set to make a massive profit.

Because Spain had no relationship with either of the warring sides, it could engage in trade and cooperation with both without any burden.

In May 1877, Carlo summoned the Russian Ambassador to Spain and proposed selling weapons, equipment, and other important supplies to Russia.

For Russia, there was no severe shortage of materials at that moment. However, consumption at the front lines was enormous, and Russia’s current reserves would not last long.

More importantly, the Ottoman Empire had the help of Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, while Russia had no support from any of the great powers.

Spain’s proactive offer of resource trade could help Russia avoid facing material shortages in the future.

It was with this in mind that the Russian Ambassador did not immediately reject Carlo’s proposal, merely stating that he needed to contact his home country before discussing the details of the trade between the two nations.

Carlo naturally had no objection. After all, it was the Russians fighting this war, and it would be the Russians who would be desperate for resources in the future.

Within a few days, the Russian Ambassador returned with a reply from Russia. They were willing to trade with Spain and purchase Spanish weapons, equipment, bullets, artillery shells, and other strategic resources.

After detailed negotiations between the Royal Arsenal and the Russian side, a purchase plan for a batch of weapons and equipment was finalized.

Russia ordered one hundred thousand rifles, three hundred fifty artillery pieces, twenty-five million rounds of ammunition, and one hundred thousand artillery shells. They also indicated that this was only the first order and that the size of the second order would be determined based on the war’s consumption.

The Russians also made a special request: the Royal Arsenal was to deliver one-third of the ordered armaments to Russia before June 15th and complete the entire order by August 15th.

Since the Royal Arsenal had already produced a large batch of weapons and equipment before the war even broke out, they naturally nodded in agreement to the Russians’ request.

However, the Royal Arsenal had its own conditions. This batch of armaments could be produced on an expedited basis for Russia, but only if they paid for the order with gold reserves, mineral resources, or population.

The countries with which Spain currently had close trade relations were France, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Italy, so it had no need for Russian rubles.

Although the value of various national currencies was tied to gold and silver, the value of a currency naturally differed from place to place.

For example, the official currency issued by Spain’s Currency Issuance Committee, the peseta, had a relatively stable value within Spain, but it would certainly not be worth as much abroad.

Because the Russians were unwilling to pay for the entire order with just gold, the Royal Arsenal added other requirements, such as mineral resources and population.

The value of mineral resources goes without saying. Russia possessed extremely abundant mineral resources, and a tiny expenditure was like a drop in the ocean for them.

The demand for population, on the other hand, was due to the difficulties Spain faced in developing its colonies.

Both mainland Spain and its colonies could be described as vast and sparsely populated.

This was especially true for the newly established Congo Territory. Although it possessed vast lands, the vast majority of its inhabitants were local natives, with only a paltry few hundred Spaniards.

To begin the preliminary development of this land, at least tens of thousands of immigrants were needed. If all of them were to be brought from mainland Spain, it would have a rather severe impact on Spain’s domestic development.

After all, Spain’s population was less than twenty million, a significant disadvantage compared to the five traditional great powers.

Russia’s population at this time had an advantage: due to long-term oppression under serfdom, Russian peasants had developed a submissive character.

Moreover, compared to the World War I era, there were fewer radical and extreme rebels at this time, making them very suitable for Carlo’s rule.

The downside was that Orthodox Christianity was deeply rooted in the hearts of the Russian peasants. Turning these Russians into Spaniards would undoubtedly be fraught with difficulties.

For Spain, it could absorb a portion of the Russian population, but not too many.

In any case, Carlo’s goal was merely to have these Russians develop the African colonies, while simultaneously diluting the proportion of locals in the Catalonia and Basque regions.

This transaction was mutually beneficial for both Spain and Russia. Therefore, after signing the cooperation agreement, both sides were all smiles.

Russia obtained the weapons and equipment it sorely needed, while Spain gained a certain amount of gold reserves and a population of relatively obedient Russian peasants.

Although this population would be provided by Russia, Spain would still conduct a screening. Those involved in anti-government movements or holding certain dangerous ideas would be strictly excluded from the pool of Russian immigrants.

It was better to let these people remain in Russia to plague the Tsarist government. Spain had no need for these anarchists and radicals to come and cause trouble.

Compared to Russia, Spain did hold some attraction for these Russian peasants. Although Russia’s reforms had abolished slavery, these serfs were simply being exploited by Russian noblemen and landlords in a different way.

Although Alexander II had granted these serfs the status of freemen, they had no land or property.

Peasants with no land—how were these newly-freed serfs supposed to survive?

They could only rely on loans from the nobility and other financial institutions to purchase obviously overpriced land, or be forced to rent farmland with exorbitant rents from the noble lords, continuing their lives as serfs in another form.

It was precisely because these Russian peasants were so cruelly oppressed and exploited in their own country that Carlo was confident he could increase Spain’s population by bringing in a portion of them.

Of course, no matter how submissive these Russians were, Spain’s capacity to absorb them was ultimately limited.

Considering Spain’s existing population size, the plan to bring in Russian people had an upper limit. The current cap was five hundred thousand, which would adjust as Spain’s total population grew.

But one thing was certain: unless Spain’s population exceeded thirty million, the number of Russian immigrants would not surpass one million.

Furthermore, these imported Russians would be dispersed throughout Spain’s various territories, giving them no opportunity to unite.

Once distributed among Spain’s dozen or so regions and several colonies, the Russian population would not cause any significant impact.

After all, this immigration plan was to be implemented step by step, with at most a few tens of thousands of Russians acquired each year.

A few tens of thousands of people were easy to manage. It would not burden the Spanish government and would also effectively promote Spain’s population growth.

Currently, Spain’s population was seeing a very clear increase in a relatively peaceful and stable environment.

During Queen Isabella’s reign, Spain’s population had practically stagnated, sometimes increasing and sometimes decreasing, never experiencing stable growth.

After Queen Isabella was deposed, Spain’s population growth began to accelerate.

In the entire year of 1869, Spain’s net population growth exceeded one hundred forty thousand, which was the fastest year of growth for Spain in the decade of the 1860s.

Entering the 1870s, Spain’s population growth was like boarding a train, leaving its previous slow, walking pace behind.

As of now, Spain’s population has officially surpassed 18.66 million, whereas eight years ago, it was only 16.61 million.

A net population increase of over two million in eight years meant its growth rate was already comparable to some of the more populous great powers.

Although the great powers were influenced by immigration, their population sizes were what they were. The fact that Spain’s growth could rival these nations was also a testament to the positive impact of this period of stability.

At this rate of population growth, Spain could hope to increase its total population to over twenty million within five years, and to over twenty-five million before the new century arrived.

And this was just a conservative estimate. If immigration, increased life expectancy, and developments in medical technology were taken into account, Spain’s total population might hopefully reach around thirty million before the new century, or in its first few years.

Considering Spain’s population importation plans in the Philippines, Morocco, and Lanfang, reaching a population of thirty million was a hopeful prospect.

If Spain could achieve a population of thirty million in the early years of the new century, it would have more confidence in the future First World War.

In June 1877, the firearms, bullets, and artillery shells produced by the Royal Arsenal were transported to a Russian port by sea.

Because Britain had already blockaded the Constantinople Straits, Spain had only two ways to transport these armaments to Russia. One was through the English Channel and the North Sea, delivering the armaments to a Russian port on the eastern coast of the Baltic Sea.

The other was to ship them to the Russian Far East and then transport them overland to the front lines.

For Russia, the only acceptable method was delivery to the Baltic coast.

If the goods were shipped to the Far East, the time for sea and land transport would be completely uncertain. It would be at least several months before the troops at the front lines received the equipment.

If the cargo was unloaded on the Baltic coast, Russia’s railway infrastructure in Eastern Europe was quite good. While not as extensive and convenient as the railways in Germany and France, it at least had a complete rail transport system.

The first method could ensure that the Russian troops at the front received this batch of weapons within a month, which was acceptable to Russia.

This point also revealed why Russia was so keen on expanding into the Balkan Peninsula.

With Constantinople in the hands of the Ottoman Empire, Russia’s connection between the Black Sea and the Mediterranean was completely cut off.

Any country wishing to support Russia could only transport supplies through the more northerly Baltic Sea.

And the Baltic Sea was far from the main Balkan battlefield. Compared to transporting supplies directly through the Constantinople Straits, the time wasted could potentially change the situation on the battlefield.

Fortunately, Russia had made careful preparations before launching the war, so at least there was no shortage of weapons and equipment for the short term.

This was a credit to the changes brought to Russia by Alexander II’s reforms. During the last Russo-Turkish War, the Crimean War, Russia’s industrial base was extremely poor, and the war could only end in failure.

In this war, however, Russia had already established a certain industrial base through reforms, which was an extremely significant change for the country.

Although Alexander II’s reforms were not thorough, they were, after all, reforms that affected all of Russia and had a very important positive effect on the nation.

It could even be said that Russia’s ability to maintain its status as one of Europe’s five traditional great powers after the Crimean War was due to two things: firstly, its vast territory and a population that surpassed other European powers, and secondly, the boost to Russian industry brought about by Alexander II’s reforms.

Russia’s industry could only be said to be at the bottom among the five traditional European great powers, but compared to other lesser powers and non-powers, Russia’s industry was, of course, still very strong.

After finalizing the arms trade with Russia, the Spanish government turned its attention to the Ottoman Empire.

Although the Ottoman Empire had experienced famine and financial collapse, they had the support of the British.

As everyone knew, Britain was undoubtedly one of the wealthiest countries in Europe. British support was a crucial lifeline for the Ottoman Empire, allowing the decaying empire to keep breathing.

But regardless, on the battlefield, the Ottoman Empire was still short of advanced weapons, equipment, and ammunition supplies.

Spain happened to have these two things, which was why it approached the Ottoman Empire.

And besides the scarcity of weapons, the Ottoman Empire was also short on food, something Spain currently had in abundance.

Compared to the talks with the Russians, negotiations with the Ottoman Empire went much more smoothly. The main reason for this was the Ottoman Empire’s even weaker industrial base; the weapons and ammunition consumed in the war came almost entirely from British and Austro-Hungarian aid.

Since it was aid, it was naturally limited. The Ottoman Empire’s domestic reserves of firearms and ammunition were dwindling, which sent the imperial high command into a panic.

The Spanish government’s proactive contact at this moment was like a ray of hope for the Ottoman Empire to hold on.

The Ottoman Empire could be said to be lacking everything, but at present, they were most in need of two things: one was weapons and equipment, and the other was food.

Before this war broke out, the Ottoman Empire had experienced a rather severe famine. This famine not only caused chaos in the Ottoman Empire but also led to the starvation deaths of a large number of refugees.

The fact that they could organize an army of nearly four hundred thousand during the war was largely thanks to British aid. Most of these soldiers’ weapons and equipment came from British aid, with a small amount secretly transported by the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

From this, one could see the extent of British aid to the Ottoman Empire; they were helping them unstintingly.

Besides weapons and equipment, the British also provided the Ottoman Empire with food and some financial support.

The Ottoman Empire had already fallen into a financial crisis during the famine. Without financial support, the empire would have gone bankrupt before the war was even over.

It was precisely this funding that Carlo had his eyes on. The British pound was still very valuable and could be used as currency in other European countries.

Selling large quantities of weapons to the Ottoman Empire in exchange for pounds, and then using those pounds to purchase industrial equipment and other technical data from other European countries to develop Spain’s own industry—it was a perfect plan.

The arms deal with Russia was mainly for rifles and bullets. After all, Russia had an advantage in artillery, and its domestic artillery production was sufficient for the war’s consumption.

The Ottoman Empire was different. They were at a huge disadvantage in terms of artillery, and what they wanted most were large numbers of cannons to close the gap.

The Ottoman Empire was not lacking in rifles. After all, British support was substantial, and with Ottoman soldiers holding British-made rifles, they naturally wouldn’t have much interest in Spanish-made ones.

After several days of consultation, the arsenal signed another order with the Ottoman side.

This order included only twenty thousand rifles and ten million rounds of ammunition, but they ordered over five hundred eighty artillery pieces, along with one hundred fifty thousand matching shells.

The Ottoman Empire also specifically requested that the delivery of rifles and bullets could be delayed, but the artillery order should preferably be delivered in its entirety within three months.

For the Royal Arsenal, which was already prepared, delivering over five hundred eighty artillery pieces within three months was not a problem at all.

Thus, the Royal Arsenal and the Ottoman Empire happily signed the order. Both parties agreed to complete the delivery within three months, with the Ottoman Empire paying for the order with gold, British pounds, and mineral resources.

In addition to this arms deal, the Ottoman Empire also signed a grain trade agreement with Spain.

During these few years of stability, Spain’s grain production had also seen steady progress. Spain now exported a large amount of grain annually, so signing a grain trade deal with the Ottoman Empire was not a major event for Spain.

The signing of two consecutive orders plunged the Royal Arsenal into a brief period of intense activity. The arsenal’s current inventory was sufficient to fulfill most of both orders, and the remaining small portion of weapons could be manufactured through expedited production to ensure the entire order was delivered within the specified time.

As for the profits generated from the two arms deals, the Royal Arsenal used them for upgrading and modifying its weapons and equipment.

Although the rifles and artillery currently equipped by Spain were excellent products, with the development of military technology, they would eventually become obsolete.

Only by continuously improving them and developing new generations of products could Spain ensure its military technology remained at the forefront in Europe.

Although this required a significant investment of funds, compared to the advancements that continuous military technology updates brought to Spain, this small expenditure was definitely worth it.

Chapter 213: The Development of the Bullfighting Competition

In truth, the bullfighting events organized by the royal family, held simultaneously across Spain, had already begun in March of 1877.

Billed as an “event,” it was actually a nationwide competition among Spanish bullfighters. This contest would select the most outstanding bullfighter in Spain, who would personally be granted the title of Royal Bullfighter by Carlo.

Because the selections were held all over Spain, the first four months of the competition took place in the various regions. The goal was to conduct an initial screening in each region, selecting the more exceptional bullfighters to travel to Madrid for the second and final round.

It was currently April, the peak season for bullfighting in Spain.

In Carlo’s plan, bullfighting was a national activity connected to the combat effectiveness of the Spanish army. It could provide an entertaining outlet for the Spanish people to release their emotions while also cultivating a spirit of combativeness and fearlessness within the nation.

This year marked the inaugural year of the national bullfighting competition, and Carlo was paying close attention to it.

In mid-April 1877, Carlo, accompanied by a host of Spanish officials, attended a bullfighting competition in the Madrid region with great fanfare, personally praising the bullfighters who performed exceptionally well.

According to the rules of the competition, the four-month period from March to July was designated for the regions to conduct their preliminary selections and decide on the final ten contestants who would travel to Madrid for the second round.

The main reason for this rule was to make the bullfighting competition a truly national event. If the competition were only held around Madrid, it would be difficult to extend its influence across the entirety of Spain.

Although Madrid was Spain’s largest city, its geographical location, apart from being in the very center of the country, was not as advantageous as Barcelona’s.

Barcelona was a port city, surrounded mostly by plains and hills, which posed almost no obstacle to urban development.

Madrid, however, was encircled by mountains. This not only hindered the city’s growth but also meant there were no other large cities within several dozen kilometers of its perimeter.

To the west of Madrid lay the vast Sistema Central mountain range, to the east the Serranía de Cuenca, to the north the boundless Meseta Central plateau, and to the south, it was blocked by the Montes de Toledo.

It was in this pocket of land between these mountains that Madrid, Spain’s largest city, was born. But it was precisely because Madrid was situated among so many mountain ranges that its development was constrained.

The abundance of mountains and plateaus was also one of the reasons Spain lagged behind other European great powers in its national development.

Although Spain possessed an extremely vast territory, the enormous Meseta Central plateau dominated the country’s north-central region, turning large swathes of Spanish land into mountainous terrain and arid plains unsuitable for development.

Spain was also the only country among the many nations of Europe to possess a desert. The Tabernas Desert, located between the Sierra Morena and the Baetic System, was shielded from the moist ocean climate by the two mountain ranges to its north and south. This, combined with low rainfall, created a desert region.

The Tabernas Desert was a rather unique natural landscape in Spain, and indeed in all of Europe. Due to its geographical resemblance to the American Southwest, it would later attract many Hollywood film crews.

Famous movies like Once Upon a Time in the West and A Fistful of Dollars were filmed in Spain, and in fact, more than forty percent of films depicting the American West were shot in the Tabernas Desert.

From this perspective, possessing this desert wasn’t entirely a bad thing for Spain. The Tabernas Desert covered only 280 square kilometers, the size of a few small towns, but it enriched Spain’s geographical diversity and could also attract tourists from across Europe.

Carlo had clearly underestimated the appeal of bullfighting in Spain. The national competition he had organized had captured the attention of the majority of the Spanish people.

The Madrid region naturally had to select its top ten bullfighters before the second round. Whether it was the bullfights held at Lealtad Square or at other bullrings, they all drew massive crowds and attention from the Spanish populace.

This led to nearly every bullfight being sold out, which in turn spurred commercial development around the bullrings.

Take Lealtad Square, Spain’s largest bullring, for example. It could accommodate over 3,500 spectators, and recently, bullfights were held almost every day.

The ticket revenue from the daily bullfights alone had already brought enormous profits to Lealtad Square.

A portion of this would then be converted into tax revenue, providing more income for the Madrid municipal government.

Not to mention the other consumption by these visitors, such as purchasing food and drinks around the square, all of which stimulated economic growth.

Although most visitors did not spend much, the effect of currency circulation on the economy was far greater than its mere face value.

More importantly, this economic circulation was happening every day. The bullfighting event alone was enough to make Spain’s economic growth rate far exceed that of the same period last year.

And this was with Spain lacking large bullrings. Once Spain’s major bullrings were completed, a single bullfight could have nearly ten thousand spectators.

The economic stimulus from nearly ten thousand spectators would be several times greater than the current level. With the bullfighting competition held annually, Madrid’s economic development would be put on a fast track, achieving rapid growth in a short time.

After watching two bullfights, Carlo stopped going to Lealtad Square.

It wasn’t that he had lost interest in bullfighting, but rather that his presence always disrupted the viewing experience for ordinary spectators.

To ensure Carlo’s safety, whenever he attended a bullfight, the Guards would place Lealtad Square under tight security, allowing only a small number of spectators to enter after being searched and inspected.

The public might not complain about this once or twice, but if it happened too often, they would certainly start to have other ideas.

The blame for this lay with the design of Lealtad Square, which had not taken into account the possibility of members of the royal family attending in person.

Theoretically, when building such large bullrings, several private box-like spaces should have been specially constructed, separated from the general seating areas.

This would not only ensure the privacy and security within the boxes but also avoid disrupting the experience for ordinary spectators.

These private boxes were prepared for more distinguished guests. Ordinary spectators could, of course, also purchase tickets for the boxes, but the prices were generally quite high, and certain qualifications were required, meaning not just anyone could buy them.

Carlo had already considered this point.

The large bullring being built by the royal family on the outskirts of Madrid would accommodate nearly ten thousand spectators and would include ten private boxes of various sizes.

The largest of these boxes could hold over twenty people, while the smallest could accommodate more than five. They would also have their own exclusive entrances, separate from the passages used by the general audience.

This was the place Carlo had specifically designed for himself, his family, and the nobility to watch bullfights. Capitalists could, of course, also buy tickets to watch from the boxes, but the price would be much higher, which was also how the bullring would generate revenue.

Because this large bullring was funded and built by the royal family, ownership would naturally belong to the royal family.

Carlo could not possibly extract too much profit from the common people, so the money-making opportunities had to be focused on things like the private boxes and some services offered by the bullring itself.

After all, it was a large bullring capable of holding nearly ten thousand people. The facility would have places to sell food and drinks, as well as large restrooms distributed throughout.

Although Carlo never expected the bullring to quickly recoup its construction costs, he certainly wouldn’t object to making money from the capitalists and noblemen.

Carlo made no further public appearances after watching the two bullfights, but this did nothing to dampen the enthusiasm of the Spanish people for the competition.

After the national bullfighting competition had been running for a few months, bullfighting had become an unstoppable trend in Spain. The top-performing bullfighters in each region became local celebrities, hailed and adored by the public.

It was worth noting that with Carlo’s organization of the national competition, bullfighting also became a craze among the aristocracy.

Most noblemen were content to simply watch the events, but a small number chose to participate directly, becoming brave and fearless bullfighters themselves.

Although bullfighting was fraught with danger, and a single mistake could lead to death on the horns of a wild bull, this did not deter the Spanish people’s love for the sport. On the contrary, it made even more people curious and attentive to this national competition.

According to the royal family’s statistics on the bullfights in the various regions, in the first two months after the event officially began, the total number of tickets sold across all regions exceeded one million five hundred thousand.

Although this was only the number of tickets sold and did not represent one million five hundred thousand unique spectators, it proved one thing: the attention the Spanish people were paying to bullfighting had reached an extremely high level.

Considering the sizes of the bullrings in each region, besides Andalusia and Madrid which had relatively large ones, the other regions only had medium-sized bullrings with seating for one to two thousand spectators.

Combined with the fact that there weren’t necessarily bullfights every day, selling over one million five hundred thousand tickets in less than two months was an astonishing figure.

The price of bullfighting tickets varied depending on the seat.

Taking ticket sales at Lealtad Square in Madrid as an example, the seats in the highest tiers were the cheapest, with an average price not exceeding 10 céntimos, which was 0.1 pesetas.

Tickets for the best viewing areas, however, cost several times more than these distant seats, with the most expensive reaching a high price of 1.25 pesetas.

Although the average income in Spain had now risen to over 131 pesetas, a 1.25-peseta ticket still represented three days’ wages for an ordinary person. The vast majority of commoners would not waste so much money on a single bullfight.

The ones who actually bought tickets for these better viewing locations were mostly from the middle class, or even capitalists and noblemen.

In reality, a price of 1.25 pesetas was not expensive in itself. It was an amount that the average middle-class person wouldn’t mind spending, let alone the wealthier capitalists and aristocrats.

The price of bullfighting tickets was constantly fluctuating. Many factors influenced the price, but the most important were the fame of the participating bullfighters and the ferocity of the bulls prepared for the event.

The more ferocious the bull, the more exciting the bullfight was expected to be. Famous bullfighters could also attract larger audiences, as the only way for them to gain attention was to win the admiration and focus of the spectators with ever more spectacular performances.

Both of these points were factors that determined the level of excitement in a bullfight, which was why they could influence ticket prices.

Although this competition was organized by Carlo, it was practically a collaboration with bullrings across Spain’s various regions. The bullring Carlo owned was not yet finished, and even when it was, it would only be used for the second round of finals.

Collaborating with the existing bullrings in the regions was a way to quickly launch the competition and help bullfighting develop more effectively across Spain.

If the royal family were to push it alone, it would require more time and a greater investment of funds. Furthermore, without the participation of other capital, achieving rapid growth would not be so easy.

While this approach meant giving up a portion of the profits to the regional bullrings, it wasn’t really a loss for Carlo.

A part of the money earned by these bullrings would also be turned into taxes paid to the government, increasing its revenue.

They would also use their own profits to promote the bullfights and expand their bullrings, helping to launch a new wave of publicity for bullfighting across Spain.

Coupled with the power of public opinion wielded by Carlo’s newspaper company, this was why the bullfighting event quickly became popular with most Spaniards and achieved great success.

Since the bullfighting competition had already achieved initial success, the next steps were simple: promote the ongoing competition even more vigorously while expanding the bullrings in the regions as much as possible to ensure they could accommodate more spectators.

The more people who watched the bullfights, the more revenue it would generate for the bullrings and the royal family.

Currently, the bullrings in most regions had a capacity of around one thousand to two thousand people. This scale was too small to meet the public’s fervent demand to watch the events.

Even in Madrid, where the bullring could hold 3,500 people, there were still situations where people couldn’t buy tickets.

Besides the relatively low price of tickets, this was also because the bullrings in the regions simply could not accommodate more spectators, forcing most Spaniards to follow the bullfights through news reports rather than witnessing them in person.

Chapter 214: The Covert Colonial Expansion

In May 1877, Carlo’s attention had just shifted from the fiery bullfighting matches and quickly turned to Spain’s railway construction.

Since Carlo’s coronation as the king of Spain, a wave of railway construction had swept the nation, and the total mileage was constantly increasing.

According to the latest statistics from the Department of Transportation, the existing railway mileage in mainland Spain had officially exceeded 9,100 kilometers, and it was expected to reach the target of 9,500 kilometers within the year.

Compared to the slightly more than 5,000 kilometers at the time of Carlo’s coronation, the 9,500 kilometers meant the total railway mileage had nearly doubled.

Carlo had achieved this in less than ten years. Compared to the reign of Queen Isabella, this was an absolutely monumental change.

The changes brought to Spain by railway construction were not limited to the increase in mileage but also included industrial development and economic growth.

To date, the scale of Spanish industry had grown by more than sixty percent compared to when Carlo was crowned. In less than ten years, over a thousand enterprises had sprung up, a hundred of which had grown into famous Spanish factories and construction companies. This figure was quite staggering.

The number of workers in Spain had also grown from a small fraction at the time of Carlo’s coronation to nearly one million today. Workers had become an extremely important group in Spain and were a target Carlo wanted to win over.

A king trying to win over workers might seem incredible, but it was a goal Carlo was determined to achieve.

With the royal enterprises guaranteeing workers’ interests and income, the newspaper companies controlled by Carlo vigorously promoted the welfare benefits offered to workers by these enterprises and Carlo’s protection of their interests. This successfully maintained an attitude of love and approval for the royal family among Spain’s working class.

Workers hated capitalists—to be precise, the villainous capitalists who exploited their interests and docked their wages.

However, state capital like Carlo’s was not included in this category. After all, Spain’s state capital offered workers a certain degree of protection. At the very least, their income and various benefits were far better than those of workers in capitalist-owned factories.

Returning to Spain’s current railway construction, the results were quite impressive.

Looking at a complete railway map of Spain, it resembled a tilted letter ‘Y’. The intersection of the three lines was Madrid, the capital of Spain, which boasted one of the busiest railway stations in the country.

The three tips of the ‘Y’ were Santiago de Compostela, the capital of the Galicia region; Barcelona, the capital of the Catalonia region; and Seville, the capital of the Andalusia region.

These three main railway lines that formed the ‘Y’ passed through not only the three aforementioned regions but also Valladolid, the capital of the León region; Zaragoza, the capital of the Aragon region; and Toledo, the capital of the La Mancha region.

The branch lines extending from these three main railway lines passed through even more regions and cities.

Together, these railways formed Spain’s rail network, but the three main lines forming the ‘Y’ remained the busiest.

The busiest railway was undoubtedly the line between Madrid and Barcelona. Madrid and Barcelona were Spain’s two largest cities, and Zaragoza, located along the route, was also one of Spain’s major cities.

Madrid and Barcelona were also two of Spain’s few major industrial cities, and their combined industrial output accounted for more than half of Spain’s total.

The reason Carlo was paying attention to Spain’s railway construction was, of course, a piece of good news from the Department of Transportation: the railway line from Madrid to the Extremadura region had been successfully opened.

The Extremadura region was a border region of Spain; further west lay the territory of Portugal.

Carlo’s interest in the completion of this railway was mainly because west of the Extremadura region lay Portugal’s Portalegre District, and further west were Santarém and Lisbon, the capital of Portugal.

Spain had previously reached an agreement with the Portuguese government on connecting their railway systems. The main purpose of this line, which ran from Madrid to Mérida, the capital of the Extremadura region, was precisely to connect with Portugal’s railways and run all the way to Lisbon, the Portuguese capital.

Connecting the railways of Spain and Portugal was a major event for both countries.

Excluding Andorra, a small country without full sovereignty, there were only two nations on the Iberian Peninsula: Spain and Portugal.

France, the only country bordering Iberia, had a completely different railway gauge, which made economic exchange between the Iberian Peninsula and the rest of the European continent extremely difficult. More often than not, it had to be resolved through maritime transport.

Within the Iberian Peninsula itself, the railway gauges of Portugal and Spain were also different. If it weren’t for the rich shipbuilding heritage of the two Iberian powers, the lack of economic integration alone would have been enough to hinder their development.

Once the railways between Spain and Portugal were connected, the economic development of both countries would accelerate. For Spain, with its larger population, the benefits would certainly be greater.

If the Portuguese government did not control it, a larger portion of Portugal’s population would surely flow into Spain.

After all, there were no significant differences in language and culture between them, and Spain, in the midst of rapid development, offered many job opportunities that the Portuguese would find hard to refuse.

With the railway connection, it would become much more convenient for the Portuguese to travel to Spain. The straight-line distance between Lisbon and Madrid was just over 500 kilometers. Traveling by the current high-speed trains, even including the time needed for border crossing procedures, the journey would definitely take less than 24 hours.

This would be a very difficult situation for the Portuguese government. If they didn’t control this outflow of people, Portugal’s population would continue to dwindle.

But if they did impose controls, what reason could they use to stop the outflow? If they caused public dissatisfaction, it could lead to the Portuguese people hating their government even more, which would in turn cause bigger problems.

Carlo, of course, knew this would cause many problems for the Portuguese government, but who cared?

Spain had only so many land neighbors. It couldn’t very well set its sights on Britain and France, could it?

Besides Britain and France, the only neighbor Spain could scheme against was Portugal. When national interests were at stake, family ties were not enough to prevent it.

Besides, Carlo wasn’t thinking of annexing Portugal at the moment. He was merely using the railway connection to attract a portion of the Portuguese population while also leveraging Portugal to promote Spain’s own development.

As May 1877 began, another piece of important news changed the situation on the Balkan Peninsula: the declaration of Germany, the other participant in the League of the Three Emperors.

For Germany, the choice in this Balkan War was very difficult. Its ally, Russia, was one of the participants in the war, while its other ally was Russia’s opponent.

If Germany made a choice rashly, it would clearly offend the other ally.

Both allies, Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, were great powers and crucial executors of Prime Minister Bismarck’s policy to isolate France.

For Germany, choosing either ally would undermine its own diplomatic plans. Therefore, the best option was to remain neutral, not express its stance, and avoid losing either ally.

But as the situation on the Balkan Peninsula developed, Germany eventually had to choose between its two allies.

An alliance was not just empty words; it required providing help at critical moments. If an ally couldn’t provide help when needed, then why form the alliance in the first place?

Before declaring war on the Ottoman Empire, Tsar Alexander II had personally sent a telegram to Kaiser Wilhelm I to secure German support.

For Russia, Germany’s support was crucial. Firstly, it would ensure that the Austro-Hungarian Empire remained inactive, as Austria-Hungary’s confidence in defeating the Russians relied on German backing.

Secondly, with German support, Russia could be sure it would have nothing to worry about from its rear during the entire war.

The vast Russian territory would continuously transport supplies to the front lines, and Russia was fully confident of winning this war against the Ottoman Empire.

In the end, the Germans chose Russia over the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Speaking of the relationship within the League of the Three Emperors, Germany and Russia had a purely allied relationship, while the Austro-Hungarian Empire was more like a sycophant.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire had actively sought to get closer to Germany. Before Austria-Hungary showed weakness, the relationship between Germany and Austria had been hostile.

Compared to Austria, with which they had fought a war just a few years ago, the Germans clearly had more trust in Russia, which posed no threat to their interests.

At least in Prime Minister Bismarck’s strategy to isolate France, Russia’s role was more important than that of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Currently, the Germans were most concerned about their animosity with France and had no significant conflicts of interest with Russia. This was why Germany ultimately chose Russia.

With German support, the rest was easy.

Without German support, the Austro-Hungarian Empire lacked the courage to wage war against Russia. This meant Russia had a chance to keep Austria-Hungary completely neutral in this war through diplomacy alone.

And Russia did indeed achieve this. The Austro-Hungarian Empire did not dare to go to war with Russia alone, even with the possibility of British support.

When Russia promised to let the Austro-Hungarian Empire annex Bosnia and Serbia, Austria-Hungary ultimately chose to remain neutral in the war, abandoning any thought of intervention.

Austria-Hungary’s voluntary withdrawal from the conflict made the British see an even greater crisis.

Without interference from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russia only needed to focus on dealing with the Ottoman Empire. The Ottoman Empire was no longer a match for Russia. If Russia was allowed to attack the Ottoman Empire at will, Constantinople might belong to Russia by next year.

To help the Ottoman Empire resist the Russian offensive, an Englishman named Hobart, who claimed to have converted to Islam, led the Turkish fleet to blockade the Black Sea, preventing the Russians from transporting supplies to the front by sea.

Speaking of Hobart, he had served in the British Royal Navy in his early years and had retired with the rank of colonel over a decade ago.

After retiring, Hobart went to the Ottoman Empire, converted to Islam, and was granted the title of Pasha by the Ottoman Empire.

Pasha was previously known as Beylerbey and generally referred to high-ranking officials in the Ottoman administrative system, such as governors-general, generals, or other senior officials.

After a long period of development, the term Pasha had evolved into an honorary title, similar to a Lord in the British peerage.

Having received the title of Pasha, Hobart held a high position in the Ottoman Navy and would even be granted the rank of Naval Marshal in the future.

Of course, Hobart’s current status and position were by no means low. As the de facto commander of the Ottoman Navy, he commanded 22 armored ships, 82 unarmored ships, and 763 naval guns, with a total of over 15,000 naval officers and soldiers.

In terms of naval size, the Ottoman Empire’s Black Sea Fleet had an advantage over the Black Sea Fleet established by Russia.

Why did the Ottoman Empire possess such a large navy? Aside from a small part being the empire’s own foundation, most of it came from British assistance.

The British had gone to great lengths to prevent Russia from occupying the Constantinople Straits. The Ottoman Empire’s Black Sea Fleet successfully blockaded the Black Sea, forcing Russia to transport supplies to the front lines by land.

Although this hindered the offensive at the front, the problem was not too great. While at a disadvantage at sea, the Russian army held a significant advantage over the Ottoman army on land.

Since the Black Sea was blockaded, the Russians completely abandoned their maritime supply lines on the Black Sea and pinned all their hopes for the offensive on their army.

The Russian army did not disappoint. In their battles against the Ottoman forces, they rapidly pushed the front line forward with a record of many wins and few losses.

However, this “push” was, in reality, merely a difficult recovery of Romanian territory occupied by the Ottoman Empire.

Due to the flooding of the Danube River, and with the Black Sea blockaded, it was very difficult for Russian troops to cross the Danube River to fight the Ottoman army.

For most of May, the Russian and Ottoman armies engaged each other by bombarding one another from opposite sides of the river, occasionally firing a few rifle shots to prove the war was still ongoing.

Aside from expending bullets and artillery shells, casualties on both sides had been reduced to a minimum.

The Russian army originally had an advantage in the number of artillery pieces, but after the consumption in April, the supply of shells at the front was already insufficient.

This caused Russia’s firepower to drop to nearly the same level as the Ottoman Empire’s, and their army was stalled by the Danube River on Romanian soil, unable to advance an inch.

The slowing of the offensive began to make the Russian government anxious.

The front lines were wasting large quantities of bullets and shells every day, and the Russian government’s financial expenditures were constantly increasing.

If the stalemate continued, it was uncertain whether the government’s finances could hold up, but the supply of bullets and shells to the front definitely could not.

There were a full 3,000 artillery pieces at the front. If each one fired ten shells a day, the total consumption would be as high as thirty thousand shells.

In a month, the number of shells consumed would approach one million, a gap that Russia’s current military industry production capacity could in no way fill.

Not to mention that during times of intense fighting, the artillery at the front would fire even more heavily. The consumption of artillery shells and the issue of logistical supply alone were enough to give the Russian government a headache.

Furthermore, bullet consumption at the front was the main concern. An army of several hundred thousand men consumed countless bullets every day. If they could not be resupplied in time, the morale of the frontline troops would drop due to lack of supplies, making it impossible not only to continue the offensive but also difficult even to defend.

They couldn’t just send these soldiers to fight the enemy with bayonets when they had no bullets. Leaving aside whether the Russian soldiers had the courage for a bayonet charge, even if they did, the enemy wouldn’t be foolish enough to forgo their rifles for bayonets.

Bayonet charges would only happen if the enemy had already breached the trenches, if they were storming the enemy’s trenches, or if they had run out of ammunition and supplies.

In other situations, especially when the Ottoman Empire had superior weaponry, it was always better to use suppressive fire whenever possible.

Seeing that the Black Sea blockade was very effective, the British finally breathed a sigh of relief.

While this strategy might not necessarily help the Ottoman Empire win the war, it could at least stall Russia for a longer time.

Britain would also have more time to prepare, whether to join the war to help the Ottoman Empire or to ensure after the war that the Ottoman Empire did not lose more of its interests—especially to ensure that Russia would not expand its sphere of influence to the vicinity of the Constantinople Straits. These were all viable options for Britain.

Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire had remained neutral due to various pressures, the British did not believe it would stay neutral if Russia’s sphere of influence began to swallow the Balkan Peninsula.

To put it bluntly, Russia had not yet won the war, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire was only yielding under pressure.

Once Russia truly threatened Austria-Hungary’s arrangements in the Balkan Peninsula, the latter would certainly not stand idly by, even if it meant facing threats itself.

While the war in the Balkan Peninsula captured the attention of the major European powers, Spain accelerated its expansion in its African and Southeast Asian colonies.

In Africa, Spain’s expansion had two main directions.

One was the expansion of the colony of Southern Morocco into the Western Sahara desert. Although the Western Sahara was a barren land with a small population, it had high economic value.

Being a coastal area, the coast of the Western Sahara region possessed extremely rich fishery resources, and the small population there primarily engaged in fishing and animal husbandry.

In addition to these common fishery resources, the Western Sahara also had extremely rich phosphate deposits, with the reserves in Bou Craa alone amounting to 1.7 billion tons.

Phosphate ore has many uses and can be widely applied in agriculture, the chemical industry, medicine, and crafts.

Its most important use is to produce phosphate fertilizer, which provides the crucial element phosphorus to crops. Phosphate fertilizer is one of the most important types of chemical fertilizers.

For Spain, where land fertility was insufficient, the massive phosphate deposits could provide a large amount of phosphate fertilizer.

This fertilizer could increase the fertility of Spanish land, aid crop production, increase agricultural yields, and make Spain’s agriculture stronger.

For Spain, occupying the Western Sahara region presented no difficulty.

It was no exaggeration to say that after Spain established the colony of Southern Morocco, other countries had already tacitly accepted Spain’s occupation of the Western Sahara region.

Why was this so? This land was originally controlled by Morocco, but it was not under actual administration, merely within Morocco’s sphere of influence.

European colonizers had also come to this land but were not interested in this sparsely populated desert region.

Within a few hundred kilometers of the Western Sahara, there were no other colonizers’ colonies besides Spain’s colony of Southern Morocco.

Even if Spain did not establish a colony in the Western Sahara, it was highly unlikely that any other great power would.

Unless the great powers had completely partitioned Africa, which would be very difficult to achieve within the next ten years.

After all, the reason the major powers had not penetrated deep into Africa was not that they didn’t want to, but that the cost was too high. Currently, no country had the strength to develop the African interior, so there was naturally no need to establish colonies deep within the continent.

A territory like the Congo Territory established by Spain might arouse the envy of some great powers, but most countries would attribute it to good luck.

After all, Spain’s exploration of the Congo Territory was filled with too many coincidences. If not for good luck, Spain probably would not have been able to discover such a vast territory.

In the eyes of other European great powers, the process by which Spain established the Congo Territory was unrepeatable. If they were to conduct inland African expeditions like Spain, it would likely achieve nothing besides spending vast sums of money to form exploration teams.

It was better to focus on expansion along the African coast. The coastal lands of Africa had not yet been fully partitioned by the great powers, and this was where their primary attention lay.

Besides expanding in the Sahara Desert, Spain had another direction for expansion in Africa: extending the Congo Territory downstream along the Congo River.

According to Carlo’s plan, the Congo Territory was to be connected by railway to the colony of Guinea and the ports on the lower Congo River.

The Congo Territory had already completed its railway connection with the colony of Guinea, but the plan to build a railway along the Congo River had not yet officially begun.

The main reason was that a long-existing native kingdom was located on the lower Congo River: the Kingdom of Kongo.

Most of the Kingdom of Kongo’s territory was currently controlled by Portugal, which had also established its own African colony on the kingdom’s land.

If Spain wanted to continue expanding the Congo Territory down the lower Congo River, it would certainly lead to a new round of conflict with Portugal.

Portugal had indeed tolerated Spain’s establishment of the Congo Territory on the upper Congo River, but if Spain also reached for the lower Congo River, the Portuguese would likely not back down so easily.

After all, the Portuguese had been expanding in the Kingdom of Kongo for over a decade. Why would they abandon their established colonies just because of colonial competition from Spain?

Fortunately, Portugal was currently the only major competitor in the Congo River Basin, and Spain was not afraid of the threat posed by Portugal.

Taking advantage of the fact that Portugal’s backer, Britain, was focused on the war in the Balkan Peninsula, Carlo decided to accelerate the expansion into the lands of the lower Congo River, aiming to bring the Kingdom of Kongo under Spanish control before the Portuguese could.

The Kingdom of Kongo had a large indigenous population, which could be used to develop the Congo Territory.

Completing the expansion down the lower Congo River would also create a triangular area between Guinea and the Congo River Basin. The land within this triangle could potentially all fall under Spanish control.

Before other foreign competitors arrived, it was highly advantageous to be the first to control these lands. Even if they couldn’t be developed in the future, they could be used in colonial exchanges to acquire more desirable colonies from other great powers.

Even without colonial exchanges, this contiguous block of colonial territory would be easier to control; a moderately sized military force would be sufficient to ensure its stability.

Chapter 215: Victor Emanuele II is Critically Ill

As June of 1877 arrived, a piece of news from the Kingdom of Italy forced Carlo to change his plans for the latter half of the year.

Ever since unifying Italy, the health of Carlo’s father, Victor Emanuele II, had taken a sharp downturn. This, coupled with the chaotic situation in Italy, left Emanuele II overwhelmed with work every day.

Since January of this year, Victor Emanuele II had handed over most of his affairs of state to his eldest son, Crown Prince Umberto, while he himself resided in a manor on the outskirts of Rome to recuperate.

But the medical technology of this era was unreliable. After half a year of convalescence, Victor Emanuele II’s health had not improved; instead, it had worsened. He was now bedridden, and it seemed his days were numbered.

Although Carlo was a transmigrator, he held his father in high regard. Upon learning that Victor Emanuele II was bedridden and critically ill, Carlo immediately decided to take his entire royal family and Ricciotti to Italy to visit him.

As one of the first loyalists to follow Carlo to Spain, Ricciotti had now become the Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish Royal Guard, making him the true head of the force.

Although the Royal Guard currently consisted of only one division, it was a reinforced division with mixed cavalry and artillery units, totaling fifteen thousand men.

The reason for bringing Ricciotti to Italy this time was so he could also visit his father, Garibaldi.

In terms of age, Garibaldi, born in 1807, was thirteen years older than Victor Emanuele II, who was born in 1820.

As for their health, Garibaldi was in better condition than Victor Emanuele II; at least, his life was not in immediate danger.

Of course, Garibaldi was a seventy-year-old man, after all. Ricciotti had been with Carlo in Spain for several years, so it was time for him to go home, see his father, and catch up with his family.

Naturally, besides visiting his father, Victor Emanuele II, Carlo also wanted to use this trip to finalize the next stage of cooperation with the Italian government and, at the same time, strengthen his relationship with his older brother, Crown Prince Umberto.

Victor Emanuele II had only three sons with rights to the throne: Crown Prince Umberto, Prince Amedeo, and Carlo.

As the first in line to the Italian throne, Crown Prince Umberto had no rivals. The second in line was his son, the young Victor Emanuele, and the third was his younger brother, Prince Amedeo.

Carlo’s place in the order of succession to the Italian throne was after his two older brothers and their sons, making him seventh in line.

Since there was no conflict of interest between him and Crown Prince Umberto, it was only natural to cultivate a good relationship with him, thereby strengthening the ties between Spain and Italy.

Although Spain and Italy currently enjoyed good cooperation, this was established with the support of Victor Emanuele II for Carlo.

If Crown Prince Umberto had no desire to continue this cooperation, it would be forced to an end.

The good news was that there were currently no conflicts of interest between Spain and Italy. For both nations, mutual cooperation was essential.

Although Italy was a great power, it ranked near the bottom among them, lagging in both population and the scale of its industrial economy.

Spain was much the same. Though vast in territory, its population lagged far behind all the other great powers.

Only by uniting could Spain and Italy resist the covetous eyes of the other great powers. At present, regarding the colonies in Africa, Spain and Italy shared a common enemy: France.

Carlo also had his eyes on Italy’s population, so naturally, he did not want to abandon the cooperation between them now.

Because he was going to Italy with his entire family in tow, the stability of Spain itself became crucial.

Carlo had no intention of losing his power base after a single trip to Italy. Thus, before his departure, he made meticulous arrangements to ensure no problems would arise in Spain during his absence.

Previously, he had allowed the rebellious nobles and the Remnants of the Bourbons opportunities to create chaos because he was trying to bait them out. Now, Carlo only wanted stability and would not give anyone another chance.

Before leaving Madrid, Carlo summoned Kadir, the Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, and gave him a formidable task.

Carlo demanded that during his trip to Italy, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau focus its intelligence efforts on Madrid and its surrounding cities to ensure no incidents occurred in the region.

If any factions were discovered planning protests or rebellions, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau was authorized to suppress them preemptively and interrogate them to find the masterminds.

In addition to the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau being responsible for the stability of the Madrid area, the fifteen-thousand-strong Royal Guard would also be stationed around the capital to ensure there would be no issues with Spain’s political heart.

Of course, Carlo would be taking a retinue of guards with him to Italy. However, considering that only the Mediterranean separated Spain and Italy, the number of accompanying bodyguards was not large—just over a hundred in total.

After all, for Carlo, returning to Italy was still like going home; he hardly needed to worry about his personal safety.

The Italian government and royal family would see to Carlo’s security. Besides, the situation in Italy was not so complex at the moment, and there were not many anti-government extremists.

Before leaving, Carlo also specifically instructed Grand Duke Serrano and Deputy Prime Minister Canovas to oversee the stable operation of the Spanish government.

For now, Spain only needed to steadily supply weapons and equipment to Russia and the Ottoman Empire, earning enough gold and other assets from these two warring nations.

Then, it would use this earned money to vigorously develop Spain’s industry and economy, allowing them to maintain a relatively high growth rate.

As for everything else, the Spanish government did not need to consider it for the time being. Development was the most important issue for Spain; all other matters were minor.

After arranging everything, Carlo, along with Queen Sophie and his son and daughter, boarded a warship bound for Rome, Italy.

The escort this time was a fleet of three ironclads, one of which was the Revival, which had only recently been launched.

Such a lavish escort was more than enough to protect Carlo; it could even fight a small-scale naval battle with another country.

The fleet departed from the port of Valencia in Spain, sailed past the Balearic Region, made a brief stop at the Italian island of Sardinia, and then proceeded northeast directly toward Rome.

In Rome, the capital of Italy, the Italian government had already prepared a welcoming ceremony for the Spanish royal family.

Although the main purpose of Carlo’s visit was to see Victor Emanuele II, he was, after all, the ruler of a great European power and a member of the Italian royal family, so a proper welcoming ceremony was indispensable.

The current Prime Minister of Italy was Agostino Depretis, a noteworthy figure.

This was Prime Minister Agostino Depretis’s first term of office, and his political ideology was completely different from that of his three predecessors.

Prime Minister Agostino Depretis was the twelfth prime minister since the founding of Italy and the third left-wing prime minister.

What did left-wing and right-wing mean?

This was a division of political ideologies originating from the period of the French Revolution. During the meetings of the French Revolution, the moderate, conservative royalist faction generally sat on the right side of the parliament, while the radical revolutionaries who wanted to promote democratic and republican reforms sat on the left.

Sitting on opposing sides became a tradition in the French parliament, and ‘left-wing’ and ‘right-wing’ became terms to describe the political ideologies of officials.

Simply put, the left-wing represented the ideas of liberty, democracy, and republicanism, while the right-wing represented conservatism and nationalism.

Prime Minister Agostino Depretis was not a simple left-wing politician. In his early years, he had joined the Young Italy party and supported the republican ideas of Mazzini.

Although he later gradually shifted toward the constitutional monarchist faction while serving as a member of the parliament of the Kingdom of Sardinia, some of his political beliefs did not significantly change.

Prime Minister Agostino Depretis had also participated in the Redshirts organized by Garibaldi and held the high post of pro-Dictator of Sicily.

However, after the Redshirts conquered the Kingdom of Sicily, Prime Minister Agostino had a disagreement with the democrat of the time, Crispi, over the future of Sicily, and was ultimately dismissed by Garibaldi.

It was precisely because Prime Minister Agostino chose to support the Kingdom of Sardinia on the issue of Sicily’s annexation that Victor Emanuele II let down his guard against this former republican.

After the unification of Italy, Prime Minister Agostino served as an Italian cabinet minister on multiple occasions and, a few years after unification, became the recognized leader of the Italian left-wing bloc.

After the poor performance of the right-wing officials last year, Prime Minister Agostino was ordered to preside over a new Cabinet, beginning the first time he would form a Cabinet in his career as prime minister.

Although Prime Minister Agostino and the previous Prime Minister, Giovanni, held different political ideologies, their attitude toward Spain was the same: they both attached great importance to the Spanish government.

Spain’s overall strength was considerable; at least, Italy was in no position to ignore its existence.

For Italy, Spain was an ally worth winning over. Agostino himself hoped for Italy to be proactive in Africa, expanding its colonies, so it was even more crucial to hold on to Spain, one of the few allies that could offer Italy assistance in Africa.

If Italy wanted to expand in Africa, the nearest and most convenient territories were Tunisia and Libya.

Tunisia, in particular, was less than one hundred and fifty kilometers from the Italian island of Sicily—right on Italy’s doorstep, so to speak.

However, for Italy, conquering Tunisia was very difficult. Tunisia was within the Ottoman Empire’s sphere of influence, and before this, Italy lacked the strength to challenge the Ottomans.

With British support, the Ottoman Empire, though in decline, still possessed considerable military power.

This was especially true of its navy. To contain Russia’s Black Sea Fleet, the Ottoman navy was by no means weak; it could even maintain an advantage over the Russian Black Sea Fleet.

As a newly unified nation, Italy still lagged behind the Ottoman Empire in both the size of its army and the scale of its navy.

Even without British aid, it would be extremely difficult for Italy to defeat the Ottoman Empire. At the very least, the Ottomans could knock out a few of Italy’s teeth.

It was due to this situation that Italy coveted Tunisia immensely but did not dare to take any action.

Now that war had broken out again between the Ottoman Empire and Russia, Prime Minister Agostino believed this was an excellent opportunity for Italy to expand its sphere of influence to Tunisia.

Even if it could not turn Tunisia directly into a colony, it could at least gain some interests there to prepare for its future annexation.

But even with the Ottoman Empire tied down by the war, Italy had another rival in Tunisia: France.

As a Mediterranean coastal nation, France’s colonization efforts in North Africa were more intense than Spain’s and Italy’s. France had long established the colony of Algeria, which was situated right between Morocco and Tunisia.

As one of Europe’s most powerful great powers, France’s appetite was clearly much larger than Spain’s or Italy’s.

Spain’s target was only Morocco, and Italy’s was only Tunisia, while the French aimed for Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria in between.

From a historical perspective, it was the French who ultimately benefited. They took Tunisia, gained complete control of Algeria, and, by helping Spain control Morocco, secured vast interests there.

Spain fared slightly better. Despite its decline, it at least managed to get Morocco. Italy, on the other hand, drew the short straw. Unable to obtain Tunisia, it could only turn its sights to the more distant Somalia and Abyssinia, where it demonstrated the abysmal quality of the Italian army to the African natives.

It was precisely because they faced a formidable enemy in France that Prime Minister Agostino saw Spain as a rare and natural ally for Italy. The two countries shared a common enemy in French colonization in Africa.

Carlo was more than happy to accept the goodwill shown by the Italian Prime Minister, Agostino.

Just as Italy needed Spain as an ally, Spain also needed Italy.

No matter how weak, Italy was still a great power. The diplomatic influence and benefits it could offer were incomparable to those of non-great powers.

Before the outbreak of World War I, Spain and Italy had no conflicts of interest, which formed the basis for the two countries to form an alliance and engage in closer cooperation.

At Victor Emanuele II’s manor, Carlo saw his father.

Although Victor Emanuele II was only fifty-seven years old, he looked like an old man in his late seventies, in his twilight years.

It was already afternoon when Carlo and his family arrived at the manor.

Victor Emanuele II had been too weak to leave his bed, but upon hearing that Carlo had arrived with his family, he forced himself to sit up. With a kind smile, he beckoned Carlo to bring the two little ones forward.

“Fernando, Sofia,” Victor Emanuele II called out the names of his grandson and granddaughter. A glimmer of light shone in his eyes, and his face was filled with a benevolent smile.

At this moment, Victor Emanuele II was not the monarch of the Kingdom of Italy but a loving grandfather seeing his grandchildren for the first time.

“Grandfather, Grandfather,” little Juan Fernando called out, repeating the title he had practiced many times under Carlo’s tutelage.

“Grandfather is here,” Victor Emanuele II nodded happily at once. He reached out to gently stroke little Juan Fernando’s head, then said with a smile, “He looks just like you when you were little, Carlo.”

Carlo smiled and nodded, looking closely at his father.

“The doctor tells me my time is short,” Victor Emanuele II said peacefully, turning his gaze to his youngest son after doting on his grandson and granddaughter.

Carlo nodded. He had long expected this, but for some reason, he still felt a pang of sadness.

As if sensing the reluctance in Carlo’s heart, Victor Emanuele II smiled and shook his head. “Life is like this. One must always face death, isn’t that so?” he said with a smile.

“After you went to Spain, I was most worried about you, my child. Fortunately, you are more outstanding than I imagined. The problems in Spain were no match for you.

“I have already instructed Umberto. The alliance between Italy and Spain is our most important foreign policy, and it will also ensure the stability of both your thrones.

“Italy and Spain can not only jointly defend against foreign enemies but also help each other eliminate domestic ones. You will do better than I did, and Amedeo will help you both.”

Carlo nodded. Italy and Spain were natural allies, and Carlo did indeed plan to cooperate with his brother, Crown Prince Umberto, to mutually guarantee the stability of their thrones in the future.

No matter which country faced problems in the future, they could at least ensure that the safety of the royal family members would not be threatened. At worst, they could abdicate and flee to the other country for refuge. After all, the two royal families were one, and ensuring the other lived out their days in wealth would not be an issue.

Even if Carlo himself might not face such a danger, he had to consider his children and descendants. Italy was clearly a good escape route. Amedeo’s historical experience had also proven that having a path of retreat could indeed guarantee one’s personal safety.

Chapter 216: Renewed Spanish-Italian Cooperation

After chatting with his father, Victor Emanuele II, for a while, Carlo’s two elder brothers, Crown Prince Umberto and Prince Amedeo, also arrived at the estate.

Before Victor Emanuele II fell critically ill, Prince Amedeo had been living in Turin. However, due to his father’s severe illness, he had come to Rome.

Speaking of Carlo’s two brothers, Crown Prince Umberto and Prince Amedeo had completely different personalities.

Crown Prince Umberto’s desire for power was plain to see, whereas Prince Amedeo, after losing his chance to become the King of Spain, had completely lost his appetite for it.

Especially after the death of his wife, Duchess Maria, Prince Amedeo had become one of Italy’s most famous playboys, spending his days in leisure and showing no concern for Italian politics.

Of course, for Crown Prince Umberto, a brother like this was perhaps the least threatening.

Precisely because Prince Amedeo posed no threat, the relationship between him and Crown Prince Umberto was quite amicable.

The two arrived together, and Carlo stood to greet his elder brothers.

“Carlo, long time no see.” Crown Prince Umberto and Prince Amedeo came forward, first greeting Carlo before acknowledging his wife, Queen Sophie.

Although Crown Prince Umberto and Prince Amedeo were only princes while Carlo was a king, a higher rank, they were still his elder brothers. Coupled with the fact that this was a private meeting, there was no need for overly formal etiquette.

Victor Emanuele II looked at the three brothers, who were getting along harmoniously, and nodded in satisfaction.

Although many of his children had died in infancy, one thing that pleased Victor Emanuele II was that the relationships among his three surviving sons were still very good.

Brotherly harmony was an important guarantee for the continuation of the family line; infighting would only benefit outsiders.

It was through his conversation with Crown Prince Umberto that Carlo finally understood the state of Victor Emanuele II’s health.

In this era, there were no advanced diagnostic tools. Doctors could only judge Victor Emanuele II’s physical condition and give a vague prognosis that his time was near.

As for when the end would come, the doctors had no idea.

Carlo could only nod helplessly. Such was the backwardness of medical technology in this age.

Whether it was the common people or the king of a country, doctors were powerless in the final stages of life.

Of course, if one had to suggest a method, some doctors might still recommend trying bloodletting. But bloodletting only hastened death, a lesson learned from the countless Europeans who had died after undergoing the procedure.

Carlo’s family was arranged to stay at a nearby estate. Although it was far from the city of Rome, the advantage was its proximity to Victor Emanuele II’s residence. The scenery was more beautiful, and there were few disturbances.

This would be the family’s residence during their short stay in Italy. The Italian government dispatched hundreds of soldiers to patrol and guard the surrounding area, and Carlo also assigned most of his own guards to the vicinity of the estate.

In addition, whenever Carlo or Queen Sophie went out, several guards would accompany them for protection to ensure their safety.

This was to prevent assassination attempts by assassins. Although Europe was the most developed region of the era, the lives of most Europeans were not very pleasant.

This led to frequent assassinations in Europe, and Carlo took his personal safety very seriously.

The good news was that, compared to other countries, Italy was relatively stable. The newly unified Italy did not have that many problems, and public dissatisfaction with this new nation had not yet reached its peak.

Coupled with the protection of the Italian government, as long as Carlo didn’t do something reckless, he had no reason to worry about his life.

Besides Garibaldi’s second son, Ricciotti, some officials from the Spanish government had also accompanied Carlo to Italy this time.

The purpose of these officials coming to Italy was to finalize the next phase of cooperation with the Italian government.

In the previous cooperation between Spain and the Italian government, the main components were some capital loans, industrial mutual assistance, and joint research and development in the military industry.

With Italy’s help, Spain had acquired the Vetterli M1872 rifle, which was now the standard-issue rifle for the Spanish Army and was very important for Spain.

Italy had quite impressive research and development capabilities in industry and military technology. Spain could deepen its cooperation with Italy, allowing the two sides to work more closely on the design and development of rifles, cannons, and warships, jointly developing and manufacturing more powerful weapons.

From the lessons of history, Italy indeed had this capability. Although the Italian Navy was not large at present, in the decades to come, Italy would manage to build a considerably powerful navy.

It is worth mentioning that the major expansions of both the Italian Army and Navy occurred during Umberto’s reign.

After becoming king, Umberto pushed Italy to participate in the arms race, expanding the Italian Army from 10 to 12 corps, totaling 420,000 men, and also caused the Italian Navy to grow at an extremely rapid pace.

In the era of battleships, that is, pre-dreadnoughts, the Italian Navy even built some of the best battleships of the time and, by 1890, possessed the world’s fourth-largest navy with a total tonnage of 242,000 tons.

One must remember that Italy was not a particularly strong nation at the time, still ranking at the bottom among the great powers.

To be able to field an army of over 400,000 and the world’s fourth-largest navy was enough to demonstrate Umberto’s ambition and the truly excellent military technology R&D capabilities of the Italians.

At least in naval matters, Spain could learn a lot from Italy. If they could deepen their cooperation, by the time the era of pre-dreadnoughts arrived, Spain and Italy could quickly become nations possessing battleships.

Although Spain and Italy might not seem that powerful individually, if the two countries were to unite, their naval strength would be enough to threaten Britain.

Of course, this would only happen if Italy built up its navy as it did historically, and Spain maintained its current naval status.

Considering that Spain’s comprehensive national strength was constantly rising, such a scenario was very likely to occur. With Spain and Italy united, the threat posed by their navies alone would be enough to make Britain take the two countries more seriously.

With both Crown Prince Umberto and Prime Minister Agostino Depretis inclined to strengthen cooperation with Spain, the discussions between the Spanish and Italian governments proceeded very smoothly.

In just one day, the two sides finalized their close cooperation on military technology, with a focus on warships.

It was still the era of the ironclad, and the purpose of the joint development between Spain and Italy was precisely to develop the next generation of more advanced ironclads to serve as the main warships in their navies.

Of course, the resulting product would only serve as a reference template. The two countries would then make further improvements based on this template and their own needs, creating derivative products of the reference design.

For example, enhancing firepower, increasing power, and strengthening armor protection—these were the three most crucial factors for a warship.

On the basis of joint warship development, Spain and Italy also signed cooperation agreements in other areas, such as the joint development of naval guns for warships, the development of warship propulsion systems, and the development of armor materials.

Armor materials were very important for a warship. Good materials could make the armor thinner and lighter while maintaining its protective strength, thereby improving the warship’s speed.

Even just a simple increase in protection was a huge improvement for a warship. Any improvement in firepower, speed, or protection was a massive upgrade for a warship; if all three could be improved simultaneously, the warship could be completely transformed.

The upgrade from ironclad to pre-dreadnought, and from pre-dreadnought to dreadnought, followed this process—a comprehensive qualitative change brought about by technology, leading to tremendous breakthroughs in a warship’s firepower, speed, and armor protection.

Of course, apart from technology, what also changed were the design philosophies and habits of various countries in warship design.

Ironclads, pre-dreadnoughts, and dreadnoughts were three completely different products, entirely different in terms of appearance, construction, and the technology used.

Carlo himself did not know much about shipbuilding. This could only be improved through cooperation with Italy, with ship designers from both Spain and Italy working together.

Since Italy had historically possessed the ability to design the most advanced battleships, Spain would not be at a disadvantage in collaborating with them.

Moreover, Spain’s own capabilities in warship design were not weak either. The combined design capabilities of the two nations, even if they couldn’t compare to the British, would certainly not be much worse than other great powers, and might even maintain a slight lead.

In addition to joint research and development in military technology, Spain and the Italian government also signed some other cooperation agreements.

The most crucial among them was the agreement regarding the immigration of the Italian population.

Immigration had been a very important part of the cooperation agreement signed by the two governments last time.

However, Spain was not as stable back then, and Carlo was not in a hurry to bring in people from Italy.

Over the past few years, the total number of Italian immigrants to Spain had not exceeded 100,000, averaging fewer than 10,000 Italians per year.

As Spain’s population continued to grow and the country stabilized, it was time to raise this limit.

In this new cooperation agreement with Italy, the two governments reached a consensus on Italian immigration.

Spain could recruit a certain number of immigrants in Italy on its own, but the number of immigrants could not exceed 20,000 per year.

All expenses for the immigrants would be covered by the Spanish government, and for every Italian who chose to go to Spain, the Spanish government would pay Italy 50 pesetas in compensation.

For the Italian government, an annual emigration of no more than 20,000 people was not a painful loss. Due to the relative backwardness of Southern Italy, a large number of people chose to leave Italy every year, heading to other European countries, or even to the United States and more distant regions.

Instead of letting these people go to other countries for free, it was better to let Spain take some of them. Each Italian immigrant heading to Spain would earn the Italian government 50 pesetas in compensation, which was an additional source of income.

As for Spain, with a maximum of 20,000 immigrants per year, this meant that the maximum immigration fee paid to the Italian government would be only one million pesetas.

For the current Spanish government, one million pesetas was pocket change, completely insignificant compared to the Italian immigrants they would gain.

This cooperation was a matter of each side getting what it needed. Italy’s population was already close to 29 million, and despite a large number of emigrants each year, the population still maintained a fairly stable growth.

An emigration of 20,000 people per year meant nothing to Italy; it would not affect Italy’s population growth data at all.

After signing the immigration cooperation agreement with Italy, Carlo was even more satisfied with this trip.

If they could bring in 20,000 Italian immigrants every year, Spain’s population would grow at a much faster rate.

It should not be forgotten that the Spanish and Russian governments also had a similar cooperation agreement. Combined with immigrants from other European countries, under ideal conditions, Spain could receive nearly 50,000 immigrants annually, something the previous Spain would not have dared to imagine.

Adding the growth rate of Spain’s existing population, Spain’s annual net population increase would exceed 300,000.

This was already a very impressive level for a European country of the time, especially since Spain’s population was only 18.66 million.

At this rate of population growth, it would only take a few short years for Spain’s population to exceed 20 million. As the population grew, the annual increase would also reach new highs.

Although this could not completely solve Spain’s population shortage, for Spain, a bright future was indeed just around the corner.

Besides the agreement on population, the cooperation agreement signed by the Spanish and Italian governments also concerned the introduction of capital.

In Spain, Carlo was pursuing a path of state capitalism, with the royal family and the government acting as official capital to lead Spain’s industry and economy.

The advantage of this approach was that the royal family and the government had sufficient funds to quickly scale up a particular industry in Spain.

Spain’s industry had grown rapidly on this development path, and its current industrial scale was already more or less comparable to that of northern Italy.

But this did not mean Spain had no problems. Because most industries were monopolized by state capital, domestic private capital in Spain was too weak to spontaneously develop any industry.

On this point, Italy’s private capital was much stronger than Spain’s—stronger by more than just a little.

The purpose of cooperating with Italy in this area was to attract some Italian capital to invest in Spain.

With more private capital as a driving force, Spain’s industry could develop at a faster pace. Relying solely on government and royal funds would certainly prolong the time it took to see results.

In fact, compared to Italy, Spain’s northern neighbor, France, had significantly stronger private capital.

Spain and France also had some degree of cooperation, so attracting some French private capital to invest in Spain shouldn’t be a problem.

However, the relationship between Spain and France was not that good; it could only be described as mutual exploitation.

After this trip to Italy concluded, Carlo would also consider contacting the French government to bring some French capital to Spain.

Compared to a lesser great power like Italy, Spain could clearly gain more benefits from France. France’s industrial and economic scale was not something a country like Italy could match; even with decades, Italy could not possibly catch up to France.

Italy’s population of nearly 29 million might seem large, but France’s population had surpassed 36 million several years ago.

Although there was no definite data, it was certain that France’s current population was at least 37 million, a figure that was double that of Spain.

Such a huge population was one of the reasons for France’s strength. In addition to its population, France also possessed an extremely powerful industry and economy, which was why it held the position of hegemon of Europe before the Franco-Prussian War.

Although this hegemon of Europe was defeated in the Franco-Prussian War and faced the threat of Germany’s policy of isolating France after the war, it was undeniable that a lean camel is still bigger than a horse. In the face of Italy and Spain, France was still that powerful hegemon of Europe.

Among all European countries, the only ones that could truly match France’s strength were Britain and Germany.

Russia was somewhat weaker than France, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire was somewhat weaker than Russia. Aside from Britain and Germany which could match it, and Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire which were slightly weaker, the gap between France and the remaining great powers was enormous. Even the future world hegemon, the United States, was in the same boat.

The United States would have to wait for World War I and World War II for its chance to rise—to be precise, it would only become the world hegemon after World War II.

Before Britain, France, and Germany were severely weakened by the two World Wars, the United States was just a nouveau riche, with no ability to resist them.

Victor Emanuele II was also aware that the Spanish officials Carlo had brought were negotiating a cooperation agreement with the Italian government.

Upon learning that the two governments had successfully signed the agreement and had achieved comprehensive and close cooperation in areas such as industry, economy, agriculture, and military technology, Victor Emanuele II breathed a sigh of relief.

In his view, a closely cooperating Italy and Spain would have the confidence to stand up to the great powers. Facing any of the five traditional great powers of Europe, the two countries would have no need to fear.

Chapter 217: Inspecting Barcelona

Good times are always fleeting. After a few days in Italy, it was time for Carlo to leave.

After all, Carlo was now the king of Spain, and the affairs of Spain were his utmost priority.

Besides visiting his father, Victor Emanuele II, Carlo had also come to Italy with the intention of signing further cooperation agreements with the Italian government. This was the reason for his extended stay.

Now that the agreements between the two governments had been signed, Carlo had no reason to remain in Italy any longer.

Carlo felt a certain reluctance when bidding farewell to Victor Emanuele II. But it couldn’t be helped; matters of state took precedence over all else. The very fact that he could spare some time to visit Italy meant that he had already set aside some of his official duties.

Although the current Spanish government appeared stable, Carlo dared not gamble on even the slightest possibility of instability. Only by personally overseeing Spain could he ensure the nation’s stability and development.

The Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guard, Ricciotti, also returned to Rome from Garibaldi’s residence, ready to accompany Carlo back to Spain at a moment’s notice.

In a way, Ricciotti and Carlo were sharing a similar plight. Victor Emanuele II’s condition was due to a combination of illness and accumulated fatigue from overwork, while Garibaldi’s was mostly due to old age.

Though they both knew the two old men did not have much time left, it was a regret that neither Ricciotti nor Carlo had much time to spend with them.

To be pessimistic, perhaps the next time Carlo came to Italy, it would be for the funeral of his father, Victor Emanuele II.

Pushing the complex emotions from his mind, Carlo ordered the fleet to proceed at full speed, striving to return to Spain in the shortest time possible.

The period during the Tenth Russo-Turkish War was undoubtedly Spain’s best opportunity for development, and Carlo did not want to waste a single moment.

Simply trading with Russia and the Ottoman Empire was enough for Spain to acquire substantial funds and other resources. Furthermore, with the eyes of the other European great powers almost entirely fixed on the Balkan Peninsula, Spain would face much less resistance should it wish to pursue some expansion.

When Carlo and his entourage had left Spain, they had departed from the port of Valencia. But on their return, Carlo chose to dock at the Port of Barcelona.

The reason, of course, was to first inspect Barcelona, Spain’s second-most populous city.

Since the construction of the Barcelona Industrial Base, the city’s development had surged as if on an express train, with its industry and economy showing commendable achievements.

Under the planning of the Spanish government and Carlo, more than two hundred thousand Spaniards had steadily relocated to Catalonia to date, a significant portion of whom had settled around the Barcelona Industrial Base.

This led to rapid population growth in Barcelona in recent years, with a subtle trend of catching up to and even surpassing Madrid.

Indeed, Barcelona’s geographical location was far superior to Madrid’s, and it boasted an extremely well-developed maritime transport network. Surpassing Madrid was a very real possibility.

For Spain, Barcelona and the region of Catalonia to which it belonged were one of the nation’s most critical administrative districts and an absolutely indivisible part of the country.

How to maintain stability in Catalonia and resolve the troubles with the Catalans was a question the Spanish government constantly considered.

On this trip to Barcelona, Carlo also wanted to see the current situation in Catalonia and assess whether the government policies implemented there were having the intended effect.

Upon arriving in Barcelona, Carlo’s first destination was the Barcelona Industrial Base on the city’s outskirts.

The Barcelona Industrial Base was a key project in the Spanish government’s industrial construction plan. In the future, Barcelona was set to become Spain’s industrial heart and largest industrial city.

Although the capital, Madrid, also had industries, some of the more polluting ones would be gradually moved to other regions or even outside Spain.

Carlo did not want Madrid to become a “City of Fog” like London. Although it was a symbol of industrial development and civilization, such a symbol was not particularly healthy for people.

As the world’s most industrially and economically advanced nation, the British Empire’s average life expectancy should not, in theory, be so low.

But it was precisely the existence of the City of Fog that lowered the average lifespan of London’s citizens. In this era, there were no anti-smog measures, nor were there any effective protective masks.

Londoners inhaled highly concentrated smog every day; it would be a miracle if they lived long.

Upon their arrival at the Barcelona Industrial Base, its director-general, Angelo Orcajo, was already waiting respectfully with the base’s management personnel.

Angelo Orcajo was a talent Carlo had promoted from among the nobility. The Orcajo family name came from the small town of Orcajo in western La Mancha. Angelo’s ancestor had been enfeoffed as Baron Orcajo, with a fiefdom stretching from the town of Orcajo to the Guadiana River in the west.

After centuries of development, the title of Baron Orcajo still existed, but Angelo’s family had lost most of their lands, making them impoverished nobles in the truest sense.

After arriving in Spain, Carlo had decided to select a group of down-on-their-luck nobles for his service.

Compared to the powerful and high-ranking dukes and grand dukes, these impoverished counts and marquises would be more loyal to Carlo.

And so, Baron Angelo Orcajo had entered the political arena step by step. Because of his considerable ability in industrial development, he was promoted by Carlo to a position at the Seville Industrial Base.

Angelo did an excellent job at the Seville Industrial Base. When the Spanish government decided to build an even larger industrial base in Barcelona, Carlo entrusted this great responsibility to Angelo, appointing him as the director-general of the industrial base.

At present, Angelo was doing a remarkable job. The Barcelona Industrial Base had already successfully completed its first two phases of construction and was now in the final phase.

Once all three phases were complete, the Barcelona Industrial Base would become a colossal industrial hub with over five hundred thousand workers. Barcelona would become the industrial heart of Spain, its importance rivaling that of the capital, Madrid.

Of course, even though the third phase was not yet complete, the impact of the two completed phases was far from negligible.

The Barcelona Industrial Base currently employed over two hundred fifty thousand workers and housed several thousand factories and enterprises of various sizes.

The base accounted for over thirty percent of Spain’s total industrial output. Its current industrial scale had already surpassed that of Madrid and Seville, making Catalonia Spain’s most powerful industrial region.

This rapid industrial development also benefited Catalonia. As Spain’s strongest industrial region, Catalonia’s workers also had the highest incomes among all the Spanish regions.

As of the beginning of this year, the Ministry of Finance’s statistics showed Spain’s average annual income per capita was around 131 pesetas. In the region of Catalonia, however, the average annual income had already exceeded this level, reaching a rather astounding 144 pesetas.

And this figure was brought down by Catalan peasants and other low-income populations. The average income for a worker at the Barcelona Industrial Base was as high as 165 pesetas, a level far exceeding the current national average.

The continuous rise in per capita income made Catalonia’s economy exceptionally prosperous, with the area around Barcelona in no way inferior to Spain’s capital, Madrid.

In terms of the total economic scale of the entire region, only Andalusia, with its larger population, could barely compare. All other regions, including Madrid, fell short of Catalonia’s total economy.

Catalonia’s prosperity also attracted a large number of domestic and foreign laborers, and Barcelona was the city in Spain that received the most foreign immigrants each year.

The demographic structure of Barcelona had already undergone significant changes. The proportion of actual Catalans was constantly decreasing, while the number of mainstream Spaniards and foreign immigrants was steadily increasing.

This development alarmed the more extreme Catalan nationalists, but there was nothing they could do about it.

The reason Catalonia attracted domestic and foreign labor was the construction of the Barcelona Industrial Base. They couldn’t possibly halt its construction, could they?

After all, the base currently employed over two hundred fifty thousand workers and would accommodate another two hundred fifty thousand in the future.

If they were to obstruct the construction, never mind what the Spanish government would think, the opposition from those five hundred thousand workers alone would be enough to ruin the extremists’ plans.

More than half of the existing two hundred fifty thousand workers were Catalans. Would these Catalans who had already entered the factories still support their plans?

With most of the extreme Catalans having already been “emigrated” or suppressed, the small number of remaining extremists were powerless against the current developments.

They had no power to stop it, and the Catalans who had already entered the factories and earned higher incomes would not allow this minority to ruin their good lives.

“Your Majesty, the third phase of the Barcelona Industrial Base’s construction is now in its final stages. We expect all construction to be officially completed and enter production within a year,” the director-general of the base, Angelo Orcajo, reported to Carlo with a smile.

The construction of the Barcelona Industrial Base had been ongoing for nearly seven years, consuming all the energy and effort of both the Spanish government and himself.

So far, the results had been quite gratifying. Spain’s industrial scale had grown rapidly with the continuous construction of the base, and it was now no weaker than Italy’s.

Italy was by no means weak in industry. Although it was a nation unified only a few years ago, its predecessor, the Kingdom of Sardinia, had been quite strong industrially.

The unification of Italy had integrated several industrially powerful states and regions in the north, elevating the country’s industrial scale to a new level.

For Spain to catch up to Italy’s industrial scale was already a remarkable achievement. After all, Spain had managed it in less than ten years, and had endured a civil war and various other forms of chaos along the way. This was no small feat.

Hearing Angelo’s report, Carlo nodded, quite satisfied with the talent he had promoted from Spain’s vast nobility.

Although an impoverished nobleman, Angelo’s capabilities were worthy of recognition. If the Barcelona Industrial Base could be successfully completed and put into full production, it would be an achievement not only for the Spanish government but for Angelo himself.

After Canovas officially became Prime Minister, the post of Minister of Industry that he had held concurrently became vacant. It would be a good opportunity for Angelo to gain more experience.

If Angelo also performed well as Minister of Industry, Carlo wouldn’t mind letting him form a Cabinet and become Prime Minister after Canovas.

After all, for all nations in this era, developing industry was paramount. If one did well in industry, one would not make many mistakes in national development.

To have industry was to have everything; this was an eternal truth in this era. One of the main reasons for the rapid rise of the United States and Germany was their swift construction of massive industrial bases.

Though Britain was currently the world’s most powerful industrial nation, in the next twenty to thirty years, the United States and Germany would successively surpass it, becoming even stronger industrial powers.

While industry wasn’t everything, it was a fundamental measure of a nation’s strength. If Angelo truly possessed considerable ability, Carlo was willing to let him step onto a bigger stage and fully utilize his talents.

“Have there been any difficult problems during the construction of the industrial base?” Carlo asked with a smile. “Are the workers’ wages and benefits guaranteed? I don’t want a repeat of what happened in Madrid to happen here in Barcelona.”

In the construction and development of the industrial base, Carlo was most concerned about the attitude of the workers.

The construction of the base would create a massive number of workers, whose collective power was formidable. Unlike the conservative peasant class, if the interests of the working class could not be secured, it might be the interests of the ruling class that would be destroyed in the end.

Carlo was very clear on this point. In any case, the Spanish government and the royal family were not short of this little bit of money. On the premise of being able to protect the workers’ interests, the royal family and the government’s job was to guarantee those interests as much as possible, and promote themselves in the process.

“The construction of the base has indeed faced many problems, but under the leadership of Your Majesty and the government, most of them have now been resolved,” Angelo did not rush to answer Carlo’s question, but instead feigned deep thought for a moment before replying. ”

“If we are to talk about unresolved issues, one is the current shortage of technical personnel. The Barcelona Industrial Base now has over two hundred fifty thousand workers, but we still have a very large deficit of technical personnel and skilled workers.”

“Also, the development of the industrial base has deviated slightly from our pre-construction estimates. It appears our Barcelona Industrial Base may become even larger than we anticipated.”

Carlo nodded. The shortage of technical personnel was not just a problem for the Barcelona Industrial Base; it was an issue facing all of Spain.

Even with the government’s heavy investment in education, results could not be achieved in just a few years.

Recruiting technical personnel from abroad was a solution, but it was impossible to do so on a large scale. Immigration of technical personnel was minimal each year, numbering only a few hundred to a thousand in total.

“The industrial base can liaise with the various factories and enterprises to compile a list of the technical skills we lack most urgently,” Carlo said after a moment’s thought, offering his solution. ”

“Once we’ve identified the most needed technical skills, the government will arrange for people to focus on finding technical personnel and skilled workers in those fields.”

“The shortage of technical talent is a problem for all of Spain and cannot be solved in the short term. But we can start by addressing the more critical shortages, and deal with the less important ones later.”

Solving the entire talent shortage at the industrial base was impossible in the short term. But if they focused on just one type of technical talent, it was still achievable for the Spanish government.

If worst came to worst, they could just throw money at the problem. After all, the compensation for talent in this era was not that high; money could still attract a good number of them.

Compared to the development of the Barcelona Industrial Base, sacrificing some funds was acceptable. A complete industrial base was extremely important to Spain. Not only a sacrifice of funds, but even sacrifices of materials and other resources could be considered.

Hearing the solution proposed by Carlo, Angelo looked excited and said with great approval, “That is indeed an excellent idea, Your Majesty. This problem has troubled me for a long time. Thank you, Your Majesty, I can finally get a good night’s sleep today.”

“Haha,” Carlo chuckled. Although he knew Angelo was flattering him, he was quite pleased with the man’s attitude. “You mentioned that the scale of the Barcelona Industrial Base might deviate from our estimates. What is the actual situation?”

“In our previous estimates, the Barcelona Industrial Base was projected to accommodate about five hundred thousand workers, with an output of seven hundred thousand tons of pig iron and three hundred thousand tons of steel.”

“But based on our statistics of the existing base and estimates for the third phase of construction, once completed, the base will be able to accommodate around five hundred fifty thousand workers, and may even reach a scale of six hundred thousand.”

“The total industrial output is also expected to increase by ten to fifteen percent. This also means Barcelona will need more workers; the population of Catalonia alone will not be enough,” Angelo replied.

The construction plan for the Barcelona Industrial Base had been determined long ago, but plans were bound to deviate from reality.

Based on the current development and construction, the completed industrial base would be somewhat different from the original estimates.

Of course, this deviation was actually a good thing. As long as the issues of workers and technical personnel could be resolved, the bigger the industrial base, the better.

Although it was only about a ten percent increase in industrial capacity, for a massive industrial base with hundreds of thousands of workers, that ten percent represented over one hundred thousand tons of steel alone.

And the Barcelona Industrial Base was a comprehensive hub encompassing multiple industrial sectors, including chemicals, heavy industry, machinery processing, military industry, the power industry, and light industry. This ten percent increase could even impact Spain’s total industrial scale.

Hearing Angelo’s report, Carlo smiled, his mind completely at ease. “This is a good thing. Don’t worry about the worker shortage; a continuous stream of workers will come to Barcelona in the future.”

“Just focus on completing the third phase of construction. You can submit any problems you face to the government or come directly to me.”

“The construction of the industrial base is of the utmost importance. I will not allow anyone to sabotage it. Angelo, as long as you can ensure the smooth completion of all three phases of the Barcelona Industrial Base, the position of Minister of Industry in the next Cabinet government will be yours.”

Angelo was already a member of the Spanish nobility, making him unquestionably one of Carlo’s own people.

For this reason, Carlo’s high regard for Angelo was plain to see, to the point of promising him the very important post of Minister of Industry.

The Ministry of Industry was definitely one of the most important departments in the Cabinet, perhaps only comparable to the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Finance.

Hearing Carlo promise him the position of Minister of Industry, Angelo nodded excitedly and assured Carlo loudly, “Rest assured, Your Majesty, I will oversee the successful completion of the Barcelona Industrial Base.”

“Before the next Cabinet government election, I will let Your Majesty see a complete and massive Barcelona Industrial Base. I will absolutely not fail your trust.”

Carlo nodded, having great faith in Angelo’s words.

Establishing an industrial base in Catalonia was no easy task. Those radical Catalans would cause trouble from time to time or create obstructions behind the scenes.

The reason the Barcelona Industrial Base had been established so smoothly thus far was not only due to the government’s focus and the stationing of troops, but also Angelo’s tireless work, which was an equally important factor.

According to reports from the Royal Security and Intelligence Department, since becoming the director-general of the industrial base, Angelo had been busy late into the night almost every day.

In addition to supervising the construction to ensure the quality of the buildings, he also had to constantly liaise with the factories and enterprises that had already moved in, ensuring their production and transportation ran smoothly.

Carlo had indeed provided Angelo with a golden opportunity, and he had seized it. He not only used this opportunity to fully display his abilities and value but also earned Carlo’s trust through his attitude.

In Carlo’s eyes, Angelo was a talent worth cultivating, which was precisely what Angelo had hoped to achieve.

“Are the factories and enterprises in the industrial base strictly following the provisions of the labor laws in paying workers’ wages and providing benefits?” Carlo continued to ask.

In truth, the workers’ demands were not high. They were simply asking for their wages not to be docked and for some rest time.

The workers were not opposed to overtime; they were opposed to overtime without compensation. No one was willing to work extra hours without overtime pay, but with sufficient compensation, the workers were certainly willing to put in a few extra hours at the factory every day.

“The industrial base places great importance on this matter. I organize teams at regular intervals to inspect all the factories and enterprises within the base to ensure they do not withhold workers’ wages. So far, no such problems have occurred within the Barcelona Industrial Base, and working hours are strictly limited to under eleven hours,” Angelo replied.

Chapter: Happy New Year’s Day

Happy New Year’s Day

Before I knew it, I’ve been writing for three or four years. For 2025, I wish everyone happiness every day, success in all your endeavors, peace and safety, and that you make a great fortune!

Chapter 218: Labor and Grain

After inspecting the construction of the Barcelona Industrial Base, Carlo took a train from Barcelona, passing through Zaragoza on his way back to the capital, Madrid.

So far, Spain’s railway construction had been quite successful. All major cities, including Madrid, Barcelona, Seville, Zaragoza, and Valencia, were now connected by rail. The line between Madrid and Barcelona even featured a double-track railway for greater transport capacity.

Although this increased Spain’s costs for railway development, the results were excellent. Every so often, a train would depart from Madrid for Barcelona, and a short while later, another would make the return journey to Madrid.

The Madrid-Barcelona line was currently the busiest in Spain, hailed by the Spanish government as the bridge of Spanish economic exchange.

The Meseta Plateau in northern Spain made railway construction more difficult. Spain’s rail network had to bypass towering mountains and plateaus, passing through the valleys between them.

This not only increased the difficulty of building railways in Spain but also raised the casualty rate.

In this era, building railways was crucial for industrial development, but it also meant the deaths of a great number of workers.

In an age where all transport relied on human labor, railway construction was never a gentle affair. Spain had built a vast network of railways in recent years, and in doing so, had suffered a large number of worker casualties.

The main reason for bringing in a certain number of immigrants from abroad each year was to use them for railway construction.

Spain’s domestic population was not large, so casualties in railway construction were to be avoided if at all possible. Because these foreign immigrants lacked Spanish citizenship, their only way to earn enough money was to build railways or work as miners.

Although this work was arduous, the Spanish government had explicitly forbidden the practice of docking workers’ salaries in these places. As long as they were willing to perform manual labor, they could definitely earn money.

It was for this reason that Spain’s mines and railway construction sites attracted a large number of laborers, a significant portion of whom were from abroad.

Spaniards had more opportunities; they could enter factories or other businesses and naturally wouldn’t compete with these foreign laborers for jobs with higher mortality rates.

Carlo and the Spanish government also limited the number of foreign laborers to a certain percentage to ensure they would not have too severe an impact on Spain’s unemployment rate.

While using foreign laborers to fill the casualty gap in railway construction was a good option, it would not be worth it if an excess of foreign laborers affected the job prospects of Spaniards.

This was why Spain strictly controlled the number of foreign immigrants; if there were too many, it would be difficult for actual Spaniards to find work.

Carlo was the king of Spain; naturally, he had to prioritize the interests of the Spaniards. As for these foreign immigrants, unless they quickly converted to Catholicism and identified themselves as Spaniards, who would care about their feelings?

Although Carlo had signed agreements with Italy and Russia to bring in people, these imported Italians and Russians were all engaged in hard labor.

Carlo would not let them compete with Spaniards for jobs. This would not only stir up conflict between native Spaniards and foreign immigrants but also put Carlo, himself a foreigner, in a more awkward position.

To hold an office is to perform its duties; Carlo understood the meaning of this phrase. The moment he became the king of Spain, he had to forget the fact that he was Italian and consider the interests of the Spaniards as much as possible. Only then could he secure his throne.

The railway from Barcelona to Zaragoza traversed mostly plains and low hills, allowing the train to travel quite quickly.

But after Zaragoza, the railway entered the Iberian System, and the train’s speed slowed somewhat.

Upon entering the Iberian System, Carlo could often see workers building and repairing the railway lines. A few of these workers were Spaniards, but most were foreign immigrants and laborers.

Although building railways was tough and the casualty rate was high, the wages for railway workers were also quite substantial.

The average annual income in Spain was only 131 pesetas, but the average salary for a railway worker was around 145 pesetas, which was why these foreign immigrants and laborers were willing to take the job.

If they were injured or killed while building the railway, their families would receive some compensation. While it wasn’t much, it was far better than the capitalists who only exploited without offering any compensation.

The backdrop of this era was exploitation and servitude. For these foreign immigrants and laborers, being a railway worker was already one of the higher-paying jobs they could find.

Unless they had a higher education and level of knowledge, or a special skill in a particular area, they could only rely on selling their physical labor to survive.

Carlo would still treat true talents well. Whether they were scientists or technical personnel, as long as they had a skill, Carlo would place them in a suitable position to let them use their abilities.

After entering the Iberian System, the train first passed through a valley, followed by the highest parts of the Meseta Plateau—the Sistema Central and the Serranía de Cuenca. After passing between these two great mountain ranges, it finally arrived in Madrid, the capital of Spain.

One couldn’t grasp the limitations of Madrid’s geographical location just by looking at a topographical map. But by taking a train from Barcelona to Madrid, one could clearly feel the stark geographical differences between the two cities.

The entire journey from Barcelona to Zaragoza was across fairly flat plains and hills, following the Ebro River, a testament to the development of European nations.

But after entering the Iberian System from Zaragoza, it was hard to find such flat and prosperous regions again. Before reaching Madrid, the route consisted mostly of sparsely populated mountains and plateaus, without a single decent medium or large city.

This was no exaggeration. There was a vast “uninhabited area” between Zaragoza and Madrid. To call it an uninhabited area was, of course, a bit of an overstatement, as there were some people living in these mountains and plateaus.

But compared to Madrid in the south and the Zaragoza-Barcelona line in the north, it was not unreasonable to describe the mountainous terrain in between as an uninhabited area.

This region was by no means small. The mountainous area between Zaragoza and Madrid alone covered tens of thousands of square kilometers. The utility value of this land was extremely low, which was why Spain’s development potential was far less than that of France to the north.

Spain’s mainland area was 506,000 square kilometers, while France’s was 549,000 square kilometers; the difference was not significant.

The real gap between Spain and France was in the types of land within their borders.

Northwestern France possessed the vast Western European Plain, and its capital, Paris, was situated in the Paris Basin, which was extremely suitable for agriculture and animal husbandry.

Although the south had the Massif Central, to its west was the Aquitaine Basin. Most of France’s land consisted of plains and hills, with very few mountains.

In contrast, nearly half of Spain’s land was covered by the Meseta Plateau, and the south had mountain ranges like the Baetic System, the Sierra Morena, and the Montes de Toledo.

Plains and hills suitable for developing agriculture and animal husbandry made up only a small fraction of the land, which put Spain a huge step behind countries like Britain, France, and Germany in terms of potential.

Countries like Britain, France, and Germany, with their vast plains, could be self-sufficient in grain even with populations of tens of millions.

But for Spain, if its population reached tens of millions, achieving grain self-sufficiency would be very difficult.

Unless Spain could annex Portugal and turn its vast plains into farmland, or completely annex Morocco to expand its territory, it would be difficult to achieve grain self-sufficiency with a population of tens of millions.

Whether a country could be self-sufficient in grain production was extremely important. People are like iron, but food is the steel that keeps them strong; miss one meal and you will quickly feel faint with hunger. Without food, no matter how well a country was governed, it would inevitably fall into chaos during a shortage.

Although grain could be imported to meet domestic demand during peacetime, who could guarantee their country would always be at peace?

When war came, countries that relied on grain imports in peacetime would have to pay an even greater price for high-cost grain.

This was also assuming that the grain-producing countries would even be willing to sell to them. Therefore, achieving self-sufficiency was a requirement Carlo had for Spain’s development. At all times, Spain’s grain production must keep pace with its population growth.

Fortunately, for a Spain of the present, there was still a lot of land that could be cultivated. The Spanish mainland itself had large tracts of land available for cultivation; after all, its population was only just over eighteen million, not yet at the upper limit of what the mainland could support.

Beyond the Spanish mainland, Guinea, the Congo Territory, and the Philippines could all be used to grow grain. It was not a problem for Spain to achieve grain self-sufficiency.

In fact, far from just being self-sufficient, Spain was one of Europe’s grain-exporting countries, exporting large quantities of grain each year in exchange for foreign currency to buy other industrial equipment or technical means of production.

According to the estimates of the Spanish Ministry of Agriculture, it would be absolutely no problem for Spain to maintain its grain self-sufficiency until its population reached twenty-five million.

Once the population reached twenty-five million, they would either have to find ways to increase grain production or simply cultivate more land.

The good news was that Spain was still a long way from having a population of twenty-five million. It would be at least until the dawn of the 20th century before the population reached that level.

The intervening time was also a period for Spain to find more arable land, develop more effective chemical fertilizers, and find ways to increase grain yields.

As the train left the mountainous region and entered the vicinity of Madrid, Carlo’s furrowed brow finally relaxed a little.

The Meseta Plateau had always been Spain’s affliction and one of the main factors affecting its development.

If this region were transformed into a vast plain like the Western European Plain or the North European Plain, Spain’s development potential would increase dramatically, even giving it a chance to contend for world hegemony.

Unfortunately, this was ultimately just a beautiful dream. The Meseta Plateau completely blocked Spain’s path to becoming a world hegemon. After the 19th century, Spain could at most be a regional power, a mid-to-upper-tier great power.

Upon returning to Madrid, Carlo summoned the Minister of Agriculture, Jovellar y Soler, to inquire about the current state of Spain’s agricultural development.

Although most of Spain’s land was not suitable for agriculture, there were some areas with excellent farmland, suitable for growing crops, vegetables, and fruits.

Although Portugal had a larger area of plains, its grain production was actually lower than Spain’s.

In later times, Spain would become one of Europe’s largest exporters of fruits and vegetables, with a grain self-sufficiency rate of about seventy percent, which was quite good.

Minister of Agriculture Jovellar y Soler soon arrived at the Royal Palace of Madrid, and Carlo received him in the palace’s reception hall.

“Minister Jovellar, how is our agricultural development progressing?” Before Jovellar could even bow, Carlo eagerly asked his question.

For any country, agricultural development was absolutely one of the most vital aspects. For Spain, a country where the majority of the population were peasants, agriculture was a crucial factor concerning the nation’s survival.

“Because we have extensively used chemical fertilizers on the farmland in Andalusia, crop yields have seen a significant increase.

It is estimated that our grain production this year will increase by at least 5%, while vegetable and fruit production will remain at roughly the same level as last year,” Minister Jovellar replied after bowing to Carlo.

Spain’s total grain production was about four million tons, with wheat, corn, and rice being the largest crops. Due to Spain’s complex geography and climate, it also produced other grains like barley, oats, rye, and potatoes, but these were grown in small quantities and their output was not large.

In addition to these four and a half million tons of grain, Spain also produced large quantities of vegetables, fruits, and other crops, including olives and grapes.

There were also many cash crops for industrial use, such as cotton, sugar beets, and tobacco.

Although grain production was only four million tons, because many vegetables and fruits were also produced, it was barely enough to meet the food needs of Spain’s population of over eighteen million.

To put it plainly, this was not the modern era where people had more food than they could eat, even to the point of waste.

Food was relatively scarce in this era, and people had basically no choice. They ate whatever was available, and just getting enough to eat was sufficient; they didn’t ask for anything more.

Four million tons of grain could only feed fifteen to eighteen million people in later times, but in 1877, it could feed nearly twenty million people.

Adding the domestically produced vegetables and fruits, the food produced in Spain each year was enough to feed about twenty-two million people for a year.

Of course, while ordinary people did not waste food, food waste was still common among the nobility and capitalists.

This meant that Spain’s grain production could realistically only support the consumption of about twenty million people, and there was still the fear of widespread famine caused by natural disasters destroying agricultural production.

The 5% increase in grain production mentioned by Minister Jovellar was definitely good news for Spain. Based on Spain’s total grain production of about four million tons, a 5% increase was equivalent to an additional two hundred thousand tons of grain, which could feed one million people for a year.

Spain’s annual population increase was only about three hundred thousand people. This meant that Spain’s grain self-sufficiency rate would get higher and higher, making it less prone to famine and food crises.

Hearing Minister Jovellar’s report, Carlo nodded, quite satisfied with the progress in agriculture.

Although Spain’s grain production was not as high as that of countries with vast plains like Britain, France, and Germany, fortunately, Spain’s population was also not large, so its demand for grain was not so immense.

While it couldn’t achieve a grain self-sufficiency rate several times over like France and Germany, for Spain, maintaining it at around 100% was already a remarkable achievement.

At the very least, it could ensure that Spain would not rely on foreign grain imports and could use more funds for other, more important areas.

Although importing grain was not that expensive during peacetime, the accumulated cost each year was still a huge expenditure.

Spain had four major grain-producing regions: the Seville grain-producing area in western Andalusia, the central grain-producing area around the capital Madrid and Toledo, the Zaragoza grain-producing area in Zaragoza, and the León grain-producing area near León.

In terms of grain output, the most productive area was undoubtedly the most populous region, Andalusia. The grain-producing area near Seville alone contributed about 25% of Spain’s total grain production, which was an astonishing level.

It was no exaggeration to say that the grain production of the Andalusia region was constantly tied to Spain’s total grain output and grain prices.

If agriculture in Andalusia ran into problems, it would severely affect the entire country’s grain production, triggering a nationwide food crisis or even widespread famine.

Unlike the grain-producing areas, the livestock farming areas were generally concentrated on Spain’s western border, especially in the Extremadura region, which had Spain’s largest livestock farming area and was the main supplier of meat for the country.

From this, one could also see the geographical advantages of Portugal. Spain’s largest grain-producing and livestock farming areas were both located in the plains and hilly regions closer to Portugal. The inland mountains and plateaus were inferior to the plains and hills for both grain production and animal husbandry.

If they could take Portugal, Spain would gain a large expanse of plains and hills that could be used for grain production or livestock farming. The overall development potential of the entire Iberian Peninsula would far exceed that of Spain alone. This was Spain’s opportunity to break through the ceiling of a mid-to-upper-tier great power and become a regional hegemon, or even a superpower.

Chapter 219: Cadets and University Students

Although satisfied with the progress of Spain’s agriculture, Carlo still decided to find time in the second half of the year to personally inspect the Andalusia and Extremadura regions.

It wasn’t that Carlo distrusted the data submitted by Minister Jovellar. It was simply that as the king of Spain, Carlo needed to see the state of Spanish agriculture and animal husbandry with his own eyes. He had to personally understand the problems faced by the local peasants and herdsmen and then solve them.

If he only ever looked at the data submitted by various departments from the Royal Palace of Madrid, Carlo would never be able to grasp the true details of local development.

Doing so would only make him increasingly estranged from Spain’s progress, and he would eventually lose his control over the country.

To formulate a development plan for Spain, the first step was to personally see how the various departments and regions were actually faring. Only then could he devise a plan based on the information he had gathered.

If he were to blindly create a plan without a detailed understanding of Spain’s foundational conditions, the subsequent development would either not go too smoothly or would head in the wrong direction entirely, turning what were originally minor issues into much more serious ones.

After offering some words of encouragement to Minister Jovellar, Carlo concluded their conversation and began to handle the affairs of state that had accumulated during his trip to Italy.

In truth, there weren’t many affairs to handle. Grand Duke Serrano and Count Canovas could manage most of them. Carlo’s role was more to review the decrees issued by the Spanish government during his absence and to catch up on the latest reports from various departments.

Due to the arms trade agreements signed with both Russia and the Ottoman Empire, Spain’s munitions factories were currently working overtime to meet production demands.

Munitions factories were still factories, and they required various raw materials like gunpowder, steel, and other components, all of which were supplied by a host of other factories.

With the munitions factories operating around the clock, the factories supplying them were also working overtime. Although it seemed like only the munitions factories had received orders, in reality, dozens of factories behind them were affected, along with the tens of thousands of workers they employed.

This was, in fact, why the United States was able to quietly make a fortune during the two World Wars. On the surface, the US was merely profiting from various trades, but in reality, its industry and economy were constantly developing and expanding on the back of this commerce.

Meanwhile, the nations of Europe, their factories destroyed and their economies in shambles due to the war, became even more reliant on the United States, that great external factory.

The end result was that the United States grew fat, having sucked the blood of the European nations, while Europe was left desolate by the two World Wars, its potential whittled away again and again.

After reviewing the latest reports from the various departments, Carlo was quite satisfied with Spain’s development. Following the current trend, the Second Five-Year Plan would also be completed successfully, signaling a new high for Spain’s industrial and economic scale.

Once the Second Five-Year Plan was fully completed, Spain’s comprehensive strength would take a great leap forward, and surpassing Italy, the weakest of the great powers, would not be difficult.

In other words, the current Spain had once again become a great power, qualified to sit at the negotiating table with other great powers rather than being a pawn in their games.

After spending a few days in the palace, an idle Carlo decided to inspect the construction in the capital, Madrid, to see if there were any problems with its development.

Regardless of whether he trusted his subordinates, occasional inspections were necessary. Besides understanding the actual situation in various regions, it also served to put pressure on local officials, making them understand that Carlo was not so easily fooled.

Leaving the palace with a small retinue of guards, Carlo crossed Bailén Street in front of the palace and arrived in Madrid’s most prosperous city center.

With his back to the palace, to Carlo’s left was Spain’s newly built Upper House building, and to his right was the Church of San Andrés. Behind the church stood the Congress of Deputies, Spain’s largest parliament building.

Madrid’s city center was quite prosperous and clean. This was, after all, the face of Spain, and Carlo had specifically demanded that the streets be kept clean and sanitary.

Although Europe in this era was the most developed and advanced region in the world, its performance in terms of hygiene was exceptionally poor.

While it wasn’t as extreme as the medieval practice of relieving oneself anywhere, one could still see a lot of trash and excrement in the corners of the streets.

Due to the lack of large public restrooms, many citizens would use the corners of the streets as toilets, making those already dark and damp corners even more foul-smelling.

This was no exaggeration; rather, it was a common phenomenon in cities across Europe. On this point, even London, the most developed city at the time, was subject to the quip about “fine carriages, good wine, and stinky London.”

Of course, London’s stench was due not only to the trash and excrement on the streets but also to the foul-smelling pollutants in its smog.

Compared to London, Spain’s environment was not yet so terrible. Carlo had also emphasized street hygiene, and at least in the streets of downtown Madrid, one would not see people relieving themselves or littering indiscriminately.

Madrid was the capital of Spain, and the main streets of the city center were the nation’s storefront. The Spanish government had placed numerous trash cans here, which were cleaned on schedule every day to ensure there were no odors.

On Madrid’s most prosperous streets, the government had even built numerous public restrooms to ensure that citizens had a place to go, rather than secretly relieving themselves in street corners.

To ensure citizens would not pollute the streets, the Madrid municipal government had also introduced relevant punishments. Anyone caught would be fined, and severe offenders could even face imprisonment.

To encourage the people of Madrid to use public restrooms, Carlo had even ordered them to be free of charge. Whether residents of Madrid or visiting tourists, anyone could use the public toilets in Madrid for free.

Although this increased the Madrid municipal government’s expenses, it did indeed make citizens more willing to use the public facilities.

If the public toilets charged a fee, citizens would certainly be unwilling to use them, and they would naturally violate the decrees issued by the Madrid municipal government and secretly find a corner in the street.

Carlo’s destination was not Madrid’s most bustling thoroughfare, Gran Vía, but the new development area in the northern part of the city.

Compared to the city center, this was a newly expanded district of Madrid and was thus more prone to facing various problems.

Heading north along San Bernardo Street, past the Church of San Cristóbal, one arrived at Madrid’s new district.

Compared to the older district to the south, this area looked noticeably more desolate. This was a key area where the Madrid municipal government settled immigrants and was also a priority development region for Spain.

To the west of the church, a road led directly to the northwest of Madrid. On this newly developed land were not only important research institutions like the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences, but also major universities such as the Royal Science Academy, Madrid Medical College, and the Royal Military Academy of Madrid.

Carlo’s future plan was to build a large-scale university town in this area, which would in turn drive the development of the surrounding land.

A major advantage of this location was its proximity to Madrid’s train station and its distance from the most bustling streets of the city center, making transportation relatively convenient.

Of course, it was not too far from the city center either, which was why the Madrid municipal government had designated it as a new district.

Carlo’s destination was the university town in northwest Madrid. After all, it was nearly July, which meant it was almost graduation time for this year’s university students.

Every year, Carlo would attend the graduation ceremony for the graduates of the Royal Military Academy. He was, after all, the academy’s honorary president, and these graduates would one day become the mainstay of the Spanish army. It was essential to show them that they were valued.

As long as Carlo could win the goodwill of these military academy graduates, his title as honorary president would be immensely useful, even allowing him to influence the army.

But if he couldn’t win their goodwill, what did it matter if he was the honorary president? What could he do even if he were the actual president of the academy?

Therefore, Carlo attended the graduation ceremony for every class of the Royal Military Academy. He would not only deliver a speech to encourage the newly graduated cadets but also personally commission some of the more outstanding graduates.

This only cost Carlo a single day, but its effect was significant. The Royal Military Academy had already trained a large number of graduates to date, and some of them had already been promoted through the ranks.

These graduates held Carlo in high esteem and affection; some even revered him with a fanatical devotion.

The main reason for this was that the ideological education courses Carlo had introduced at the academy had yielded excellent results, but it was also genuinely related to his actions.

A king who cared about the income of the common people and sympathized with their hardships—how could the people not love him?

In any country, the demands of the common people are actually very simple: to have enough to eat, warm clothes to wear, and a good life.

In present-day Spain, having enough food and clothing was already basically achievable. Although problems like food safety still existed, things were incomparably better than they had been before.

Under such circumstances, the people felt nothing but love for the current Spanish government and King Carlo, which was why these military academy graduates were so loyal to him.

Since its establishment, the Royal Military Academy of Madrid had trained over 400 outstanding military graduates for Spain each year.

This was now the seventh year, and the number of graduates this year was still over 400.

Including this year’s graduating class, the Royal Military Academy had already produced over three thousand potential officers for Spain.

Most graduates could obtain the position of platoon commander upon entering the army. Only a small number, due to a shortage of positions, could only temporarily serve as deputy platoon commanders.

However, this was also good news. When Spain needed to expand its army in the future, these officers in deputy roles could quickly be promoted to full positions, and they wouldn’t need a long adjustment period to get to work.

With the Royal Military Academy continuously producing officers, the Spanish army had already replaced more than half of its junior officers, such as company and platoon commanders.

Most of Spain’s officers now had a military academy education. While it couldn’t be guaranteed that all these platoon and company commanders were brilliant military talents, it could at least ensure that their military proficiency was up to standard.

Previously, the Spanish army had a large number of low-ranking officers who had never received proper military education, which had affected the army’s combat effectiveness.

Many factors influence an army’s combat effectiveness, but one of the most crucial is the military proficiency of its junior officers.

No matter how brilliant the general leading the army is, if the junior officers lack proficiency, the general’s orders will be difficult to execute fully.

Conversely, if these junior officers all possess excellent military proficiency, even if their commanding officer is not particularly capable, they can at least ensure the army remains relatively stable.

Although the officer billets in the Spanish army were limited, Spain’s Ministry of Defense also had important departments like the General Staff and the Logistics Department, so finding a position for these academy graduates was not a problem.

As in previous years, after attending the cadets’ graduation ceremony, Carlo selected a small number of the most outstanding graduates to join the Royal Guard.

Although the Royal Guard was only a single division of fifteen thousand men, its officer reserve was currently extremely rich.

It was no exaggeration to say that if Carlo wished, the Spanish Royal Guard could expand by two to three divisions at any time without worrying in the slightest about a shortage of junior officers.

It was only because Spain did not have to worry about war at present, and the domestic situation had stabilized, that Carlo had given up on expanding the Royal Guard.

Though the Royal Guard was only the size of a single division, as long as it was stationed in Madrid, it could ensure the capital’s security.

Given the firepower possessed by the Royal Guard, Madrid was in no danger unless it faced a siege by a large-scale enemy army or a massive rebellion within its own military.

Even the Carlist Wars of a few years ago could not have threatened Madrid’s safety. This was the sense of security that firepower gave Carlo, something that nothing else could replace.

After attending the graduation ceremony at the Royal Military Academy, Carlo had to prepare for the ceremony for the graduates of the Royal Science Academy.

If the Royal Military Academy was the military school Carlo valued most, then the Royal Science Academy was the science university he prized most.

The Royal Science Academy was a university Carlo had established based on the needs of the Royal Academy of Sciences. Its purpose was to provide additional employment opportunities for the scientists and R&D personnel of the Royal Academy of Sciences, as well as to cultivate mid-level scientific research talent for Spain.

Of course, Carlo would also be delighted if Spain could produce top-tier scientific talent through domestic cultivation.

Historically, Spain had not produced many top-tier talents in physics and chemistry, largely due to its neglect of scientific research from the 18th to the 19th century.

Carlo had been prioritizing scientific research for many years and believed it could bring about some change in Spain. After all, Spain was a medium-to-large country with a population of over ten million; Carlo refused to believe that it could not produce any top-tier talent in physics and chemistry.

Compared to the Royal Military Academy’s over 400 graduates each year, the Royal Science Academy had very few, averaging only 200 graduates annually.

But these 200 graduates were not to be underestimated. They were carefully nurtured by the scientists and R&D personnel of the Royal Academy of Sciences, and their abilities were beyond doubt.

Because they were trained by scientists from the Royal Academy of Sciences, these graduates were immediately snapped up by the Academy upon graduation. They would join the research projects of those scientists and researchers as assistants, learning more knowledge along the way.

This year’s graduating class was the fourth from the Royal Science Academy. Across all four classes, the number of talents it had produced did not exceed one thousand.

But the good news was that the success rate of these graduates was very high. Many had already caught the attention of Academicians from the Royal Academy of Sciences, who would spare no effort in imparting their knowledge to them, personally guiding them in experiments and research.

For these Academicians, teaching students at the Royal Science Academy was a win-win situation.

They could earn part-time fees by serving as professors and holding other positions at the university, and the salaries for these positions were not low.

The students they trained could then serve as assistants for their own research projects. Knowing the abilities of the students they had personally cultivated made them easier and more efficient to work with.

For this reason, none of the scientists Carlo had recruited from abroad were opposed to taking on part-time teaching jobs at the Royal Science Academy or other universities. When they received their part-time income, they were all smiles.

The income of an Academician of the Royal Academy of Sciences was already high, and they could receive additional bonuses for completing R&D projects. Their part-time work provided another substantial source of income, making their earnings even higher than what they had made abroad. This was one of the ways Spain attracted foreign talent to join the Royal Academy of Sciences.

When the economic crisis first broke out, the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences had fewer than 500 research personnel, and the number of scientists who had obtained the title and待遇 of Second-level Academician was less than 200.

Now, the number of research personnel at the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences had surpassed one thousand. There were over seven hundred who held the title of Academician, including 322 First-level Academicians, 362 Second-level Academicians, and 46 Third-level Academicians.

If the graduates of the Royal Science Academy were included, the R&D personnel at the Royal Academy of Sciences numbered nearly two thousand. It was precisely because of this continuous increase in research staff that the various research projects at the Royal Academy of Sciences could proceed smoothly and achieve all sorts of progress.

Along with the rise in Spain’s per capita income, Carlo had also increased the base salary for Third-level Academicians.

The base annual salary for a First-level Academician was raised to 2,800 pesetas, while that of a Second-level Academician reached a high of 5,200 pesetas. The Third-level Academician, being the highest rank and title among researchers at the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences, had a base salary that reached an astonishing 8,500 pesetas.

Just to pay the base annual salaries of all the R&D personnel at the Royal Academy of Sciences, Carlo spent over five million pesetas each year.

Not to mention the investment in the various R&D funds for the Royal Academy of Sciences. Currently, the Academy had become one of the biggest investments among all of Carlo’s enterprises, with annual expenditures reaching 35 million pesetas.

Although he had to pay a large sum of money to the Royal Academy of Sciences every year, Carlo spent it willingly.

If any single research project at the Royal Academy of Sciences achieved a breakthrough, the resulting profits would be several times, or even dozens of times, the 35 million peseta R&D fund.

If one of the more important research projects made progress, the profits would be immeasurable. Carlo could still do the math on the ratio of investment to return.

Chapter 220: The Cuban Rebellion and a Colonial Exchange

In July 1877, just as various sectors in Spain were flourishing, news from across the Atlantic Ocean wiped the smiles right off the faces of the Spanish government.

Soon after Carlo was crowned King of Spain, the Spanish government had dispatched an expeditionary force to Cuba to quell a rebellion.

At the time, Cuba was not only one of Spain’s few large colonies, but it was also a treasure trove for the Spanish government.

The colony of Cuba had a land area of less than one hundred ten thousand square kilometers and a population of just over one million.

But it was this relatively small piece of land that provided the Spanish government with a substantial fiscal revenue each year.

With the development of the Industrial Revolution, the demand for cane sugar in Europe and the Americas was constantly increasing. In 1840 alone, the total amount of cane sugar produced in Cuba exceeded the combined output of the British West Indies.

Around 1860, Cuba’s annual cane sugar production had already surpassed five hundred thousand tons, accounting for more than a third of the world’s total annual production.

It was precisely because of Cuba’s enormous sugar output that it earned the moniker of the “world’s sugar bowl.” The export of cane sugar alone generated massive profits each year, not to mention the large quantities of tobacco and coffee also grown in Cuba.

As is well known, Western colonization was accompanied by brutal oppression and exploitation. Spain reaped enormous benefits from Cuba every year, which caused some discontent among the whites born and raised in Cuba.

Although they had Spanish ancestry, their connection to Spain was not particularly deep. Their ancestors had crossed the ocean to come to Cuba, not so their descendants could be exploited by the Spanish government after they had finally achieved prosperity.

For this reason, the native-born whites in Cuba grew increasingly dissatisfied with the Spanish colonial government, and they were one of the main culprits behind the constant plots for independence.

But these whites numbered just over four hundred fifty thousand, and they were only one of the ethnic groups on Cuban soil that opposed Spanish colonial rule.

Besides these Cuban-born whites, the freed black slaves and the indigenous people of Cuba were also opponents of Spanish colonial rule.

Aside from those who were still slaves, nearly all inhabitants of Cuba opposed Spain’s colonial rule.

Historically, Spain expended too much energy and money in suppressing the Cuban rebellion, which not only caused Spain to miss a golden opportunity for development but also drained its national strength.

Carlo was, of course, aware that the complex situation in Cuba was not just a natural evolution; the hands of the British and Americans were at play behind the scenes.

Britain’s nature as the shit-stirrer of Europe was, of course, beyond doubt. Cuba was an extremely valuable land, and it would be strange if the British weren’t paying attention to it.

As for the United States, Cuba was a colony right on their doorstep; it was impossible for them not to have designs on it.

It was just that Spain’s strength had been too formidable in the past, preventing the Americans from entertaining any thoughts of confronting them. But during Queen Isabella’s reign, Spain’s comprehensive strength continuously weakened, and the Americans naturally began to have other ideas.

Even though Spain had achieved a degree of recovery under Carlo’s rule, the Americans had also seen some development during this period.

For the Americans, Cuba had become a piece of land they could not relinquish. The moment Spain fell into chaos again would perhaps be the time for the Americans to make a move on Cuba.

Although Carlo was aware of the current chaotic situation in Cuba, for him, this was also the opportunity he had been painstakingly waiting for.

What opportunity? The opportunity to exchange Cuba for other, more useful colonies, of course.

Cuba was certainly an excellent colony, providing Spain with far more benefits annually than underdeveloped colonies like the Philippines and the Congo Territory.

But Cuba’s misfortune was its location on America’s doorstep. Separated from the Spanish mainland by the entire Atlantic Ocean, and with Spain having lost most of its colonies in the Americas, it was difficult for Spain to exert sufficient influence over Cuba.

The whites and blacks in Cuba were both resisting Spanish colonial rule. This was partly due to the brutality of Spanish colonial rule, and partly because Cuba was beyond Spain’s effective reach.

For Carlo, Cuba was already a colony not worth investing in. With both Britain and the United States coveting it, it would be very difficult for Spain to hold on to Cuba.

Even if they could win a future Spanish-American War, it seemed somewhat unnecessary. If they could trade Cuba for other more valuable colonies and invest that time and money into them, wouldn’t that be more beneficial for Spain?

Exchanging the Cuban colony could even help Carlo achieve some of his other objectives. The United States had long coveted Cuba. If Cuba were traded to a great power like Britain or France, would the Americans still dare to launch a war to seize it?

The answer was, of course, no.

Without colonies, what kind of great power could the United States be? At best, it was merely a nouveau riche nation with a relatively developed industry and economy.

As long as the United States did not take its first step toward expansion, it would be difficult for it to exert its influence on the international stage.

Although the United States’ current population, industry, and economy far surpassed Spain’s, in terms of international influence and status, America was far inferior to the five traditional great powers of Europe, only slightly better than Spain and Italy.

Upon learning that another anti-colonial rebellion had broken out in Cuba, Carlo immediately convened a Cabinet meeting, demanding that the cabinet ministers come up with a solution.

The Cuban rebellion had attracted the full attention of the Spanish government, as Cuba was still of great importance to Spain at this time.

Although Spain had acquired several new colonies through repeated expansions, only two, Cuba and the Philippines, were actually generating a positive return.

The positive return from the Philippine colony was obtained through the relentless exploitation of the local indigenous population by the Spanish government, and this return was not large; most of it was reinvested into the expansion of the colony.

Only the colony of Cuba, with its sugar trade, had become Spain’s most profitable colony. This was why, historically, the Spanish government had been willing to invest seven hundred million pesos in the Cuban war of independence.

This military expenditure was equivalent to twenty-seven million pounds, enough to build nearly fifty ironclads. The Spanish government poured all this money into Cuba’s war of independence, only to achieve a little over a decade of peace.

After the Ten Years’ War, the local whites in Cuba remained dissatisfied with Spanish colonial rule, eventually issuing another call for an uprising in January 1895, which ultimately forced Spain to agree to Cuban autonomy.

The Spain of today was stronger and capable of suppressing the rebellion in Cuba. But the problem was, you can be the thief a thousand times, but can you guard against one for a thousand days?

The problem in Cuba was difficult to solve. At its root was the conflict between the native-born whites of Cuba and the Spanish colonial government.

Unless Spain was willing to relinquish some of its interests and grant Cuba autonomy, perhaps only then could the island be pacified for a time.

But the question was, what value would an autonomous Cuba have for Spain? An autonomous Cuba would certainly keep most of its profits within the country. If Spain couldn’t make money, there would be no reason to continue holding on to the colony.

If it were the colony’s black population rebelling against Spanish colonial rule, the problem would be easier to solve. At worst, they could just get rid of them.

Once the blacks were gone, the problem would be gone.

But the issue was that it wasn’t just blacks who were currently opposing Spanish colonial rule in Cuba; it was also the Cuban-born whites and the local indigenous people.

Perhaps the only group that did not strongly oppose the Spanish colonial government were the few Chinese contract laborers in Cuba. These laborers had the lowest status on the island, enslaved and oppressed by the local white plantation owners and bullied by the local black freemen and slaves. Naturally, their hatred for the Spanish colonial government was not deep.

They couldn’t possibly eliminate all the whites who opposed the Spanish colonial government, could they? The island was already coveted by Britain and the United States. If Spain were to start openly eliminating whites, it would inevitably provoke British and American intervention.

But if they couldn’t deal with the white population, the resistance in the Cuban colony against Spain would persist, creating a vicious cycle.

The more the white population in Cuba grew, the stronger the force of resistance against Spanish colonial rule would become. Therefore, for the current Spain, there was effectively no choice.

If Spain had a population of several tens of millions, it could dilute Cuba’s population through mass immigration, allowing real Spaniards to take control and thereby change the colony’s will.

But the problem was, Spain’s population was less than twenty million, making large-scale immigration to Cuba impossible.

To dilute the population in Cuba that opposed the Spanish colonial government, they would need to immigrate at least a million people.

The Spanish government did not have such capacity. Losing a million people would be a devastating blow to the Spanish mainland, making it not worthwhile even if they could control Cuba.

Moreover, large-scale Spanish immigration would certainly arouse the hostility of Cuba’s native-born whites. They already opposed Spanish colonial rule; if Spain were to immigrate people on a grand scale, it would surely incite them to plot even larger rebellions, making the situation in Cuba even more chaotic.

Looking at the Cabinet members before him, Carlo’s expression was grave as he spoke first, “Gentlemen, let’s hear your thoughts. How should we resolve this rebellion in Cuba?”

Grand Duke Serrano was the first to speak. “Your Majesty, please give me another chance. I will ensure the situation in Cuba is completely stabilized. Perhaps we should also strengthen our garrison in Cuba. As long as we have enough troops stationed there, we won’t have to worry about problems arising.”

The last time a rebellion in Cuba was suppressed, it was Grand Duke Serrano who led the troops. Therefore, with this new rebellion, Grand Duke Serrano was the first to stand up and offer his opinion.

Only seven years had passed since the last suppression. This was a complete loss of face for Grand Duke Serrano, who had confidently guaranteed that Cuba would have no more problems when he returned triumphantly with his army.

For Grand Duke Serrano, he needed a chance to prove his abilities once again, for instance, by pacifying the Cuban rebellion in a shorter time and ensuring that Cuba would remain trouble-free.

Carlo nodded. Regardless of his own inner thoughts, the rebellion in Cuba definitely had to be quelled.

Even if they were to exchange the colony, a stable Cuba would fetch a higher price. If Cuba remained in such chaos, the colony’s overall value would surely be greatly diminished.

However, Carlo did not rush to state his position. Instead, he turned his gaze to Count Frank, the Minister of Colonial Affairs.

Even before convening this Cabinet meeting, Carlo had had a brief meeting with Minister of Colonial Affairs Count Frank and had given him an order.

What order? To propose the idea of a colonial exchange at this Cabinet meeting, of course.

Although Carlo’s desire to exchange the Cuban colony was in Spain’s best interests, it was undeniable that Cuba was still Spain’s most valuable colony at this time. The value of the other colonies was far from matching that of the small island of Cuba.

To propose exchanging the Cuban colony at this juncture, would it not, in the eyes of the common people, be seen as personally abandoning Spain’s colonial system?

Without the Cuban colony, would Spain still be the third-largest colonial empire? Would it have to rely on colonies like the Philippines, Southern Morocco, and Guinea as a facade?

It was no exaggeration to say that the combined income from the Philippines, Southern Morocco, and Guinea did not even come close to that of the small Cuban colony.

The person who first proposed the colonial exchange would absolutely have to endure a storm of public opinion in Spain. If not handled well, this person could very well face public backlash and see their political career completely ruined.

For Carlo, the one to make this proposal could not be himself. Even if the colony received in the exchange had great future value, its current value was certainly not as high as Cuba’s.

Until the truth came to light, whoever proposed the colonial exchange would be vulnerable to public attack.

Even if it were Carlo, the king, who proposed the idea, he could still be assailed by an angry populace.

Therefore, for the stability of the throne, the proposal for a colonial exchange had to be initiated by another official.

Within the Cabinet, there were three ministers Carlo could command: Canovas, the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Industry; Jovellar, the Minister of Agriculture; and Count Frank, the Minister of Colonial Affairs.

Why did Carlo ultimately choose Count Frank?

First, Canovas was Carlo’s chosen candidate for the next Prime Minister. He was certainly not suitable to propose the colonial exchange.

If he were to incur public displeasure for proposing the exchange, Carlo’s entire arrangement within the Cabinet would be in vain. And Carlo had no other candidate with sufficient seniority for the position. If a new Prime Minister couldn’t keep the Cabinet and other parties in check, Spain could very well descend into chaos again.

Why not have Minister Jovellar propose the exchange? Because Minister Jovellar was the Minister of Agriculture and had no connection to the Cuban colony.

But for Count Frank, as the Minister of Colonial Affairs, it was perfectly natural to make proposals related to the colonies.

Even if he were to be caught in the wave of public anger for proposing a colonial exchange, he could at least defend himself from the perspective of Spain’s interests.

The position of Minister of Colonial Affairs was one Carlo had added to the Cabinet during the time of the Provisional Cabinet. Previously, the Minister of Colonial Affairs was a department head under the Prime Minister and was not qualified to join the Spanish Cabinet.

For Count Frank, his entry into the Spanish Cabinet was entirely due to Carlo’s patronage, which was why Carlo decided to have him propose the colonial exchange.

If the proposal for the colonial exchange ultimately failed, Carlo would not treat Frank unfairly. It would merely mean shelving Frank for a time, waiting for the public’s dissatisfaction to fade, and then transferring him to another important position.

Moreover, Count Frank’s standing up for Carlo would not be without reward. During their brief meeting earlier, Carlo had promised that if he proposed the colonial exchange at this Cabinet meeting, regardless of whether it succeeded or not, he would be granted a noble title of Duke in the future.

The reward of a ducal title was what ultimately made Count Frank agree to Carlo’s proposal.

Seeing Carlo’s gaze, Minister of Colonial Affairs Count Frank knew it was his time to perform.

Count Frank slowly rose to his feet, his eyes sweeping over the cabinet ministers, and he began to speak slowly, “Gentlemen, I have an idea.

“The Cuban colony is very important to us, but is it worth our while to repeatedly invest massive military expenditure to suppress its rebellions?

“Only seven years have passed since the last time we pacified the Cuban rebellion, and that campaign cost over fifty million pesetas.

“If we cannot ensure the long-term stability of the Cuban colony, then, forgive my bluntness, the Cuban colony is not so important to us after all.”

Count Frank’s words were astonishing. Upon hearing them, the cabinet ministers all turned their surprised gazes toward him.

Regardless of their own attitudes toward Count Frank’s statement, the fact that he dared to say such a thing on such an occasion was enough to astonish them.

This was a meeting of the Spanish Cabinet government, with Carlo, the King of Spain, in attendance. It was no exaggeration to say that a single misspoken word at such a meeting could very well end one’s political career.

And what Count Frank had said was not just something that could end his political career; it could potentially turn him into a public enemy of all Spaniards.

There was no need to elaborate on how important the Cuban colony was. If even the Cuban colony was not important, didn’t that imply that all other colonies were worthless wastelands?

“Minister Frank, what on earth are you talking about?” Grand Duke Serrano was the first to lose his composure, standing up to question him.

They were all members of the nobility, and Grand Duke Serrano did not want to see Minister Frank say something so shocking on such an occasion.

After all, the Cabinet meeting did not consist solely of noblemen; there were also members of the Progressive Party and the Liberal Party. Even if Carlo wouldn’t blame him for it, wouldn’t these members of the Progressive and Liberal Parties move to impeach him?

As a cabinet minister, how could Minister Frank fail to be cautious in his words and actions?

Chapter 221: A Middle-Ground Solution

The colony of Cuba was far too important to Spain, which was why the cabinet ministers all wore expressions of shock and astonishment when Frank, the Minister of Colonial Affairs, suggested that the Cuban colony might not be as important as they thought.

Just how important was the colony of Cuba?

In 1876, the Spanish government’s total fiscal revenue was 793.3 million pesetas, a new high for Spain’s revenue in the past decade.

The income from the Cuban colony alone contributed a staggering 58.27 million pesetas, accounting for 7.3 percent of Spain’s total fiscal revenue.

The reason this percentage didn’t seem higher was, firstly, that mainland Spain had experienced relatively good development in recent years, and its fiscal revenue had been steadily climbing along with it.

Secondly, when Grand Duke Serrano last suppressed the Cuban rebellion, he signed a tax agreement with the local populace, allowing the Cuban colony to retain more of its tax revenue locally. This had bought a period of temporary stability for the colony.

58.27 million pesetas was by no means a small sum. The Cuban colony was the only one of all Spain’s colonies whose net income exceeded twenty million pesos. (The peso was the currency of the Spanish colonies, with a value equal to the mainland’s peseta.)

In comparison, the Philippines colony, which was larger and more populous than Cuba, provided only twelve million pesetas in revenue to Spain last year. This further highlighted the importance of the Cuban colony.

For the Spanish government, giving up the Cuban colony meant giving up nearly sixty million pesetas in revenue. How could such a proposal not shock the cabinet ministers?

Having made his proposal, Minister Frank certainly wasn’t going to back down halfway. He first nodded to Grand Duke Serrano, who had given him a friendly reminder, before continuing to express his views: ”

Gentlemen, I am of course aware that the Cuban colony brings us nearly sixty million pesetas in revenue annually. But at the same time, we must also consider the harm that continuing to hold Cuba brings us.

Although Cuba has only a million people, both its white and black populations oppose our rule. The last time I visited Cuba, even the slaves on the plantations were shouting for autonomy and independence.

Faced with such a Cuba, are we to suppress it indefinitely? The last suppression cost only fifty million pesetas, primarily because the tax bill swayed a portion of the plantation owners to our side.

But the appetites of these plantation owners will sooner or later grow. Either we continue to make concessions, or we will have to send troops to suppress rebellions in Cuba again.

If every suppression costs tens of millions, or even hundreds of millions, of pesetas, is the income from the Cuban colony really so important?

And let’s not forget, the Cuban colony is right on the doorstep of the Americans. The chaos in Cuba is definitely connected to the Americans.

Unless we are prepared for a war with the United States, we should hand this trouble over to another country. If we can exchange it for a colony of equally high value, it would not be a devastating loss for us.

Cuba’s sugar and tobacco industries do generate substantial income, but Cuba is not irreplaceable in these sectors.”

After Carlo had entrusted him with this difficult task, Minister Frank had carefully prepared his words to ensure he could persuade these cabinet ministers, or at the very least, provide enough reasons to prove his viewpoint was correct.

For Spain, Cuba was its last remaining colony in the Americas and the final testament to the once-great Spanish colonial empire.

Not only was the Spanish government unwilling to lose the Cuban colony, but the Spanish people were also unwilling to lose this territory they had held for centuries.

Even if Minister Frank could prove his point, it would be difficult to get the cabinet ministers to agree to abandon the Cuban colony.

After all, if they were to abandon Cuba now, they would be the ones to take the blame for any problems that arose. If they didn’t abandon Cuba now, even if Cuba sought independence in the future, it would have nothing to do with the current Cabinet government.

For the cabinet ministers, the first consideration was always the impact on themselves; only then would they consider the impact on Spain.

Getting them to agree to abandon the colony of Cuba would be extremely difficult.

Carlo’s gaze swept across the room. Some of the cabinet ministers were carefully considering Minister Frank’s points, while others seemed to be daydreaming, appearing unconcerned with what he was saying.

Seeing that no one was stepping forward to support his view, Minister Frank paused for a moment, then continued, “For us, the biggest drawback of the Cuban colony is its distance from mainland Spain.

Once a rebellion breaks out in Cuba, we need to cross the ocean to suppress it. If we could acquire a colony closer to home and implement a long-term integration strategy, perhaps we could directly turn it into part of our homeland.

There are still vast lands in Africa that have not been explored. We could also trade for African colonies from other great powers. For us, an African colony is closer and more convenient to manage.”

Although warship technology was constantly advancing, the speed of ironclads at the time was only about 13 knots, roughly 24 kilometers per hour.

The direct distance between mainland Spain and the Cuban colony was approximately 7,400 kilometers. This was just the straight-line distance. Crossing the Atlantic Ocean certainly couldn’t be done in a straight line, as there would be no supplies along such a route.

A straight-line distance of 7,400 kilometers meant that a journey from mainland Spain to the Cuban colony would cover a distance of close to ten thousand kilometers.

For Spain, traveling thousands of miles to quell a rebellion in Cuba was an exceedingly difficult process, and the military budget for suppression would increase several-fold.

Spain was, after all, no longer the empire on which the sun never set. Continuing to hold the Cuban colony was not entirely beneficial for Spain.

It was precisely by seizing upon this problem with the Cuban colony that Minister Frank presented his view, which indeed represented the current risk of Spain’s colonization of Cuba.

Spain was not particularly afraid of the United States alone, because the impression the US gave Europeans at this time was one of prosperity in the East and chaos in the West.

The eastern United States was the first region to be colonized and was the most developed and densely populated area in the country.

Although the US did not restrict firearms, the order in the East was relatively safe and prosperous compared to the West.

But the American West was quite chaotic. The Wild West wasn’t just a saying; it was a land shaped by gangs, criminals, illegal immigrants, and gold prospectors. Gunfights were common, and gang wars were countless.

Beyond this impression, the image of the United States that Europeans held dated back to the colonial period from over a hundred years ago.

The Americas were believed to be full of gold mines, which led a large number of gold prospectors to try every means possible to get to America to seek their fortunes.

The United States had attracted a massive population thanks to its gold mines. Every year, tens of thousands, or even hundreds of thousands, of European immigrants crossed the ocean to the US in search of more opportunities, including illegal immigrants and laborers from all over the world.

As a nation born from a colony, the United States was quite fortunate. They hardly needed to worry about population growth, as waves of immigrants and illegal migrants arrived each year.

But they were also unfortunate. These immigrants came from countries and regions all over the world, making the US one of the few countries in the world with a mix of white, black, and Asian people.

The white population in America was mostly descendants of European immigrants, many of whom had only recently arrived.

The black population, on the other hand, was largely composed of slaves brought over from Africa during the slave trade. They had gained the status of freemen after the American Civil War and were now bona fide American citizens.

The composition of the Asian population was even more complex, consisting mainly of illegal immigrants from Asia or gold prospectors attracted by the gold mines.

In California, in the American West, there was a city called San Francisco. This land was originally discovered by the Spaniards and attracted a large number of illegal immigrants and gold prospectors.

Asian gold prospectors called San Francisco “Gold Mountain,” implying that gold was piled up like mountains, to describe the city’s vast gold mines.

Later, Melbourne in Australia also became known as Gold Mountain because of its abundant gold mines. To distinguish between these two Gold Mountain cities, San Francisco, the first to be called that, became known as “Old Gold Mountain,” while Melbourne was called “New Gold Mountain.”

At this time, American policy was still focused on low-key development, and they did not seek significant international influence, which led European countries to generally look down on the United States.

Of course, the United States was indeed not a powerful nation at this time, which was one of the reasons European countries underestimated it.

After Minister of Colonial Affairs Frank finished stating his views, a dead silence fell over the Cabinet meeting.

Not a single cabinet minister stood up to express an opinion, whether in agreement or opposition.

Deputy Prime Minister Canovas, after several casual glances at Carlo’s expression, finally stood up. He looked at everyone in the Cabinet and then spoke, “Minister Frank, there is some truth to what you say. But the Cuban colony is too important to us. Regardless of how we handle it in the future, this is not something that can be accomplished in a short time.

I suggest we leak some information to gauge the public’s attitude. If the public supports trading the Cuban colony, we can naturally follow the will of the people, and this will not cause public discontent.

If the public opposes giving up the Cuban colony, we can dismiss the leaked information as a rumor and promptly clarify things with the public.

What do you all think?”

The reason the cabinet ministers had been hesitant to express their views was, in fact, their fear of getting caught in the crossfire should news of abandoning the Cuban colony leak, making them targets of public attack.

One should not underestimate the patriotic fervor of the Spaniards. They could cheer with raised arms when the country acquired a new colony, and they could just as easily lash out in anger when the country lost one.

Before they had sufficient confidence, they would not put themselves in a dangerous position. After all, this was a major issue concerning their future political careers.

Hearing Canovas’s proposal, Grand Duke Serrano nodded and also stood up. “Minister Canovas’s proposal is excellent. I believe it is the most suitable option at present.

Regarding the Cuban colony, we must fully consider public opinion. If the people are willing to give up the Cuban colony, then we should naturally do so.

But if the people are unwilling, then we can only fight for the people’s will, for Spain.

Gentlemen, before we have tested public opinion, I hope you will all maintain strict confidentiality. This matter concerns the entire Cabinet government, and I do not wish for any information to be leaked outside of our plan.”

As he spoke, Grand Duke Serrano’s gaze fell upon the several cabinet ministers from the Liberal Party and the Progressive Party. The meaning in his words was already quite clear.

In the Cabinet, both the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister were from the Conservative Party. The main concern now was whether the Liberal and Progressive Parties would leak the news.

As for the Conservative Party, only a fool would proactively leak such information. Since the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister were both Conservatives, creating trouble for the Cabinet government would be equivalent to creating trouble for the Conservative Party.

Noticing Grand Duke Serrano’s gaze, the several cabinet ministers from the Liberal and Progressive Parties quickly nodded, indicating that they would maintain strict secrecy.

Although Grand Duke Serrano’s role as Prime Minister was more symbolic, with Deputy Prime Minister Canovas being the one truly responsible for the Cabinet’s work, no one dared to ignore his opinion. Besides the fact that Grand Duke Serrano was highly regarded by Carlo, another reason was that as Minister of Defense, he held military power.

Although Grand Duke Serrano’s influence in politics was not as great as former Prime Minister Primo’s, his record was equally brilliant.

Prime Minister Primo had served as a Governor-General of a colony, and so had Grand Duke Serrano. Both came from military backgrounds, and both had illustrious military careers.

Moreover, Grand Duke Serrano and Prime Minister Primo were the very founders of the current Spanish government; it was they who had led the troops to overthrow Queen Isabella’s rule.

With Grand Duke Serrano still in command of the military, the other Cabinet members did not dare to disregard his opinion.

Just then, Carlo coughed twice and, in a rare move, expressed his own opinion during the meeting: “I also think Minister Canovas’s proposal is good. Let’s do that.”

Since Carlo himself had spoken, the other cabinet ministers naturally had no further suggestions. No one was a fool; everyone knew who called the shots in the current Spanish government.

Carlo would not easily make a snap decision, but once he did, not even Grand Duke Serrano or Minister Canovas could stop him.

A king who controlled the Senate already held immense power. Not to mention, Carlo had also gained military authority by establishing the Spanish Military Committee. With military power in his hands, Carlo had completely secured his authority. It would be no exaggeration to say it was a full consolidation of power.

The discussion at the Cabinet meeting thus concluded, but Carlo was quite satisfied with the direction things were heading.

Carlo had never intended to abandon the Cuban colony immediately. Having Minister Frank voice the idea of giving up Cuba was actually to give the cabinet ministers a heads-up.

The Cuban colony would have to be given up sooner or later. Cuba, separated by the entire Atlantic Ocean, was not part of Carlo’s plans.

In the future, Spain would expand more into Africa, especially in the North-West Africa region and near the Congo Territory. These two areas were the lands Spain truly intended to expand into.

As for the remaining lands, if they could be exchanged for benefits of equal value, Carlo wouldn’t mind making a trade.

Lands like Morocco could be integrated in the future. In other words, they were territories that Spain could hold permanently.

Lands like Cuba, however, were destined for independence eventually. Even if Carlo replaced the population of Cuba over and over, as long as there were inhabitants born in Cuba, the concept of a Cuban identity would never disappear.

It would be better to take the opportunity to squeeze the last bit of profit out of Cuba and then sell it to another great power, creating some trouble for the Americans.

At this time, Hawaii had not yet been annexed by the United States. He could also throw a wrench in the Americans’ plans there.

If the US could stir up conflict for Spain in Cuba, Spain could do the same for the Americans in Hawaii.

In any case, Spain did not have to worry about the threat from the United States at this time. The US lacked the power to cross the ocean and attack Spain.

It had been less than twenty years since the American Civil War, and the divisions between the North and South had not been eliminated within the country.

Although the Civil War had liberated a large number of plantation slaves in the US, these black slaves did not see a significant improvement in their status after gaining the identity of freemen.

Racial discrimination still existed in later generations, let alone in 1877, more than one hundred years ago.

At this time, the United States was still practicing a racial segregation system. It was impossible for black people to set foot in white cities.

Black people could never find the easy jobs that white people could; they could only do menial labor, which was not only exhausting but also paid much less than what white people earned.

Black people could only serve as police officers in black cities and had no chance of promotion. A white police officer could deal with a black person as he pleased, needing only to find a seemingly reasonable excuse.

Conversely, when a black police officer faced a white criminal, even if the white person had committed heinous crimes, the black officer had no authority to make an arrest.

Black police officers were not even allowed to enter white residential areas. This stark disparity in treatment was a hidden danger within the United States.

To put it bluntly, the United States’ rapid development had merely concealed its domestic problems. The issues within the US were numerous, even more severe than Spain’s.

Spain’s population was entirely white. The Catalans and Basques, who had a weaker identification with Spain, constituted only a small proportion.

The United States, on the other hand, was a country with all three races—white, black, and Asian. America had a large black population, which was also a factor of instability for the country.

Unless the United States could completely resolve the problems between black and white people, or resolve one of the two groups, the problems in America would persist forever.

In times of peace and prosperity, such problems were of course not a major concern and were unlikely to cause national chaos. But in times of instability, such problems would be fatal for the United States, potentially leading to its division and another civil war.

Chapter 222: A Shifting Situation and a Large Order

“What? The Russians have suffered disastrous losses in their Balkan offensive?” Carlo shot to his feet, a look of disbelief in his eyes as he stared at Kadir, the Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau.

“That’s correct, Your Majesty.” Kadir nodded and explained, “The Russian and Ottoman armies have been engaged in fierce battles around Pleven. The Ottoman Empire has failed to retake Shipka Pass, and the Russian army has been unable to capture Pleven.

According to telegrams from the front, the Russian army has launched three major assaults on Pleven, all of which have failed. These three attacks have cost Russia over fifty thousand soldiers. Their military strength on the Balkan front is now insufficient.”

Carlo strode forward and took the map of the Balkan region that Kadir had prepared. It was marked with the offensive routes of the Russian and Ottoman armies, with their respective casualties and remaining troop strengths noted alongside.

When the war first broke out, Russia had mobilized seven army corps, over three hundred thousand men, on the Danube front. After several months of campaigning, their total casualties were approaching one hundred thousand, an astonishing figure.

Although some of the wounded could return to the front after treatment, that would be months away at the very least.

In the coming months, Russia would face a critical shortage of troops. An army of only two hundred thousand would not be enough to defeat the Ottoman Empire.

After all, the Ottoman Empire possessed more advanced weaponry and had been on the defensive for most of the conflict, resulting in fewer casualties than Russia.

If the war continued in this manner, it would not bode well for Russia. While losing one hundred thousand men wouldn’t be a crippling blow, conquering the Ottoman Empire would likely cost them several hundred thousand more.

After suffering such colossal losses, would Russia still be able to take the entire Balkan Peninsula after the war? A completely victorious Russia might intimidate the other great powers, but a severely wounded one might tempt even the Austro-Hungarian Empire to covet a piece of the pie.

Carlo pondered this, assessing the impact of the shifting situation in the Balkans on Spain.

“Notify the Royal Arsenal and the diplomatic service,” Carlo finally decided. “If the Russians want to maintain their offensive, they’ll need more troops and equipment. This is our opportunity.”

For now, the changes in the Balkans did not affect Spain. Whether the Ottoman Empire or Russia emerged victorious, the impact on Spain would be minimal.

Of course, Carlo preferred a Russian victory, as it would draw the bulk of Britain’s attention.

To the British, a Russia victorious in the Russo-Turkish War was the far greater threat. While Spain also posed a certain danger, it was clearly on a different level compared to the vast territory and large population of Russia.

“Yes, Your Majesty.” Kadir nodded and respectfully withdrew.

While Carlo was astounded by the turn of events in the Balkans, in Russia, Tsar Alexander II was even more shocked.

When Tsar Alexander II ascended to the throne, Russia was in the midst of a great defeat in the ninth Russo-Turkish War. His father, Nicholas I, had died suddenly, unable to bear the immense blow, which made Alexander II long to avenge the humiliation.

At the same time, however, Alexander II held greater fears about the Russo-Turkish War. He was afraid of repeating his father’s mistakes. He certainly desired victory over the Ottoman Empire, but he also dreaded another failure.

When news of the army’s devastating losses reached him from the front, Alexander II’s resolve wavered. He believed the Russian army was in an extremely unfavorable, even perilous, situation and even considered ending the war to avoid a more severe defeat.

In response to the Tsar’s wavering resolve, the current Minister of War, Dmitry Alekseyevich Milyutin, offered his opinion: ”

Your Imperial Majesty, I admit that if we continue to fight this way, our army will indeed suffer immense losses and could even be depleted in a short time.

But this does not mean we can simply give up. If we do, we will inevitably face a setback as great as the last war.

Behind our front-line troops, Romania has nearly forty thousand soldiers that can be mobilized to support us, and we have seventy thousand reserves on our border ready for deployment.

If we mobilize more of the reserve, not only will our front-line strength not decrease, but it could actually increase by fifty thousand to one hundred thousand men.

If we can break through the Pleven fortress, the road ahead will be clear, and we will open a direct path to Constantinople.”

Minister of War Dmitry Alekseyevich Milyutin had spearheaded the reforms of the Russian army and was deeply trusted by Tsar Alexander II.

Persuaded by Milyutin, Alexander II regained his confidence and issued new orders to the front-line commander, Grand Duke Nicholas.

At the same time, Milyutin offered new advice: “Your Majesty, although we have lost one hundred thousand men at the front, our manpower can be quickly replenished. We need not worry about troop numbers in the short term.

If we can sign another arms trade treaty with countries like Spain, we will not have to worry about equipment either. With soldiers and weapons, our front line will be as strong as steel, with enough power to once again assault the Pleven fortress.

Our current failure is temporary. We will still be the victors of this war. This setback cannot change or prevent that.”

Tsar Alexander II nodded.

The first batch of weapons supplied by Spain had already been delivered to the front lines. Although the soldiers were unfamiliar with them, they were combat-ready after a few days of practice.

Compared to weapons produced in Russia, the Spanish rifles were more advanced, which had, to some extent, strengthened Russia’s firepower on the front.

Although rifles were not of great use in fortress assaults, the increased firepower proved very effective in defending against Ottoman counterattacks.

Moreover, Spain was one of the few European countries willing to engage in the arms trade with Russia at the moment, an opportunity Russia naturally had to seize.

Although Spain demanded payment in gold and people, these were not scarce resources for Russia at present. The House of Romanov had ruled Russia for centuries; paying with a little gold was a simple matter.

Furthermore, besides gold, Russia’s countless peasants and vast mineral resources could also be used to pay for the arms purchased from Spain.

As long as they could win the war, paying with people and resources—or even entirely in gold—was a surefire profit.

With another order from Tsar Alexander II, the Russian government sprang into action.

First, the front-line commander, Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the Danube Grand Duke Nicholas, requested aid from Grand Duke Carol I of Romania, asking him to dispatch troops to assist the Russian army.

In his telegram, Grand Duke Nicholas detailed the dire situation on the Russian front and added that if Russia’s offensive failed, Romania would have to face the might of the Ottoman army alone.

A Russian defeat was one thing for Romania, but the prospect of facing an Ottoman invasion alone was certainly enough to cause panic.

As expected, upon receiving Grand Duke Nicholas’s telegram, Grand Duke Carol I of Romania quickly agreed to the request for aid and dispatched forty thousand soldiers to assist the Russian forces at the front.

With forty thousand Romanian troops to help, Grand Duke Nicholas finally breathed a sigh of relief. Although this would not change the situation on the battlefield, it would at least ensure that the Russian army would not collapse quickly during this period of troop shortages.

It would also allow the Russian army to hold out longer, awaiting the arrival of true Russian reinforcements.

This also highlighted the changes brought to Russia by the military reforms pushed by Minister of War Dmitry Alekseyevich Milyutin.

Milyutin’s military reforms focused mainly on the conscription system, the military administration system, and military education.

Before the reforms, the Russian army primarily relied on a recruitment system to maintain its size, and there was a hierarchy among soldiers from noble, landlord, and peasant backgrounds.

But after Milyutin’s military reforms, Russia’s system shifted to compulsory military service. All Russian citizens between the ages of twenty and twenty-five were obligated to serve in the Russian army for a term of six to seven years, followed by three years in the reserves.

With this new system, Russia not only had an ample supply of soldiers but also a substantial reserve force.

Although Russia’s current army was only seven hundred thousand strong, if one included the reserves, the total number of troops Russia could mobilize exceeded one million.

In a full-scale mobilization, Russia would have no problem arming over five million soldiers, which was why the other European nations feared it.

Forget five million soldiers; among the European nations, only the five traditional great powers, plus Italy and Spain, could arm a force of one million.

The number of countries that could arm two million soldiers was even smaller, limited to the five traditional great powers. This was a scale of military might beyond the reach of ordinary powers.

An army of two million was not just two million men. It also meant at least two million rifles, tens or even hundreds of millions of rounds of ammunition, several thousand cannons, and two million sets of uniforms and boots, among other military supplies.

The soldiers’ food and daily needs required vast sums of money, and the consumption of bullets and shells, whether in training or combat, represented an incalculable and enormous expense.

Italy, with a population of over twenty-nine million, had the capacity to arm more than two million soldiers. But if the Italian government were responsible for the daily expenses of such an army, its finances would likely plunge into crisis in a very short time.

Even if a war was fought on foreign soil, the military expenditure for any nation fielding two million troops would be astronomical.

If the war were fought on one’s own territory, the losses would be immeasurable, and it could take ten to twenty years to recover.

France during World War I was a case in point. Not only did France mobilize millions of troops, but the war was also fought on French soil.

This led to the immense destruction of France’s industry and economy, as well as a sharp decline in its population, from which it did not recover for over a decade.

While Grand Duke Nicholas was contacting the Romanians, the Russian diplomatic service was already in touch with Spain, seeking to purchase more weapons.

Due to their prior collaboration, the Russian Ambassador went directly to the Royal Arsenal, requesting a new, larger arms purchase order.

Since Carlo had already reached a relevant agreement with the Russian diplomatic service, the Royal Arsenal did not hesitate and immediately signed a larger arms deal with the Russians.

As the first Russian order had been completed and delivered at the end of last month, the Russians’ appetite had grown.

The previous order was for only one hundred thousand rifles. This time, the Russians ordered a full two hundred and fifty thousand rifles, seven hundred and seventy cannons, sixty-five million rounds of ammunition, and two hundred and fifty thousand artillery shells.

This demonstrated the Russian military’s trust in Spanish-made weaponry. After all, two hundred and fifty thousand rifles was no small number; only the five great powers currently had armies exceeding that size.

Due to the urgency of the order, the Russians had not prepared sufficient mineral resources for payment. Therefore, this order would be paid for entirely with gold and Russian peasants.

According to the previous agreement between the Russian and Spanish governments, each Russian peasant was valued at two hundred pesetas. The Russian government planned to send twenty thousand peasants as immigrants to cover most of the cost, with the remainder paid in gold.

The transfer of the peasants would once again be conducted via the Baltic Sea. Though the route was longer, it was much safer.

The Royal Arsenal, of course, had no objection. These Russian peasants were excellent labor for the colonies, and they played a crucial role in their development. Naturally, the more of them, the better.

Although twenty thousand Russians seemed like a large number, once distributed among the several colonies, the number each colony received was not actually that great.

Dispersing these Russian peasants had another advantage: it would ensure their stability to the greatest extent possible.

Furthermore, the inherently submissive nature of these Russian peasants made them law-abiding people. The probability of them rebelling was far lower than that of the indigenous populations.

Due to the urgent need for weapons at the front, the Russians also made their own demands. They required all aformentioned armaments to be delivered within five months, with the first batch of one hundred thousand rifles arriving on the Russian Baltic coast within two months.

Producing two hundred and fifty thousand rifles in five months was a very demanding requirement for the Royal Arsenal. Not to mention the seven hundred and seventy cannons, sixty-five million rounds of ammunition, and two hundred and fifty thousand artillery shells. Even with its major expansion, the Royal Arsenal would need at least a year to complete such an order.

However, because Carlo had instructed the Royal Arsenal to ramp up weapon production for export as soon as the turmoil in the Balkans began, it had already stockpiled over two hundred thousand rifles, six hundred cannons, nearly one hundred million rounds of ammunition, and over one million artillery shells before the Russo-Turkish War even broke out.

After the first deals with Russia and the Ottoman Empire, most of this inventory was depleted.

But in the intervening months, the Royal Arsenal had produced another batch of weapons, replenishing its reserves.

Completing the Russian order within five months was certainly difficult for the Royal Arsenal, but fortunately, not overwhelmingly so.

If necessary, it could subcontract some of the ammunition and shell orders to smaller arsenals, allowing the Royal Arsenal to focus on producing rifles and cannons.

This would also allow Spain’s entire arms industry to expand rapidly, which was better than the Royal Arsenal hoarding all the profits.

While a single dominant entity was more conducive to advancing military technology, Carlo was also willing to let Spain’s military industry become more competitive, if it meant allowing a hundred flowers to bloom.

Subcontracting some ammunition and shell orders would also free up the Royal Arsenal to accept more orders for rifles and cannons.

In any case, the Royal Arsenal had already earned enough profit from these few orders. Sharing a piece of the pie with other arsenals was no great loss.

The Ambassador who signed the new arms trade treaty with the Royal Arsenal excitedly reported the news back to Russia. Meanwhile, at the Royal Arsenal, a victory banquet was being held to celebrate the new deal.

These two Russian orders were not small. The profits were enough to fund the Royal Arsenal’s weapons research and development for the next two years.

Carlo was not a stingy man. When the first arms deal was signed with Russia, he had specifically instructed that the Royal Arsenal could retain the majority of its profits for research.

The remaining small portion of the profits was to be shared among all the factory’s employees, giving everyone a sense of participation.

In the end, each employee’s bonus would likely amount to one or two months’ salary. But as it was extra income, every worker at the arsenal who received it would surely be beaming with joy.

And Carlo, who granted this bonus, would naturally earn the gratitude of the arsenal’s employees.

Improving the treatment of employees in all factories and enterprises under the royal family was a strategy Carlo had established long ago.

The purpose, of course, was to maintain a significant disparity with the treatment of employees under private capitalists.

This way, while the workers harbored resentment towards the capitalist class, they would feel grateful to Carlo and the royal family.

With the working class on the royal family’s side, what could possibly threaten Carlo’s throne?

As for the capitalists he might offend by doing this, Carlo was not concerned in the slightest. Spain was already on the path of state capitalism—or more accurately, state monopoly capitalism.

Spain’s most important industries were all monopolized by enterprises owned by the Spanish government and the royal family. Private capitalists could not achieve a monopoly status, so their capital power could not threaten the government or the royal family.

After all, the Spanish government and the royal family were the two largest capitalists in Spain. In their presence, what threat could smaller capital possibly pose?

The drawback of state capitalism is rampant corruption. Carlo only needed to monitor the issue of corruption in state and royal-controlled enterprises to basically ensure Spain’s future development and win the public support of Spain’s workers.

Chapter 223: The Birth of the Maxim Machine Gun

It hadn’t been long since the second arms trade agreement with Russia was signed when more good news arrived from the Royal Arsenal.

Hiram Maxim, a weapons design engineer at the Royal Arsenal and the chief expert on machine gun design, personally came to the Royal Palace to report the good news to Carlo. The Maxim machine gun, which Carlo had long anticipated, had finally achieved concrete results after six and a half years of research and development.

Carlo had invited the Maxim brothers to Spain to hold important positions in January 1871. For the past six and a half years, the Maxim brothers had served as weapons design engineers at the Royal Arsenal, primarily responsible for the design of machine guns and the development of smokeless powder.

Initially, the machine gun development team consisted only of the two Maxim brothers. But as the Royal Arsenal acquired a large number of talented individuals in the military industry, the number of firearms engineers on the team grew, now numbering over thirty.

Besides the renowned Maxim, the firearms engineers who were able to join the machine gun development team were all distinguished experts from Italy, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, or Spain.

Furthermore, only firearms engineers who had fully immigrated to Spain were invited by Carlo to join the machine gun development project. The machine gun was known as the king of all guns, and its role in warfare was far greater than that of a rifle.

In the era of manual-action rifles, a truly fully automatic machine gun would completely change the tide of war.

Currently, on the Balkan front, both Russia and the Ottoman Empire were employing human wave assault tactics. Russia had built a formidable reputation with this tactic, which was why the nations of Europe were wary of it.

But during World War I, after various armies were fully equipped with machine guns, conventional human wave tactics became obsolete.

To a machine gun, a massed charge was nothing short of organized suicide, serving only to expend more ammunition and rack up a higher kill-death ratio.

For this reason, the machine gun was extremely important to Spain, and maintaining secrecy was paramount.

The moment he learned that the machine gun had been developed, Carlo went to the Royal Arsenal’s weapons testing ground on the outskirts of Madrid to admire Spain’s first truly automatic firearm.

The Royal Arsenal had situated its weapons testing grounds in the mountainous area outside Madrid. Further north lay the Sistema Central, a sparsely populated region, so weapons testing could be conducted without causing panic among residents or attracting the attention of foreign spies.

Riding in Benz’s latest improved “automobile” at a speed approaching thirty kilometers per hour, Carlo and his entourage quickly arrived at the testing grounds.

Accompanying Carlo to witness the machine gun test were the current Prime Minister and Minister of Defense, Serrano; the Chief of the General Staff of the Ministry of Defense, Marco Antonio Fletcher; the Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish Royal Army, Evan Bradley; and the Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish Royal Navy, Grayson Ruiz.

It was fair to say that this small test of the machine gun had brought out all of Spain’s top military brass.

Minister of Defense Serrano held the rank of Marshal, while Chief of the General Staff Fletcher, Army Commander-in-Chief Evan, and Navy Commander-in-Chief Grayson all held the rank of General.

This demonstrated the high degree of importance the military placed on a weapon like the machine gun. Carlo had previously mentioned the role of such an automatic weapon, and the military had long been discussing it.

If it was confirmed that the machine gun built by Maxim performed similarly to the one Carlo had described, the military would order at least a thousand of them to drastically increase Spain’s firepower.

Of course, to maintain maximum secrecy, the machine gun would not be issued to the troops immediately. Instead, a brand-new unit would be formed to train with it.

When a future war involving Spain broke out, these specially trained machine gun units would be broken up into numerous small squads and distributed among Spain’s various infantry divisions.

When Carlo and his party arrived at the weapons testing grounds, Maxim was already waiting respectfully outside with a group of experts who had developed the machine gun.

“Your Majesty.” Seeing Carlo step down from the carriage, Maxim hurried forward and bowed respectfully.

It was Carlo who had given him the opportunity to use his skills in his beloved profession of firearms engineering. Carlo had also provided him with a sufficient budget, allowing him to conduct his experiments as he pleased without worrying about funding.

After six and a half years of hard work, this machine gun, which looked quite perfect to Maxim, was his way of repaying Carlo’s trust in him.

“Well done, Mr. Maxim.” Carlo nodded, his attitude toward Maxim and the group of firearms experts behind him decidedly amiable.

Carlo was good at recognizing and valuing talent. As long as these talented individuals were willing to contribute to Spain, Carlo was willing to treat them well, offering them generous rewards and salaries.

Led by Maxim and his team of experts, the group soon walked into the weapons testing area, where a Maxim machine gun and ten Spanish Vetterli M1872 rifles had already been set up.

“Your Majesty, esteemed Generals, please look. This is the result of our research and development—a true machine gun.

Mr. Gatling’s rotary-barreled machine gun gave us some inspiration, but what we have created is completely different from Mr. Gatling’s gun. It is a truly automatic machine gun.

This machine gun has a muzzle diameter of 11.43 millimeters, and the entire weapon weighs 27.2 kilograms. It can be fired in single-shot and automatic modes, and the rate of fire can be adjusted with a regulator.

Because the machine gun’s rate of fire is extremely high, we have adopted a canvas ammunition belt feed system. The belt’s maximum capacity is 333 rounds.

We have used the most advanced components in this firearm, including a return spring, a shell ejection system, a belt-feed mechanism, and an accelerator. It is powered by the gas from the gunpowder, and a single pull of the trigger completes a series of actions including feeding, firing, and ejecting the shell.

With a machine gun like this, soldiers no longer need to reload while firing, saving a great deal of time and enhancing the weapon’s own firepower.

According to our estimates, this machine gun has a maximum rate of fire of 600 rounds per minute, and the barrel’s service life is 3,330 rounds.

Currently, the biggest problem with this machine gun is that barrel overheating will render the entire weapon useless, and there is rarely time to replace a barrel on the battlefield.

We are currently developing a water-cooled machine gun. With a water source, this type of machine gun can dissipate heat more effectively than an air-cooled version, and the barrel’s service life will be extended to over 7,000 rounds.

But even with the aforementioned shortcomings, this machine gun can still provide a level of firepower in five to ten minutes that a rifle could never match, giving our army a greater advantage in offense or defense.” Maxim slowly introduced the machine gun he had developed, speaking with considerable confidence even when mentioning its flaws.

The source of Maxim’s confidence was, naturally, the tremendously powerful firepower his machine gun possessed compared to a rifle.

Even when used by a highly skilled soldier, Spain’s standard-issue Vetterli M1872 rifle could fire at most ten to fifteen rounds per minute.

The Maxim machine gun’s maximum rate of fire was forty to sixty times that of the Vetterli M1872 rifle, which meant that the firepower of fifty soldiers firing at full capacity could barely match that of a single machine gun.

However, the Maxim machine gun was not without its drawbacks in terms of firepower. Because it weighed 27.2 kilograms, it required at least two men to carry the fifty-plus-catty weapon during marches and combat.

Due to its extremely high rate of fire, the machine gun also required a massive supply of ammunition. These bullets also needed to be carried by many people, meaning that in addition to a gunner and an assistant gunner to operate it, a machine gun team also required extra loaders, supply soldiers, and messengers.

According to Maxim’s own estimation, to maximize the machine gun’s firepower, each gun required a team of at least five to eight soldiers.

Nevertheless, compared to the rifles of the day, the machine gun’s firepower was still vastly superior. Five to eight soldiers could unleash the firepower of nearly fifty riflemen, and its impact on the battlefield was already quite apparent.

Hearing Maxim’s detailed introduction, Carlo nodded with great satisfaction, then said with a smile, “Mr. Maxim, these gentlemen are quite looking forward to the machine gun you’ve described. When can the test begin? I too am eager to see if this so-called machine gun is as miraculous as you say.”

“Everything is ready. We can begin now,” Maxim replied immediately to Carlo’s inquiry.

The Royal Arsenal had been preparing for this test for a long time, with the express purpose of demonstrating the machine gun’s immense firepower directly to Carlo and the generals behind him.

“Then let us begin,” Carlo nodded.

With Carlo’s order, several experts familiar with the Maxim machine gun began their pre-test preparations.

This machine gun test was divided into several parts. First was a direct demonstration of the gun’s maximum firepower and its single-shot and automatic firing modes. Second was a comparison with ten rifles to showcase its superior firepower.

Then, they would test the service life of the machine gun barrel and measure the time required to reload the gun.

Completing all these tests would fully demonstrate the advanced and powerful nature of this machine gun. For these high-ranking military officials, it would also allow them to judge whether this weapon would be effective on the battlefield.

The preparations were quickly completed, and the machine gun test officially began.

The first test was of the gun’s maximum firepower. The method was simple: after loading a new belt, fire at full capacity while someone timed for one minute.

Rat-tat-tat! Rat-tat-tat-tat-tat!

As an expert on the side gave the signal to start, the Maxim machine gun, operated by two gunners, began to unleash its firepower.

A stream of bullets shot rapidly from the muzzle, connecting into a single line that made the barrel of the Maxim machine gun look as if it were spitting fire.

The trunk of a large tree fifty meters away was relentlessly strafed by the continuous stream of bullets, creating huge craters.

Before a full minute had passed, the tree was severed in two under the onslaught of bullets. The military high command couldn’t help but applaud, clearly very satisfied with the machine gun’s firepower.

“Time’s up,” the expert in charge of timing quickly notified the two gunners when one minute had passed.

The machine gun quickly ceased firing, and the two gunners began to count how many bullets had been fired.

The calculation was actually quite simple. One canvas belt held 333 rounds. In that minute, they had used one and a half belts. They only needed to count the remaining bullets in the second belt to know exactly how many rounds the Maxim machine gun had fired in one minute.

After a brief count, the experts presented a very satisfying number: 592 rounds.

Of course, there was a slight delay between the call to stop and the cessation of fire. But it was certain that this Maxim machine gun’s maximum firepower was at least 550 rounds per minute.

Although Carlo did not show his attitude, the smile on his face made it clear that he was quite pleased with the performance of the machine gun before him.

As for the military high command, there was no need to say more. After the figure of 592 rounds was announced, all of them, including Grand Duke Serrano, were staring intently at the machine gun, as if they wanted to take it to bed with them.

“Next is the second test: single-shot fire and automatic fire,” the expert in charge of the test first explained to Carlo and the military leaders before preparing.

Single-shot and automatic fire modes were very useful for a machine gun. After all, for an ammunition-guzzling beast like this, logistics would have a hard time satisfying its needs around the clock.

Firing single shots in certain situations would also allow the machine gun to be effective even when ammunition was scarce. Moreover, if it were fired continuously, the barrel would quickly overheat and become useless, rendering the entire weapon combat-ineffective for a long time afterward.

Replacing a machine gun barrel was quite troublesome, and one had to wait for the barrel to cool down completely before doing so. Soldiers on the battlefield did not have heat-resistant gloves. If they wanted to avoid burning their hands, they had no choice but to wait for the barrel to fully cool.

The time wasted in this process would be at least half an hour. This meant that if a machine gun barrel was ruined, the weapon would be completely useless for the better part of an hour.

Rat-tat-tat!

Bang!

Bang!

Under the control of the two gunners, the Maxim machine gun demonstrated its single-shot and automatic firing modes, switching between them with considerable stability.

This made the military high command even more satisfied with the Maxim machine gun. They wished they could place an order for it right now.

If it weren’t for the subsequent tests, the military leaders would probably have already pulled Maxim aside to discuss an order.

It was worth mentioning that although Maxim and his team belonged to the Royal Arsenal, the machine gun development project was separate. The Maxim machine gun belonged to the project team.

The owner of the entire project was, naturally, Carlo. Carlo held ninety-five percent of the shares in the machine gun development project, with the remaining five percent divided among the other firearms experts.

In the future, these experts who developed the heavy machine gun would receive five percent of the profits earned from orders.

This was a reward from Carlo, intended to boost their efficiency and give them ample motivation when developing and improving the machine gun.

Of course, in addition to the five percent of shares, there was no shortage of other due rewards. Carlo was extremely satisfied with this machine gun trial. After all the tests were concluded, Carlo distributed a series of rewards to all the firearms experts on the project team, including checks and real estate.

As the head of the development team, Maxim received the most generous reward from Carlo. He not only obtained a property in the center of Madrid but also received a check for the handsome sum of ten thousand pesetas.

Chapter 224: Machine Gun Orders and the Reserve Force Plan

The testing of the Maxim machine gun went quite smoothly. After all the tests were completed, it was naturally time for the military to discuss the purchase quantity.

What was certain was that the Maxim machine gun possessed extremely powerful firepower on the battlefield, something current rifles simply couldn’t match.

Artillery, of course, had tremendous firepower, but heavy weapons like cannons were primarily used against enemy fortresses and strongholds, especially in large-scale sieges.

The machine gun, on the other hand, could play a huge role in both offensive and defensive battles, inflicting massive casualties on enemy personnel, which was something artillery couldn’t do.

Therefore, for the Spanish military, it was only a question of how many machine guns to buy, not whether to buy them.

“Mr. Maxim, what is our cost for one of these machine guns?” Before discussing the specific order quantity with the military, Carlo first summoned Maxim to inquire about the actual production cost of a single machine gun.

“Your Majesty, the machine gun you see before you currently costs about 7,280 pesetas to produce, which is around 280 pounds. But because this is a prototype for testing, the cost of manufacturing it individually is higher.

If we can mass-produce it, the cost of a machine gun should be able to drop to around 200 pounds, or 5,200 pesetas,” Maxim explained.

It was natural for this prototype, specifically built for testing, to be expensive. Without a dedicated production line, almost all of the machine gun’s parts were handcrafted by these firearms experts.

This pushed the cost of this single machine gun to a high of 7,280 pesetas, and that was without any ammunition—just the cost of the gun itself.

Upon hearing that the cost could be reduced to around 5,200 pesetas with mass production, Carlo breathed a sigh of relief.

It had to be admitted that the cost of a machine gun was indeed much higher than that of a rifle.

Spain’s standard-issue rifle, the Vetterli M1872, cost only 60 pesetas to produce, and was sold to the Spanish military for just 75 pesetas, essentially just enough to cover the labor.

It was only through the recent arms trade, exporting weapons to Russia and the Ottoman Empire, that the Royal Arsenal had made a large profit. The Royal Arsenal sold rifles to Russia at a unit price of 95 pesetas each, and to the Ottoman Empire at 102 pesetas each.

The reason the rifles sold to the Ottoman Empire were more expensive than those sold to Russia was actually because the Ottoman Empire had Britain’s support and was not short of funds for purchasing military equipment.

Russia, on the other hand, would turn to its own domestically produced weapons and simply abandon the Spanish order if the unit price was too high.

Although Russia had strengthened its industrial and economic power through reforms, its economy was still in relatively poor shape.

War also required massive fiscal expenditure, so for Russia, it was natural to save money wherever possible on weapons procurement.

Based on the production cost of the Vetterli M1872 rifle, one Maxim machine gun cost about the same as eighty-three Vetterli M1872 rifles.

But eighty-three rifles required eighty-three soldiers to operate them, while one machine gun needed only five to eight men to unleash its maximum firepower. This meant the machine gun could save a great deal of Spanish manpower.

In certain defensive battles, Spain could even deploy just a dozen or so machine guns, having them fire in turns to create a web of firepower and easily complete their defensive mission.

The personnel for a dozen machine guns would only number a few dozen to a hundred men. If they had to rely solely on these hundred or so infantrymen to complete the defensive task, it would not only be extremely difficult, but could even result in failure.

Carlo turned his gaze to the senior generals of the military, waiting for the Ministry of Defense to decide on the number of machine guns to purchase.

The production cost of a machine gun was as high as 200 pounds, so the selling price would certainly be more than 200 pounds. Even though the Royal Arsenal was Carlo’s own enterprise, he couldn’t make zero profit when cooperating with the Spanish military.

Based on the past cooperation between the Royal Arsenal and the Spanish military, a machine gun costing 200 pounds to produce would be sold to the Spanish military for around 220 to 250 pounds. The exact price would depend on negotiations between the arsenal and the Ministry of Defense, but it would be an internal, relatively cheap price in any case.

When sold to the armies of other countries, the price of the machine gun would be raised to around 270 to 300 pounds, and for some countries, it could even be as high as 300 to 350 pounds or more. This was the arsenal’s primary source of income—making money from foreigners was the soundest principle.

After all, only when the Royal Arsenal earned enough money would its various research projects have sufficient budgets. And only then could its weapons experts receive enough dividends, motivating them to work harder for the arsenal and for Carlo.

The senior generals from the Ministry of Defense were clearly captivated by the machine gun. Even knowing that it cost several thousand pesetas, their enthusiasm for purchasing it could not be dampened.

Finally, after lengthy negotiations, Maxim formally set the internal selling price of the machine gun at 5,980 pesetas, which was about 230 pounds.

For every machine gun sold, the Royal Arsenal would receive a net income of at least 780 pesetas. Of this, 741 pesetas would go to Carlo, while the remaining 39 pesetas would be distributed among all the firearms experts in the machine gun project team.

Don’t underestimate the 39 pesetas they received per gun; Spain’s arms order would be for at least several hundred machine guns. And that was just a small amount. In the future, when countries widely adopted the machine gun, or a large-scale war broke out, the number of machine guns exported by the arsenal would soar, and it wouldn’t be an exaggeration for it to reach tens of thousands.

The firearms experts on the machine gun project team naturally had no objections to this distribution ratio. In addition to the income from dividends, they had already received rewards from Carlo. The least-rewarded person received over half a year’s income, while the more generously rewarded experts even received an extra year or two’s income. The money they had been given was already substantial.

A price of 5,980 pesetas per machine gun was acceptable to the military. After a brief discussion, Prime Minister Serrano personally came forward to sign a machine gun purchase agreement with Maxim.

The Spanish military would purchase 420 machine guns at a price of 5,980 pesetas each, and 12,600 canvas ammunition belts, each holding 333 rounds, at a price of 50 pesetas per belt.

The total cost of this procurement order was 3,141,600 pesetas. For the Ministry of Defense, this was a sum they could find by tightening their belts, so it didn’t cause the senior military officials to feel a pained reluctance.

The reason they only purchased 420 machine guns was mainly because the military considered potential problems that might arise after the guns were issued to the troops. Therefore, they only planned for small-scale, limited deployment, with a larger purchase to follow once everything was confirmed to be in order.

When it came to ammunition, however, the military generals were quite generous. The 12,600 ammunition belts averaged out to a full 30 belts for each machine gun.

Each belt held 333 rounds, which meant that each machine gun was equipped with nearly ten thousand rounds of ammunition, enough for Spain’s yet-to-be-formed machine gunners to train for a long time.

Although the machine gun’s maximum rate of fire was close to 600 rounds per minute, such an extreme rate would not be used during routine training.

This was because current machine guns were not that reliable. If fired at high speed for an extended period, the barrel would not only overheat and be ruined, but jams and broken firing pins were also common.

The machine gun used in the tests was handcrafted by firearms experts, so its quality was guaranteed. However, mass-produced machine guns would not have such high quality. When maintaining the maximum rate of fire, problems could arise within a minute.

Therefore, during normal training, a rate of fire of 100 to 200 rounds per minute would be considered quite good.

Doing so would also reduce the amount of ammunition the machine guns consumed, lessening the logistical supply pressure on the Ministry of Defense.

A canvas ammunition belt with 333 rounds cost 50 pesetas, which was nearly five months’ income for an adult male citizen.

A machine gun could burn through that ammunition in just half a minute. The number of bullets consumed daily by hundreds or thousands of machine guns would be astronomical, so it was still necessary to conserve where possible.

In fact, when Carlo learned that the machine gun had been created, he had considered selling it at a high price to Russia and the Ottoman Empire.

Even selling it to just one of those countries would generate an income far beyond what could be earned from selling rifles.

But after some consideration, Carlo abandoned the idea. Revealing the machine gun too early would not be good for Spain; after all, it was a trump card he wanted to keep hidden.

With Spain widely equipped with machine guns, Carlo would not fear even enemies like Germany and France.

Protected by the Pyrenees Mountains, Carlo only needed to build strong military fortresses on both sides of the range to withstand any land invasion from the European continent, relying on his machine guns and artillery.

The advantage of the machine gun was most evident in defensive battles, especially when the enemy launched massive, clustered charges with large numbers of troops.

If the Maxim machine gun were revealed too early, other nations would not only rush to imitate it and equip their armies on a large scale, but their militaries would also become wary of it.

Carlo was well aware of which would yield greater results: surprise or forewarning. This was why he had dismissed the idea of selling the machine gun.

To sacrifice the Spanish army’s advantage in the coming years for such a small amount of income was clearly not a worthwhile trade.

The machine gun would only be revealed when the Spanish army was forced to use it against an enemy invasion. At that point, Spain could leverage its superior machine gun technology to make a fortune, selling them to all the great powers of Europe simultaneously.

And in the meantime, it would be the perfect opportunity for Spain to develop even more reliable and powerful machine guns.

As the saying goes: display one generation, equip with the next, hide a third, and research a fourth. Currently, Spain’s most advanced machine gun was the Maxim. It was best to keep it secret for as long as possible.

Once Spain developed a more advanced, second-generation machine gun, they could then consider selling this now-outdated first-generation technology.

He believed the great powers of Europe would all be interested in such a high-firepower weapon. If it could be traded for other military industrial technologies or other science and technology that Spain needed, it would be a surefire profit for Spain.

Currently, the two main weapons in the army’s arsenal were rifles and artillery. While Spain’s rifles and artillery might not be the absolute best, they were at least first-rate in Europe.

If machine guns were taken into account, Spain’s army ordnance technology would rank among the very top in Europe. This was the source of Carlo’s confidence.

If Spain could maintain its lead into the future era of tanks and airplanes, then no other country would object when Carlo declared Spain a military power.

Until Spain’s population increased, they really could only rely on such means to compensate for their numerical disadvantage.

Other great powers could mobilize armies of one million, or even several million men at a time. Spain, at most, could mobilize one million, and only by severely disrupting domestic production.

Under normal circumstances, Spain could mobilize only about 500,000 troops. While 500,000 was not a small number, it was no longer a decisive factor given the scale of modern warfare.

In the ongoing Russo-Turkish War in the Balkan Peninsula, the number of troops deployed by both sides already exceeded one million.

The number of troops committed by both the Russian and Ottoman sides in the siege of Plevna Fortress had already exceeded 300,000, with Russia’s losses alone approaching 100,000.

Compared to this large-scale war, Spain’s military strength was indeed somewhat lacking, which gave Carlo the idea of reforming Spain’s military service system.

Spain’s military service system was still quite backward, even inferior to that of present-day Russia.

Russia’s system had already been changed to compulsory military service, where all male Russian citizens between the ages of twenty and twenty-five were obligated to serve.

Spain’s system, however, was still a recruitment system, with most of its soldiers coming from active government recruitment.

The key difference between the two systems, and Spain’s greatest weakness, was its extremely small number of reserves, which limited the total number of troops it could mobilize.

Under Russia’s compulsory military service system, it maintained a standing army of 700,000 while also having nearly one million men in the reserves.

While Spain had a standing army of 150,000, it had almost no reserves. The troops raised through large-scale mobilization were all new recruits with extremely poor combat effectiveness.

It was precisely this consideration that led Carlo to decide to change Spain’s military service system.

Of course, the main focus of the reform would be the reserves. Spain didn’t need too many active-duty soldiers, as there would be no wars for Spain in the short term.

The purpose of a reserve force was to ensure Spain had enough trained soldiers during wartime. The combat effectiveness of reserves was naturally inferior to that of the regular army, but they were much better than hastily assembled new recruits.

Reserves only needed mobilization and brief training to become a proper army, whereas new recruits required at least half a year of training to become combat-effective. To transform them into an elite force would require extensive hardening on the battlefield.

Spain’s current standing army numbered 150,000, and Carlo’s plan was for Spain to also have a reserve force of around 150,000.

For most of the time, these reservists could go about their own work, just like ordinary Spaniards.

But they would have to set aside a certain amount of time each year for military training to ensure they maintained a certain level of military proficiency.

Establishing a reserve force would naturally have some impact on Spain’s production and construction, but because the reserve force was only 150,000 strong, the impact would not be that significant.

Compared to the benefits of having a reserve force, the tiny loss in production and construction was negligible.

With a standing army of 150,000 and a reserve force of 150,000, Spain could field over 300,000 troops at any time, ensuring its military strength would not be too poor.

An army of 300,000 would find it difficult to wage an offensive war, but it would be more than enough to defend the Iberian Peninsula. Unless a great power was willing to fight to the death with Spain, Spain would be relatively safe under these circumstances.

The great powers had their own conflicts of interest with one another, and Carlo didn’t think any of them would choose to engage in a life-or-death struggle with Spain.

Whether it was Britain or France, they both had more significant threats to deal with. On land, only France could pose a threat to Spain. As for its other neighbor, Portugal, they should be the ones worrying about the threat from Spain.

At this thought, a smile appeared on Carlo’s face. If King Luís of Portugal learned that Spain was establishing a 150,000-man reserve force, he would probably be too nervous to sleep for days.

A combined standing army and reserve force of 300,000 was truly terrible news for Portugal, a country with a population of only 4.6 million.

Like Spain, Portugal had lost most of its actual power after the loss of its colonies in the Americas, though it still retained the reputation of a colonial power.

Portugal’s standing army on the mainland numbered only 22,000, and these troops were mainly to guard against a Spanish invasion. Of course, if the Spanish army were to actually invade, these 22,000 men would clearly be of little use.

Portugal also had nearly 30,000 troops deployed in its colonies, but this number was inflated, as most of them were auxiliary troops made up of colonial natives.

This was why Carlo smiled. 300,000 Spanish soldiers would put immense pressure on Portugal, so much so that even the British, Portugal’s backers, would grow concerned about the situation on the Iberian Peninsula.

Chapter 225: The Cola Company and the Formation of the Reserves

Pushing the reserve plan required taking the attitude of the Spaniards into account.

After all, it wasn’t a time of war, and not all citizens would agree to expand the army. Carlo didn’t want the public to see him as a warmonger, so it was necessary to first gauge and guide Spanish public opinion.

But soon, Carlo found his plan somewhat redundant.

When Spain’s The Sun first suggested in its pages that Spain should follow the example of other European nations and establish a reserve system to enhance its military strength, it immediately garnered widespread support from the Spanish people.

It even created a wave of enthusiasm. According to an investigation by the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, many citizens in Madrid’s newly opened beverage shops were excitedly discussing the matter of the reserves.

These new beverage shops were the cola shops Carlo had thought of while on the beach. Since the drink was made from kola nuts, Carlo unceremoniously named it “cola.”

At this time, the two cola giants, Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola, had not yet been born, so Carlo didn’t hesitate to establish the Coca-Cola Company in Madrid and the Pepsi-Cola Company in Barcelona.

Which of these two cola companies could capture the majority of the Spanish cola market would depend on their marketing and business operations skills.

The initial cola formulas were quite similar. The primary flavor came from the kola nut, with differences in taste stemming from the amount of carbonation and added sugar.

The two beverage companies were warmly welcomed by the public from the moment they were founded. The production cost of cola wasn’t low, mainly due to the large amount of sugar added.

Currently, the cost of a cup of cola was about 0.15 pesetas, or 15 centimos. Both Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola sold it at a uniform price of 0.25 pesetas for a 275-milliliter cup.

The biggest costs for cola were, first, the sugar added to it, and second, the glass bottles used for packaging.

Fortunately, the demand for cola was growing, which led both Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola to order glass bottles in bulk, effectively reducing their cost.

The profit per bottle of cola was 0.1 pesetas, and the combined daily sales of the two companies had already surpassed fifty thousand bottles.

This meant the two cola companies were earning a combined net profit of nearly ten thousand pesetas per day, amounting to a staggering 3.65 million pesetas a year.

And these numbers were still growing, as this was just the demand in Madrid and Barcelona. Once the two companies expanded their shops across all of Spain, each company’s daily sales could exceed one hundred thousand or even reach several hundred thousand bottles.

Carlo was pleased to see this. Other than being high in sugar, cola made from kola nuts didn’t have many downsides.

Although kola nuts did carry a carcinogenic risk, as long as one didn’t drink large quantities of cola over a long period, the risk could be effectively minimized.

Besides, this era had far more dangerous and deadly things than kola nuts. Compared to the smog of London, the “City of Fog,” and the previous trend among noblewomen of using heavy metals for makeup, Carlo felt that kola nuts were incredibly safe.

Of course, once future technology allowed, the cola companies would stop using kola nuts and switch to healthier extracts.

Returning to the expansion of the cola companies, the Coca-Cola Company in Madrid and the Pepsi-Cola Company in Barcelona had already become the two giants of Spain’s beverage industry and were beginning to expand from these two major cities into the surrounding areas.

Coca-Cola’s main expansion was aimed south of Madrid towards Toledo, while Pepsi-Cola’s was directed west of Barcelona towards Zaragoza.

In addition to their domestic expansion, Spain also gifted some cola as part of its arms trade with Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

This cola would be given away for free to Russia and the Ottoman Empire under the guise of health supplements and medicine. As for whether it would be consumed by soldiers or savored by dignitaries and nobles, that was beyond Spain’s control.

There was still a long time before the birth of the real Coca-Cola Company. Spain’s two cola companies had a chance to capture the entire European market, and even start pursuing the American market, before then.

By the time the real Coca-Cola Company was born, there might not be much of a market left for it to develop.

Although the price of cola wasn’t high, the beverage followed a model of low profit margins and high sales volume. Currently, in the two major cities of Madrid and Barcelona, the combined daily sales of the two companies had already surpassed one hundred thousand bottles.

What if one looked at all of Spain? Cola sales could reach hundreds of thousands or even millions of bottles. If this scale were expanded to all of Europe, daily sales might reach an astonishing several million bottles.

Of course, one had to consider whether the cola companies’ production could keep up. But it was undeniable that a low-priced beverage like cola had enormous potential, and the cola market was still an extremely vast one.

Besides its carcinogenic downside, the kola nut was rich in caffeine and theobromine, which could act as a stimulant.

And unlike coffee, the kola nut achieved a physical state of excitement by directly stimulating the central nervous system and the heart.

In addition to its stimulant effects, the kola nut could also treat headaches, depression, whooping cough, asthma, bronchitis, and more. It also aided digestion and acted as a diuretic.

It was precisely because of these many effects that Europeans of this era treated the kola nut as a type of medicine, bringing it back to Europe from distant Africa.

The good news was that tropical Africa had an abundance of kola trees, and thus an abundance of kola nuts.

Besides harvesting from these natural kola trees, Spain was also undertaking artificial cultivation to ensure that the yield of kola nuts would continue to increase.

Due to the high demand for cola, kola nut plantations had become one of the options for establishing plantations in Spain’s colonies.

Also, because cola contained a large amount of sugar, Spain was attempting to establish large-scale sugarcane plantations in other colonies as an alternative to Cuba, the sugar giant.

Of course, until Spain completely lost Cuba, the trade routes between the two were still quite prosperous.

Besides all the sugar for the Americas being shipped directly from Cuba, over sixty percent of the sugar trade between Europe and Cuba was first transported from Cuba to Spain, and then from Spain to the various countries of Europe.

Leveraging Cuba as a major sugar producer also allowed Spain to lower the price and cost of its cola slightly.

On some of Madrid’s most bustling streets, one could see several shops with bright red signs—these were the beverage shops opened by the Coca-Cola Company in Madrid.

When purchasing a Coca-Cola at these shops, not only could you get it iced for free, but you could also relax in the shop’s public area.

The public area not only provided free newspapers from the major newspaper companies from the past week but also offered books for customers to read.

At first, the cola companies attracted customers by marketing cola as a health supplement and medicine and by offering free newspapers and books in their public areas.

But once customers tasted Coca-Cola, they fell in love with the exquisitely refreshing iced beverage.

The ice, the carbonation, and the unique flavor of the kola nut were all indispensable; the combination of the three created cola, a beverage that would become extremely popular in later generations.

Not to mention, in an era so lacking in beverage options, a drink like cola was a once-in-a-lifetime delicacy for the citizens of Madrid.

Initially, the cola company needed to rely on its marketing as a health product and medicine, along with free newspapers and books, to draw in customers.

Later, that was no longer necessary. The first thing customers would say upon entering a beverage shop was that they wanted to buy a cola, and specifically one that had been iced for at least two hours.

For the city’s residents, taking a sip of iced cola on a hot summer day made the frustrations of work practically vanish.

Stealing a few glances at the long-legged beauties passing by while drinking cola meant you’d be in a good mood for the rest of the day.

It was precisely because the cola shops provided free newspapers from the past week that when Spain’s The Sun published the news suggesting the Spanish government form a reserve system, it kicked off a wave of heated discussion.

To Carlo’s surprise, after learning the news from the papers, the Spanish public also began to widely recommend that the government establish a reserve system.

The people felt that the Spanish army’s one hundred fifty thousand men were far too few to protect Spain’s security.

Moreover, of these one hundred fifty thousand troops, fifteen thousand belonged to the Guard Division and forty-six thousand were colonial forces, leaving only ninety thousand Royal Army troops actually stationed in the homeland.

“I never expected this. The general public of Spain seems even more hawkish than me, their king.” Hearing the report from Kadir, Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, Carlo didn’t know whether to laugh or cry. It took him a moment to utter these words.

“This is actually a good thing for Your Majesty. At least the reserve plan can be implemented smoothly,” Kadir said with a smile, congratulating Carlo.

Since his appointment as Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, Kadir had been exceptionally diligent. The bureau’s expansion had been rapid, and it had now become Carlo’s primary agency for gathering intelligence on Spain and even all of Europe.

As the Director of the intelligence bureau, Kadir naturally enjoyed Carlo’s deep trust. Kadir was now one of Carlo’s absolute loyalists, and the importance of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau was in no way inferior to the fifteen-thousand-strong Guard Division.

Carlo nodded. Although the hawkish attitude of the Spanish public was surprising, it was ultimately a good thing for him.

In this chaotic era, being too peace-loving and opposed to war was not a good thing. Without sufficient military strength to protect one’s country, what awaited the people was not lasting peace, but lasting bullying and oppression.

Peace is not protected by a peace-loving heart, but by a sharp sword that can slay enemies.

Carlo understood this point very well. Even though Spain faced no immediate danger of war, it was still necessary to be prepared for peril in times of peace and consider the potential threat that Britain and France could pose in the future.

After all, to put it bluntly, a strong Spain was bound to come into conflict with Britain. For Spain, the first order of business after becoming powerful was not to expand into Europe but to recover Gibraltar, which was occupied by the British.

Gibraltar alone destined Britain and Spain to have irreconcilable conflicts.

It was simply that Spain was too weak at present, causing the British to temporarily set aside their plans for Spain and focus on more formidable rivals like Russia.

Once Spain’s strength reached the level of the five great powers, relations between Britain and Spain would be far from peaceful.

“In that case, let’s promote the implementation of the reserve plan in the name of the royal family,” Carlo said with a smile.

Since it was clear that Spanish public opinion supported the reserve plan, there was no need for other Senators to push it.

After all, doing so could be described as following the will of the people. Whoever promoted the plan would win public favor.

A few days after The Sun published the news suggesting the government form a reserve, Carlo submitted a plan for the formation of the reserves to the Spanish Military Committee in his capacity as the king of Spain.

Unsurprisingly, the reserve plan was passed unanimously by the entire Military Committee.

Aside from Carlo and the Prime Minister, the Military Committee was composed entirely of high-ranking military leaders. The Prime Minister was also the Minister of Defense, Grand Duke Serrano, and since Carlo himself had proposed the plan, it was impossible for anyone to oppose it.

After all, this was a good thing for the military. The expansion of the reserves meant an increase in the army’s strength, and the military’s top generals would also see their status rise.

After the unanimous approval from the Military Committee, there was naturally no issue with the parliament.

The Senators weren’t stupid; they weren’t about to oppose a proposal unanimously passed by the military’s top brass. What’s more, it had been personally proposed by Carlo, the king.

Furthermore, it was a proposal that followed public opinion. To stand up and oppose the reserve system at this time would be to personally destroy one’s own future political career.

After being passed consecutively by the Military Committee and the lower house, Spain officially began implementing the reserve system at the end of August 1887.

All male Spanish citizens between the ages of twenty and twenty-five, with the exception of scientific researchers, university students, and certain special talents, were required to participate in the reserves for a three-year term.

Unlike the regular army, reserve soldiers could continue their civilian jobs but were required to report to training grounds for at least one month of training during the annual training period.

According to the Spanish Military Committee’s discussions, the training period for these reserve soldiers would be three months each year: April, May, and September.

While reserve soldiers were away for training, their respective companies and factories were required to hold their jobs but were not obligated to pay their salaries or other benefits.

The Ministry of Defense was responsible for paying these soldiers’ wages during the training period, with their salary set at 1.2 times the average annual income in Spain for that year.

Although serving in the reserves for three years required taking three months off each year for training, this training period was paid, which would help reduce any negative sentiment among those conscripted into the reserves.

While most citizens supported the formation of the reserves, that didn’t mean everyone wanted to be a reservist.

Appropriately increasing the reservists’ income was necessary. Besides, they only trained for three months, and this expenditure was not that costly compared to the benefits of establishing the reserves.

Since Carlo became king, in order to show that he valued the military, the average salary for a Spanish soldier was already about 1.3 times the national average annual income.

As for the most elite Royal Guard, the average soldier’s salary had reached 1.5 times the Spanish average annual income, which was why the Royal Guard was so attractive to ordinary soldiers.

Not to mention officers, whose income was even higher than that of ordinary soldiers, which was why a large number of high school graduates applied to military academies every year.

It was precisely because Carlo had taken the lead in raising the incomes of soldiers and officers that the Spanish military’s support for him was quite high.

With higher salaries for soldiers, more young men would naturally be willing to join the army. This was a win-win for Carlo; not only did it increase the military’s loyalty to him, but it also encouraged more Spaniards to eagerly join the army, ensuring that Spain’s military could be expanded several times over at a moment’s notice.

The only issues were that Spain’s finances were insufficient to support an army of hundreds of thousands, and there was currently no real danger of war.

Otherwise, given the current enthusiasm of the Spanish people for military service, Spain could easily maintain an army of three hundred thousand to five hundred thousand.

But doing so would not only place immense pressure on Spain’s finances, it would also affect its industry and economy.

Forming a massive army of several hundred thousand was simple, but it also meant that several hundred thousand men’s labor would be wasted. If that manpower were applied to agricultural and industrial production, Spain’s agricultural and industrial levels would see a significant boost.

Following the official announcement of the reserve plan at the end of August, the recruitment offices in Madrid were lined with eligible young men wanting to become reservists.

According to the Military Committee’s regulations, the first batch of reserves would be capped at one hundred fifty thousand. As people completed their three-year service term, enough new recruits would be selected to maintain the force at one hundred fifty thousand.

Once the number of reservists exceeded one hundred fifty thousand, the Ministry of Defense would halt recruitment to ensure the numbers did not surpass the planned limit.

Spain was forming a reserve of one hundred fifty thousand for national defense. But if it formed a reserve of two hundred thousand or even three hundred thousand, that would no longer be just for defense.

Although Spain was capable of doing so, at that point, not only Portugal but even the British would likely jump out and question Spain’s intentions.

To avoid attracting the attention of Britain, that famous shit-stirrer, Carlo strictly limited the size of the reserves to one hundred fifty thousand.

If fewer than one hundred fifty thousand young men volunteered, the reserve system stipulated that Spanish males aged twenty to twenty-five would be forcibly conscripted.

Even if more than one hundred fifty thousand men signed up, the Ministry of Defense would still conduct a selection process among them to ensure that the reserve soldiers were of excellent physical condition.

Chapter 226: Army Training and the Machine Gun Company

It was clear that the Spanish people’s support for the reserves was directly proportional to their enthusiasm for joining them.

From the official establishment of the reserves at the end of August, in just two and a half weeks by early September, the number of applicants had already exceeded fifty thousand.

And this was just the data submitted from larger cities like Madrid, Barcelona, and Zaragoza. The announcement of the reserves’ formation had only just spread throughout Spain during those two and a half weeks; it would likely take some time before every Spaniard heard the news.

This was the disadvantage of an age without the internet or even telephones—the slow flow of information.

Even with newspapers and government announcements, it would take at least half a month, or even more than a month, for most Spaniards to learn about the formation of the reserves.

However, judging by the current enlistment rate at recruitment offices in various cities, surpassing one hundred fifty thousand applicants would be a simple matter.

Upon hearing this good news, Minister of Defense Grand Duke Serrano excitedly found Carlo to report the development.

Carlo had actually already received this information through the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, but hearing the official report from Grand Duke Serrano still filled him with considerable excitement.

Once the one hundred fifty thousand reservists were fully integrated, Spain’s military strength would be second only to the five great powers of Europe. It could even claim to be the sixth strongest in the world.

Italy, another of the great powers, was inferior to Spain in both army and naval scale, which in some ways signified that Spain’s revival had already been achieved to a certain extent.

Of course, this depended on what Spain’s revival truly meant. If it was simply to become a powerful European nation again, then that had already been accomplished.

But if the goal was to become a super-great power on the level of the five great powers, to become a player on the European continent rather than a pawn, then Spain still had a long way to go.

Fortunately, this was not an unattainable dream for Spain; it was a reality that could be seen in the future.

The strength of the five great powers was relative; they were not invincible. The Austro-Hungarian Empire was a tapestry of different nationalities, and its dominant ethnic group, the Austrians—that is, the Southern Germans—did not hold a commanding majority. The Kingdom of Hungary, the other half of the dual monarchy, had a large population and a developed agricultural sector, which was also a source of instability for the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Russia, naturally, needs no further explanation. Alexander II’s reforms were incomplete, and the problem of the oppression of Russian serfs remained unsolved.

Even the relatively stronger Britain, France, and Germany were not perfect. While Spain had almost no hope of becoming the world’s hegemon at present, it had a decent chance of becoming a nation on the level of the five great powers, perhaps even making it into the world’s top three.

This was precisely Carlo’s goal. As long as he could build Spain into a world power solidly in the top five and aspiring to the top three, he could achieve Spain’s revival.

By seizing opportunities like the Boer War or a World War, a Spain in the world’s top five could still hope to reclaim Gibraltar.

If he could reclaim Gibraltar, Carlo would be one of Spain’s greatest monarchs. With some public relations spinning, he could even have the “one of” removed.

“The soldiers who pass the screening for the reserves can be put into training immediately,” Carlo instructed Grand Duke Serrano, who was beaming with a smile.

According to the reserve plan, the training period for reservists was set for April, May, and September of each year.

It was now September, which was the designated training time for the reserves.

Although starting training immediately after being selected seemed a bit rushed, the young men who were the first to join were also the ones most supportive of the country and the reserves.

Putting them into training right away would not dampen their enthusiasm; on the contrary, it would cater to their wishes.

After all, what red-blooded male wouldn’t want to experience handling the Spanish military’s standard-issue rifle?

Although Spain did not ban firearms, the sale of the military’s standard-issue rifles to civilians was prohibited.

The firearms legally owned by civilians were hunting rifles, which were far inferior to military rifles in terms of range and power.

If girls are naturally drawn to beautiful things, then boys are naturally drawn to things like guns and clubs.

While starting training immediately might be hasty for these reservists, it also meant they would get to handle and use firearms, which was something they looked forward to.

Grand Duke Serrano nodded.

The reason the training for the reserves was scheduled for April, May, and September was, in fact, to accommodate the planting and harvesting seasons of Spanish crops.

Spain’s two main grain crops were wheat and rice. The wheat harvest was from May to July, and the rice harvest was from October to November. The reserve training schedule was designed not to interfere with the harvesting of these two crops.

The olive harvest was from October to December, and the grape harvest was from August to October, so those would largely be unaffected as well.

Since the majority of Spain’s population consisted of peasants, the timing of the reserve training had to take the country’s harvest seasons into account.

Even though most of the public was very supportive of the reserves, it was still the Spanish government’s responsibility to minimize the burden on its people.

With a single order from Carlo, the first twenty thousand reservists who passed the selection process quickly assembled on the outskirts of major cities.

Because the recruitment for the reserves was distributed across various regions and cities, the training for these reservists would also be conducted locally near those cities.

The main training centers were the largest one in Madrid, the one in Zaragoza located closest to the military academy, the northernmost one in Galicia, and the southernmost one in Seville.

The vast majority of the first twenty thousand soldiers recruited came from the areas around Madrid and Barcelona, so the Madrid and Zaragoza training centers were the first to be put into use.

These reservists would undergo half a month of militarized training at these centers, followed by at least two shooting practice sessions before the September training period concluded.

Because the Royal Arsenal was rushing to produce orders for Russia and the Ottoman Empire, the rifles used by the reservists had to be selected from those previously phased out by the Spanish army.

This couldn’t be helped, as prioritizing the lucrative deals with Russia and the Ottoman Empire was the most important thing.

Spain didn’t need such a large stockpile of rifles domestically either. Equipping all one hundred fifty thousand reservists with new rifles would be another significant expense.

During training, there would not be one rifle per person. Instead, a batch of rifles would be distributed to each training center, and the reservists would use them in rotation.

This approach both reduced the demand for rifles and ensured that every reservist experienced target practice, making it the most suitable option.

On the day training began at the Madrid training center, the Ministry of Defense was also urgently selecting usable rifles from its armories.

The Ministry of Defense certainly had a stock of Vetterli M1872 rifles, and until this stock was depleted, the reservists would be using them.

This could be seen as a reward for the earliest volunteers. As for those who joined later, if the stock of Vetterli M1872 rifles ran out, they would have to use the older, obsolete rifles that had been retired previously.

In addition to receiving a salary during training, the most outstanding soldier in each squad would receive an extra reward.

Furthermore, the reserves would hold competitions at the company level. The top three soldiers from each company would be given more opportunities, including but not limited to the chance to join the regular army, a recommendation to a military academy, or a position as a junior officer in the reserves.

Although it was only the reserves, the training was still organized according to military structure. In the first year, the reserve officers would be elite soldiers and some junior officers from the Spanish Royal Army. These veterans would serve as squad leaders and even platoon or company commanders, helping the new reservists adapt more quickly to military life.

After the first year of reserve training, the most junior positions, such as squad leader, would be filled by the reservists themselves.

Any soldier who performed well during training had a chance to become a squad leader in the reserves.

Those who were exceptionally outstanding would also have the opportunity to become platoon or company commanders. Although these officer positions were only within the reserves, it was still excellent experience for these soldiers.

As the saying goes, a soldier who doesn’t want to be a general is not a good soldier. Even in the reserves, these men surely harbored ambitions of becoming high-ranking officers.

Carlo had long anticipated this. As long as a reservist performed well in training, Carlo would give them opportunities, promoting them through various means.

After a reservist completed their three-year term of service, those who had performed exceptionally well could join the regular army directly.

The current term of service in Spain’s regular army was five to seven years, which could be extended to eleven years for soldiers with special talents. In addition to their salary during service, soldiers who completed their term and were honorably discharged could choose to receive a bonus or a job placement.

This was a rather important point. Soldiers who served for long periods often did not acquire skills suitable for the civilian workforce, making it difficult for them to find good jobs after leaving the army.

For this very reason, the loyalty of both active and retired soldiers to Carlo was extremely high.

During their service, their income was 1.3 times that of an average Spaniard, and upon retirement, they were offered either a job or an additional bonus. It could be said they were showered with the royal family’s benevolence.

If Prime Minister Primo and Grand Duke Serrano were previously the most influential figures in the military, that title now belonged to Carlo.

However, this influence was not overtly displayed in normal times. Thus, to most Spaniards, Spain remained a democratic constitutional monarchy, and Carlo remained a constitutional monarch who cherished his people.

On the day training began at the Madrid and Zaragoza centers, Carlo visited both locations, offering words of encouragement to the new reservists and delivering a speech.

The attitude of these reservists towards Carlo clearly showed their loyalty to him, their support for the reserves, and their love for their country.

Carlo paid little attention to the subsequent training. After all, the military had ample experience in training troops, whereas he was a layman in this area.

Even though Carlo had graduated from the Royal Military Academy of Turin, he had had little involvement in military affairs since then.

More than the training of the reserves, Carlo was actually focused on the formation of Spain’s machine gun units.

After purchasing machine guns from the Royal Arsenal, the Spanish military would certainly establish machine gun units. But the machine gun was a powerful weapon, and for now, neither Carlo nor the military intended to reveal its existence.

This meant Spain would not equip its existing army units with machine guns. Instead, a secret unit would be formed to train with them, and the machine guns would be distributed to various units only when necessary.

Machine guns were mostly used in defensive warfare and didn’t require complex tactics. All that was needed was to unleash their full firepower during a defense to suppress the enemy’s attack.

This also meant that when these machine gunners were later dispersed among various units, it would not negatively impact the units’ combat effectiveness.

On the contrary, the addition of machine guns would increase each unit’s firepower, thereby enhancing the overall combat strength of the army.

Of course, the Ministry of Defense could only manage the Royal Army; they had no authority over Carlo’s Royal Guard.

Due to the higher loyalty and longer service terms of the Royal Guard, Carlo planned to equip them with machine guns directly for training, rather than forming a separate machine gun unit.

Because a machine gun required a crew of five to eight men to operate, it would not be assigned to the squad level but to each company.

Ensuring each company had one machine gun would effectively increase the combat effectiveness of the Royal Guard.

Moreover, besides infantry, cavalry could also be equipped with machine guns. Transported by horse, the machine guns could be moved more rapidly and would have better logistical support.

The disadvantage was that the machine gun would be useless during a cavalry charge. But on balance, equipping cavalry units with machine guns was still very necessary.

Compared to the Royal Army’s large demand for machine guns, the Royal Guard, with only fifteen thousand men, did not need as many.

If every infantry and cavalry company were equipped with a machine gun, the entire Royal Guard would only need eighty-nine of them.

However, considering the machine gun’s excellent firepower, Carlo decided to establish a machine gun company in each infantry regiment. Each machine gun company would be equipped with nine machine guns. Each gun would be crewed by nine soldiers: a gunner and an assistant gunner, one loader, two machine gun carriers, three ammunition bearers, and one messenger.

In a defensive battle, a single machine gun company could hold off thousands of enemies. A Guard Division had four infantry regiments, meaning a configuration of four machine gun companies. These four companies alone could stop tens of thousands, or even more, of enemy soldiers.

This was, of course, conditional on a sufficient supply of ammunition for the machine guns and on the guns not breaking down from continuous firing.

But a machine gun company would certainly not operate alone. When a machine gun needed to stop firing to cool down or have parts replaced, regular infantry units could provide covering fire to ensure the defensive line was not breached.

The addition of these four machine gun companies raised the Guard Division’s requirement by another thirty-six machine guns, on top of the initial eighty-nine.

Carlo did not establish machine gun companies in the cavalry regiments, as the primary mission of cavalry was to charge and break enemy formations, not to defend positions and fortresses like infantry.

The entire Royal Guard had a total requirement of one hundred twenty-five machine guns. With a wave of his hand, Carlo ordered one hundred fifty of them directly from the Royal Arsenal.

For Carlo, the Royal Guard purchasing from the Royal Arsenal was simply moving money from his left hand to his right.

The majority of the shares in the Royal Arsenal belonged to Carlo and the royal family, so the money would end up back in his hands anyway.

Including the procurement order from the Spanish Ministry of Defense, the Royal Arsenal suddenly had orders for over five hundred machine guns.

For Maxim, this was a happy problem. Before the machine gun was invented, he was busy almost every day, striving to see the truly automatic firearm of his dreams realized.

But after its invention, he was once again plunged into a flurry of activity, this time because of the numerous orders that needed to be fulfilled.

Fortunately, the machine gun was a finished product. All that was needed was to set up a complete production line to manufacture them on a large scale.

The other experts in the machine gun development team could handle this work. After all, they had been involved throughout the design process and were very familiar with the machine gun’s structure and principles.

Long before these firearms design experts joined the machine gun project team, they had signed an agreement with the Royal Arsenal.

After joining the team, regardless of whether the machine gun was successfully developed or not, they were forbidden from going abroad for ten years and from disclosing any related information or data about its development.

Of course, their salaries and other benefits during their employment would be on par with those of top European firearms experts. Not only would the terms not be harsh, but experts who made significant contributions would receive additional rewards.

Most of these experts were Spanish natives, and with a sufficiently high income, they would naturally not choose to emigrate.

As for the experts from Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire who were able to join the machine gun project, they were all ones who had already chosen to immigrate to Spain.

Carlo was quite confident in these foreign experts who had already acquired Spanish citizenship.

They had mostly immigrated to Spain with their entire families, and it was unlikely they would uproot their families again to move abroad without a compelling reason.

The immigration requirements of various countries were not particularly strict, but the journey to the new country was difficult. Ocean liner tickets were quite expensive in this era, and the voyage came with risks.

For most people, as long as their lives were reasonably stable, they would generally not choose to emigrate.

The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau also kept the weapons experts of the machine gun development team under a degree of surveillance. Of course, this did not affect their lives, and they likely would not even be aware of it.

But if anyone tried to profit by selling information about the machine gun, Carlo would make them understand just how ruthless the interrogations of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau could be.

Fortunately, according to information from the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau’s investigations, the numerous firearms experts in the machine gun development team had a relatively high degree of loyalty to Spain, or rather, they were quite satisfied with the salary and benefits Carlo offered them.

Coupled with the protection of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, they naturally had no thoughts of selling weapons information for personal gain.

After all, to sell such information, one would need to contact foreign spies. At present, most countries did not have large-scale intelligence organizations, and intelligence operations were primarily targeted at more dangerous nations, such as the great powers.

There were not many intelligence operations targeting Spain, as it was not considered a major threat at the time.

Chapter 227: A Rout is Like a Landslide

While Spain’s reserve and machine gun units were conducting large-scale training, the war on the Balkan Peninsula had already reached a fever pitch.

After suffering heavy losses, the Russian army received support from Romania and their homeland, managing to assemble one hundred and fifty thousand reinforcements in a short time.

This allowed Russia to relaunch its offensive on the fortress of Pleven. They deployed over a thousand artillery pieces in the attack, showing their determination to fight the Ottoman army to the bitter end at the fortress.

Although the Russian army had suffered nearly one hundred thousand casualties in the previous offensive, the Ottoman Empire’s losses were also considerable.

The Ottoman army’s weaponry and equipment were superior to Russia’s, but they were vastly outmatched in the number of artillery pieces.

This allowed the Russian army to suppress the Ottoman artillery with sufficient firepower during their attacks, inflicting heavy casualties on the Ottoman forces as well.

Russia had managed to gather one hundred and fifty thousand reinforcements in a short time, but where was the Ottoman Empire to find another one hundred and fifty thousand?

Of the Ottoman Empire’s two hundred and eighty thousand troops on the Balkan Peninsula, only a little over two hundred thousand remained, and these were scattered across Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro.

The number of Ottoman troops that could be mobilized along the Bulgarian-Romanian border was just over one hundred thousand. Facing a Russian army of more than two hundred thousand, the Ottoman Empire could only adopt a defensive, hunkered-down posture.

The fortress of Pleven was exceptionally sturdy and a crucial military stronghold for the Ottoman Empire.

But even the strongest fortress would one day be conquered. The Russian army dug over seventy kilometers of trenches, engaging the Ottoman forces in a prolonged war of attrition around Pleven.

Finally, after suffering nearly fifty thousand casualties, the Ottoman Empire was forced to retreat south.

This instantly left the thirty thousand Ottoman troops inside Pleven surrounded. After a bitter struggle that lasted for a month, the fortress of Pleven was officially captured by Russia.

The fall of Pleven marked a dramatic turning point in the war on the Balkan Peninsula.

The Russian army successfully broke through the mountain pass. South of Pleven, there were virtually no fortresses left to impede their advance.

The road to Constantinople and the Straits of Constantinople was now wide open for the Russian army, and the Ottoman Empire had lost its numerical advantage.

After the Battle of Pleven, Russia had gained the upper hand on the Balkan Peninsula in terms of both troop numbers and military equipment.

The capture of Pleven cost Russia nearly one hundred and fifty thousand casualties, with over fifty thousand killed in action and nearly one hundred thousand suffering injuries of varying severity.

But the Ottoman Empire’s situation was equally grim. The thirty thousand defenders of Pleven were directly captured, and they had already lost nearly seventy thousand men in the preceding battles.

The Ottoman army on the Balkan Peninsula now numbered less than one hundred and eighty thousand, while the Russian forces deployed there had not decreased but instead grown to nearly three hundred and fifty thousand.

In this turn of events, the number of Russian soldiers on the Balkan Peninsula had become twice that of the Ottoman soldiers.

This did not even include the Bulgarian, Serbian, and other ethnic militias supporting the Russian war effort. Under these circumstances, the Ottoman Empire was now at a huge disadvantage.

Tsar Alexander II naturally would not let this opportunity slip away. He came to the front lines himself and personally ordered the Russian army to continue its offensive south of the Balkan Mountains, undeterred by the low temperatures.

By the time Pleven fell, it was already November 1877. The temperature in Bulgaria in November was quite low, especially near the Balkan Mountains, where it was generally below five degrees Celsius.

But for Russian soldiers, who lived in much colder northern regions, this could hardly be considered cold. Unaffected by the low temperatures, the Russian army launched a mighty offensive south of the Balkan Mountains.

In contrast to the high morale of the Russian army, the Ottoman army’s morale had hit rock bottom.

To make matters worse, the frontline commander, despite being short on troops, forbade a retreat and instead ordered the Ottoman army to establish a defensive line and hold their ground.

Clearly, he had overestimated the combat effectiveness of the Ottoman forces. For an army that had just suffered a devastating defeat and heavy losses, the most important thing should have been to withdraw to the rear to rest and regroup.

Just like that, the Ottoman army was swallowed by the tide of the Russian offensive. Sofia and Pernik, important cities in the Bulgarian region, fell one after another to the Russian forces, and the might of an army now reached Plovdiv in southern Bulgaria.

Inside the Dolmabahçe Palace, the new royal palace of the Ottoman Empire, a large group of high-ranking imperial officials, nobleman, and military leaders had gathered.

These men had gathered at the New Royal Palace for one purpose only: to discuss how to resolve this war.

The Russian army had reached Plovdiv. Further southeast lay Edirne, the old capital of the Ottoman Empire. Edirne was not far from Constantinople, which meant the Russians were practically at their doorstep.

If not for the navy, which, with British help, could still blockade the Sea of Marmara, the Ottomans would likely be discussing how to sue for peace with Russia to avoid the empire’s collapse.

The Ottoman Empire’s territory was vast, but it was divided by the Sea of Marmara and the Aegean Sea into two parts: the European part and the Asian part.

Both parts were vital to the Ottoman Empire; one could not exist without the other.

The problem was that the Ottoman Empire had to transport troops to the Balkan Peninsula through the Sea of Marmara. Whoever controlled the Sea of Marmara and the Aegean Sea could effectively split the Ottoman Empire in two.

The greatest fear within the Ottoman Empire was that the Russians would fight their way to Constantinople and drive them completely out of the Balkan Peninsula.

And as it happened, the Russians were already showing such a tendency. If they could not halt the Russian offensive, the Ottoman Empire might be left with only Anatolia.

“Gentlemen, do you have any other solutions? The Empire is at a moment of life and death. If we cannot repel the Russian attack, the Ottoman Empire may cease to exist,” said the new Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, Abdul Hamid II, his face etched with sorrow.

Originally, the Ottoman throne was to be inherited by Abdul Hamid II’s older brother, Murad V. But Murad V was overly friendly with France and detested Russia, which was so close to the Balkan Peninsula.

This led to Murad V being deposed after only ninety-three days on the throne on the grounds of mental illness. His younger brother, Abdul Hamid II, succeeded him.

Abdul Hamid II had not been groomed as an heir and was only a thirty-five-year-old young king. Facing a crisis that threatened the survival of the empire, his mind was filled with panic, and he could only turn to his ministers for answers.

The Commander-in-Chief of the frontline army, Mehmed Ali Pasha, shook his head helplessly and said to the expectant Sultan Abdul Hamid II, “Our forces at the front are no longer able to resist. Unless we are willing to abandon all territory north of Plovdiv, our only hope is to rely on British support.”

The Ottoman Empire’s own financial situation was dire. Even if they wanted to organize reinforcements for the Balkan Peninsula, they would have to wait for British aid to arrive.

It was no exaggeration to say that the Ottoman Empire had held on this long solely because of British aid. If British aid were to be cut off, the Ottoman Empire would immediately fall into a financial crisis, and there would be no point in fighting the war anymore.

Hearing this, Abdul Hamid II turned his gaze to his Foreign Secretary and asked, “Are the British willing to help us win this war or not? If we lose this war, Istanbul will belong to the Russians.”

The Ottoman Empire certainly understood why Britain supported them: to prevent Russia from gaining control of Istanbul and the Straits.

However, although the British repeatedly promised to support the Ottoman Empire, apart from financial and material aid, not a single British soldier had been seen on the battlefield.

Relying on the Ottoman Empire’s own forces was no longer enough to stop the Russian offensive. If the British weren’t prepared to intervene, the Ottoman Empire would have no choice but to sue for peace.

“It has been half a month since our last contact with the British. Their stance at that time was that they were unwilling to join the war, but they were willing to provide more financial and food support,” the Ottoman Foreign Secretary replied, shaking his head in resignation.

Britain was clearly not ready to fight a war with Russia. Their support was mostly in the form of weapons, equipment, funds, and food.

This aid was indeed very useful to the Ottoman Empire, but it couldn’t change the situation on the front lines at all.

“Contact the British again. I need to know their exact position,” Abdul Hamid II commanded. “Tell those British, if they are unwilling to support us in this war, I will begin peace negotiations with the Russians in one month, for the sake of preserving the empire.”

One month was the deadline Abdul Hamid II was giving the British. If the British took no action within a month, the Ottoman Empire would be forced to surrender to Russia.

This was both a reminder and a threat to the British: if you cannot provide more substantial support, Constantinople and the Straits will belong to the Russians.

The Ottoman Foreign Secretary nodded, indicating he understood.

Then, Abdul Hamid II turned his gaze to the frontline Commander-in-Chief, Mehmed Ali Pasha, and ordered, “General Mehmed, I hope that during this one month, the army can hold the Russians north of Plovdiv.

“If British reinforcements arrive within the month, it will be our chance to retake Sofia and the fortress of Pleven.

“But if the British are unwilling to join the war, we can still ensure our capital, Istanbul, is not captured by the Russians. We will still have a way out.”

As long as Istanbul remained, the Ottoman Empire could still mobilize a continuous stream of troops and supplies from Anatolia to the Balkan Peninsula.

But if Istanbul were to fall, the Ottoman government would be forced to retreat to Anatolia, and the empire would completely lose control over the Balkan Peninsula.

Leaving the Balkan Peninsula would be easy, but returning would be far from it.

Once the Ottoman Empire lost control of the Balkan Peninsula, countries like Serbia and Bulgaria would surely declare independence with Russian support and carve up the territory among themselves.

The hatred these nations held for the Ottoman Empire was undeniable. Once they occupied these lands, the Ottoman Empire would have to fight them one by one to ever return to the Balkans.

For the currently weakened Ottoman Empire, this was an almost impossible task. Therefore, Abdul Hamid II’s order was clear. He did not want the Ottoman army to lose the fortress of Plovdiv, because that would mean leaving Edirne and Istanbul exposed to the might of an army.

“I understand,” Mehmed Ali Pasha nodded.

He was a German who had converted to Islam, and his military proficiency was quite outstanding, which was why he had become the Commander-in-Chief of the Ottoman army at the front.

However, the combat effectiveness of the Ottoman army was uneven. Apart from a small number of new army units trained in the European style, the fighting capabilities of the other troops were a complete mess.

This made it difficult for Mehmed Ali Pasha to fully utilize his command abilities. After all, the effectiveness of an order was determined by the ability of the soldiers at the bottom to execute it.

Even if an order was brilliant in itself, if the lower-level troops lacked the ability to carry it out, its effect would be mediocre at best.

After arranging all this, Abdul Hamid II finally breathed a sigh of relief.

The Ottoman army had held the fortress of Pleven for several months; holding Plovdiv for one month should be a walk in the park.

As long as they could wait for British reinforcements within this month, the Ottoman Empire still had a hope of winning the war.

Of course, if the British reinforcements were delayed indefinitely, the Ottoman Empire would have to prepare for the worst.

“Great Sultan, perhaps we can also enlist the help of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to relieve the pressure on us in the Balkans,” the Foreign Secretary proposed a new idea, which made the relieved Abdul Hamid II’s eyes light up even more.

“Elaborate,” Abdul Hamid II gestured for the Foreign Secretary to continue.

“Besides the British, who do not want Russia to control the situation in the Balkans, the Austro-Hungarian Empire is also unwilling to see the peninsula fall into Russian hands.

“Although relying on Austria-Hungary to drive out Russia would present its own major problems, it might be our only hope besides Britain.

“Among the other great powers of Europe, no other country would be willing to go to war with Russia for our sake. Even if Britain is unwilling to join the war to help us, as long as Austria-Hungary can join, we can still stabilize the situation on the Balkan Peninsula.

“Russia’s army is far larger than ours. If we can hold out long enough, Russia’s finances will surely be overwhelmed.

“On the other hand, with British help, our finances are not a problem in the short term. As long as either Britain or Austria-Hungary is willing to help us, we can wear down a behemoth like Russia, even through attrition,” the Foreign Secretary said with a smile.

As the Foreign Secretary of the Ottoman Empire, he had a relatively clear understanding of the situation in Europe. He knew exactly which of the great powers were paying close attention to the Balkan Peninsula.

Currently, aside from relying on British aid, the Ottoman Empire’s only other potential ally was the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The main reason Austria-Hungary had remained neutral in this war was Russia’s promise to let them acquire Bosnia and parts of Serbia after the war.

But would Russia really be willing to hand over such a vast expanse of land to Austria-Hungary? Wouldn’t that be cultivating a more powerful competitor for themselves on the Balkan Peninsula?

“Sultan, what the Foreign Secretary says makes a lot of sense. It might be worth a try,” before Abdul Hamid II could give his own opinion, the Commander-in-Chief, Mehmed Ali Pasha, stepped forward to express his approval.

As a German convert to Islam, he had a fairly good understanding of the situation in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. After all, Austrians were also Germans, though they had been excluded from Germany due to Prussia’s unification of the German lands.

“Since General Mehmed also believes that Austria-Hungary might help us, then the diplomatic service will contact them both,” Abdul Hamid II nodded repeatedly, the look of panic long gone from his face.

“Whoever can persuade either Austria-Hungary or Britain to join this war will be the empire’s greatest hero. After this war is over, I will reward you all according to your merits and praise each of your contributions.” With a solution in hand, Abdul Hamid II was beaming with joy, promising his ministers generous rewards.

With Abdul Hamid’s promise, the various ministers were filled with renewed drive and began to act for the future of the Ottoman Empire.

While the Ottoman Empire was discussing its dire war situation, Britain and Austria-Hungary were engaged in similar discussions.

Although the British were reluctant to interfere in the war, their attention to it was unprecedented.

As soon as the fortress of Pleven fell, the British government had convened an emergency meeting to discuss whether to increase its support for the Ottoman Empire.

But unexpectedly, in the short two and a half weeks since the fall of Pleven, the Ottoman army had routed like a landslide, and even major strongholds like Sofia and Pernik had been captured by the Russian army.

Before the British government could even decide whether to increase its aid, the Ottoman Empire was on the brink of defeat.

This shifted the British government’s discussion from whether to increase aid to whether to join the war at all. After all, if the Ottoman Empire fell, Russia’s expansion in the Balkans would be unstoppable.

Chapter 228: The Anglo-Austrian Alliance

The British Empire’s famous residence at 10 Downing Street.

This was originally the residence of the British Cabinet’s Minister of Finance, but after the position was customarily held concurrently by the Prime Minister, 10 Downing Street became the recognized residence of the British Prime Minister.

The current Prime Minister of the British Empire, Benjamin Disraeli, resided at 10 Downing Street, and the surrounding houses were also home to high-ranking officials of the British Cabinet.

Inside the residence’s meeting room, the British cabinet ministers had all gathered. With a grim expression, Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli scanned the room before speaking: “Gentlemen, let’s hear your thoughts. How should we handle the war in the Balkan Peninsula?”

In the three years since Benjamin Disraeli took office as Prime Minister, he had vigorously pursued a policy of foreign aggression and colonial expansion, making the British colonial empire more prosperous and powerful.

It was precisely because of his strategy of colonial expansion that the British kept a tight grip on the situation in the Balkan Peninsula, which was also a major reason for Britain’s focus on the region.

The Ottoman Empire was now on the brink of collapse. If Britain did not send troops to support them, the war would likely be over within a few months.

This was unacceptable for the British Empire. If Russia were allowed to control Constantinople and the Sea of Marmara, its Black Sea Fleet could easily reach the Mediterranean.

This would further strengthen Russia’s power in Central Asia, something the British could absolutely not accept.

The acting Foreign Secretary, the Earl of Derby, was the first to stand. He looked at Benjamin Disraeli and said, “The Ottoman Empire has informed us that if we cannot send troops to support them within a month, they will initiate negotiations with Russia.”

Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli nodded, his expression unchanged. The situation in the Balkan Peninsula was already quite clear. If the British did not staunchly support the Ottoman Empire, defeat was indeed the only outcome for the Ottomans.

Surrendering and entering negotiations early would allow them to preserve more territory. If they dragged it out until the Ottoman army completely collapsed, the Ottoman Empire would become a lamb to the slaughter.

“What is the Ministry of War’s opinion? If we were to intervene in the Balkan War, could the Ministry of War win an engagement with Russia?” Benjamin Disraeli directed his gaze to the British Minister of War and posed his question.

To stop Russia’s advance, a direct confrontation on land was inevitable, unless Britain could rally other nations to apply pressure together. Otherwise, Russia would not back down before Britain alone.

“According to the intelligence we have, Russia currently has over three hundred and fifty thousand troops in the Balkan Peninsula, and that number is continuously increasing.

If we want to repel the Russian offensive, we would need to assemble an army of at least two hundred thousand, and we would also require naval coordination,” the Minister of War replied.

Although Russia’s military equipment was inferior, they had already gained the upper hand in the war. It would be very difficult for Britain to halt the advance of the Russian army, let alone fighting in a foreign land.

“Mr. Prime Minister, I believe that to halt the Russian advance, we must deepen our cooperation with the Austrians,” the Foreign Secretary, the Earl of Derby, stood up again to say. “The Austrians possess a powerful land army; they can confront Russia on the ground.

At the same time, the Austrians will also be worried about Russian expansion in the Balkan Peninsula, so I’m confident they will be interested in our proposal.

For us, as long as we can prevent Russia from swallowing the Balkan Peninsula whole and ensure the security of Constantinople and its surrounding lands, our objectives will be met.

We could even use an alliance with the Austro-Hungarian Empire to make the Balkan Peninsula more chaotic, letting the Austrians and Russians compete amongst themselves.”

Benjamin Disraeli nodded. The British government’s foreign policy was centered around regional balance, and right now, only the Austro-Hungarian Empire could counterbalance Russia in the Balkan Peninsula.

Moreover, there were no major conflicts between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Britain, making them a suitable target for an alliance.

Furthermore, creating competition between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia in the Balkans could also break up the League of the Three Emperors between Germany, Russia, and Austria.

The League of the Three Emperors posed a considerable threat to Britain. If it could be dismantled, the British government would be more than happy to see it happen.

“Then contact the Austrians. If they too do not wish to see Russia monopolize the Balkan Peninsula, we are willing to help them repel the Russian offensive together,” Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli said with a smile.

From then on, the eyes of both the Ottoman Empire and the British Empire were fixed on the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Meanwhile, in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Franz Joseph I was also holding an urgent meeting.

“The Russians have already deployed more than five hundred thousand troops, and their forces on the Balkan front continue to grow. It seems the Russians are determined to defeat the Ottoman Empire in this war,” said the Austro-Hungarian Emperor, Franz Joseph I, his expression calm.

“Your Majesty, if the Russians achieve a total victory in this war, I fear they will not easily hand over Bosnia and Serbia to us,” said Count Gyula Andrássy, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Secretary who was also Chairman of the Council of Ministers and held prime ministerial power.

Since the formation of the Dual Monarchy, the Cabinet of the Austro-Hungarian Empire had been somewhat peculiar. The power of the Prime Minister was completely dispersed. The Austro-Hungarian Foreign Secretary, as Chairman of the Council of Ministers, was the theoretical Prime Minister of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

But as constituent parts of the empire, Austria and Hungary each had their own prime ministers, and even their own Austrian Imperial government and Hungarian Royal government.

This demonstrates the problem facing the Austro-Hungarian Empire: the imperial government’s control over Hungary was completely inadequate.

In times of peace, this problem could be masked. But during war or other special circumstances, the imperial government’s lack of control over Hungary would ultimately lead to the disintegration of this unique Dual Monarchy.

Emperor Franz Joseph I nodded, agreeing that the Russians were unlikely to so easily honor their promises.

Although a nation’s credibility was important, if it meant sacrificing the two crucial regions of Bosnia and Serbia, he believed any country would carefully weigh the gains and losses.

The reason the Austro-Hungarian Empire had agreed to remain neutral in the war was not only because Russia had Germany’s support, but also, importantly, because the Ottoman Empire had British aid.

Franz Joseph I had originally thought that with British help, even if the Ottoman Empire could not win the war, it could at least drag Russia into a deep war of attrition.

But unexpectedly, after running into trouble at the fortress of Pleven, the Russians had quickly regrouped and driven the Ottoman army all the way to the vicinity of Plovdiv.

With this, the situation in the Balkan Peninsula was set for a massive change, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which had been watching the tigers fight from afar, finally grew anxious.

“What is the British government’s position? With the Ottoman Empire defeated in this war, the British surely won’t remain indifferent,” Franz Joseph I inquired.

If possible, he did not want to face the Russians alone. Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire was one of Europe’s five traditional great powers, after losing the competition with Prussia, Austria had become the weakest of them.

They could fight the Russians, but the potential losses were enough to make Franz Joseph I think twice.

“The British have temporarily—” Foreign Secretary Count Gyula Andrássy had not finished speaking when a knock came from outside the meeting room door.

All eyes immediately turned to the door. After it opened, the Royal Palace steward and the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs waited respectfully at the entrance.

“What is it?” Franz Joseph I asked.

“Your Majesty, Ministers. A short while ago, a telegram arrived from the British government. They ask if we are willing to mobilize our army to intervene in Russia’s war and have stated they will deploy their navy and army to assist our intervention.

As long as we are willing to commit troops to intervene in the Russian offensive and ensure the Russians do not set foot in Constantinople, the British are willing to let us take the region of Bosnia and Herzegovina,” the Deputy Foreign Minister said respectfully.

Franz Joseph I immediately stood up, his eyes filled with excitement, and asked, “Do you have the original telegram?”

“I have brought it, Your Majesty,” the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs replied, respectfully handing over the original telegram and waiting quietly for Franz Joseph I’s decision.

“Your news is very timely. This will change our foreign policy,” Franz Joseph I said, looking at the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs with a satisfied smile after reading the entire telegram.

“Since the original telegram has been delivered, I will take my leave,” the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs said perceptively, not lingering at the meeting.

After the door closed again, the Council of Ministers of the Austro-Hungarian Empire resumed.

Franz Joseph I let out a sigh of relief and ordered a guard to pass the telegram to all the cabinet ministers for them to read.

“Let’s hear your thoughts. Should we accept the British request and send our army to intervene in the Russian offensive?” Franz Joseph I asked.

After reading the telegram, the various cabinet ministers all fell into deep thought.

Foreign Secretary Count Gyula Andrássy was the first to speak: “If the British are truly willing to deploy the Royal Fleet, I believe this is an excellent opportunity.

The British do not want Russia to control Constantinople. To ensure the city’s safety, they are of course willing to offer the region of Bosnia and Herzegovina as compensation.

With British help, the Russians will not pose too great a threat to us. Once we control Bosnia and Herzegovina, we can still infiltrate Serbia, and even influence Montenegro further south.

To protect Constantinople, the British will certainly not allow the Russians to acquire Bulgaria. In that case, we get Bosnia and Herzegovina, Russia gets Romania, and we remain on the same starting line.”

Before the other cabinet ministers could react, the current Hungarian Prime Minister, Tisza Kálmán, could no longer sit still. He quickly stood up and said, “Your Majesty, I believe we should consider this with great caution.

If we offend the Russians, our borders will face immense risk. The Russians can mobilize an army of over a million at any time. Even if we can resist their attack, it will devastate our agricultural production and economy.”

The Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia were neighbors, and the adjacent region was precisely northern Hungary’s Galicia and Lodomeria.

If conflict erupted between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia, the Russian army would very likely attack Hungary from the direction of Galicia and Romania.

Austria was further west; the Russian army would only have a chance to attack Austrian lands after conquering all of Hungary.

This was extremely disadvantageous for the Hungarians. If a conflict broke out between Austria-Hungary and Russia, Hungary would become the front line.

The Hungarians were not so foolish. While they were happy for the Empire to occupy Bosnia, they were one hundred percent against it if it meant putting the Hungarian homeland in peril.

“Hmph! Do you think only Russia can mobilize a million troops?” The current Austrian Prime Minister, Prince Adolf von Auersperg, snorted coldly, directly refuting Hungarian Prime Minister Tisza Kálmán’s point. ”

We too can mobilize a million troops, not to mention that we have British support. The British Royal Fleet can enter the Black Sea at any time and threaten Russia’s port cities.

If Russia does not wish to repeat its defeat in the last Crimean War, they will surely compromise with us.

Of course, we are not afraid of a war with Russia either. If we can completely defeat the Russian offensive, the Balkan Peninsula will be ours to control.

At that point, we would gain not just Bosnia and Herzegovina; perhaps Serbia could also fall into our hands.

After acquiring these lands, the Empire’s power will increase dramatically. We will once again become a great power capable of contending with Britain, France, and Germany.”

The conflicting views of the Austrian and Hungarian prime ministers actually represented the dire situation of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Although the empire was composed of the Austrian Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary, this did not mean the governments of the two countries would reach a unified opinion.

Because of this, the Austro-Hungarian Empire faced many restrictions when issuing decrees. Imperial decrees could only effectively influence regions like Bohemia, Austria, Croatia, and Dalmatia, while the Kingdom of Hungary would be selective in its implementation.

And yet, there was nothing the Austro-Hungarian Empire could do about it. The Kingdom of Hungary was the empire’s vital breadbasket, and its peasants and noblemen wielded immense influence.

Hearing the utterly blunt rebuttal from the Austrian Prime Minister, Prince Adolf von Auersperg, Hungarian Prime Minister Tisza Kálmán’s face turned shades of green and white. In the end, he just gave a cold snort and said no more.

“Alright, since you each have your own arguments, why don’t we put it to a vote,” Franz Joseph I said, breaking the awkward atmosphere in the meeting room.

As the founder of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Franz Joseph I enjoyed tremendous prestige in both Austria and Hungary.

It was no exaggeration to say that Franz Joseph I’s importance to the Austro-Hungarian Empire was irreplaceable. Half the reason the empire remained closely bound together was due to the trust placed in his immense prestige.

Since Franz Joseph I had decided to let all the ministers vote, the others naturally would not raise any objections.

In the end, the majority voted in favor of intervening against the Russian offensive, and thus the Austro-Hungarian Empire decided to intervene.

But before intervening, some diplomatic preparations were necessary.

“Let’s begin mobilizing our army,” Franz Joseph I commanded after the vote. “We must contact the British again to ensure they will truly deploy their navy.

Also, if we can compel the Russians to halt their offensive through diplomatic means, that would be an even better outcome. If we can avoid a war with the Russians, it will spare us from greater casualties.”

Franz Joseph I slowly issued his orders, and the ministers in the room listened intently with extremely serious expressions.

“Right, let’s not forget our ally, Spain,” Franz Joseph I said with a smile, as if suddenly remembering something. “Having the support of one more ally on the diplomatic front gives us a greater chance of success.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs must remember to contact Spain. If Spain can stand with us, the combined diplomatic pressure from us, Spain, and Britain will surely make the Russians take notice.

Even if Spain is unwilling to join the war, their diplomatic support is very important to us. Besides, Spain’s military industry has also developed quite well. It seems those military experts of ours are in no hurry to return.

If war does break out, Spain may be our main source for purchasing weapons.”

Before being excluded from the German lands, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had many allies, most of them states in Southern Germany.

But after the establishment of the German Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was left with only three allies: its partners in the League of the Three Emperors, Germany and Russia, and Spain.

Russia was its main competitor in the Balkan Peninsula and its wartime target, so that was out of the question. Germany remained neutral in the conflict between Russia and Austria, and in this war, it leaned towards Russia, so it was clearly unreliable.

Only Spain, the weakest of them, was currently the most dependable ally, although it was highly unlikely that Spain would join the war.

Hearing Emperor Franz Joseph I’s instructions, Foreign Secretary Count Gyula Andrássy nodded respectfully, indicating he understood.

“Additionally, if the Russian offensive truly proves unstoppable, then our army is to enter the region of Bosnia and Herzegovina directly and occupy it entirely before the Russian army arrives.

In any case, the Russians previously promised us the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. As long as we make it a de facto reality, they have no grounds to object.

In short, no matter which path we choose, we must be one of the beneficiaries of this war. Is everyone clear?” Franz Joseph I continued his arrangements with a smile.

For the wily and calculating Franz Joseph I, he had long anticipated that the Russians would not keep their word, even before reaching an agreement with them.

But that didn’t matter. The Austro-Hungarian Empire would forcibly bring about the outcome previously agreed upon with Russia. In any case, the main forces of both Russia and the Ottoman Empire were currently in the Bulgaria region, so Russia had no time to spare for Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Regardless of whether the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Britain could halt the Russian offensive, as long as Austria-Hungary could secure its occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Franz Joseph I’s objective would be accomplished.

Chapter 229: The Medal of the Royal Bullfighter

As a partner to both sides of the Russo-Turkish War, Spain naturally received news as soon as the war situation changed.

Although Carlo knew the Russians would ultimately win the Russo-Turkish War, he hadn’t expected them to gain such a massive advantage so quickly after the initial stalemate.

Fortunately, Spain had already signed arms trade treaties with both Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Even if the war ended now, Spain had already earned a substantial amount of money.

Since the arms trade with Russia began, Spain had brought in thirty thousand Russian immigrants. Half of them remained in mainland Spain, where they were settled in the Catalonia and Andalusia regions, while the rest were transported to the various colonies.

Of these, the Congo Territory received over three thousand Russian immigrants, bringing its resident population to more than five thousand people.

Of course, this was only counting the European population. If one were to include the local indigenous people, the population of the Congo Territory would be a staggering figure, at least in the millions.

Although Spain’s development strategy in the Congo Territory wasn’t particularly harsh, the local indigenous population had decreased by as much as one hundred thousand since the territory’s establishment.

A large portion of these indigenous people had perished while building Spain’s railways, while others had died on the plantations.

The loss of one hundred thousand people meant little to Spain; after all, the African continent had an inexhaustible supply of natives. The sacrifice of these hundred thousand was considered worthwhile. The Congo Territory was currently developing at a remarkable pace, with plantations being established one after another on the plateau upstream of the Congo River, and the railway network was now largely complete and operational.

Just as Carlo was lamenting the inability to acquire a large labor force from Russia, the diplomatic service received a request from the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Foreign Secretary Marquis of Everton urgently sought out Carlo to report the news.

“The Austro-Hungarian Empire is requesting our diplomatic support?” Carlo expressed his approval without much hesitation, saying with a smile, “Tell the Austrians that this is our obligation and responsibility as an ally.

“But don’t forget to remind them that Spain is a weakened nation. The economic crisis has thrown our industry and economy into chaos, and Spain is in no position to participate in a war on the Balkan Peninsula.”

Carlo’s stance was clear: diplomatic support for the Austro-Hungarian Empire was acceptable, but joining the war was out of the question.

After all, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was the most powerful ally Spain could currently rely on, so providing diplomatic support was a simple matter.

But war was unthinkable. If a war were to actually break out between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia, Spain would be utterly powerless to influence the outcome.

Wars between nations of this caliber involved armies numbering in the millions. What could Spain’s army of one hundred and fifty thousand do? At most, it could participate in a single battle, and even a minor loss would be a crippling blow to Spain. Joining the war would bring far more losses than gains.

“The Russians are victorious, and now the Austrians are getting anxious,” Carlo said after a moment of thought. “But this doesn’t quite seem like Franz Joseph I’s style, unless the Austro-Hungarian Empire has other backing.

“Your Ministry of Foreign Affairs should closely monitor the movements of the British and Austro-Hungarian diplomatic services. See if the British have aligned themselves with the Austro-Hungarian Empire,” Carlo instructed.

“If Britain sides with the Austro-Hungarian Empire for the security of Constantinople, then the situation in the Balkans is about to get very interesting.

“However, this isn’t necessarily a bad thing for us. The more chaotic the situation in the Balkans becomes, the less likely we are to attract the attention of the other great powers.”

The Foreign Secretary, Marquis of Everton, nodded to show he understood.

Events unfolded just as Carlo had predicted. It was not only the Austro-Hungarian Empire that intended to halt the Russian advance; the British had the same idea.

Just a day later, astonishing news came from the Russo-Turkish War: a small British Royal Fleet had appeared in the Sea of Marmara.

Although this squadron was not the main force of the Royal Fleet, it was enough to demonstrate the British government’s position: for the security of Constantinople, they would not hesitate to go to war with the Russian government.

At that time, over two hundred thousand Russian troops were laying siege to the Plovdiv fortress. However, upon learning of the British fleet’s appearance in the Sea of Marmara, the Russians ultimately slowed their offensive.

Seeing that a swift occupation of Constantinople was no longer possible, Russia planned to achieve its strategic objectives through diplomacy instead.

Since the warring parties were Russia and the Ottoman Empire, Russia could still end the war simply by signing a treaty with the Ottomans.

This was bad news for Spain. With the Russian army slowing its offensive, the consumption of weapons and ammunition on the front lines dropped significantly.

It was no longer possible for Spain to acquire large amounts of gold and mineral resources through the arms trade, as neither side had any intention of expanding the scale of the battlefield at this point.

Seeing that the situation in the Balkan Peninsula was unlikely to descend into chaos, Carlo turned his focus back to domestic affairs in Spain.

As November 1877 arrived, the national bullfighting event organized and hosted by Carlo finally came to an end.

This grand event captured the attention of tens of millions of people across Spain and also stimulated the economic development of the various regions and the area around Madrid.

Detailed economic data from the regions was not yet available, but during the second round of the competition held in Madrid from August to October, the city’s major bullrings were almost always packed to capacity.

Although there was no overall data for all industries, the fast-food company Carlo had previously founded saw its sales nearly double during those three months from August to October.

Ticket sales at the various bullrings also represented a colossal sum. Taking Madrid’s largest venue, Lealtad Square, as an example, ticket prices for the second round of bullfights—being the finals—were much higher than in the first round.

The first round was merely the preliminary competition in each region, aimed at selecting the best bullfighters to come to Madrid for the second-round finals.

The lowest ticket price for the second-round bullfights at Lealtad Square was 0.35 pesetas, and that was for the very remote seats.

Tickets for mid-range seats were already upwards of 0.65 pesetas, while those with the best views commanded prices of over 1.5 pesetas and were still in high demand.

During the three-month final period from August to October, Lealtad Square hosted at least three bullfights every week, and every single one was a sell-out.

Lealtad Square alone, with a capacity for only 3,500 spectators, sold over one hundred and fifty thousand tickets during the three-month finals, with ticket revenue approaching one hundred thousand pesetas.

One Lealtad Square was certainly not enough to meet the demand for the finals. In fact, during the three-month period, more than a dozen bullrings around Madrid with seating capacities of over two thousand were put into use. The total ticket revenue for these three months reached hundreds of thousands of pesetas, not to mention other revenue streams for the bullrings, such as partnerships with beverage and food companies.

In fact, it wasn’t just Carlo’s fast-food company that doubled its sales thanks to the bullfighting event; the Coca-Cola Company in Madrid more than doubled its sales as well.

This was especially true in August and September, when the climate in Madrid was still relatively hot. A cold cola was incredibly refreshing in the heat, and its low price made it a popular choice, causing Coca-Cola’s sales to nearly triple during those two months.

However, since the beginning of October, cola sales began to gradually decline. This was unavoidable. An iced cola could retain its carbonation, but if it were heated, the gas would escape, and the cola would lose its soul.

Naturally, not many people drank iced cola in the winter, which meant sales would continue to fall, only to reach new highs again the following summer.

All things considered, hosting this bullfighting competition had yielded great returns.

According to statistics from the various bullrings, at least three million people across Spain had watched a bullfight, which was an enormous number.

At least half of all Spaniards were following the events, and some of the outstanding bullfighters earned the love and admiration of the public.

Each region took pride in producing a talented bullfighter, and the gathering of these masters in Madrid for the second-round finals ignited a passion for tourism and consumption in the capital among people from all over Spain.

The performance of Carlo’s own fast-food and beverage companies demonstrated just how staggeringly powerful the economic stimulus of such a nationally watched, grand bullfighting competition could be.

If only GDP statistics existed in this era, Spain’s GDP growth for the year would have undoubtedly hit a new high.

It is worth mentioning that as the popularity of the bullfighting competition grew, the second-round finals in the last few months also attracted the attention of many foreign tourists.

According to government statistics, in the three months from August to October, at least thirty thousand foreign tourists came to Madrid to watch Spain’s bullfights.

Of these thirty thousand foreign tourists, over ten thousand were Portuguese, a feat made possible by the railway connection between Portugal and Spain.

The majority of the remainder were Italians and French, as Italy and France were, after Portugal, the closest European countries to Spain.

What pleased Carlo most was that while the bullfighting competition attracted a large number of Spaniards, it also drew the attention of many Portuguese.

The Portuguese and the Spanish are very similar; the differences in both language and religious culture are not significant.

Spain has a bullfighting culture, and so does Portugal.

However, compared to Spain, where bullfighting culture is prevalent, it is less so in Portugal, with competitions held for only two or three months out of the year.

Furthermore, the Portuguese government did little to praise or promote bullfighting, which has kept their bullfighting culture relatively obscure.

In contrast, the Spanish government treated the national bullfighting competition organized by Carlo with the utmost importance.

The power of public opinion controlled by the royal family and the government was used to extensively promote this year’s competition, ensuring that nearly half of all Spaniards knew about it.

Due to the close ties between Portugal and Spain, the Portuguese naturally learned of this news as well and were quite curious about Spain’s bullfighting competition.

Although Carlo had no immediate plans to annex Portugal, it was impossible to say he had no ambition for a tempting prize right on his doorstep.

Since the bullfighting competition could attract the attention of the Portuguese, Carlo intended to push even harder for its prevalence on the Iberian Peninsula.

He would use bullfighting to attract Portuguese tourists and strengthen the economic and cultural exchange between Portugal and Spain. After all, there was no significant language barrier between the two countries; the Portuguese could even understand what the Spanish were saying without learning their language.

By strengthening economic and cultural ties, he could gradually influence the entire Portuguese population, making them less hostile towards Spain, which would in turn increase the possibility of Portugal’s unification with Spain.

As for the domestic situation in Portugal, it was much worse than Spain’s current state. If he could wait for a period of chaos in Portugal and achieve unification through peaceful means, it would naturally be the best possible outcome.

Even if Portugal could not be unified with Spain peacefully, it could still influence a portion of the Portuguese people, making them not opposed to joining Spain.

Under the influence of this public sentiment, Spain’s expansion into Portugal would become more legitimate and reasonable, and it would encounter less resistance from the Portuguese after annexation.

In truth, the bullfighting competition had largely concluded by mid-to-late October. After several rounds of intense competition, Spain’s most outstanding bullfighter was finally selected.

Of course, in addition to the first-place winner, the top ten bullfighters in the country, and even the top ten in each region, would receive cash prizes of varying amounts.

But only the first-place bullfighter would receive the honor of a personal audience with Carlo and be awarded the title of Royal Bullfighter of Spain.

The title of Royal Bullfighter was bestowed upon only one person each year, making it a title of considerable prestige.

After all, to earn the title of Royal Bullfighter, one had to emerge victorious through round after round of bullfights from among a vast number of contestants across Spain. The difficulty of such a feat was by no means small.

Bullfighting was no mere entertainment; it was an incredibly bloody and highly dangerous challenge. Even the most skilled bullfighter dared not show the slightest disregard for a powerful, sturdy bull.

The bullfighting competition was a tremendous success, but it also saw a large number of casualties.

According to statistics from the various regions, over a thousand bullfighters participated in this year’s competition across Spain, but only a little over one hundred made it to the second round in Madrid.

Across both rounds of competition, hundreds were injured. Among them, more than ten bullfighters died on the spot in the bullring from massive injuries inflicted by the bulls, and dozens more died from severe injuries and subsequent infections.

As Spain’s bullfighting competitions become more popular, hundreds of people will likely lose their lives in them every year.

This was a shocking number and a testament to the high risk of the activity.

But compared to the benefits brought by the bullfighting competition, the loss of a few hundred lives was acceptable to Spain.

Bullfighters took on immense risks to participate, but success also brought immense rewards.

The checks received by the top ten bullfighters in each region started at a minimum of 300 pesetas, with some more prosperous regions offering checks as high as 500 pesetas. This was more than three times the annual income of an ordinary Spaniard.

As for the top ten winners of the second round, they received checks for at least 1,000 pesetas, while the first-prize check was for a staggering 2,600 pesetas—twenty times the average annual income in Spain.

What attracted the bullfighters, aside from the generous cash prizes, was the love and adulation of the entire Spanish nation.

After more than half a year of public promotion, the Spanish people had come to admire and praise the brave and fearless spirit of the bullfighters, who were now the most beloved heroes in Spain.

During the competition, several newspaper companies also published small, illustrated booklets about the bullfights, vividly telling the stories of various bullfighters and helping even more Spaniards learn about and follow the event.

Judging by the effects so far, Carlo’s plan to use bullfighting to cultivate a brave and combative trait in the Spanish character was a resounding success.

Under this influence, the formation of the Spanish reserves was also proceeding smoothly. The populace seemed unafraid of death, at least not the kind of death that came from sacrificing oneself for the country.

In fact, it wasn’t just the reserves; some Senators were already proposing an expansion of Spain’s army to restore its armed forces to a first-rate European level.

Unfortunately, this proposal was ultimately rejected, as Spain did not require a larger standing army at present; it would only create a greater financial burden.

But in any case, the braver and more fearless the Spanish people became, the stronger the combat effectiveness of the Spanish army would be. That was an unchangeable fact.

Carlo looked forward even more to the future performance of the Spanish army in war. If this trend continued, the Spanish army would evolve into an elite force with formidable fighting strength, perhaps even capable of going toe-to-toe with the German army one day.

Of course, this was assuming that the Spanish army’s numbers and weaponry were all brought up to standard. If its numbers were insufficient and its equipment outdated, then forget going toe-to-toe with Germany; clashing with any of the great powers would be enough to inflict a crippling blow on Spain.

In early November 1877, Carlo granted an audience to the sole bullfighter who had emerged victorious after multiple rounds of competition, Sebastian Sharpe, and bestowed upon him the Medal and title of Royal Bullfighter.

This Medal of the Royal Bullfighter had no practical function other than to certify the holder’s status. However, as the very first bullfighter’s medal awarded in the inaugural competition, it held a certain commemorative value and significance.

At the very least, Sebastian Sharpe himself was overjoyed and deeply moved upon receiving the medal, especially since it was personally awarded and pinned on him by Carlo himself.

Chapter 230: Major Military Expansion in the Congo Territory

News and photographs of Carlo personally receiving Sebastian Sharpe, the winner of the bullfighting competition, were reprinted by major newspaper companies, becoming the hottest news in Spain in November 1877.

Sebastian Sharpe himself attained the highest honor, hailed as the most skilled bullfighter in Spain. He became an idol in the hearts of many young Spaniards and captured the affection of countless young Spanish women.

This also made many other bullfighters extremely envious. They all secretly resolved to achieve better results in the new year’s bullfighting competition, to replace Sebastian Sharpe and become the nation’s celebrated hero.

However, Carlo had no time to spare for such matters. In the middle and latter parts of November 1877, bad news arrived from the Congo Territory: some of the plantations established by Spain in the territory had been looted by local native forces.

The Congo Territory created by Spain was vast, covering at least several hundred thousand square kilometers. Since no great powers had penetrated deep into the African interior for colonization, Spain could occupy this land with impunity.

Of course, this unrestrained occupation was not without its costs. Spain’s current control over the Congo Territory was not strong. The only areas under effective management were the Guinea-Congo corridor along the railway and several dozen colonial settlements upstream.

The combined area of these settlements was just over ten thousand square kilometers, currently inhabited by fewer than ten thousand people.

Beyond these colonial settlements lived at least several million local natives. When the settlements were first established, relations between the colonists and the local natives were relatively friendly.

The settlements could even trade for food from local native tribes, which was a key reason why so many colonies could be established during the early period of material scarcity.

After the railway was connected, the Spanish settlements naturally no longer needed to trade with the natives for grain. On the contrary, whether for building the railway, developing the colony, or establishing plantations, a large amount of native labor was required.

This quickly soured the relationship between Spain and the local natives. The relationship rapidly shifted from friendly trade to hostility, and conflicts of various sizes broke out.

Fortunately, Spain had long since dispatched a colonial garrison regiment to the Congo Territory, which had ensured that no major crises had occurred until now.

But a Spanish colonial garrison regiment consisted of only 2,300 men, and more than half of its soldiers were recruited from the natives of various colonies.

This meant the combat effectiveness of the colonial garrison regiment was not high; it could only barely maintain stability in the colony.

If the Congo Territory had remained at its current size, this colonial garrison regiment might have been adequate for its protection. But the territory was constantly expanding, partly to compete with Portugal over the scale of the Congo colony.

Portugal’s colonization of the Congo had been underway for over a century, and they had achieved considerable success.

The purpose of Spain’s large-scale development of the Congo colony was precisely to gain complete control of the lower Congo River Basin before Portugal, thereby securing a sea outlet for the territory.

The importance of a sea outlet to a colony goes without saying. At present, international trade is conducted almost entirely by sea, as the transport capacity of land-based trains is extremely limited.

If they could control the lower Congo River, giving the Congo Territory a sea outlet, the colony’s development would enter a golden age.

Moreover, Portugal was the only rival in the colonization of the Congo region. This had made the Spanish government quite reckless in its expansion of the Congo Territory, which had now grown to at least 300,000 square kilometers.

The rapid expansion of the Congo Territory was certainly good news, but it was accompanied by numerous problems.

Foremost among these was the security of the Congo Territory. The entire territory currently had a population of just over ten thousand, most of whom were immigrants transported from Russia.

Meanwhile, the native population of the Congo Territory numbered in the millions, posing a significant threat to the colony’s security.

More importantly, this land was inhabited by a wide variety of native peoples who were in competition with one another, making administration exceptionally difficult.

To the east of Spain’s Guinea colony was the territory of the Baka people, and to the east of the Baka were the Zande people. South of the Baka and Zande was Spain’s Congo Territory. South of the Congo Territory was the land of the Bantu people, and to the east were several native kingdoms that had existed for centuries.

In the lower Congo River, there were also numerous native states, including Anziku, Loango, Ngoyo, Orungu, and Congo.

The large number of native states and tribes made the order around the Congo Territory exceptionally chaotic, so it was not surprising that some natives who hated the colonizers would take advantage of the chaos to raid plantations.

The moment he learned that some plantations in the Congo Territory had been plundered, Carlo immediately issued an order demanding that the territory form a larger military force to protect its security. He appointed Manuel Macías y Casado, commander of the garrison regiment stationed in the territory, as Commander-in-Chief of the Congo Garrison, promoting him from colonel to major general.

Carlo had been actively cultivating Spanish-born officers, and Manuel Macías y Casado was a particularly outstanding example.

As the commander of the colonial garrison regiment stationed in the Congo Territory, Manuel Macías y Casado shouldered immense responsibility.

He had also made significant contributions to the development of the Congo Territory, having been promoted to the rank of colonel by Carlo just last year.

Since the Congo Territory needed a larger army, Manuel Macías y Casado was the natural choice to command this newly expanded force.

As a 32-year-old major general, his future military career was certain to be glorious and brilliant. Even without any distinguished achievements or contributions, seniority alone would be enough for Manuel Macías y Casado to rise to the rank of Lieutenant General.

As for the higher rank of Marshal, in addition to seniority, his ability and loyalty would also be considered. Of course, in terms of loyalty, Manuel Macías y Casado was undoubtedly trustworthy.

Although Carlo was keen on cultivating native Spanish officers, he always considered their loyalty. He would never invest so heavily in someone unless he was certain of their loyalty to him.

Receiving such strong support from Carlo proved one thing: after investigation by the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, it was confirmed that the loyalty of Manuel Macías y Casado and his family to Carlo and the royal family was sufficient.

Of course, after the expansion of the garrison in the Congo Territory, it would be unrealistic for Manuel Macías y Casado to control the troops all by himself.

After all, the Congo Territory was a vast region already approaching one million square kilometers, and its area was set to grow continuously.

The territory’s garrison would also need to be dispersed across various locations to better ensure that the scattered colonial settlements were well-protected.

In Carlo’s plan, the garrison in the Congo Territory would be increased to the size of a full colonial garrison division, with a strength of about 20,000 men.

Because colonial garrison units were equipped with very few artillery pieces, their firepower could only be increased by raising their numbers.

Considering the millions of people in the Congo Territory and the troops that could be drawn from the nearby Guinea colony, forming a garrison force of around 20,000 was quite feasible.

If that wasn’t enough, they could also draw manpower from the colony of Southern Morocco or the Philippines colony. In any case, many Moroccans were clamoring to obtain Spanish citizenship, and this was an excellent opportunity for them to demonstrate their loyalty to Spain by joining the colonial army.

A garrison of 20,000 men in the Congo Territory meant that, in addition to the Commander-in-Chief, who was also the divisional commander, a deputy divisional commander would be needed to assist in managing an army of over 20,000.

After some consideration, Carlo decided to promote Andrew to this position.

Andrew was one of the first loyalists to follow Carlo to Spain, a graduate of the Military Academy of Turin in Italy. He was originally the regimental commander of the 25th Infantry Regiment of the 6th Infantry Division of the Spanish Royal Army, and was later promoted by Carlo to head the military advisory group stationed in Lanfang.

Andrew had been in Lanfang for more than two years now, and his achievements were quite remarkable. With the help of the military advisory group, Lanfang had successfully established a new army of 20,000 men, equipped with rifles and a small amount of artillery from Spain.

Currently, the Lanfang Republic was arguably the third-largest military power on Kalimantan Island, second only to Spain and the Netherlands. Its 20,000-strong new army could easily crush the natives on the island.

It was precisely because the Lanfang Republic had trained this new army that the Dutch expansion in Kalimantan had become fraught with difficulties.

The Lanfang Republic not only maintained its existing territory but also established closer cooperation with some of the native tribes on Kalimantan.

The Chinese population of the Lanfang Republic was also steadily increasing, with hopes of raising it to over 600,000 before 1880.

The Lanfang Republic had officially signed a treaty with Spain, becoming a Spanish protectorate. The Lanfang Republic’s military and foreign affairs would be guided by Spain, but in return, Spain would protect the republic’s independence and pledged never to annex it.

Since the Lanfang Republic had nominally submitted to Dutch rule before, the Lanfang government did not hesitate at all regarding the protectorate status and the related treaty.

The current situation was clear: the Qing dynasty, whose banner they had flown, could not and would not help them.

The Lanfang Republic had no choice but to align with either the Netherlands or Spain to maintain its independence. Compared to the Netherlands, which had ambitions of annexing the republic, Spain’s terms were not as harsh.

Apart from following Spain’s guidance in foreign affairs, military matters, and trade, the Lanfang Republic would have complete control over its internal affairs. Spain would not interfere in its domestic governance.

For Spain, the 20,000-strong new army trained by the Lanfang Republic would also be a great asset.

Whether for dealing with rebellions by various native tribes in the Philippines or for defending against the Dutch and the British, this 20,000-man new army could play a very important role.

At the same time, an army of 20,000 was not strong enough to defeat the Dutch. This ensured that while the Lanfang Republic possessed a certain degree of strength, it would remain under Spanish control and not break free.

The situation on Kalimantan Island had now stabilized. Under Spain’s protection, the Dutch temporarily had no plans to invade the Lanfang Republic.

This gave Carlo the opportunity to rotate the members of the military advisory group stationed in the Lanfang Republic, allowing these military experts who had been stationed in the south for over two years to return to Spain for a rest and reunite with their families.

As the head of the military advisory group in Lanfang, Andrew had single-handedly directed the training of Lanfang’s new army.

In recognition of this achievement, Carlo decided to promote him to colonel in the Spanish Royal Army and appoint him as the deputy divisional commander of the Congo garrison division, to assist Manuel Macías y Casado in managing the troops in the Congo Territory.

Carlo’s orders were issued swiftly, but by the time Manuel Macías y Casado received the message, it was already the next day.

There was no helping it; information traveled slowly in this era. Manuel could receive the news a day later, but for Andrew, who was far away on Kalimantan Island, it would take at least several days.

Upon receiving the message, Manuel immediately convened a military meeting and announced Carlo’s order regarding the military expansion in the Congo Territory.

Even though more than half of this 20,000-man colonial garrison division would consist of native soldiers, forming an army of this size would still be quite difficult.

Fortunately, Spain could send a batch of officers from the mainland, which solved the officer problem for this rather large garrison division.

Troops could be temporarily recruited from the local natives in the Congo Territory, and some native soldiers could also be transported from the relatively close Guinea and Southern Morocco colonies.

Manuel naturally understood the reason for Carlo’s expansion order. The plundering of the plantations was something Spain would not tolerate. Whoever had raided Spain’s plantations must face Spanish retribution.

“The recent events have drawn the attention of His Majesty the King. We must find out who plundered the plantations in the shortest possible time and make them pay the price they deserve,” Manuel Macías y Casado declared, stating his demands at the outset of the military meeting.

Because of insufficient military strength, Manuel Macías y Casado had not shouldered excessive blame after the plantations were plundered.

But as the commander of the only garrison in the Congo Territory, it was impossible to say he was completely without responsibility.

Especially after learning that Carlo was now paying attention to the matter, Manuel Macías y Casado wanted to quickly identify the true culprits behind the scenes and bring them to justice to prove his competence to Carlo.

In addition to the commanders of the garrison regiment, some key officials from the colonial settlements also attended the military meeting.

After all, Manuel was there to announce Carlo’s orders, which would require the cooperation of the officials in the Congo Territory.

At the same time, these officials might offer perspectives that military officers hadn’t considered. As long as he could find the true culprit sooner, Manuel didn’t mind letting these officials share some of the credit.

“Your Excellency General, the ones with the power to raid our plantations are most likely some of the local native tribes, such as the Zande or the Baka.

Since we can’t find out exactly who raided the plantations, why don’t we treat them all the same and attack these native tribes simultaneously?

These natives surely know who the true culprits are. Unless they are willing to sacrifice themselves for the real perpetrators, I believe someone will tell us the truth after a few rounds of our attacks,” an official proposed.

Although the local natives of the Congo Territory were divided into different tribes and ethnic groups, they all had similarly dark skin.

For the Spaniards, it was truly difficult to distinguish which tribe or ethnic group they belonged to.

But this difficulty in differentiation was the best way to differentiate. Since they couldn’t tell which tribe they belonged to, they would just treat everyone as the culprits who plundered the plantations.

As the saying goes, it is better to kill a thousand by mistake than to let one guilty person escape. As long as they ensured that all large nearby native tribes were within the attack range of the Spanish army, they could be certain the culprits were among them.

As for the native tribes that were wrongly attacked, they could only blame their own bad luck.

If any native tribe wished to avoid being wrongly targeted, they would have to reveal the identity of the true culprit. Once the culprit was known, the rest would be easy.

Of course, if these natives refused to talk, there was an excellent way to deal with them. The construction of Spain’s colonies required a large amount of labor anyway, and they didn’t need to worry about the lives of these black laborers.

They could be shipped to Spain’s various colonies for construction work. After the work was done, Spain could simply abandon its helpers and slaughter them, solving the problem once and for all.

Hearing the official’s suggestion, Manuel’s eyes lit up. He said without hesitation, “That’s an excellent idea. Let’s try it this way for now.

The only problem is that our forces are too small. It seems we’ll have to borrow some troops from Southern Morocco and Guinea first.”

To attack several large native tribes simultaneously, they would need at least a few thousand men. The current Congo Territory had, at most, this single colonial garrison regiment of 2,300 men, clearly insufficient to attack several tribes at once.

Fortunately, the Guinea and Southern Morocco colonies were not too far from the Congo Territory. If they acted quickly, troops from the Guinea colony could even be transported to the Congo Territory within a few days, as the railway between Guinea and the Congo Territory had long been completed.

Chapter 231: Massacre of the Bangui Tribe

Following the Congo River northward, along a tributary called the Ubangi River, lay a stretch of highlands and plains not covered by the tropical rainforest.

This was already the northernmost part of the Congo Basin, as well as the northernmost edge of the rainforest. Any farther north was beyond the Congo River Basin. Being far from the rainforest, this region was more suitable for development than the Congo Basin to the south.

Through the railway connecting Guinea and the Congo Territory, Spain had occupied the largest plains and highland areas along the Ubangi River. However, due to a shortage of manpower, a large amount of land was still controlled by the natives, chief among them being the native tribes known as the Baka people.

After finalizing the plan for retaliation against the natives, Manuel Macías y Casado ordered the forces in the Congo Territory to assemble.

Although the colonial garrison regiment numbered only 2,300 men, it was more than enough to launch an attack on a single native tribe.

The native tribes had a larger population and could even form armies of several thousand or even tens of thousands. But these so-called armies had no power to resist the regular Spanish troops. To the Spanish army, native forces armed with cold weapons were nothing more than moving targets.

“This must be the largest settlement of the Baka people.” On a hill several kilometers from the Baka tribe’s settlement, Manuel’s adjutant reported while looking at a map.

Manuel nodded and asked calmly, “What is the population of this tribe?”

“According to the information we gathered from the explorers, the Baka tribe has a population of at least one hundred thousand,” the adjutant replied. “There are also many smaller villages in the vicinity that are vassals to the Baka tribe. The total population may be close to two hundred thousand.”

Manuel’s expression remained impassive as he nodded and gave the order, “Let’s move! It’s time to make these natives understand who the true masters of this land are.”

“Move out!” As orderlies relayed Manuel’s command to the various companies of the force, the Spanish army began to advance in a vast and mighty column.

Although most of the soldiers in Manuel’s colonial garrison regiment were natives themselves, they came from Southern Morocco and had no connection to the natives of the Congo Territory.

This was why Manuel, with only a single colonial garrison regiment at his disposal, had so resolutely initiated this punitive action. As long as the colonial garrison regiment followed his orders completely, these natives posed little threat to the Congo Territory.

Led by Spanish officers, the soldiers, composed of Moroccans, marched majestically down the hillside. Their target was the Baka settlement several kilometers away, a massive tribe called Bangui.

Because the Moroccans were white, this army appeared more like a regular European force and bore little resemblance to the colonial armies raised by the other great powers.

As they drew closer to the Baka tribe, the European army of more than two thousand men finally caught the attention of the natives.

Several native soldiers ran swiftly back into the settlement, apparently to sound the alarm. One native, clearly a leader, did not run back but instead slowly approached the Spanish army, chattering in a language they couldn’t understand.

Manuel stepped forward slowly. He couldn’t understand a single word the native was saying. Seeing Manuel’s frown, a colonial official responsible for translation hurried over and interpreted, “Your Excellency, General, he is asking our purpose for coming here.”

“Purpose?” Manuel sneered, his gaze falling contemptuously on the native. In an icy voice, he said, “Tell him that our plantation was raided a few days ago, and we have ample reason to suspect the Baka people were behind it.

If the Baka people cannot provide sufficient evidence to prove their innocence, we will retaliate with military force.

Tell him to inform his superiors. I will give them only two hours. They can either tell us which tribe planned the raid, or they can wait for our army’s attack.”

After the colonial official relayed Manuel’s words verbatim to the native, the man’s face filled with panic, and he fled back to the settlement in a frenzy.

At the same time, Manuel issued an order for the army to seal off the tribe’s several exits.

Although he had demanded the natives make a choice within two hours, Manuel clearly had no intention of waiting that long.

As his soldiers blocked the main exits of the settlement, Manuel issued a further command: to first sweep through the native villages near the Bangui tribe.

Because the surroundings were tropical rainforest, the villages around the Bangui tribe were relatively dense, and they were all medium to large-sized with substantial populations.

The smaller villages had populations in the hundreds, while the larger ones numbered in the thousands or even tens of thousands.

These people were all excellent laborers, and Manuel had no intention of letting them go. Regardless of what choice the Baka people ultimately made, Manuel would clear out all the surrounding native villages and transport these natives back to Spanish colonial outposts to serve as a labor force.

According to Spain’s previous colonial practices, the most valuable among the native population were the adult males. These male natives were a superior source of labor and could generate immense economic value, whether as miners or as slaves on plantations.

Less valuable were the adult female natives and younger children. They provided limited labor but could ensure the native population remained at a certain level, so they had some value.

Those of little to no value were the elderly natives. These natives could not contribute much, and Spain naturally had no need to waste food on them.

The Bangui tribe and its nearby villages had a population of about two hundred thousand, but the number of prime-age laborers was at most a little over one hundred thousand.

Including the children who had not yet grown up, the Congo Territory could absorb at most one hundred twenty to one hundred thirty thousand people. As for the rest of the natives, they were, naturally, the target of Manuel’s current operation.

The action against the Bangui tribe was not only to find the true culprits behind the scenes who had plundered the Spanish plantation but also to serve as an example—to kill a chicken to scare the monkeys—and make the natives around the Congo Territory understand who the master of this land truly was.

Only by thoroughly terrifying these surrounding natives could they ensure that similar attacks would not happen again. Of course, once the Congo Territory expanded its army, it would be nigh impossible for the natives to plot another attack anyway.

An army of twenty thousand would be enough to guarantee the security of the Congo Territory. Even if all the native tribes in the territory united, they could not possibly defeat twenty thousand soldiers armed with advanced rifles.

While Manuel launched his assault on the outlying native villages, a fierce debate was raging within the Bangui tribe among the Baka people.

After the native leader fled back into the settlement, he not only relayed Manuel’s original words to the tribal chief but also embellished them with his own additions, exaggerating Manuel’s threats.

This greatly angered the native tribe. It was their land that had been occupied, so how had the masters of the land become these outsiders?

After an hour of heated discussion, the tribe reached a unanimous decision: to summon the young men of the tribe and teach these overbearing European colonists a lesson.

The Bangui tribe had a population of over one hundred thousand, with many more native villages in the vicinity. All told, the native population was close to two hundred thousand, and they could easily mobilize tens of thousands of natives to resist these European colonists.

This was the source of the tribal chief’s confidence. The Bangui tribe was the largest native tribe within a radius of over one hundred kilometers, and it was, without a doubt, the largest tribe of the Baka people.

To find a native tribe in the Congo larger than Bangui, one would have to go farther south into the territory of the Kingdom of Kongo, or farther east to the Kalawi Kingdom and others.

But whether it was the Kingdom of Kongo or the Kalawi Kingdom, the entire Congo rainforest separated them from the Bangui tribe. Along the Ubangi River, the Bangui tribe was the most powerful native force, and they would not allow the European colonists to act so wantonly.

More than an hour later, Manuel’s patience was wearing thin.

He led his troops back to the entrance of the Bangui settlement. Looking at the enormous native tribe before him, he frowned and asked, “Has there been any movement from these black-skinned natives?”

“For the past hour, these black-skinned monkeys haven’t moved at all,” the adjutant replied, shaking his head. “But in the last few minutes, the settlement has descended into chaos.

They seem to be gathering people. I was just about to inform you, General.”

After all, it was a massive tribe with a population of one hundred thousand, its area larger than some Spanish cities.

The Bangui tribe could not hide its actions from the Spanish army outside. In the eyes of the Spanish army, their attempt to muster their forces was nothing short of suicidal.

“Since they have made their choice, we can only send them to see God.” Manuel smiled, unsurprised by the natives’ decision.

He raised his arm to look at his watch, then issued the order: “Attack. Send these damn natives to meet God.”

“Attack!” At Manuel’s command, the colonial garrison regiment, 2,300 strong, launched a massive assault on the Bangui tribe.

In order to wipe them all out in one fell swoop, Manuel had mobilized the entire colonial garrison regiment. During the regiment’s deployment, the security of the colonial outposts in the Congo Territory would be handled by the armed detachments of the original explorer teams.

Although these armed forces were not enough to protect all the colonial outposts in the Congo Territory, the colonial garrison regiment’s operation would not take very long.

If the operation went smoothly, it would basically take only one day to completely conquer the entire massive tribe.

Bang! Bang! Bang!

Boom! Bang!

The colonial garrison regiment was equipped with three artillery pieces, which were its only heavy firepower.

To conquer the Bangui tribe quickly, Manuel had brought all three cannons directly to the front line.

Attacking the tribe with only rifles would have been slow, and natives hiding in ambush could have caused injuries or even deaths among the soldiers.

But under the first round of artillery suppression, the natives quickly panicked and were unable to organize any threat to the Spanish army.

Although both the Bangui tribe and the downstream Kingdom of Kongo belonged to the Congo River Basin, they were completely different.

While the Kingdom of Kongo had been encroached upon by the Portuguese for hundreds of years, it had also acquired a certain amount of firearms through trade with the Europeans.

Though their weapons were not numerous, they knew the power of firearms.

The upstream Bangui tribe, however, was different. Due to its location on the upper reaches of the Congo River, they had been in a state of extreme isolation before the Spanish established their colonial outposts.

These tribes had never encountered firearms, let alone experienced the awesome power of artillery. This gave them immense confidence, believing they could teach the Spanish a lesson by organizing an army of tens of thousands.

But what they didn’t know was that in the face of firearms, army size was merely a simple casualty count. Until the Spanish army ran out of weapons and ammunition, the native army they organized was nothing more than a collection of lively targets.

More importantly, because Manuel had acted preemptively, the Bangui tribe had not had time to fully organize its forces.

A tribe of one hundred thousand people occupied a vast area, and mobilizing all the able-bodied men of the entire tribe required a great deal of time.

Communication among the natives was almost entirely dependent on runners. After the Spanish army launched its attack, the Bangui tribe’s communication system was virtually paralyzed, and their forces could not be assembled.

In fact, forget organizing troops; after being bombarded by a few rounds of Spanish artillery shells, the natives were on the verge of a mental breakdown.

They had no idea where these powerful projectiles were coming from, only that if a shell landed nearby, not only would they be blown to pieces, but their houses would be as well.

The houses in these native tribes all had one thing in common: they were flammable. The natives’ homes were either thatched huts or wooden houses with thatched roofs.

No matter which type, after long exposure to the wind and sun, they became extremely flammable.

The Bangui tribe was also an overpopulated settlement, which meant that the houses were all crowded together. Once a fire started, a large area would be engulfed in flames.

Manuel naturally noticed this as well. He had no mercy for the natives. The moment the attack began, Manuel ordered his soldiers to set fire to the nearby thatched huts to give the natives a taste of being burned alive.

The Bangui tribe was located along the Ubangi River, far from the Congo rainforest, so arson would not have much impact on the forest.

Although the thatched houses within the tribe were dense, setting fires would not burn down the entire settlement. This action would not cause too much damage but would instead sow panic among the natives inside, making the Spanish attack even easier.

Although Manuel was determined to teach these natives a lesson, they were still of great use, and he did not intend to kill them all.

Especially the adult male natives; they had to be preserved. These natives were excellent laborers, and killing them now would be too much of a waste.

At the very least, they should be made to exhaust all their value before being killed, to make the best use of them.

Faced with the powerful firearms of the Spanish army, the African natives had no room to resist. Coupled with Manuel’s fire tactic, the natives who first encountered the Spanish army were thrown into a state of panic.

Many natives on the outskirts of the tribe fled inward, making it difficult for those inside to organize a defense against the Spanish army’s advance.

Often, before the natives could form their lines, fleeing natives from the periphery would crash into them, shattering their formation.

The natives whose formations were broken could only flee as well, because if they didn’t run, they would be eating a bullet the next second.

And so, in a situation of you run, I chase, the Spanish army quickly broke into the interior of the Bangui tribe.

Compared to the thatched huts of the ordinary tribe members, the tribal chief’s house was much more luxurious. Not only did the house look larger, but it was also surrounded by a ring of wooden stakes, boasting its own courtyard.

It was precisely because this house was so conspicuous that Manuel’s first choice upon breaking into the tribe’s interior was to occupy it.

As it happened, the tribal chief was in this very house, along with some of the tribe’s high-level members.

To call them “high-level” was an overstatement; in reality, they were just some of the tribal chief’s subordinates. The Bangui tribe had not formed a state-like political system. The tribal chief held absolute sovereignty, and the rest of the population was not much different from slaves.

“Shouldn’t we be able to have a nice talk now?” Manuel looked at the tribal chief, his expression calm and unwavering.

As the translator relayed Manuel’s words, the tribal chief, with several rifles pointed at him, nodded hastily and babbled a long string of unintelligible words.

“What is he saying?” Manuel frowned.

“He says the resistance had nothing to do with him, and the plundering of the plantation had nothing to do with him either. He is willing to submit to your rule, and he only begs that you spare his life,” the translator interpreted.

“So now he understands how to be obedient?” Manuel sneered, though he had no intention of killing the tribal chief just yet.

To control the Bangui tribe, the tribal chief was still very important. The hierarchical structure within African native tribes was deeply ingrained in their culture, and only the tribal chief could control the entire tribe.

Without a chief, the Spanish army would have to rely on endless slaughter to control the situation. Although the Bangui tribe could no longer pose a threat to the army, indiscriminate killing would waste labor, which the Congo Territory was currently in dire need of.

“Tell him to quiet his tribe,” Manuel commanded. “Also, have all the adult male natives gather in one place. As compensation, they will need to work for us for free for one year.

Of course, while they work for us, we will provide them with food and some supplies to ensure their families do not starve.”

By gathering the adult male natives, the remaining natives could be used as a means to threaten them. Hearing that the work term was only one year and that Spain would provide food and supplies, the natives would surely agree.

Unless they were willing to lose their families, their only choice was to agree.

Once they entered the Spanish plantations or mines, getting out again would not be up to them. Although Manuel promised they would only have to work for Spain for one year, whether the plantation owners and mine owners would be willing to let them go then was not for Manuel to decide.

Hearing Manuel’s instructions, the chief of the Bangui tribe nodded repeatedly, indicating that he understood.

“Very good.” Manuel smiled. “Tell him that as long as these natives obey, I will spare his life. But if any accidents occur while the natives are gathering, I can only send him to see God, and let God forgive him.”

Chapter 232: Troop Movements and a Major Colonial Military Expansion

Two days had passed since Manuel’s operation when Carlo finally received his report.

Although the news was somewhat delayed, it was precisely what Carlo had been hoping to hear.

With the cooperation of the Tribal Chief, Manuel quickly gained control of the entire Bangui tribe and organized the populations of the tribe and several nearby native villages.

A native population of over two hundred thousand ultimately provided the Congo Territory with more than seventy thousand adult male laborers, instantly resolving the territory’s labor shortage.

In addition to these seventy thousand adult male laborers, Manuel also had control over nearly one hundred thousand elderly, women, and children, who served as leverage over the male laborers.

To ensure the safety of their families and relatives, the adult male natives had to work at designated Spanish sites for one year.

Fortunately, Manuel had personally promised that their work would earn them and their families food and other supplies, which dissuaded the natives from any thoughts of resistance.

While he held their families as leverage, Manuel, for the security of the Congo Territory, immediately requested aid from the nearby Guinea colony. He also sent a telegram to Spain, asking Carlo to prioritize dispatching two colonial garrison regiments to help him maintain order.

Although Carlo had granted him the authority to form a larger army in the Congo Territory, it was certainly too late to begin recruitment now.

For the time being, he could only rely on garrison regiments from other colonies to temporarily maintain order. It would take at least half a year for the Congo Territory’s own army to be trained and become combat-effective.

Moreover, the loyalty of soldiers recruited from the native tribes of the Congo Territory could not be guaranteed. Therefore, Manuel also requested that Carlo transport some natives from colonies with larger native populations, such as Southern Morocco and the Philippines, to serve as troops for the Congo’s new army.

The number of these foreign natives did not need to be large; as long as they constituted half of the Congo Territory’s army, it would be enough to ensure the entire force remained controllable.

After all, for the sake of combat effectiveness, the colonial division Manuel was about to form would retain at least two to three colonial garrison regiments as its main force.

These two or three regiments represented a strength of five to seven thousand men. Coupled with the nearly ten thousand troops transported from other colonies, they would already constitute the majority of the division’s twenty thousand soldiers.

Even if the soldiers selected from the Congo Territory lacked loyalty, they would be unable to influence the division as a whole.

When Carlo had promoted Manuel to major general, he had already issued an order to transfer one colonial garrison regiment each from the Guinea and Southern Morocco colonies to the Congo Territory.

He hadn’t expected Manuel to deliver such a huge surprise just a few days later. Carlo had originally thought Manuel would wait until those two regiments arrived before taking action. He never imagined that Manuel would conquer a large native tribe with a population of over one hundred thousand using only the 2,300 men under his command.

Of course, this was undoubtedly good news for Spain. With these tens of thousands of native laborers, the development of Spain’s Congo Territory would surely accelerate.

As for the casualties inflicted on the native population during the attack on the tribe, no one in Spain cared in the slightest.

Far from criticizing Manuel’s unauthorized action, Carlo lavishly praised his accomplishments.

In his reply telegram, Carlo stated that the two supporting colonial garrison regiments were already on their way. The troops from the Guinea colony, being the closest, would likely arrive in the Congo Territory before Manuel even received Carlo’s reply. The troops from the more distant Southern Morocco colony would arrive within a week.

In addition to verbal praise, Carlo decided to increase his support for Manuel.

It was essential to form a colonial division in the Congo Territory, but the local natives were untrustworthy; at the very least, they would be unlikely to lay down their lives for the Spaniards.

For this reason, Spain needed to transport a large number of troops to the Congo Territory to help Manuel complete the formation of the colonial division as soon as possible.

Carlo already had a plan for where to draw these troops from.

Although the population of the colony of Southern Morocco was not the largest among Spain’s colonies, the Moroccans were the most trustworthy of all the colonial populations.

This was, of course, excluding the European populations in the colonies. If one were to name the colonial natives with the highest chance of being assimilated, it could only be the Moroccans.

At the very least, their skin color and appearance were quite similar to the Spaniards. All they needed was to learn Spanish and convert to Catholicism, and it would be impossible to tell they were of Moroccan descent.

After all, Spain itself was a land that once had a large population of Muslim devotees. Spain was quite experienced in converting Muslims to Catholicism.

If gentle methods of conversion proved ineffective, then coercive ones could also be employed. During Spain’s own transition from Islam to Catholicism, the Inquisition had played a monumental role.

If the Moroccans in the colony of Southern Morocco weren’t so obedient, Carlo would have already planned to establish the Inquisition in Southern Morocco to aid the expansion of Catholicism in Moroccan territory.

It was precisely because the Moroccans were Caucasian that Carlo went to such lengths to assimilate them. Had they been black, Carlo would have had no intention of assimilation, but would only have squeezed every last bit of value from them before disbanding or eliminating them.

Including the two colonial garrison regiments soon to arrive, the Congo Territory currently had a force of less than seven thousand men.

The full-strength colonial division Carlo envisioned would have nearly twenty thousand soldiers, which meant the Congo Territory’s army had a shortfall of at least thirteen thousand troops.

As this was a colonial matter, Carlo had a great deal of authority. After communicating with Grand Duke Serrano, Carlo issued his orders without hesitation.

This shortfall of thirteen thousand troops would be mostly filled by the colony of Southern Morocco and the Philippine colony.

The colony of Southern Morocco would provide five thousand troops. These men would be meticulously screened to ensure their loyalty to Spain.

These five thousand soldiers and their families would travel together to the Congo Territory, where they would become permanent residents and be officially recognized as inhabitants of the Congo Territory.

By doing so, they could shed their status as colonial natives, and applying for Spanish citizenship would become much easier.

Of course, they could also become permanent residents of the Congo Territory. The territory possessed vast tracts of undeveloped land; if they were willing to live there long-term, they could clear and cultivate the land themselves.

In any case, Spain had acquired a large labor force from the Bangui tribe, and these laborers could be hired by the Moroccan soldiers to clear land for them.

In simple terms, the Moroccans selected as soldiers would completely shed their native status. In the Congo Territory, they would become the upper class, in turn enslaving the local natives.

That left a shortfall of eight thousand troops. The Philippines would provide five thousand, and the remaining three thousand would be recruited locally in the Congo.

The terms offered to the Filipino natives would be slightly worse, as they were not a white population and would be more difficult to assimilate.

But as long as their loyalty to Spain was sufficient, they too would have the opportunity to apply for Spanish citizenship. Even if they couldn’t obtain citizenship, they would certainly not be at the bottom of the social ladder in the Congo Territory; there would still be black slaves for them to easily enslave.

Similarly, these five thousand Filipino soldiers could also bring their families to the Congo Territory. Besides promoting population growth in the territory, this also served to ensure the soldiers’ loyalty by using their families.

Barring any unforeseen circumstances, their families would live very happily in the Congo Territory. But if any problems arose within the army, the families of these soldiers would become a means to threaten them, forcing them to submit to Spanish rule.

Although this seemed cruel, no one would sympathize with those natives. And compared to the natives who remained in the colonies suffering enslavement and oppression, those fortunate enough to be selected as soldiers were already much luckier.

As long as they were obedient, obtaining Spanish citizenship in the future would not be difficult. They too could escape their native status and become the new elite in the colony.

In truth, Carlo could have drawn enough troops from the colonies of Southern Morocco and the Philippines to fill the entire gap, completely avoiding local recruitment in the Congo Territory.

However, considering the long time, high cost, and considerable trouble of transporting troops from Southern Morocco and the Philippines, Carlo ultimately decided to form a single regiment of local native troops.

The loyalty of these local native troops from the Congo Territory was certainly unreliable, but with a disciplinary squad behind them, they would be perfectly adequate as cannon fodder.

These local native troops had one advantage: when soldiers died, they could be replaced at any time. The entire Congo Territory contained at least a million, if not several million, natives. Even if tens of thousands died, Spain would not feel the loss in the slightest.

And this was just the current extent of the Congo Territory. If they were to push further down the Congo River and occupy the Kingdom of Kongo, the local native population could number in the tens of millions.

If properly utilized, these natives could be turned into millions of laborers and cannon fodder. With this labor force to build up the Congo Territory, its development could advance by leaps and bounds, quickly becoming one of Spain’s profitable colonies.

While this solved the troop problem in the Congo Territory, it created a new one for Carlo: the colonies of Southern Morocco and Guinea, from which troops had been drawn, were now undermanned.

Before the formation of Manuel’s colonial division, Spain had a total of twenty colonial garrison regiments, numbering 46,000 men.

These twenty regiments were distributed across Spain’s colonies in Cuba, Southern Morocco, the Congo, Guinea, and the Philippines, and their numbers had been barely sufficient.

But with Carlo’s repeated transfers of forces from the colony of Southern Morocco, that colony was now experiencing a shortage of troops.

The current distribution of Spain’s twenty colonial garrison regiments was as follows:

The most profitable Cuban colony had a total of six colonial garrison regiments with 14,000 men. The Philippine colony, which had recently undergone a major expansion, had six colonial garrison regiments with 11,500 men.

The colony of Southern Morocco, closest to the homeland, had three colonial garrison regiments with about 7,000 men. The Congo Territory also had three colonial garrison regiments with about 7,000 men.

The Guinea colony had two colonial garrison regiments with a total of 4,600 men.

Even counting Manuel’s soon-to-be-formed colonial division, the only Spanish colony with sufficient troops was Guinea.

The stability of the Cuban colony had always been a concern. Six regiments with only 14,000 men could hardly guarantee Cuba’s stability.

Southern Morocco went without saying. The northern Kingdom of Morocco’s hatred for Spain was deepening, and coupled with Spain’s assimilation policies in Southern Morocco, it was necessary to station more people to guard Morocco.

The Philippines currently had two directions for expansion: one was to continue expanding on Kalimantan Island, and the other was to extend its reach to New Guinea Island and engage in colonial competition with the great powers.

Regardless of the direction of expansion, the Philippines needed more colonial troops to protect the colony’s security.

The Congo Territory’s needs were self-evident. This was a landmass already approaching one million square kilometers. Even after the colonial division was formed, it might not be enough to watch over the vast native population within the colony’s borders.

If Spain only intended to use a fraction of the native manpower and develop the Congo Territory slowly, then twenty thousand men would be enough to ensure its security.

But Spain’s goal was not just a fraction of the natives; it planned to use hundreds of thousands of them to rapidly develop the Congo Territory.

Therefore, the garrison force in the Congo Territory also needed to be strengthened to ensure these natives would not unite and resist Spanish rule.

The only colony without worries of insufficient troops was perhaps the Guinea colony, which had no plans for expansion.

In reality, the Guinea colony had many avenues for expansion. Spain’s Guinea colony was quite large; although confined to the coast, it encompassed parts of several modern African nations, including Nigeria, Cameroon, and Equatorial Guinea.

Whether expanding north or east, the Guinea colony could acquire hundreds of thousands of square kilometers of land. Moreover, this land was suitable for agriculture and located on the coast, making sea transport convenient.

But due to Spain’s lack of manpower and financial resources, it could only focus on developing one colony at a time, forcing it to temporarily abandon the development of the Guinea colony.

Since his ascension, Carlo had indeed temporarily halted the development of the Guinea colony, and its expansion had been put on hold.

However, with the development of the Congo Territory, the Guinea colony would sooner or later have to expand. Carlo’s plan for the Congo Territory was to form a triangular area along the Congo River with the Guinea colony, which Spain would completely occupy.

In terms of area, this would be a landmass of nearly three million square kilometers, including the territories of the two Congos, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon, Nigeria, and the Central African Republic of later times.

As for the Kingdom of Kongo south of the lower Congo River, the region of modern-day Angola, it was currently under Portuguese control, and Carlo had no immediate plans to provoke a conflict with Portugal.

After all, Africa still had vast tracts of unoccupied land for Spain to exploit; there was no need to turn its attention to Portugal for the time being.

Doing so would only intensify the conflict between Spain and Portugal and would also disrupt Carlo’s schemes in Portugal.

If the Portuguese were to develop an excessive hatred for the Spaniards, it would be impossible to annex Portugal in the future. Although the differences between the Portuguese and the Spaniards were not great, it would take decades, if not a century, to integrate the Portuguese people into the greater Spanish whole.

This would have to wait until Portugal experienced its own internal problems, causing the Portuguese people to lose faith in their government and royal family.

If Spain were to forcibly invade and annex it, the outcome would be no different from Spain’s historical annexation of Portugal. A forced annexation would only make the Portuguese hate the Spaniards more, and the end result would still be the two nations going their separate ways.

Based on the troop deployments in each colony, both the colony of Southern Morocco and the Philippine colony needed to further increase their army sizes.

After discussions with Grand Duke Serrano, Carlo decided to expand the number of Spain’s colonial garrison regiments to thirty.

This represented an increase of ten regiments, or 23,000 men. Manuel’s colonial division would be an army of over twenty thousand men, equivalent to eight colonial garrison regiments, which was why Carlo decided to directly create ten new colonial garrison regiments.

Because the Congo Territory needed an additional three garrison regiments on top of its existing three, the other colonies could only be allocated the remaining seven.

After consideration, Carlo decided to send two additional colonial garrison regiments each to the Cuban, Philippine, and Southern Morocco colonies, and one additional regiment to the Guinea colony.

This would ensure the continued stability of Cuba, the Philippines, and Southern Morocco. Cuba, in particular, needed to remain stable until Spain could officially reach a colony exchange agreement with a foreign power.

Sending more troops to the Guinea colony was also done with the future in mind; if the Congo Territory needed troops, they could be dispatched from the closer Guinea colony.

This would give the Guinea colony a total of three colonial garrison regiments. In an emergency, at least two of them could be rapidly deployed to the Congo Territory.

One colonial division plus two extra colonial garrison regiments—that was a force of nearly 25,000 men.

Frankly, Carlo did not believe that the local natives of the Congo Territory could threaten an army of 25,000.

Although the colonial garrison regiments lacked any decent heavy firepower, ten regiments would still possess thirty artillery pieces, something the colonial natives with their lack of firearms could not hope to challenge.

Historically, after King Leopold II of Belgium acquired the Congo, he maintained stability and implemented a rather brutal rule with an army of just over ten thousand men.

Carlo’s rule in the Congo was not as brutal as Leopold II’s. After all, that king was known for casually ordering hands to be cut off. Although Leopold II never personally set foot in the Congo, under his rule, at least several million Congolese natives had their hands and feet amputated—a figure Carlo was far from reaching.

Chapter 233: Return to Italy

The expansion of the colonial army and the formation of the colonial division were proceeding in an orderly manner, but Carlo’s mood was anything but good.

News had come from Rome that his father, Victor Emanuele II, was terminally ill; his body could not hold on for much longer.

The Italian royal family’s private physician, based on Victor Emanuele II’s condition, estimated that the king who had unified Italy had no more than three months to live.

When they learned that King Victor Emanuele II was critically ill, the Italian people reacted with considerable concern.

Many newspaper outlets even listed Victor Emanuele II as one of Italy’s ten most outstanding monarchs, which showed just how great the unification of Italy was to the Italian people.

Judging by the current sentiment, the Italians were reluctant to lose this Father of the Fatherland. This was a silver lining in a dark cloud; at least the House of Savoy could continue its lineage in Italy, and the Italian government remained stable for the time being.

The House of Savoy was experiencing a rather glorious period in Europe. The family boasted two kings, and the kingdoms they ruled, Italy and Spain, were both proper European great powers.

Although there was a gap between them and the five traditional great powers of Europe, one shouldn’t underestimate a second-rate great power.

Aside from the five traditional European great powers, neither Spain nor Italy, on its own, feared any other nation in Europe.

For this very reason, Victor Emanuele II’s critical illness drew the attention of many countries, and monarchs across Europe sent telegrams of condolence to Italy.

Historically, Victor Emanuele II passed away just a few days into the new year.

To see his father one last time, Carlo decided to travel to Italy after celebrating Christmas of 1877 in Spain to accompany his father in his final days.

Although Carlo had transmigrated into this world, the father of this body, Victor Emanuele II, had doted on him dearly.

Out of both sentiment and reason, it was necessary for him to be by his father’s side at the end. No matter how relations between Italy and Spain developed in the future, it could not change the fact that they were currently close partners.

As if sensing Carlo’s rather foul mood, Prince Juan Fernando and Princess Sofia were no longer as mischievous. They stayed quietly by Carlo’s side, spending a somewhat peaceful Christmas with him.

Of course, it was mainly Prince Juan Fernando who had quieted down. Princess Sofia was just over a year old and not yet capable of causing trouble.

Prince Juan Fernando, on the other hand, was two and a half and at the perfect age for mischief. Queen Sophie was often vexed by his antics, but fortunately, the little one knew his limits and would obediently apologize whenever he angered his mother.

Carlo was aware of Prince Juan Fernando’s mischievous nature but didn’t feel much like intervening.

The main reason was that the elite-style noble education Carlo had prepared for him was about to begin. Before that started, Carlo wanted his child to have some happy memories.

Once all the various courses began, it would be impossible for little Juan Fernando to have enough free time to be mischievous.

The curriculum would be more than enough to keep him very busy. It would take considerable effort to master all the subjects Carlo had prepared for him within the allotted time.

Just after Christmas, Carlo received a telegram from Manuel.

During this time, the two colonial garrison regiments Carlo had mobilized from the colony of Southern Morocco and the Guinea colony had arrived in the Congo Territory, and Manuel had officially begun the work of forming the colonial division.

Manuel now had three colonial garrison regiments under his command, a force of nearly seven thousand men, which was barely enough to watch over the seventy thousand native laborers captured in the last operation.

It was worth mentioning that Andrew, the deputy Carlo had found for Manuel, was still in the Philippines colony.

Because the Philippines colony also had to provide over five thousand soldiers to the Congo Territory, Andrew needed to conscript five thousand men first and then lead them to the Congo.

The same applied to the colony of Southern Morocco. Judging by the current recruitment speed in both colonies, Manuel could expect to receive these ten thousand troops within two months and officially complete the formation of the colonial division.

Of course, forming the division was one thing; it would still take a long period of training for the twenty-thousand-strong colonial division to become an effective fighting force.

Carlo had transferred two colonial garrison regiments to Manuel not only to give him enough manpower to ensure the stability of the Congo Territory but also to have these veterans train the new recruits, allowing the colonial division to achieve combat readiness more quickly.

With the formation of the colonial division, many junior officer positions at the company and platoon commander level would open up. These positions, including company commander and higher-ranking officers, would of course be filled by Spanish officers.

Conveniently, the Royal Military Academy produced several hundred outstanding graduates each year. Selecting some of these graduates to gain experience in the various colonial armies would not only solve the shortage of junior officers but also provide these graduates with more opportunities for advancement.

After spending a few years in the colonial army, they would surely be promoted upon being transferred back to Spain. This was an excellent opportunity for military academy graduates who had no influential background and had to rely on their own efforts for promotion.

Moreover, compared to mainland Spain, Spain’s colonies were more likely to face war. Even a small-scale conflict, like suppressing a native rebellion, would still earn them the necessary merits if they were victorious.

With merit, promotions in rank and the acquisition of land and noble titles were very much within reach. This was why Carlo was not at all worried that the military academy graduates would object.

The conditions in the colonies were certainly harsh, but it depended on one’s perspective. For Spaniards, the biggest drawback of the colonies was the lack of medical care, but this was not much better in Spain itself.

Medical technology in this era was what it was. For any relatively serious illness, one could basically only resign oneself to fate.

Aside from the significant problem of the poor medical environment, the only other drawback of the colonies was the scarcity of supplies. However, the government would guarantee the army’s provisions. Beyond these issues, the privileges Spaniards received in the colonies were quite substantial.

After handling some affairs of state and making proper arrangements for domestic matters in Spain, Carlo once again set sail for Italy by warship.

Unlike the last time, Carlo traveled without any family members. Both Queen Sophie and the two little ones were to remain at the Royal Palace in Madrid.

He did not bring them along not only because they had already been there before, but also because Carlo was considering his itinerary after returning from Italy.

In the few years since becoming king of Spain, Carlo had made very few foreign diplomatic visits. Seizing this opportunity, he decided to embark on a tour of Europe to deepen ties with several allies and, at the same time, to forge cooperation with great powers like Britain, France, and Germany, hoping to gain some benefits from them.

Currently, there were two main rivalries on the European continent: the one between Britain and Russia, and the one between Germany and France.

Setting aside Britain and Russia for the moment, the rivalry between these two great powers was concentrated in the Balkan Peninsula and Central Asia, which had little to do with Spain.

The Franco-German rivalry was mainly reflected in the policy of isolating France formulated by German Prime Minister Bismarck. France was bordered by four great powers, and aside from Spain, its relations with the other three were not very good.

Needless to say, Franco-German relations were poor; Germany’s very establishment was accomplished by trampling on the French.

Relations between France and Italy were not good either. Previously, France had firmly controlled Rome, Italy’s current capital, by supporting The Papal States.

If not for the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War, Italy would have had to wait much longer to complete its unification. Even so, for the sake of Italian unification, Victor Emanuele II had to endure the pain of ceding the Savoy region, the ancestral home of the House of Savoy. This gave rise to a joke among the European populace about the Italian royal family: the region of Savoy, from which the House of Savoy took its name, no longer belonged to Savoy.

For this reason, relations between France and Italy were poor. If France wanted to break through the encirclement Germany had created for it, its southern neighbor, Spain, became a crucial element.

If Spain also joined in isolating France, France would be completely blockaded by Germany.

It was important to remember that although the main conflicts in Europe were the Anglo-Russian and Franco-German rivalries, the friction between Britain and France was by no means small.

Putting aside the Hundred Years’ War of the distant past, Britain and France were fierce enemies during the Napoleonic era, a time that filled the French with pride whenever they spoke of it.

In fact, the British had led the formation of several Anti-French Coalitions, and the most intense conflict of that period was the one between Britain and France.

It was only because France lost the Franco-Prussian War; otherwise, Britain’s greatest enemy would not have been Russia, but France.

At this time, Germany had not yet shown itself to be a sufficient threat to Britain, which meant that Germany, France, and Russia were all on Britain’s watchlist.

The British character and their foreign policy had always been consistent: suppress the strong and support the weak.

Currently, neither side in the Franco-German rivalry had shown a decisive advantage, so the British would naturally not act rashly.

The historical reason Britain allied with France against Germany was precisely that Germany’s rapid development after unification quickly allowed its comprehensive strength to surpass France’s.

But at this moment, Germany’s strength had not yet reached the point where it far exceeded France’s. Germany and France were still super great powers of the same tier. Even Bismarck’s painstaking efforts to isolate France were born out of fear of French retaliation.

For France to break Bismarck’s policy of diplomatic isolation, it could only be done by winning over Spain. As long as Spain did not lean toward Germany, France’s southern border would be secure.

The reason Spain’s application for a 500 million franc loan from France had been approved so quickly was that the French recognized Spain’s importance.

Carlo, of course, understood this. Although he had no intention of forging an alliance with the French, it was necessary to continue their existing cooperation.

Though France had been defeated in the Franco-Prussian War, who could deny that it was an extremely powerful super great power?

Compared to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which was something of a straggler among the five traditional great powers, France’s ranking was undoubtedly in the top three.

Whether in industry or economy, France’s foundations far surpassed those of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The fact that France could pay Germany 5 billion francs in reparations while still being able to lend Spain 500 million francs was a testament to the staggering scale of its economy.

Forget the Spain of the past; even for the current Spain, it would be utterly impossible for Carlo to come up with 5 billion francs in a short period.

For Spain to gather 5 billion francs, it would take at least a decade, and even then, it would require drastic cuts to the financial budgets of all government departments.

This would definitely have a huge impact on the country’s development and could even cause Spain to fall into a decline from which it might never recover.

In contrast, after repaying Germany’s reparations, the French economy continued to flourish, which was quite astounding.

Pushing the complex thoughts from his mind, Carlo watched as the warship gradually approached the shore. He immediately spotted Crown Prince Umberto and Prince Amedeo waiting by the port.

With a smile on his face, Carlo strode forward and began to exchange pleasantries with his two older brothers.

Arriving again at the country estate where Victor Emanuele II resided, he found it looked the same as it had a few months ago.

However, Victor Emanuele II, lying in bed, looked even weaker. He was unconscious most of the time.

The old king was as thin as a rail. His once-sturdy arms were now nothing but skin and bones, a clear indication of the torment his illness had inflicted upon him.

Sigh!

Carlo let out a soft sigh, but there was nothing he could do.

The state of medicine in this era was simply too poor. Unless one could travel to the future, a condition like Victor Emanuele II’s was completely incurable.

Present medical methods couldn’t even determine what illness the old king had. All they could do was watch helplessly as he was tormented by the pain, destined to leave this world at some point in the near or distant future.

God is fair to all. Regardless of one’s status, everyone must face death in the end.

Victor Emanuele II had been so high-spirited and vigorous when he unified Italy, but now he too had to face the end.

What was worse, it was a death of being slowly tortured by illness. Such an end was the worst for anyone, and Carlo certainly did not wish for his own life to conclude in such a manner.

“Is there no way to alleviate Father’s pain?” Carlo asked.

Crown Prince Umberto shook his head and sighed as well. “The doctors have tried every method they can think of, but nothing has worked.

“Perhaps this is God’s test for Father. After this suffering, he will finally be guided by God to heaven.”

After an unknown amount of time, Victor Emanuele II’s clouded eyes opened a sliver. In a hoarse and trembling voice, he said, “Is Carlo here?”

“I am here, Father.” Carlo quickly walked over and sat by Victor Emanuele II’s bedside.

“I used to think death was still far away, but I didn’t realize it was so close. But this is something everyone must eventually go through. I am not afraid.

“Oddone (Carlo’s deceased older brother) has already gone through this before me. Perhaps he is waiting for me in heaven,” Victor Emanuele II said with great difficulty.

“Father, you will get better. If there are no experts in Europe who can cure you, I will search the entire world. There must be an undiscovered expert doctor who can treat your illness,” Carlo said comfortingly.

Victor Emanuele II shook his head. Europe was the most civilized and advanced region in the world at this time. If European medical science could not cure his illness, he did not believe that the medical technology of any other region in the world could.

Victor Emanuele II managed to sit up. Looking at his three sons before him, a look of satisfaction appeared in his eyes.

Before he inherited the throne of the Kingdom of Sardinia, the House of Savoy was just an ordinary royal family in northern Italy, lacking both foundation and status among European royalty.

But everything changed after he unified Italy and his son Carlo was chosen as the king of Spain.

The House of Savoy had leaped to become a great dynasty holding the thrones of two great powers, and it had become one of the more powerful royal families in Europe.

Victor Emanuele II was quite satisfied with what he had accomplished. He only hoped that after his death, the glory of the House of Savoy would continue.

As long as they could hold onto the thrones of the two great powers, Italy and Spain, the House of Savoy would forever be among the top ten royal families in Europe.

The reason it was only the top ten was that some of the ancient royal families in Europe had truly formidable foundations. Noble families like the Habsburgs, the Hohenzollerns, the Romanovs, and the Saxe-Coburg and Gotha were still prominent, and the House of Savoy could only take a lesser position before them.

The House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, in particular, was destined for true glory after Queen Victoria’s passing.

According to the European aristocratic rule of sons taking their father’s surname, although Queen Victoria belonged to the House of Hanover, her son Edward would have to establish a new dynasty upon inheriting the throne—the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, from his father’s side.

The reason it was said they would achieve glory after Queen Victoria’s death was that, in addition to one day ruling the British Empire, the most powerful of the great powers, the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha also ruled Belgium, Portugal, Bulgaria, and the nation from which the family name originated—the Duchy of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha.

Chapter 234: Funeral and Meeting

Victor Emanuele II finally passed away. However, he left with a smile on his face, holding at least no regrets.

After the old king’s passing, the Italian government immediately began preparing for his funeral with all its might.

In fact, the government had already been secretly planning the old king’s funeral back when Victor Emanuele II was gravely ill.

But since he was still alive, the planning could only proceed in secret, and certain aspects still required a great deal of time to perfect.

As the unifier of Italy, Victor Emanuele II’s funeral had to be of the highest possible standard. Crown Prince Umberto specifically issued an order to the government, stating that the preparations for his father’s funeral must be carried out to the highest standard, with no budget spared in any aspect.

Fortunately, a unified Italy was a wealthy nation, and the northern regions provided the Italian government with substantial fiscal revenue each year.

Even spending tens of millions of lira on Victor Emanuele II’s funeral would be an easy feat for the Italian government.

Besides, the cost of the funeral would be far less than that figure. The Italian lira and the Spanish peseta were not far apart in value, and currency in this era was still quite valuable.

According to the Italian government’s estimates, even if Victor Emanuele II’s funeral were held to the highest standard, the cost would definitely not exceed five million lira.

The moment Victor Emanuele II passed away, the Italian government announced the news to the public and declared that the old king’s funeral would be held one week later.

The Italian people were quite reluctant to see the old king go. Of course, this was mainly true for the people who had originally belonged to the Kingdom of Sardinia.

As for the people from other regions of Italy, they had been under Italian rule for less than ten years. How could they have developed a deep affection for King Victor Emanuele II in such a short time?

After the old king’s death, Crown Prince Umberto naturally inherited the Italian throne, becoming the new King of Italy.

However, because the Italian government needed to prepare for the old king’s funeral, King Umberto’s coronation ceremony was scheduled to be held six months later.

But even before the coronation ceremony, Umberto was already officially the King of Italy. Since his father was the first King of Italy, King Umberto naturally became the first Italian king named Umberto, thus known as King Umberto I of Italy.

In truth, the old king, Victor Emanuele II, could have changed his regnal number from “the Second” to “the First” after the founding of Italy. However, in order to appease the people of the Kingdom of Sardinia, he continued to use the title he held there. This is why, despite being the founding monarch of Italy, he was known as Victor Emanuele II.

According to the Italian government’s plan, the unifier of Italy, revered as the “Father of the Fatherland” by the Italians, Victor Emanuele II, would be buried in the Pantheon in Rome, a magnificent edifice with a history spanning nearly two thousand years.

The Pantheon’s initial construction dates back to 27 BC, and it was later rebuilt by Emperor Hadrian in 118 AD.

During the Roman Empire, the Pantheon was a temple dedicated to all the Roman gods. After the fall of the Roman Empire, the Pantheon was converted into a Christian church.

Due to the European tradition of burial in churches, many distinguished historical figures were interred here, such as the youngest of the three masters of the High Renaissance, the famous Italian painter Raphael Sanzio.

After Victor Emanuele II’s passing, Carlo and his two older brothers personally carried their father into the prepared coffin.

The old king’s coffin was a massive stone sarcophagus. The bottom was lined with a thick layer of charcoal for waterproofing and moisture protection.

On top of the charcoal lay a blanket embroidered with the emblem of the House of Savoy, in which the old king’s body was wrapped. As the King of Italy, Victor Emanuele II’s grave goods were not lavish at all.

Typically, European monarchs liked to be buried with many jewels and gold coins, hoping to take their wealth with them to heaven.

But whether such greed could lead them to heaven was debatable, and Victor Emanuele II clearly had no such notions.

Among the old king’s grave goods were many simple, everyday items. These included the nightgown of his first wife, Carlo’s mother Archduchess Adelaide; the military cap of Carlo’s older brother, the late Prince Oddone; and the clothes of Carlo’s two younger brothers, the two Princes Victor Emanuele, who had also died young.

Besides these, the old king’s grave goods consisted only of a few books he loved to read and some old photographs. There was nothing else.

From this, one could see that the old king did not desire extravagant grave goods after death; what he wanted was warmth and memories.

Although each item was not valuable, to Victor Emanuele II himself, they represented the most precious memories of his life.

At eight o’clock in the morning a week later, the Italian government officially held the funeral for Victor Emanuele II.

While some Italians were indifferent to the king’s death, many others, fervent about the unification of Italy, flocked to Rome to attend the funeral of this great monarch.

Around half-past eight in the morning, the church bells in Rome tolled fifty-eight times, representing the old king’s fifty-eight-year life journey from 1820 to 1878.

The carriage carrying the old king’s body moved slowly toward the Pantheon. Along the way, the Italian people offered their profound respect and endless blessings to the monarch who had unified their country.

They hoped that this king of great achievements would reach heaven after his death, and they also hoped that the old king’s successor would be a kind and benevolent ruler.

Carlo and his two older brothers personally rode on horseback beside the carriage, accompanied by King Luís of Portugal and the Count of Moncalieri, Napoléon Jérôme Bonaparte. As the old king’s sons-in-law, they had also joined the procession.

Three European kings personally escorted Victor Emanuele II to the Pantheon in Rome, making the scale of the funeral even grander.

In addition to Carlo and Luís, who were personally escorting the coffin, many other monarchs and high-ranking officials from various countries attended the old king’s funeral.

Italy was, after all, a second-rate great power, so even the great powers could not completely ignore its existence.

All five of Europe’s traditional great powers sent envoys. The Emperor of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Franz Joseph I, even sent the imperial Crown Prince Rudolf to attend the old king’s funeral.

The official ceremony of the funeral began once the old king’s body arrived at the Pantheon.

First, a Bishop eulogized Victor Emanuele II’s accomplishments, praising him as a model for all Christian devotees, who had dedicated his life to serving Italy and its people.

As the king who unified Italy, Victor Emanuele II had many achievements worthy of praise. At the very least, the public’s acclaim for him was entirely true; under his leadership, Italy had achieved unification and officially become a great power.

After the bishop’s eulogy, the Italian Prime Minister stepped forward and recited a passage from the Gospel of John in the Bible, blessing the great King of Italy on his journey to heaven.

Following this was a three-minute period of silence for all in attendance.

As had been pre-arranged, for three minutes from 11:35 to 11:38 AM, the bells of all the churches in Rome would ring together to observe three minutes of silence for the great king.

After the moment of silence, the state funeral officially concluded.

Victor Emanuele II’s body would be placed in a tomb within the Pantheon, where future generations could come to pay their respects to the old king.

Carlo attended the entire funeral. By the time he returned to his residence, it was already evening.

Alone in his room, Carlo’s feelings were quite complex. With Victor Emanuele’s departure, the connection between Carlo and Italy would be completely severed.

Although the current King of Italy was his own brother, Carlo understood that from now on, the relationship between Spain and Italy would gradually become more distant.

While Spain and Italy were still allies, this alliance would be based more on self-interest, with family ties becoming secondary.

But perhaps that was for the best. Carlo could now devote himself wholeheartedly to the development of Spain. If any problems were to arise for the Italian royal family in the future, Carlo was willing to protect his brother’s descendants.

Of course, it would be best if no problems occurred. The rule of the House of Savoy could continue in Italy for generations to come, which was precisely what his father, Victor Emanuele II, had hoped for.

After the funeral, Umberto, now king, became incredibly busy.

During the period of the old king’s grave illness, it had been Umberto who handled the affairs of state. Now that he was officially king, he still needed to manage the transition with the current Cabinet government.

Even though he had been handling state affairs before, the power of a Crown Prince and that of a king are vastly different. Carlo understood this. After all, if a king could not control his Cabinet government, it would mean he had lost all power.

There was one more person in Italy that Carlo wanted to see: Garibaldi, who had also made outstanding contributions to the unification of Italy.

After the unification of Italy, Garibaldi had faded from the public eye, living in seclusion on the island of Caprera.

But when Victor Emanuele II fell gravely ill, he had called upon Garibaldi once more.

And so, Garibaldi was elected as a Senator in Rome and was personally received by Victor Emanuele II.

The two reached a consensus on the situation in Italy. Neither Victor Emanuele II nor Garibaldi wanted to see the Italy they had worked so hard to unite fall back into division.

However, despite being elected a Senator, Garibaldi still spent most of his time on the island of Caprera. This was largely due to the deterioration of Garibaldi’s physical condition, which had left him with much less energy than before.

With Victor Emanuele II on his deathbed, Garibaldi was also contemplating his own final affairs.

But with his two sons far away in Spain, Garibaldi channeled more of his emotions into patriotism, constantly offering his suggestions on the decisions of the government and political parties.

Based on historical precedent, Garibaldi didn’t have much time left. Carlo held considerable admiration for this great man of Italy.

Moreover, both of Garibaldi’s sons served under Carlo. For both personal and practical reasons, Carlo needed to meet Garibaldi in person.

Unlike the first time Carlo had seen him looking like an ordinary old Italian farmer, this time Garibaldi appeared noticeably older and more frail.

But that was to be expected. Garibaldi was a full thirteen years older than Victor Emanuele II and was now seventy years old, a truly advanced age.

Being seventy in this era was as significant as being ninety in later times, considering the average life expectancy was only thirty to forty years. Living so long was extremely rare.

Garibaldi was not surprised by Carlo’s visit, as Carlo had sent someone to inform him in advance.

After all, Garibaldi was now a Senator of Italy; he couldn’t possibly spend all his time on the island of Caprera.

Carlo had notified him in advance to avoid making a wasted trip.

Seeing Carlo again, Garibaldi was somewhat emotional.

When he first had contact with Carlo, Carlo was just an ordinary Italian prince, only sixteen years old.

But unexpectedly, Carlo had emerged victorious in the Spanish election for a king, becoming the new King of Spain. And that wasn’t all. After becoming king, Carlo had reclaimed a degree of power through various means and worked closely with the Spanish Prime Minister, Primo, strengthening Spain through reforms.

Although he had long known that Carlo possessed a certain degree of ambition and ability, Garibaldi had not expected Carlo to be so outstanding, able to secure his throne in such a short period of time.

“Long time no see, Your Majesty Carlo,” Garibaldi said first, speaking with a smile.

“Long time no see, Mr. Garibaldi,” Carlo replied with a nod, stepping forward.

“How time flies! We old folks are all nearing the time to meet God,” Garibaldi said with a touch of sentimentality.

“The nation’s development still relies on great contributors like you. Italy’s peace and stability still need you to maintain it,” Carlo replied.

Although Italy appeared stable, it had its share of internal problems.

At present, Italy could be divided into four parts. The first was the Kingdom of Sardinia, which had already been under the rule of the House of Savoy. The second was the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies in the south. The third was Rome, formerly controlled by the Papal States. The fourth consisted of the various states in northern Italy.

Among these four regions, the most problematic were the northern Italian states.

The Kingdom of the Two Sicilies in the south was a feudal, absolutist state, and the Sicilians were not opposed to Italian rule.

After all, during the era of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, the exploitation and oppression they suffered were far more severe than under Italian rule.

Although the backwardness of the industry and economy of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies was partly due to a lack of mineral resources, the kingdom’s despotism and corruption were also major factors.

In contrast to the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, the northern Italian states were relatively developed industrially and economically, and their residents had developed more diverse thoughts and ideologies.

Republican ideas had taken root here, which meant Italy had quite a few supporters of a republic. The biggest problem the Kingdom of Italy currently faced was the attempt by these republican supporters to subvert the monarchy’s rule.

Fortunately, Garibaldi saw the danger that republicanism posed to Italian unity. If Italy’s Republicans were not restrained, they would surely undermine the current state of unification.

The very reason Garibaldi was willing to support Victor Emanuele II’s Kingdom of Sardinia was that he recognized the advantage a monarchy provided for unification.

A monarchy might not be the best system for Italy, but for a newly unified Italy, it was the easiest way to maintain stability.

The reason Victor Emanuele II had called upon Garibaldi again after falling gravely ill was precisely because he saw the threat republicanism posed to Italy.

Relying on Crown Prince Umberto alone would make it difficult to counter Italy’s Republicans. But if Garibaldi was willing to lend a hand, suppressing the Italian Republicans would not be difficult.

Hearing Carlo’s words, Garibaldi nodded.

The main reason he was willing to come out of retirement after more than a decade was that he, too, saw the threat of republicanism to Italian unity.

This was, in fact, the same reason Spanish Prime Minister Primo chose to continue the monarchy: only a monarchy could preserve national unity.

If Italy were to become a republic now, it would surely splinter into several states. For Garibaldi, who had been instrumental in bringing about Italian unification, this was the last thing he wanted to see. For the sake of Italy’s unity, he was willing to continue cooperating with the House of Savoy.

“Fortunately, His Majesty Umberto is also quite capable. Italy’s stability and peace can be maintained,” Garibaldi said, expressing his approval of Umberto.

Umberto was the heir to the throne carefully groomed by Victor Emanuele II; his abilities were at least adequate.

At the very least, Italy would not face any major problems during Umberto’s reign. But for Italy to completely solve the problem posed by the Republicans, it would have to pray for the emergence of a truly capable and visionary monarch.

At this thought, Garibaldi’s gaze couldn’t help but turn to Carlo, a hint of regret in his expression.

In his view, Carlo’s abilities were superior to King Umberto’s.

Moreover, Carlo was younger and could sit on the throne for much longer, giving him more time to solve Italy’s problems.

But unfortunately, Carlo had become the King of Spain early on and was lost to Italy.

Garibaldi could only hope that King Umberto’s son, Prince Victor Emanuele, would one day grow into an outstanding monarch like Carlo. At the very least, he should become a competent monarch like his father, King Umberto.

Only then could the Italian throne be passed down stably, and only then could the situation in Italy achieve long-term stability.

Chapter 235: Visiting Austria

Besides simply reminiscing, Carlo and Garibaldi also chatted about his two sons, Menotti and Ricciotti.

It had to be admitted that Garibaldi’s life had been remarkably rich, and his two sons had followed him through thick and thin, tempering themselves and developing impressive abilities.

Carlo planned to appoint Garibaldi’s eldest son, Menotti, to the position of Minister of Royal Affairs in the Spanish Cabinet. This would be one of Carlo’s loyalists placed openly in the Cabinet; when Carlo was not present at Cabinet meetings, the Minister of Royal Affairs would represent him directly.

This was more than enough to show how highly Carlo regarded Menotti. Although the Minister of Royal Affairs did not have much real power, in terms of status and influence, he was by no means inferior to any other Cabinet minister.

Garibaldi’s second son, Ricciotti, currently held the position of Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish Royal Guard, while also serving as the divisional commander of the Guard Division.

Although Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guard was merely a nominal position Carlo had established to control the Spanish Military Committee, no one could be certain that the Royal Guard would not expand in the future.

As the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guard, Ricciotti was undeniably one of Carlo’s most trusted loyalists. Until a native Spanish officer trusted by Carlo could be trained to the rank of divisional commander, Ricciotti would continue to hold that post.

It was certain, however, that the position of divisional commander of the Guard Division would change hands once a native Spanish officer had sufficient seniority.

Though Carlo trusted Ricciotti completely, it was not a good thing for an officer to remain in the same position for too long.

The Royal Guard was the private army of Carlo and the royal family, and only the royal family and Carlo could command it. Of course, Carlo had no intention of kicking Ricciotti when he was down, especially after he had helped so much in the early days.

Even if Ricciotti were to step down from his posts as divisional commander of the Guard Division and Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guard, his new position would certainly be of a higher rank, such as Chief of the General Staff or Minister of Defense of Spain.

Garibaldi was quite concerned about his two sons, and he was greatly heartened to learn that both were performing exceptionally well.

Even during his retirement, Garibaldi knew he could never win the full trust of the Italian royal family. Besides his early history of supporting a republic, his immense prestige in Italy was another major reason.

No ruler, ancient or modern, likes a subject who threatens to overshadow one’s master.

In Spain, however, Garibaldi was just an ordinary foreigner, so his two sons would naturally not receive any benefit from his fame.

This, combined with Garibaldi’s favorable impression of Carlo, was why he was willing to send his two sons to serve in distant Spain rather than have them remain in Italy.

So far, his choice seemed correct. Both his sons had been entrusted with significant responsibilities in Spain, and they could give the Garibaldi family a new start there.

On the island of Caprera, Carlo and Garibaldi had a very pleasant conversation, after which Carlo took a warship back to Rome.

Since King Umberto’s coronation ceremony was not for another six months, Carlo had no intention of lingering in Italy and wasting time.

Before he set out, Carlo had already devised a complete plan to visit several European countries.

Besides Italy, his first destination, Carlo’s itinerary included the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Germany, and France.

Given the current cooperative relationship between Spain and Russia, Russia could have been added to the list of countries to visit.

However, considering his father-in-law Franz Joseph I’s poor relations with the Russians, Carlo ultimately removed them from the list.

In any case, the Russians were at war, with Tsar Alexander II personally leading the campaign, so there was really no need to visit Russia at this time.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was Spain’s ally, so a visit was essential. As for why Germany and France were included, the primary goal was to use a visit to Germany to create a sense of crisis for France, thereby extracting more benefits from them.

Carlo had a rather clear understanding of the current situation in Europe. Logically speaking, Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were allies, and Germany and Italy were also allies. Based on the principle that the friend of a friend is a friend, Spain and Germany should also form an alliance.

But in reality, the alliance between Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy at this time was more of a diplomatic policy; Germany’s active choice was to maintain close ties with Russia.

This was not World War I; France and Russia had not yet joined forces, and Germany was still mostly trying to win Russia over.

More importantly, although German industry had developed rapidly during this period, Germany, like Spain at the time, was a great power with little money.

Even if Spain and Germany signed an alliance, the support Germany could offer Spain was extremely limited, far less appealing than the francs that might slip through the fingers of the wealthy French.

Spain was a lifeline for France to escape Germany’s policy of isolation. As long as that lifeline existed, the French would surely try to grasp it tightly.

But if that lifeline broke, there was no telling how mad the French might become. After all, France was once the hegemon of Europe, and its overall strength completely eclipsed Spain’s.

Carlo did not want Spain to face the might of a French army head-on. It would be better to adopt a more neutral stance and gain more benefits from France.

Of course, if the French were generous enough, signing an alliance with them was not out of the question. The Germans couldn’t reach Spain anyway, and even if France and Spain did sign an alliance, it would still be France that would confront Germany directly.

Carlo’s demands for this visit to France were not extensive. It would be ideal if he could secure another loan of five hundred million or a billion francs from France.

If he could also obtain some industrial support, combined with the cooperation agreements reached with the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy, Spain’s development over the next decade would surely be swift.

With these thoughts in mind, Carlo looked forward to his journey even more.

Although his trip to Italy had been rather hasty, Carlo had brought along several foreign ministers and many important government officials. Their purpose was precisely to help Carlo conclude agreements with other European nations.

On January 15, 1878, after a few days’ stay in Rome, Carlo, along with a group of diplomats, took a train from Italy to Austria.

Before their departure, the Spanish government had already sent telegrams to the countries they planned to visit, and these countries had formally sent Carlo invitations.

Because of this, the journey from Italy to Austria was quite smooth. Apart from changing trains midway, they encountered no other trouble.

The train journeyed on and finally arrived in Vienna, the capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

At the Vienna train station, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had already organized a grand welcoming ceremony.

The visitors included not just officials from the Spanish government but also Carlo, the King of Spain himself, which was enough to make Austria-Hungary take the visit seriously.

Furthermore, Carlo was the son-in-law of the Austro-Hungarian Emperor, making him practically one of their own.

Greeting Carlo at the train station, in addition to the principal officials of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, was Crown Prince Rudolf, who had previously attended the funeral of Victor Emanuele II.

Crown Prince Rudolf had come of age and, in recent years, had begun to frequently represent Franz Joseph I at various diplomatic events.

After all, Franz Joseph was the Emperor of the Austro-Hungarian Empire; it was impossible for the Emperor to personally attend every diplomatic function.

Although Crown Prince Rudolf was somewhat young—not even twenty years old by any count—considering that Carlo was only seven years his senior, it was quite fitting for a young man to receive another young man.

As Crown Prince Rudolf’s brother-in-law, Carlo’s relationship with him was quite good. When Carlo first met Rudolf, the latter was just a teenager.

More importantly, Queen Sophie had grown up with Archduchess Gisela and Crown Prince Rudolf, and the three shared a deep bond, which made Rudolf feel even closer to his brother-in-law, Carlo.

Seeing Carlo step out of the train carriage, Crown Prince Rudolf was the first to approach, a smile on his face as he said, “Welcome to Vienna, Your Majesty.”

“Come now, Rudolf. There’s no need for such formality between us. Just call me brother-in-law,” Carlo said with a smile as he and Rudolf shook hands. He wanted to maintain a good relationship with his young brother-in-law.

The old Emperor Franz Joseph I was quite capable, but it was a pity that his only son, Rudolf, died young, causing the Austro-Hungarian Empire to lose its heir early on.

In the end, Franz Joseph I could only appoint his nephew as the crown prince—the renowned Crown Prince Ferdinand.

Even more regrettably, Rudolf’s death was not due to some unknown illness, but by suicide, together with his mistress.

It is worth mentioning that before Rudolf’s mistress, Maria Alexandrine von Vetsera, became his mistress, Mary’s mother, Helene, had suggested to Crown Prince Rudolf that they should have an affair, but he had politely declined.

Unexpectedly, Helene’s daughter, Mary, eventually caught Crown Prince Rudolf’s eye, but the Crown Prince also lost the chance to have both mother and daughter.

It had to be admitted that the younger girl was more attractive to Crown Prince Rudolf. Before they became lovers, Crown Prince Rudolf was already thirty, while his mistress, Baroness Mary, was only seventeen.

Of course, there was still a long time before Crown Prince Rudolf’s love-suicide, and the story would not necessarily have to end that way.

Hearing Carlo’s words, Rudolf naturally dropped the formality. He nodded and said with a smile, “Welcome to Vienna, Brother-in-law. Father is already waiting for you at Schönbrunn Palace and has personally arranged a welcome banquet for you tonight.”

Carlo smiled and nodded, a friendly expression on his face as he replied, “Let’s go. We’ll pay our respects to His Majesty Franz Joseph first. We can discuss affairs of state another day.”

Although a diplomatic visit inevitably involved negotiations on cooperation between the two countries, that was clearly not Carlo’s job. At most, Carlo would simply confirm major areas of cooperation with Franz Joseph I. The detailed negotiations would have to be deepened by officials from both countries, based on their respective national interests.

Although a large crowd had come to the train station to welcome Carlo, the true welcoming ceremony was to be held at Schönbrunn Palace.

After all, he was the ruler of a great power, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire took this very seriously. Moreover, Austria-Hungary currently needed Spain’s diplomatic support, which was one of the reasons for their exceptional attention to Carlo.

Carlo had, of course, been to Schönbrunn Palace before, but every visit left him marveling at its vastness and opulence.

Of course, the Royal Palace of Madrid in Spain was by no means inferior. But having lived in the Royal Palace of Madrid for several years, it was already familiar to Carlo, unlike Schönbrunn Palace, which he had visited less frequently.

In fact, Carlo had ideas of building other palaces in the outskirts of Madrid. Although the Royal Palace of Madrid was one of the three great palaces of Europe, its location in the city center made travel somewhat inconvenient.

Building a new palace in the suburbs of Madrid could also be a gift for his children in the future. A king would never find himself with too many palaces. For European nobility, the number of palaces, castles, and manors was a testament to their heritage and wealth.

The dukes and grand dukes of Spain possessed countless castles and manors. A single duke could have several, even more than ten, castles and manors under his name, most of which were ancient castles steeped in history.

The only proper palace Carlo currently owned was the Royal Palace of Madrid.

He did have several castles and manors, but they had all been confiscated from rebellious nobles, and few of them were on a grand scale.

In the grand square of Schönbrunn Palace, Franz Joseph I had long ago prepared a magnificent welcoming ceremony for Carlo. Accustomed to grand occasions, Carlo remained perfectly composed, attending the entire ceremony with a smile on his face.

Afterward, the accompanying officials were received by officials from the Austro-Hungarian government, while Carlo crossed the square of Schönbrunn Palace to pay his respects in Franz Joseph I’s office.

Seeing Franz Joseph I again, he still had the same amiable, smiling appearance. Franz Joseph I was only forty-eight this year. From a politician’s perspective, he was still in the golden age of his political career.

And this was indeed the case. Politicians who were too young were always considered inexperienced; youth also implied impetuousness and recklessness.

As the saying goes, young and inexperienced, not to be trusted with important matters. The prime ministers in various European countries were generally between forty and fifty years old, with some older ones even reaching sixty or seventy.

“Carlo, it’s been a long time,” Franz Joseph I first exchanged pleasantries with Carlo before immediately changing the subject, asking about the granddaughter he had yet to meet. “Why didn’t you bring Sofia with you?”

“This trip was too rushed, and Sofia is still too young, so I left Sophie in Madrid to look after the two little ones,” Carlo explained.

Carlo understood that Franz Joseph I wanted to see his grandson and granddaughter, but the trip had been arranged too hastily, and involved visiting several European countries, so he had not brought them along.

Besides, Franz Joseph I was still relatively young, and there would be plenty of opportunities for the three of them to meet in the future.

Hearing Carlo’s explanation, Franz Joseph I nodded with a hint of regret but said nothing more.

His two daughters, Sophie and Gisela, were already married, and his only son, Rudolf, was not yet married, leaving the palace sparsely populated.

Fortunately, Franz Joseph I himself was not too old; otherwise, his main daily task might have become nagging Crown Prince Rudolf to get married.

“The matter of King Victor Emanuele is truly regrettable. God will guide him to heaven.

“Carlo, you shouldn’t grieve too much. The affairs of Spain still need you to handle them. People are like this; we cannot avoid birth, aging, sickness, and death. We can only wish them a swift journey to heaven and, at the same time, cherish the loved ones we can still see,” Franz Joseph I said, consoling Carlo.

Carlo nodded. The death of his father, Victor Emanuele II, had indeed saddened him, but excessive grief was out of the question.

But he couldn’t very well refute such sentiments. He couldn’t just come out and say he wasn’t that sad, could he?

“Since you’re here in Vienna, it’s a good time to tell you about our plans in the Balkan Peninsula,” Franz Joseph I said with a smile. “Although the Russians have won the war, they’ve also hardened the British resolve. The British have decided to go to war if necessary to stop Russian expansion in the Balkans.

“This is actually good news for us. Perhaps we can use diplomatic means to prevent excessive Russian expansion in the Balkans, and we have the British standing in front of us.”

With the support of Britain and Spain, the Austro-Hungarian Empire could at least ensure its annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was the reason for Franz Joseph I’s smile.

As long as they secured Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would already be in an invincible position. If they could also ensure that Russia gained little from this war, it would be a double blessing.

Hearing Franz Joseph I’s words, Carlo nodded with a smile in response.

The situation in the Balkan Peninsula had little to do with Spain. If there was to be a fight, it would be Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire teaming up against Russia.

In fact, as far as Carlo was concerned, he wished the Balkan Peninsula would descend into chaos. If three great powers fought a major war in the Balkans, how many arms trade orders could Spain sign?

A contest between great powers was not like the Russo-Turkish War, a conflict with relatively low firepower, but rather a shocking spectacle of millions of soldiers and thousands of cannons bombarding each other.

Even if Spain could only choose to cooperate with either the Austro-Hungarian Empire or Russia, the money earned from the arms trade would be incomparably greater than what was earned during the Russo-Turkish War.

If a war between great powers really did break out in the Balkan Peninsula, it would also attract Britain’s attention. This would be very beneficial for Spain’s colonial expansion in Africa, as it would at least ensure that the British would not interfere.

The British habit of being a shit-stirrer was something Carlo found rather irritating. If the British really set their sights on Spain, countries like Portugal could probably be used as pawns to constantly impede Spain’s progress.

Chapter 236: The Ruhr

During his few days visiting the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Carlo spent most of his time with Crown Prince Rudolf, admiring the scenery around Vienna and touring the empire’s factories and famous enterprises.

On the second day of Carlo’s arrival in Vienna, the Spanish officials began formal talks and consultations with their Austro-Hungarian counterparts.

After about a week of negotiations, the two sides reached another cooperation agreement. This agreement primarily concerned industrial cooperation, with the Austro-Hungarian Empire once again providing industrial support to Spain.

This was the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s way of repaying Spain for its diplomatic support, as the relationship between the two nations needed to be sustained by mutual interests.

Regarding the industrial aid offered by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Carlo had only one attitude: the more, the better.

Because the two sides had already reached an agreement on military industry, the new cooperation pact focused more on chemicals and heavy industry, aiming to help Spain better round out its industrial foundation.

After all, Spain’s comprehensive industrial development had been underway for less than a decade. Although its industrial growth was rapid, there were still some deficiencies in basic sectors, as well as in chemicals and heavy industry.

Part of the newly reached agreement involved the construction of a large chemical plant in Spain to bolster the nation’s capabilities in the chemical sector.

Since Carlo had further diplomatic visits to make in Germany and France, he did not stay in the Austro-Hungarian Empire for long.

After the two governments signed the industrial cooperation agreement, Carlo and the Spanish officials departed from Vienna, heading north to the German capital, Berlin.

Traveling by train had its advantages, one of which was the opportunity to witness firsthand the development and prosperity of the German lands.

Germany and France shared a geographical similarity: mountains in the south and vast, endless plains in the north.

France had the immense Western European Plain, and Germany likewise possessed the vast North European Plain, both boasting highly developed agriculture and animal husbandry.

This was an advantage Germany and France held over Spain. No matter how large their populations grew, both nations could meet their people’s food demands thanks to their expansive plains.

As they crossed the Sudeten Mountains, the Spanish officials shed tears of envy at the sight of the vast North European Plain.

If only Spain possessed a large expanse of plains, its current development would not be so sluggish. However, this geographical shortcoming was Spain’s birthright. Unless the Spanish government were to abandon development on the Spanish mainland, it could only quietly endure the various limitations imposed by its terrain.

As with their visit to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Spanish government had already communicated with the German government before their diplomatic tour.

Although Spain and Germany were not allies, the German side would naturally not refuse a diplomatic visit from a king in person.

Carlo did not have many demands for his visit to Germany. He only hoped to import some industrial technology or establish some form of cooperation with German military-industrial enterprises.

Carlo was quite interested in Germany’s Krupp Company. At present, the company was still controlled by its founder, Alfred Krupp. Although not as famous as his grandson and namesake, he was a man of remarkable ability, having transformed a small factory that barely survived by producing cutlery into one of Germany’s most renowned arms companies.

The famous Krupp cannon was an invention of this very arms company founder. The artillery he created played a colossal role in the Franco-Prussian War, crushing the cannons widely used by the French.

In the German capital of Berlin, Carlo was likewise received with great warmth by the German government.

Just like the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Germany sent its Crown Prince, Friedrich, to receive Carlo.

However, unlike the situation in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, where Crown Prince Rudolf and Carlo were of a similar age, the German Crown Prince Friedrich was born in 1831 and was already forty-seven years old.

In fact, Crown Prince Friedrich was only one year younger than the Austro-Hungarian Emperor Franz Joseph I, which served as a testament to the longevity of the German Empire’s founder, Wilhelm I.

Wilhelm I was born on March 22, 1797, a man from the previous century. Among all the heads of state in Europe, Wilhelm I was the oldest and the only reigning monarch who had been born in the last century.

That was not even the most exaggerated part. What was more incredible was that Wilhelm I would live for another ten years. His lifespan of ninety-one years would turn his son, Crown Prince Friedrich, into the famous “Hundred Days’ Emperor.”

Although Crown Prince Friedrich died of laryngeal cancer, he was already fifty-seven at the time of his death, which was not considered a premature demise in that era.

One could only say that Wilhelm I’s reign was indeed too long, causing power in the German Empire to transition frequently in a short period, ultimately landing in the hands of the famous Kaiser Wilhelm II.

Carlo and Crown Prince Friedrich did not have a particularly close relationship, but their meeting was quite harmonious.

Carlo first paid a visit to Kaiser Wilhelm I, then attended a welcome banquet hosted by the German government for him and his accompanying officials, before finally resting at the residence arranged by the German royal family.

The House of Hohenzollern was quite magnificent. As one of Europe’s most distinguished royal families, the accommodation they prepared for Carlo was not just a few rooms but a medium-to-large estate on the outskirts of Berlin.

The Spanish officials were also housed in another estate near Carlo’s residence, close enough to reach on foot within ten minutes.

Carlo was quite satisfied with the accommodations arranged by the German government. However, he was not as pleased with the distinctive German cuisine.

Having been in this world for so long, Carlo had developed a clear understanding of European food. Among the various European cuisines, Italian and French were at the top.

At least compared to the cuisines of other countries, Carlo preferred Italian and French food. Following those, he also quite liked the distinctive dishes of the two Iberian nations, Spain and Portugal.

Carlo would enjoy Spain’s special paella from time to time, and Iberian ham was a delicacy he often savored.

But beyond these, European food was not particularly delicious. The most distinctive dishes Carlo tasted in the Austro-Hungarian Empire were fried cutlets and apple strudel, the latter of which was said to have been created by a chef especially for the House of Habsburg.

As for Germany’s specialties, they mainly consisted of sausages, dumplings, and pork knuckle.

Fortunately, while these dishes weren’t stunning, they were by no means unpalatable. Germany was not an absolute culinary wasteland; at least compared to Britain, German food was presentable.

Besides these more characteristic foods, the dining table also featured Königsberg meatballs, cheese noodles, beef rouladen, and sour-marinated horse meat, all of which were relatively unique German dishes.

For a main course, besides dumplings, one could also choose mashed potatoes or potato pancakes. Side dishes included beef soup and roast chicken, and there were many desserts and cakes after the meal. All in all, it was quite a lavish spread.

Carlo had to admit that his palate had been spoiled by the chefs employed by the royal court, but fortunately, the long journey had left both him and his officials quite hungry, so they showed no disdain for the German delicacies before them.

After enjoying the sumptuous meal, the welcome banquet was drawing to a close. Carlo and the Spanish officials had been traveling all day, and the most important thing now was to get some rest and discuss affairs of state with the German officials the next day.

The German government naturally understood this. After the banquet ended, they did not disturb them further, giving Carlo and the Spanish officials ample time to rest.

After a dreamless night, the next day quickly arrived.

Although Carlo had no intention of fully aligning with Germany, some industrial cooperation could still be discussed. Germany was, after all, a more powerful nation, and Spain could learn a great deal from its experience.

Unlike the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Germany was willing to provide industrial support to Spain, but it came with a precondition.

That condition was that Spain must join the alliance organized by Germany, an alliance whose very purpose was to isolate France.

For the moment, at least, Carlo was unwilling to fully commit to Germany. Because of this, the talks between the Spanish and German governments regarding the alliance reached a stalemate.

Fortunately, both sides quickly dropped the topic and moved on to discuss more superficial matters.

Carlo knew that without an alliance, Germany was unlikely to help Spain for no reason.

However, even if it meant purchasing German industrial equipment and related information with money, Spain would definitely not be at a loss.

The German side, of course, had no intention of having a falling out with Spain. Although the German officials were not as enthusiastic as they had been on the first day, Crown Prince Friedrich stated that as long as German companies did not object, the German government would permit Spain to enter into certain cooperation agreements with them.

Germany’s private capital was quite powerful, and these private enterprises all shared a common trait: they wouldn’t lift a finger without the promise of profit, nor act without a guaranteed return.

Although Germany did not object to these companies cooperating with Spain, if Spain wished to obtain anything from these private German enterprises, it would certainly have to pay a price far exceeding the value of the goods themselves.

For this very reason, the German royal family and government, including Crown Prince Friedrich, were not worried in the slightest.

Even if the Spanish government reached some agreements with German companies, Germany would undoubtedly be the party that profited from such cooperation.

German Prime Minister Bismarck was rather regretful that he could not use Spain to achieve the complete encirclement of France. However, completely isolating France was indeed unrealistic. After all, France still possessed the strength of one of the five great powers, and its current overall power was second only to Britain and Germany.

If they suppressed France too harshly, it might cause Britain to turn its attention back to the situation on the European continent. It was better to maintain the current state of affairs. In any case, Germany had already gained an advantage in the struggle for continental supremacy through the League of the Three Emperors and did not fear a French counterattack.

After the negotiations between the Spanish and German governments stalled, Carlo seized the opportunity to make a new proposal: to visit Germany’s Ruhr.

The Ruhr, located on both banks of the Rhine River, was an extremely important industrial base for Germany, hailed as the country’s industrial heart.

Carlo’s purpose in visiting the Ruhr was not only to observe its industrial development and allow Spanish officials to learn from Germany’s valuable experience in building industrial bases, but also to potentially establish cooperation with some of the factories there.

Although the Ruhr rose to prominence on the back of its coal industry, its factories had long since diversified beyond coal processing plants. As Germany’s largest industrial area, the Ruhr had a massive presence in chemicals, heavy industry, and the machinery processing industry, and was one of Europe’s most famous comprehensive industrial bases.

Although Spain lacked the capacity to build an industrial base on the scale of the Ruhr, by studying its industrial planning experience, it could make the planning and construction of Spain’s existing industrial areas more rational.

Spain also possessed relatively rich coal and iron reserves, so developing a reasonably-sized industry was certainly feasible. Carlo’s hope for the Barcelona Industrial Base was to build it into a small-scale Ruhr, turning it into Spain’s own industrial heart.

Currently, the scale of the Barcelona Industrial Base was far from comparable to the Ruhr, but for Spain itself, it was already the largest industrial base in the country.

If they could learn from the Germans’ experience in industry, Spain would go much further in the construction of its industrial bases.

After some consideration, the German side did not refuse Carlo’s request to visit the Ruhr.

To put it bluntly, the Ruhr was ultimately a traditional industrial base, so there was nothing much to keep secret.

The strength of the Ruhr did not lie in some advanced industrial production technology, but in the abundant coal resources and convenient transportation of the region.

As long as a place possessed the two innate conditions of rich mineral resources and convenient transportation, coupled with a sizable population, establishing an industrial base like the Ruhr was not difficult.

An increase in industrial output was certainly a good thing, but it had to be linked to the demand for industrial products. If industrial output rose too much while domestic demand for industrial products did not grow accordingly, an economic crisis would follow.

At present, Germany had not yet fully recovered from the effects of the economic crisis, and its industry had suffered enormous damage.

As Germany’s largest industrial base, the Ruhr was the most severely affected. Fortunately, Germany’s rescue of the Ruhr’s factories was timely. Apart from some small-scale factories that went bankrupt too quickly, other medium- and large-scale factories had basically resumed production.

Of course, it would take at least a few more years of recovery to return to the peak scale before the economic crisis.

Germany, having learned its lesson the hard way, was no longer expanding its industrial scale so rapidly.

After obtaining permission from the German government, Carlo no longer hesitated and, leading a group of Spanish officials, boarded a train to Germany’s industrial heart, the Ruhr.

Berlin is located in eastern Germany, while the Ruhr is in the west.

To reach the Ruhr, one had to travel by train across most of Germany. Fortunately, the route was mostly across the vast North European Plain, and it wasn’t until more than halfway through the journey that they entered the Sudeten Mountains.

Though called mountains, they were incomparable to the great mountain regions of Spain, such as the Meseta Plateau and the Sistema Central. Being accustomed to Spain’s high mountains, Carlo was not even particularly surprised by these smaller German ranges.

Along the way, Carlo mostly admired the passing scenery, while the officials accompanying him were considerably busier.

They were observing the development of Germany’s inland regions on the one hand, and on the other, meticulously recording anything worth emulating, to be implemented upon their return to Spain.

Two cabinet ministers accompanied Carlo on this diplomatic visit: one was the Foreign Secretary, Marquis of Everton, and the other was the incumbent Deputy Prime Minister and concurrent Minister of Industry, Canovas.

The main purpose of the Marquis of Everton’s attendance was to communicate with the officials of the countries being visited and smooth over diplomatic procedures.

After all, these were matters the diplomatic service excelled at; other departments could only claim a rudimentary understanding. During diplomatic visits between two nations, certain diplomatic protocols and procedures were quite important.

Carlo did not want any mishaps during the visit; a minor error could result in a loss of national prestige, while a major one could potentially damage relations between the two countries.

The reason Deputy Prime Minister Canovas accompanied Carlo was, naturally, his concurrent position as Minister of Industry.

The main objective of this visit to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Germany, and France was to secure some industrial assistance and cooperation agreements from these three nations.

It was up to Canovas, as the Minister of Industry, to determine what Spain’s industry specifically needed and what kind of cooperation agreements to pursue with these countries.

For this reason, Foreign Secretary Marquis of Everton and Minister of Industry Canovas were the two busiest officials among the entire entourage.

Unlike Carlo, who leisurely enjoyed the scenery along the way, the two of them were extremely busy throughout the journey, sometimes even having to pull many other officials into meetings.

Trains in this era were slow, but the width of German territory was not overly vast.

The direct distance from Berlin to the Ruhr was less than five hundred kilometers. With train speeds of that era generally at twenty-five to thirty kilometers per hour, this meant the journey from Berlin to the Ruhr could be completed in about a day.

Since this train had been designated as a special charter by the German government, the actual travel time was even less. The special train also had spacious rooms and soft beds, so at least Carlo and the Spanish officials were not overly fatigued.

Upon arriving in the Ruhr, under the guidance of German government officials and Crown Prince Friedrich, Carlo and the Spanish officials embarked on a grand tour.

The Ruhr was not a single city, but a large industrial area formed by the combination of many cities.

Within the Ruhr region, there were more than fifty towns and cities of various sizes, including medium-to-large cities like Dortmund, Essen, and Duisburg.

Having arrived by train, Carlo’s party went directly to Dortmund, located in the central part of the Ruhr, which was also the region’s transportation hub.

Chapter 237: France and Spain Cooperate Again

It had to be admitted that since the Franco-Prussian War, Germany’s development had been put on the fast track.

The unified German Empire had leaped to become the world’s second-greatest industrial power, and the pace of its industrial development was not hindered in the slightest by the country’s unification.

In 1871, Germany’s steel production was only 251,000 tons. But last year, Germany’s annual steel production had already surpassed 400,000 tons.

Although surpassed by the equally fast-developing United States, Germany’s steel production still ranked third in the world, far exceeding France’s 300,000 tons.

It was worth mentioning that after nearly a decade of hard work, Spain’s steel production had finally reached a scale of 201,000 tons.

While this might not seem like much, it had already surpassed the steel production of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia. Even on a global scale, Spain’s steel production ranked after Britain, the United States, Germany, and France, earning it the title of the world’s fifth-largest steel-producing nation.

However, steel production only represented the scale of heavy industry and did not fully reflect a country’s overall industrial level. Although Spain had surpassed the Austro-Hungarian Empire in steel production, there was still a certain gap in terms of total industrial scale and technological level.

One could only say that the former Spanish colonial empire had been too glorious; even after such a long period of decline, it still retained some of its foundation.

After these years of development, while Spain had not yet returned to its peak, its industrial sector was no longer that far behind great powers like the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia.

Spain’s industrial scale had even surpassed Russia’s, but Carlo had not publicized this much, which was why the people and governments of other European countries were not fully aware of it.

In reality, Spain had been developing quietly during the years of the economic crisis and was now undoubtedly the most powerful nation in Europe outside of the five great powers.

Led by German officials, Carlo and the Spanish delegation toured several important cities in the Ruhr.

After the tour, Carlo was introduced by the German government to the heads of famous German companies, including Krupp.

Besides being a famous armaments company, Krupp was also a technologically advanced steel company.

At the 1862 International Exhibition in London, Bessemer’s acid converter steelmaking process, which could conveniently smelt low-grade iron ore into high-quality steel, made its debut.

In the following six years, over seventy Bessemer acid converters were put into use in Europe, most of which were built in Germany.

The Krupp Company, led by Alfred Krupp, was not only the first steel company in Germany to adopt the Bessemer acid converter but also rose to become a renowned producer of high-quality steel.

The steel produced using the Bessemer acid converter came to be known within Germany as “Krupp steel,” and the Krupp Company’s reputation soared, earning it the strong support of the reigning Prussian king, Wilhelm I, and Prime Minister Bismarck.

With backing from the government, the Krupp Company quickly expanded its operations and began to delve into military industry and chemicals.

The Krupp cannon, made from Krupp steel, was Alfred Krupp’s greatest return on the trust placed in him by Wilhelm I and Prime Minister Bismarck, and it was the trump card that led the Krupp Company to prosperity.

The reason Carlo wanted to meet Alfred Krupp was not only to import the Krupp Company’s artillery technology but also to acquire its steelmaking technology.

Steelmaking required chemistry, and the British Empire undoubtedly had the largest reserve of chemical talents among all nations. In fact, many famous steelmaking methods were invented by British scientists, but it was not always the British government that put these methods to significant use.

Alfred Krupp’s talent in steelmaking technology was undeniable. He successively studied Bessemer’s acid converter process and the Thomas steelmaking process, keeping Krupp Company’s steelmaking technology at the forefront of the world, which was one of the reasons for the company’s prosperity.

The strength of German artillery technology was largely due to its advanced steelmaking methods. The famous Krupp cannon barrels were made from Krupp steel, and the durability of this steel resulted in the powerful and highly reliable Krupp cannon.

Because the Krupp Company was a private enterprise, it increased the possibility of Spain obtaining its steelmaking and artillery technology.

Provided the German government did not object, Carlo was very confident in reaching a cooperation agreement with the Krupp Company and using its steelmaking methods to once again boost Spain’s total steel production.

Sure enough, when Carlo met the renowned Alfred Krupp, the latter’s attitude was very respectful, and he expressed his willingness to cooperate with the Spanish government.

Because the economic crisis was not yet fully over, the Krupp Company, being a steel company, had been affected. More importantly, the company’s other major source of income, the military industry, was also short on orders, leaving the company’s finances rather tight.

Although the Krupp Company was willing to cooperate with Spain, when Alfred Krupp heard that the cooperation Carlo proposed involved purchasing the company’s artillery and steelmaking technologies, even he was somewhat shocked and hesitant.

Steelmaking and artillery technology were the very foundation of the Krupp Company’s existence, let alone importing both technologies at once.

But considering the ongoing economic crisis, and the fact that cooperating with Spain would have little impact on the Krupp Company’s business in Germany, Alfred Krupp himself was torn.

Ultimately, although the Krupp Company’s steelmaking methods were advanced, they had been learned and improved upon from British methods.

The Krupp Company had paid almost nothing in research and development costs. If Krupp’s own infiltration of a British factory in disguise to learn steelmaking techniques counted, then that was perhaps the company’s only cost.

If he could trade these steelmaking technologies for enough capital to see the company through the economic crisis, it would not be too great a loss for the Krupp Company.

After much thought, Alfred Krupp still could not make up his mind. He could only apologize to Carlo, explaining that such a momentous decision required discussion with the company’s management and that it would take some time before he could give Carlo a reply.

Carlo naturally had no objection. While the Krupp Company held its internal discussions, Carlo again toured some factories in the Ruhr Industrial Region and had his Spanish officials document the planning of the German Ruhr and the strengths of some of the factories.

Alfred Krupp did not keep Carlo waiting long. Just the next day, he invited Carlo to visit the Krupp Company again, and they held lengthy discussions about the cooperation agreement.

Of course, the negotiations were handled by the subordinates Carlo had brought with him. Carlo’s main task was to tour the Krupp Company’s steel mills and armaments factories to see for himself what made the famous company so special.

The Krupp Company had made extensive preparations to welcome Carlo’s visit, perhaps also to display its capabilities in order to secure more funds and benefits from the technology transfer.

The Krupp Company had prepared a room of over 300 square meters to showcase its achievements. On display for Carlo were models of the production processes in their pig iron and cast steel workshops, as well as samples of steel ingots, train axles, and Krupp cannons.

These products represented the Krupp Company’s most advanced steelmaking and artillery technologies, which were also the advanced technologies Carlo dearly wished to bring to Spain.

Although these industrial products were not advanced compared to the industrial and military products of later generations, for Carlo, they were what Spain had been dreaming of.

Carlo spent several hours touring the room, which was only three hundred square meters, and only concluded his visit when both sides had reached a compromise on the terms of the cooperation.

After strenuous arguments from the Spanish officials and the management of the steel and military factories, the two sides finally reached a consensus.

Carlo’s Royal Steel Mill would pay twelve million pesetas to purchase a complete set of steelmaking equipment from the Krupp Company. This set of equipment was projected to have an annual output of 10,000 tons of crude steel and 40,000 tons of pig iron.

At the same time, the Krupp Company would dispatch at least thirty technical experts in steelmaking to Spain. These experts would stay in Spain for at least two years to help Spain’s steel mills master the Krupp Company’s steelmaking technology.

Of course, all expenses for these experts in Spain would be covered by the Spanish side; the Krupp Company would not pay a single cent.

As for the artillery technology, the Krupp Company would not sell it directly. However, the company would sell 500 artillery pieces to Spain through normal trade and allow Spanish military factories to disassemble them to study Krupp cannon technology.

To persuade the Krupp Company to agree to the transfer of steelmaking technology, Spain would also need to pay an additional twenty million pesetas as a learning fee.

All in all, the expenses added up to thirty-two million pesetas for Spain to purchase the Krupp Company’s steelmaking technology, and the artillery would have to be reverse-engineered on its own.

Although it fell short of his ideal outcome, this result was acceptable to Carlo.

With Krupp’s steelmaking technology, Spain’s steel production could grow further. In the long period to come, the steel production of European nations would experience explosive growth, and Europe, and indeed the world, would truly enter the industrial age.

Carlo did not expect Spain to keep pace with the three industrial giants—Britain, Germany, and the United States—but he hoped that Spain’s industrial development could come second only to France, and even surpass France in some respects.

France’s overall strength was not poor, but compared to Britain and Germany, it did not place as much importance on its own industrial development.

This went back to the impact of the Franco-Prussian War on France. Although France had a large population, the majority of its people were peasants.

The small-peasant economy hindered France’s industrial development, leading to an industrial landscape dominated by small and medium-sized enterprises.

After its defeat in the Franco-Prussian War, France faced massive reparations. These payments also constrained its industrial development, making it difficult for these small and medium-sized enterprises to adopt new industrial technologies and equipment.

Under such circumstances, the pace of France’s industrial development naturally lagged far behind countries like Britain, Germany, and the United States. This led French private capital to be unwilling to invest in domestic industrial development, preferring instead to invest in other countries to earn greater profits from their faster growth.

This gave rise to the glorious moneylending empire of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but it also sealed the fate of France’s domestic development.

Historical data also shows that France’s development had stagnated since the Franco-Prussian War.

In 1875, France’s steel production was as high as 256,000 tons. In comparison, Britain’s steel production was only 719,000 tons, while Germany and the United States both produced less than 400,000 tons.

At this time, France’s industry was not far behind Germany and the United States; it was still a powerful industrial nation.

But in the years that followed, France’s industrial scale saw little growth.

By 1880, the steel production of Britain and the United States had both surpassed one million tons, and Germany’s steel production had reached an astonishing 624,000 tons.

France’s steel production, however, was only 389,000 tons, roughly one-third of Britain’s and America’s, and only two-thirds of Germany’s.

This was not even France’s lowest point. By 1885, Britain’s steel production had soared to 1,917,000 tons, and the United States had reached 1,739,000 tons.

Germany’s development was no less impressive; its steel production had nearly doubled in five years, reaching 1,202,000 tons.

Meanwhile, France’s steel production was only 554,000 tons. A few years earlier it had been two-thirds of Germany’s; by 1885, it was not even half.

It was precisely France’s poor performance during this period that gave Carlo hope that Spain could surpass it in industry.

Last year, Spain’s steel production was around 200,000 tons, while France’s reached 300,000 tons. If the third phase of construction for the Barcelona Industrial Base could be completed, Spain might genuinely have a chance to surpass France in steel production in the coming years.

Although steel production did not represent the entire industrial scale, it was closely related to it. After all, a steel mill would only have enough orders to produce steel if the domestic industrial scale and demand were large enough.

After signing the cooperation agreement with the Krupp Company, Carlo had accomplished most of his objectives in the Ruhr.

The steelmaking technologies of the other steel mills in the Ruhr were either similar to or inferior to the Krupp Company’s, so there was no need for Carlo to visit them.

The partnership with the Krupp Company had already fulfilled Carlo’s needs for steelmaking and artillery technology. This trip to Germany had been an unexpected boon for him.

After the contract was signed, Carlo did not linger in Germany for long.

After all, the upcoming visit to France was the main event. The aid he could secure from the French was what Carlo truly cared about.

France’s gradual transformation into a moneylending empire had indeed affected its own development, but for Spain, it was actually a good thing.

German private capital was not necessarily weaker than French, but that capital needed to be invested domestically to help Germany’s industry develop faster.

This meant that although Germany was industrially powerful, it did not have sufficient funds to help Spain develop.

France was different. It had a completely selfless attitude, perfectly willing to help others at its own expense. It had ample funds to help Spain develop, which was why Carlo was more willing to cooperate with France.

Regardless of how the relationship between Spain and France might develop in the future, at this moment, France was the European nation most likely to provide Spain with the most loans. That reason alone was enough.

To travel to France, Carlo did not opt for a train journey as he had from Austria to Germany. Instead, he traveled north from the Ruhr and then took a ship from a port to a French port.

The reason for this was, of course, the rivalry between Germany and France. If he openly took a train from Germany to visit France, it would be an affront to the Germans’ pride, and France would be suspicious of his intentions.

Since France had become a republic, there was naturally no crown prince or king to receive him.

Upon arriving in Paris, Carlo was lodged by the French government in a manor in Paris.

Among the three countries he visited, apart from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, France was perhaps the most welcoming towards Carlo.

The main reason for this was that France needed Spain to break through Germany’s encirclement.

In his talks with the French government, Carlo mentioned his desire to obtain more interest-free and low-interest loans from France and requested more industrial and other forms of aid.

The French, of course, did not refuse, but they also put forward their own demands. After all, the French were not fools and would not give things away for free.

Among all the conditions proposed by the French, the first was to prohibit Spain from entering into any diplomatic or military agreements with Germany.

The purpose of this was to prevent Spain from joining the alliance Germany was forming to isolate France. Carlo knew the French’s objective and naturally nodded in agreement.

The French’s second demand was to establish a closer trade relationship with Spain.

Carlo had no objections to this. After all, France’s vast grain production was a good option for Spain to avert a food crisis, and trade with France would not be a loss for Spain.

Of course, protecting Spain’s industry was also essential. Spain had been less affected by the economic crisis, and the prices of its domestic industrial products were still relatively high compared to those in the rest of Europe.

Due to the economic crisis, the prices of industrial products across Europe, especially steel and machinery products, had hit rock bottom. If these products were allowed to flood the Spanish market, it would undoubtedly deal a blow to Spain’s factories.

Given that the quality of these industrial products was similar, the public would certainly choose the cheaper ones.

This meant that Spain’s domestic factories would either have to lower their prices or face a shrinking market share.

Carlo was unwilling to let Spain’s industry suffer a major blow from the impact of foreign industrial goods. Therefore, while agreeing to the French proposal to deepen trade cooperation, he specifically mentioned that Spain would temporarily not import French industrial products.

The French government had no intention of forcing Spain to import industrial products. After all, their goal in proposing closer trade cooperation was to gain economic influence over the Spanish government.

As long as Spain deepened its cooperation, and with the large influx of French capital into Spain, French capital was destined to gain a certain say.

This would also ensure that Spain would lean closer to France, which was the French’s true objective and a carefully considered method by the French government to prevent Spain from siding with Germany.

Chapter 238: Political Parties

After a few days’ stay in France, Carlo’s diplomatic visit came to a successful conclusion.

Although French industrial development was showing some signs of decline, its economy was still extremely strong. On the condition that Spain would not lean towards Germany, the French were also happy to invest more in Spain.

After negotiations between the two governments, Carlo ultimately secured another loan of 500 million francs from France.

Of this amount, 100 million francs came from the French government. As a reward for Spain remaining neutral or even leaning towards France, this loan was interest-free; Spain only needed to repay it within five years, with no additional conditions.

The remaining 400 million francs in loans all came from private French banks and conglomerates, but they were also low-interest loans.

The repayment period for these low-interest loans was longer; the Spanish government only needed to repay it within ten years.

Of course, just like the previous loans provided by France, these loans from private French banks and conglomerates came with certain requirements.

For instance, 60% of these 400 million francs could only be used to purchase goods in France, while the remaining 40% could be freely allocated by the Spanish government.

This meant the Spanish government only had 160 million francs of disposable funds, while the remaining 240 million francs had to be spent on imports from France.

The good news was that, because of these restrictions, the interest on this loan was not high. The Spanish government only had to repay a total of 480 million francs, principal and interest included, within ten years, which amounted to an annual interest rate of only 2% of the principal.

Since 240 million francs could only be used to buy things in France, Carlo naturally didn’t hesitate and immediately signed a large purchase order with France.

This procurement mainly included various types of industrial equipment, some technical data, and shares in several French factories and companies.

This major purchase cost well over 100 million francs, which made the French officials and the owners of the factories and companies that received the orders beam with joy.

These orders would not only alleviate the economic crisis faced by these factories and companies but also stimulate the growth of the French economy.

This way, the money simply circulated back into the French economy, having no negative impact on France.

Spain, in turn, acquired the necessary industrial equipment and related technical data through this large purchase. In short, this cooperation was a win-win for both Spain and France.

This large purchase was the last thing Carlo did in France. After the purchase orders were signed, Carlo and a group of Spanish government officials took a train south back to Spain.

The entire diplomatic tour took nearly two months. When Carlo left Spain, Christmas had just ended; by the time he returned, it was already February.

His first order of business upon returning to Spain, naturally, was to spend some quality time with the two little ones, Juan Fernando and Sofia. And, of course, with Queen Sophie and the two young maids.

After a few days of rest, Carlo turned his attention back to Spain’s development and began attending a series of meetings to discuss the country’s next steps.

Since the proposal to swap the Cuban colony was raised in the last Cabinet meeting, the Spanish government had established a basic strategy: prioritize the development of the African colonies.

Among Spain’s three African colonies, the colony of Southern Morocco had the highest priority, followed by the Congo Territory, and finally the Guinea colony.

Aside from the colony of Southern Morocco, the development of both the Congo Territory and the Guinea colony faced a common problem: an insufficient residential population.

By residential population, this meant people recognized by Spain, that is, legal citizens who had obtained Spanish citizenship.

Currently, the entire residential population of the Congo Territory was less than twenty thousand people. For a territory spanning over a million square kilometers, this was undoubtedly a drop in the bucket, and it constrained the pace of the Congo Territory’s development.

The same was true for the Guinea colony. It covered tens of thousands of square kilometers, yet its residential population was less than ten thousand.

Therefore, the purpose of the Cabinet meeting Carlo convened was to find ways to further address the population issues in these colonies.

The Cabinet government’s efforts last year had been quite effective. Through the method of trading with Russia for people, Spain had acquired a total of about 25,000 people from Russia, at least half of whom were sent to the various colonies.

This led to rapid population growth in Spain’s major colonies. The Congo Territory began to take shape, at least no longer looking as rudimentary as before.

But it was clear that this number of people was still not enough to meet the needs of the Spanish colonies. To get the African colonies on the right track sooner, the Spanish government needed to source more people from elsewhere.

Currently, there was only one country from which Spain could bring in a large number of immigrants: Russia, the most populous nation in Europe.

For a country as populous as Russia, losing tens of thousands of immigrants a year was of no concern, and it wouldn’t cause the Russian high command the slightest bit of heartache.

The proportion of Russians in the Congo Territory was already around half. According to Carlo’s plan, the proportion of Russians needed to be kept at around 50%, or even lowered below that.

Fortunately, Spain could also source people from the colony of Southern Morocco, and along with a small number of domestic immigrants, this would ensure that the Russian population in the Congo Territory did not become too large and threaten its stability.

As for the colony of Southern Morocco, Carlo had only one plan: to completely assimilate or eliminate all the Moroccans there.

These Moroccans faced two choices: either work to their death as Moroccans in Spanish plantations, mines, and other labor sites, or become Spanish citizens and move to mainland Spain or other colonies.

Once they obtained Spanish citizenship, they would gain the status of freemen and could seek desirable jobs like ordinary Spaniards, rather than being forced to work in more dangerous labor sites.

Currently, the Moroccan population in the colony of Southern Morocco was steadily decreasing. It was estimated that the number of Moroccans was already below 750,000.

This actually facilitated Spain’s assimilation process. These Moroccans clearly couldn’t stir up any trouble; they could only obediently choose their future under the rules set by the Spanish government.

It was clear that most Moroccans were quite astute. They might not have wanted to acquire Spanish citizenship, but faced with the choice of either becoming a citizen or remaining a slave for life, they all sensibly chose the former.

If it weren’t for the previously strict review process for Spanish citizenship, which included an observation period of several months to a year, the number of Moroccans becoming Spanish citizens each year would likely have been in the tens of thousands.

After beginning the development of the Congo Territory, Spain gradually eased the quotas for citizenship. Currently, over one hundred thousand Moroccans had entered the observation period; if things went smoothly, Spain hoped to gain over one hundred thousand new immigrants within six months.

The majority of these one hundred thousand Moroccan immigrants would be sent to the Guinea colony and the Congo Territory, with only a small fraction getting the chance to go to mainland Spain.

Divided between the Guinea colony and the Congo Territory, each would receive around thirty thousand immigrants.

These immigrants would help Spain develop its colonies and territories more quickly, without needing to send large numbers of immigrants from the mainland.

This was the best possible news for Spain, a country already suffering from a population deficit. The development of the mainland population would not be constrained, and could even experience rapid growth thanks to the constant influx of immigrants.

Speaking of population, after Carlo returned to Spain from his visit, the Cabinet government also reported to him on the country’s population growth over the past year.

As of January 1878, Spain’s total population had surpassed nineteen million, reaching 19.12 million. At the current rate of growth, Spain was on track to exceed twenty million people by 1880.

The rapid population growth was due not only to a surge in the birth rate on the mainland but also to the large number of immigrants Spain had acquired in the past year.

Immigrants from Russia alone numbered over 25,000, not to mention a combined total of around 15,000 immigrants from Italy and Portugal.

All in all, immigrants from various European countries and regions contributed to a population increase of over 50,000 for Spain, a fairly impressive figure.

It was projected that for a long time to come, Spain would continue to receive a significant number of immigrants from Russia and Italy each year.

This, combined with Spain’s high domestic birth rate, would ensure that the population could grow even faster without diluting the proportion of the dominant ethnic group.

Only by increasing the population to over thirty million would Spain have the standing to challenge the five traditional great powers of Europe. And only by raising it to over fifty million could it hope to surpass them.

In addition to planning for colonial population growth, the Spanish government also officially began its machinations against Portugal.

The history of Spain and Portugal was one of constant love and hate. The Kingdom of Portugal originally separated from Spain, giving the two countries deep-seated historical ties.

As Portugal and Spain were the only two sovereign nations on the Iberian Peninsula, the relationship between them had always been tense, and Spain had never given up its ambitions towards Portugal.

This so-called “machination” against Portugal was, in reality, a series of small strategies designed to sow greater chaos within the country.

Compared to Spain, which was gradually reviving, Portugal was still in a period of decline and clearly more chaotic internally. A chaotic order is more prone to problems, and for Spain, this meant it could use various methods to exacerbate and intensify Portugal’s domestic issues.

Portugal possessed two large colonies in Africa, but the returns they brought to the country were not high.

Historically, it was precisely because Portugal maintained too many colonies that its domestic finances became strained, eventually leading to it declaring bankruptcy twice in a decade.

The economic collapse created a severe social crisis and shook the foundations of Portugal’s long-standing monarchy. Ultimately, King Carlos I of Portugal and Crown Prince Luís were assassinated, and the Portuguese throne was overthrown a few years later.

What Carlo intended to do was accelerate Portugal’s economic collapse, plunge the country into chaos, and create a crisis of confidence in the monarchy among the populace.

The 19th century was the era of the Industrial Revolution, but it was also an era of great revolutions. If Portugal descended into chaos, a major revolution was inevitable.

And history had proven that the first republic established after overthrowing a monarchy was often not very reliable, just like Spain’s own history.

After overthrowing the Bourbon dynasty, Spain established a republic. But the hastily established republic did not slow Spain’s decline; on the contrary, due to frequent changes in republican governments, the country fell into even greater chaos, ultimately leading to the restoration of the monarchy.

What Carlo needed to do was push the Portuguese people to launch a revolution, overthrow the royal family, and establish a Portuguese republic.

A republic hastily established by the Portuguese would inevitably be unable to govern the country effectively. With Spain tripping them up from the sidelines, Portugal’s economy was destined to collapse even more severely.

At that point, the Portuguese people would remember the virtues of the monarchy. But with their own royal family overthrown, they would have to restore the monarchy by electing a new king or elevating a nobleman to the throne.

As Portugal’s neighbor, if Spain developed rapidly and entered a period of prosperity during this time, it would surely capture the attention of most Portuguese people.

If Carlo could build up goodwill in Portugal and guide public opinion, it was not impossible that he could bring about the reunification of Spain and Portugal.

If Portugal could be annexed peacefully, the rest would be simple. After all, Portugal’s population was only just over four million, making assimilation relatively easy.

Spain could disperse the Portuguese population by recruiting workers for its industrial centers and, at the same time, immigrate some Spaniards to Portugal.

Once the proportion of Portuguese people in the region of Portugal was reduced to below 50%, it would be much harder for Portugal to seek independence from Spain again.

Carlo was eager to get his hands on this tempting prize that was Portugal. Adding Portugal’s four million-plus people, Spain’s population could hopefully reach thirty million by around 1890, and surpass forty million before the outbreak of World War I. This would give Spain enough strength to protect itself in the war, and perhaps even decide its outcome at a critical moment.

He wouldn’t even have to wait for World War I. In the smaller wars and conflicts leading up to it, Spain would have enough strength to intervene and vie for more interests for itself.

Some of the more covert methods involved supporting certain political parties within Portugal and using them to completely muddle the country’s political situation.

For a monarchy, parties that advocate for liberty and democracy are a threat to its interests. But most countries had no good way to deal with them, resorting to either making concessions or using brute force to suppress them.

Whichever approach the Portuguese government chose, Spain could use the situation to stir up Portugal’s political landscape.

If Portugal resorted to armed suppression, it would inevitably provoke even fiercer resistance from the Portuguese people.

Then there would be quite a show to watch. If a civil war broke out in Portugal as a result, Spain, as its only neighbor, could exert an even more profound influence on the situation.

Of course, it would be best to ignite Portugal’s internal conflicts at a time when Britain was too preoccupied to intervene, such as during the Boer War.

These actions against Portugal would have to be carried out by government officials; Carlo, at least, could not be publicly involved.

After all, King Luís of Portugal was his brother-in-law, and the Queen of Portugal was his own sister. Attacking his own relatives would be a bit unseemly.

If a rebellion broke out within Portugal and overthrew the royal family on its own, then the problem would solve itself.

Carlo could even offer asylum to the Portuguese royal family, thereby gaining the favor of the Portuguese royalists and avoiding damage to his own reputation.

Speaking of supporting political parties in Portugal to disrupt its political situation, Carlo suddenly had a new idea.

If he could support foreign political parties to stir up chaos, why couldn’t he support domestic political parties to control the situation at home?

Spain currently had three major political parties: the royalist faction were staunch supporters of the monarchy, the Progressive Party also supported the monarchy, and only the Liberal Party held an ambiguous stance.

Among these three parties, there was no workers’ party representing the interests of the laborers. If Carlo were to create and support a workers’ party, he could not only complete Spain’s party system but also stabilize the domestic situation by controlling it.

It was well known that since the Industrial Revolution, the working class had been a powerful force, one capable of influencing a nation’s destiny.

If Carlo could harness this political force by creating a workers’ party and combine it with the support of the more conservative peasant class, who could possibly undermine Spain’s monarchy?

A Kingdom of Spain supported by the worker and peasant class would be, to a certain extent, invincible.

Once Spain’s capitalist class had grown, he could set the capitalists and the working class against each other. The royal family would only need to balance these two classes, and with the support of the nobility, they could achieve complete national stability.

If the power of the working class grew too strong, he could ease tensions by sacrificing a few capitalists. Capitalists were no good anyway; for the stability of the nation, sacrificing a few was a necessary evil.

Thinking this, Carlo was quite satisfied with his plan and decided to put it into action.

Even if the plan didn’t work as well as imagined, a workers’ party completely under his control would still serve a purpose.

After all, compared to letting the political power of the working class grow wild, proper guidance and control could sharpen this force without it turning on himself.

Chapter 239: The Anglo-Russian Conflict and German Neutrality

While the Spanish government was discussing its actions against Portugal, the situation in the Balkan Peninsula, which had been calm for several months, finally descended into chaos once again.

In mid-to-late February 1878, the Russian government forced the Ottoman Empire to sign the Treaty of San Stefano, attempting to end the war as quickly as possible to prevent Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire from interfering with the outcome.

The contents of this treaty had been decided in advance by Russian Foreign Minister Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov and Tsar Alexander II. For the Ottoman Empire, whose defeat was like a landslide, there was simply no room for choice.

According to the treaty signed by both parties, the Ottoman Empire would be forced to recognize the full independence of Montenegro, Serbia, and Romania, and to acknowledge the autonomous status of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Bosnia and Herzegovina would remain within the Ottoman Empire’s territory as autonomous regions, but they would be responsible for their own internal affairs, which the Ottoman Empire had no right to interfere with.

In addition, a Greater Bulgaria would be established in southern Romania, and the Ottoman Empire must permit legal Russian activities in the Bulgarian region.

The Ottoman Empire was also required to return the southwestern region of Bessarabia to Russia and cede Kars, Batum, Ardahan, and Bayazid to Russia.

Besides the territorial changes, the Russian government also demanded that the Ottoman Empire revise the passage rules of the Bosphorus Strait, requiring the Ottomans to permanently permit warships from all countries bordering the Black Sea, including Russia, to pass through the strait.

Originally, as per the Russians’ request, the contents of this treaty were to be kept strictly confidential for a short period to avoid opposition from Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

But the Ottoman Empire was not foolish. The empire’s high command knew that at this moment, only the British could prevent the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire.

Through the efforts of the Ottoman high command, the relevant contents of the Treaty of San Stefano were leaked to the European media and became known to all European countries.

At once, the treaty’s contents aroused the strong dissatisfaction of Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Emperor Franz Joseph I of the Austro-Hungarian Empire could truly no longer sit still. He ordered his government to sternly criticize the treaty and issued a regional mobilization order.

The Russians had gained a large amount of territory through the treaty and could also indirectly control Montenegro, Serbia, and Romania by supporting their independence.

And what about the Austro-Hungarian Empire? Bosnia and Herzegovina, which the Russians had promised to hand over to Austria-Hungary before the war, had only gained autonomous status and still remained within the Ottoman Empire’s territory.

This meant that if the treaty were implemented as written, the Austro-Hungarian Empire could only watch as Russia continuously expanded its influence in the Balkans, while Austria-Hungary itself would be forced to withdraw from the struggle for dominance there.

The British Empire was also extremely dissatisfied. Although the treaty did not grant Russia control of Constantinople, it did give Russia free passage through the straits.

Without the restriction of the straits, Russia’s Black Sea Fleet could sail south into the Mediterranean with impunity, thereby undermining Britain’s strategic control over the two outlets of the Mediterranean.

The British had vast ambitions. After gaining control of the Suez Canal, they had already achieved de facto control over the Mediterranean.

With both the eastern and western outlets in British hands, any Mediterranean nation wishing to leave the sea had to consider the British position.

The British relished this status and were unwilling to let any country disrupt the existing system, let alone Russia, a nation with which Britain had a strong competitive relationship.

After the Austro-Hungarian Empire announced a partial mobilization, Britain directly dispatched the Royal Fleet to the Straits of Constantinople. They also convened a diplomatic conference and solemnly declared that the Treaty of San Stefano, signed by Russia and the Ottoman Empire, was illegal and a unilateral act of extortion by Russia against the Ottoman Empire.

The strong stances of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Britain put Russia under immense pressure for a time. Tsar Alexander II could only place his hopes on his ally, the German Empire.

The Germans were also in a difficult position. Their two allies were on the verge of turning against each other over the Balkan issue. If Germany chose either side, it would destroy the policy of isolating France formulated by Prime Minister Bismarck.

But if they did not take a stand, it would not only disappoint their two allies but could also affect Germany’s international standing in Europe.

Conflicts between great powers like this were precisely the time to demonstrate a nation’s status and international influence. If the Germans acted like cowards and hid in their shells, the French would likely mock them for decades.

After careful consideration, German Prime Minister Bismarck ultimately chose to mediate the conflict among the great powers as a neutral intermediary.

This also reflected the capability of the Iron Chancellor, Bismarck. No matter which side of the conflict Germany chose, its relationship with the other would be severely damaged.

But it was also unacceptable for Germany not to step forward. Therefore, the most suitable choice was to mediate this conflict from a neutral position as much as possible.

Germany also had sufficient strength to be this intermediary. The role of an intermediary required not only adequate international status and influence but also enough power to make all countries compromise with each other under relatively fair conditions.

Without sufficient strength, a situation would arise where mediation would be offered, but all countries would simply ignore it.

After Germany announced it would mediate the conflict as a strictly neutral party, Russia effectively lost the initiative.

The current situation was Russia against two, and one of its opponents was the British Empire, the most powerful country in the world at the time.

Under such circumstances, even though Russia had already completed its control over the various Balkan countries, it was forced to re-enter negotiations with Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

In late March 1878, at Germany’s invitation, the British Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Russia held a conference in Berlin with the aim of resolving the competition and conflict over the Balkan countries.

As the most powerful nation of the day, the diplomatic representative sent by Britain began the conference by righteously and sternly denouncing the treaty signed by Russia, stating that the British Empire would absolutely not accept such a treaty.

The British representative demanded a redrawing of the situation in the Balkan Peninsula and that the Bosphorus Strait remain under the control of the Ottoman Empire.

To this, the British also provided a reason. Since the Ottoman Empire had not lost Constantinople, the Bosphorus Strait should theoretically be considered the internal waters of the Ottoman Empire.

Since it was the Ottoman Empire’s internal waters, Russia naturally had no right to free passage through the strait.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire also put forward its own demands. They demanded the annexation of Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Serbia, and that the Greater Bulgaria proposed by Russia be changed into a smaller Bulgaria to prevent the rapid expansion of Russian influence in the Balkans.

Upon hearing the demands of Britain and Austria-Hungary, the Russian Foreign Minister attending the conference, Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, saw his expression instantly turn grim.

If they really proceeded according to the plan proposed by Britain and Austria-Hungary, then what was the purpose of Russia fighting this war?

After painstakingly launching a war, all the benefits were being snatched away by Britain and Austria-Hungary. Was Russia supposed to have done all that just to control little Romania?

Although Russia seemed outmatched under the pressure from the British Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, as Foreign Minister, Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov knew he could not take a step back on his own initiative.

If he showed any sign of retreat, Britain and Austria-Hungary would surely put forward even more outrageous proposals. For the sake of Russia’s interests, he had to display a sufficiently tough attitude at this diplomatic conference, at least to make Britain and Austria-Hungary understand that Russia was by no means a fat lamb for them to slaughter at will.

“Gentlemen, it is absolutely impossible for us to accept your proposals. The Treaty of San Stefano is the armistice treaty signed between our country and the Ottoman Empire. All its contents are compensation from the Ottoman Empire to our country after their defeat; there is nothing unreasonable about it,” the Russian Foreign Minister, Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, could not help but stand up and retort.

If he remained silent any longer, who could guarantee what other absurd demands the British and Austro-Hungarian foreign ministers across from him might make?

“Reasonable compensation for defeat?” The British diplomatic representative chuckled disdainfully and said, “Was it not your country that initiated the war? Your country started a war without any justification and yet you expect the Ottoman Empire to bear the compensation for defeat. Is this not a tyrannical clause?

The war took the lives of hundreds of thousands of Ottoman commoners. This is already the most forceful punishment for the Ottoman Empire.

I believe the Ottoman Empire was not at fault in this war. The Treaty of San Stefano needs to be revised; otherwise, our country cannot recognize its legitimacy.”

The power of the British Empire gave the British representative great confidence in his speech. Even though he was facing the Russian Foreign Minister, Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, who was deeply trusted by Tsar Alexander II, he showed not the slightest fear.

The Austro-Hungarian diplomatic representative also nodded, chiming in, “Your country not only started the war without any justification but also completely failed to abide by the agreement between our two nations before the war began.

For this act of breaking a promise, our 38 million citizens and His Majesty Emperor Franz Joseph are deeply resentful.

Like Britain, we do not recognize the legitimacy of the Treaty of San Stefano and demand that this treaty be jointly revised in the presence of all of us to ensure that the interests of all nations and peoples involved in this treaty are not harmed.”

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov had never imagined that while his own attitude was firm, the attitudes of the British and Austro-Hungarian representatives would be even firmer.

To make the Russians concede obediently, the British and Austro-Hungarian representatives successively expressed their pro-war stances.

The British representative stated that if the Russians refused to revise the Treaty of San Stefano, the next time Britain and Russia met, it would be on the battlefield.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire stated that the armies around Hungary had already begun to mobilize. If Russia did not choose to back down in this conflict, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would proactively declare war on Russia.

Faced with this almost naked threat of war from both countries, the Russian Foreign Minister, Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, finally hesitated.

If it were facing either Britain or the Austro-Hungarian Empire alone, Russia would not have feared their threats of war.

But there was no helping it. The British Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire combined were in a state where they would not be the least bit intimidated by any country in the world.

Let alone Russia, whose industry was just taking its first steps, even a new powerhouse of Europe like Germany, or France, which once dominated Europe, could not possibly maintain a calm and peaceful dialogue.

The naval power of the British Empire alone was enough to dominate the world, not to mention that the combined land forces of Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire could also pose a serious threat to Russia.

The British Empire was famous for its navy, but that didn’t mean its army’s combat effectiveness was poor. Although not comparable to countries like Germany and France that dominated primarily with their armies, among the great powers, Britain’s army strength was sufficient to rank in the upper-middle tier.

Austria-Hungary, needless to say, was another matter. The Austrians, the dominant ethnic group, were Southern Germans, and their combat prowess was quite formidable, as could be seen from the strength of the German army.

Although the proportion of Austrians in the Austro-Hungarian Empire was not very large, an army composed of Austrians, Hungarians, and other minorities mixed together would not have a combat effectiveness that was too underwhelming.

The biggest problem for the Austro-Hungarian Empire was the language barrier among the armies composed of these different ethnic groups. Not everyone possessed the unimaginable talent for languages that Emperor Franz Joseph I had.

Of course, no matter how many internal problems the Austro-Hungarian Empire had, they were one of the five traditional great powers of Europe, and their overall strength was still very formidable.

Faced with the joint threat of war from Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Russian Ambassador could only once again turn his gaze to the host of this conference, German Prime Minister Bismarck.

Bismarck had long planned to remain completely neutral in this conference, as this was the only way to avoid severely damaging relations with both Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Seeing the Russian Ambassador, Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, look towards him, Bismarck could only shake his head discreetly, indicating that he was powerless to help.

Although he had long guessed that Germany might remain indifferent, when Prime Minister Bismarck actually shook his head at him, the Russian Ambassador, Alexander, could not help but reveal a disappointed expression.

Without Germany’s support, this meant that Russia could only fend for itself in this conference—or rather, be at the mercy of Britain and Austria-Hungary.

As Foreign Minister, Alexander certainly understood the internal attitude and specific decisions within Russia. It was impossible for Russia to launch another war against Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, because Russia had already suffered massive casualties in the Russo-Turkish War, along with huge military expenditures.

The Russo-Turkish War had already been fought for a year. If they were to fight another war against Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, even if Russia could achieve final victory, the deal would not be profitable at all.

Russia had an abundant population, so the loss of troops was not a major concern for the Russian government.

But while troops were lost, weapons and ammunition were also being consumed at a frantic pace. Whether produced domestically or imported again from Spain, this represented a huge military outlay.

If they could ultimately win this war, it would be one thing; Russia could console itself with the lands gained and the Balkan countries under its control.

But if this war also ended in defeat, then Russia would lose its very shirt.

It was precisely because of this that before attending the Berlin Conference, Tsar Alexander II had already instructed the ambassador to adopt a tough stance in the initial phase of negotiations to see if they could force Britain and Austria-Hungary to back down.

If Britain and Austria-Hungary were willing to force Russia into submission even at the cost of war, then Russia could only fall obediently into the trap and raise its hands in surrender.

Sigh!

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov sighed inwardly. Then, it was as if all the air had gone out of him, and his spirit instantly vanished.

After a few seconds of internal struggle, Alexander said helplessly, “Let it be as you say, esteemed envoys. Russia is willing to revise the Treaty of San Stefano, but the condition is that our country’s interests must also be sufficiently respected.”

Seeing that the Russian ambassador had already chosen to back down, the representatives of Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire exchanged a glance, and both saw a hint of a smile in the other’s eyes.

Although their combined strength overwhelmed Russia’s, this did not mean they wanted to start a war with Russia.

The most troublesome thing about Russia was its vast population, which represented a massive army of millions. If this behemoth was truly provoked into mobilizing several million troops, wouldn’t Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire have to mobilize millions of their own troops to maintain an advantage on the battlefield?

Even if they could win the war by doing so, Britain and Austria-Hungary would also have to bear considerable losses.

This was especially true for the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which, having few colonies, had to mobilize its own domestic population.

Among the many ethnic groups in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the more reliable fighting force was the Austrian army. If the Austrian army suffered heavy losses in the war, the very stability of the Austro-Hungarian Empire could be affected.

A major reason the Austro-Hungarian Empire was dismembered into several countries after World War I was that Austria, having suffered heavy losses, could no longer control Hungary.

Only by constantly maintaining the dominance of the primary ethnic group over minorities can a nation achieve long-term stability.

This also highlights the importance of colonies. Although the colonial armies formed from the natives of the colonies were not strong in combat, they made for excellent cannon fodder.

Even with a 10-to-1 loss ratio, it was not a loss for the various colonial powers. Ten colonial natives were certainly not as valuable as one citizen from the home country, except for in those countries that already had huge populations.

For Spain, losing all its indigenous colonial population was preferable to a decrease of one million in its domestic population.

Not to mention, the losses in war were primarily excellent young, able-bodied laborers, whose value could not be measured against that of the indigenous populations.

Chapter 240: Shipbuilding Cooperation

With the complete capitulation of Russian Foreign Secretary Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire officially began the process of revising the Treaty of San Stefano.

During the week of negotiations, besides holding firm on certain bottom lines, the Russian Foreign Secretary remained silent on most other issues.

This allowed the revision process to proceed with remarkable smoothness. In just one week, a brand-new “New Treaty of San Stefano” was born.

According to the new treaty’s terms, Montenegro, Serbia, and Romania would be fully independent from the Ottoman Empire. Meanwhile, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would acquire the regions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Bulgaria would be granted autonomy.

Constantinople and the Straits would remain under Ottoman control, and Black Sea nations would have no special passage rights through the Straits of Constantinople.

This new treaty completely halted Russia’s expansion into the Balkan Peninsula. All Russia gained were a few small parcels of land in the Caucasus, a negligible return.

Conversely, the Austro-Hungarian Empire emerged as the biggest beneficiary of these peace talks. It acquired Bosnia and Herzegovina, a region valuable in its own right, not to mention its potential as a bridgehead for Austria-Hungary to extend its influence deeper into the Balkans.

When news of the signing of the new Treaty of San Stefano spread throughout Europe, rumors circulated that Tsar Alexander II of Russia, upon learning the specific details of the revised treaty, had furiously smashed every single ornament in his office to smithereens.

Foreign Secretary Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, who had signed the treaty, was subjected to a torrent of abuse from Tsar Alexander II and nearly lost his official position.

But anger was one thing; Alexander II naturally understood that this outcome was inevitable. The moment Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire announced their intervention, Russia had already lost the upper hand in the negotiations.

It is worth noting that as news of the revised Treaty of San Stefano spread across Europe, the prestige of the British Empire soared once again.

In the eyes of most Europeans, Russia was already a formidable power, arguably the hegemon of Eastern Europe.

Yet even a nation so powerful had been forced to yield under British pressure. This further highlighted the might of the British Empire, filling every Briton with immense pride in its strength.

Compared to the benefits Britain and Austria-Hungary gained from these peace negotiations, Carlo was actually more concerned with the future of the League of the Three Emperors.

Germany had maintained a neutral stance during the talks, which did indeed prevent a deterioration of relations with its two allies.

But it was undeniable that Germany had not supported Russia when it needed it most, and Russia’s resentment was certain.

Although it was not as severe as the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s backstabbing of Russia during the Crimean War, for a Russia that had already been betrayed once, the future development of German-Russian relations was a key point to watch.

A shift in German-Russian relations would also affect the relationship between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia. Previously, with Germany’s backing, the Austro-Hungarian Empire generally adopted a compromising stance in its decisions regarding the Balkan Peninsula.

Without German support, Austria-Hungary would naturally no longer fear Russia. The future struggle for dominance between the two great powers, Austria-Hungary and Russia, on the Balkan Peninsula would be quite a spectacle, potentially even embroiling the entire European situation.

Originally, there were no overly intense conflicts among the various ethnic groups of the Balkan Peninsula. But under the competition between the two great powers, Austria-Hungary and Russia, these affected Balkan nations would also embark on different paths.

Of course, this trend was a good thing for Spain. At least for now, the situation in Europe had not deviated from the course of history, and Carlo could still use the experience history provided to help Spain choose a more suitable path.

As the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Russia in the Balkans intensified, Germany would eventually have to choose between its two allies.

Once Russia was abandoned, France would fully embrace it, and the European situation would crystallize into a German-Austrian vs. Franco-Russian confrontation.

Germany’s overall strength was slightly greater than France’s, while Russia’s was slightly greater than Austria-Hungary’s. Carlo simply refused to believe that Britain did not have a secret hand in orchestrating such a political landscape.

Was this not the policy of regional balance that the British so esteemed? They had just played their hand wrong; Germany had erupted with unimaginable strength, nearly shaking the whole of Europe with its exceptionally formidable military might.

Now that he was clear on the future trajectory of history, the most important thing was to determine Spain’s alignment in the future and how many benefits it could gain from its choice.

Of course, before that, it was necessary to enhance Spain’s comprehensive strength to ensure that it would not become a lamb on the carving block in the future confrontation between the two major military blocs.

Having already strengthened ties with France through his diplomatic visit, Carlo had no intention of letting this opportunity slip away.

Although France’s overall strength now ranked behind Germany’s, it was still the world’s third-strongest power, second only to Britain and Germany.

As the saying goes, a starved camel is bigger than a horse. The combat effectiveness of both the French army and navy could be considered excellent, and they were still very powerful compared to Spain.

Although Spain’s shipyards had mobilized the entire nation’s resources to design the Revival-class ironclad, a rather advanced and powerful class of warship, in the years since, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had made no headway in designing a new and improved ironclad.

The designs they produced either showed no significant improvement in firepower, armor, and speed, or they had major flaws in certain areas. In short, no relatively complete new design had emerged.

Naval development was advancing by the day, and the Spanish navy absolutely could not afford to stagnate.

The Revival-class ironclad was indeed a very powerful design a few years ago, even having a chance to rank among the top five ironclad designs in Europe.

But after several years, the British Empire’s ironclad series had long been updated, and the French had also designed their newest ironclad. The Revival-class had already slipped from being a top-five European design to a top-ten one.

Although a top-ten European design was still advanced, its ranking would only continue to fall in the future.

For Spain, it was essential to continue designing an even more powerful ironclad. This would not only demonstrate Spain’s deep foundation and capability in naval design but also boost Spanish national pride.

Only when a person is proud of their motherland can they develop a strong sense of patriotism. The Spanish people currently held a deep love for their country, and Carlo would do absolutely nothing to damage the bond between the people and the nation.

Since they had already strengthened ties with France, now was naturally the time to latch onto this powerful ally.

France possessed rather excellent capabilities in naval design. Although Germany’s comprehensive strength had surpassed France’s, in naval matters, France was still the second-strongest naval power in Europe and even the world.

It was no exaggeration to say that the only navy capable of posing a threat to Britain was the current French navy.

However, the French navy could only pose a threat; it was far from being able to defeat the British navy.

For Spain at present, France was indeed the only reliable partner with whom they could jointly develop a more powerful ironclad.

The British were naturally more skilled in naval design, but they were far from reliable. Moreover, relations between Britain and Spain were not particularly good, making cooperation between the two almost impossible.

After making the decision, the Spanish government immediately contacted the French Ambassador to Spain to discuss the possibility of the two countries cooperating on the development of an ironclad.

Although Spain’s overall strength was not formidable, its naval power still ranked among the top five in Europe. While this was largely due to Spain’s historical legacy, top five in Europe was still top five in Europe—a fact that could not be disputed.

For France, cooperating with Spain was not much of a loss. They could even secure their southern border by improving relations with Spain.

As expected, when the French Ambassador reported the Spanish government’s request to Paris, the French government immediately agreed.

The two sides communicated through their ambassadors and agreed to collaborate on developing a state-of-the-art ironclad design.

Because it was a joint effort, both France and Spain would receive the complete design specifications for the ironclad once it was finalized.

Subsequent joint improvements to the warship would also be fully shared, with one exception: if either France or Spain managed to complete an improvement single-handedly.

In addition, the two parties agreed not to sell the initial version of the warship to other countries after it was designed.

If the shipyards of either country wished to sell the jointly designed warship, they would have to perform a second modification to ensure that details of the initial version would not be leaked.

Since both sides were willing to cooperate, the two governments quickly reached an agreement and immediately began their collaboration on warship development.

The French hoped to further C their relationship with the Spanish government through this cooperation, while Spain hoped to leverage French warship design expertise to create a more powerful ironclad.

Driven by their mutual interests, Spanish shipyards dispatched a large number of experts to French shipyards. For a long time to come, they would study the latest warship designs there, jointly discussing the rational and irrational aspects of warship design.

Before these experts departed for France, Carlo specifically met with them to offer his encouragement.

Many of these experts had participated in the design of the Revival-class ironclad. Their warship design skills were undoubtedly excellent, considered top-tier within Spain.

This collaboration with French warship design experts would also expose them to mainstream French design philosophies, enriching their own knowledge base.

Warship design is not born from thin air. It requires comprehensive consideration of the specific needs of both countries, as well as the strengths and weaknesses of their battleships in service, to design an ironclad that combines the virtues of all warships and meets the requirements of both nations.

This meant that after these experts arrived in France, they would have the opportunity to see the design blueprints of France’s active-duty ironclads, which would be an extremely valuable asset.

Although it was unlikely the French would reveal the blueprints of their most advanced active-duty ironclads, as long as there was new material to study, these experts were certain to learn something new.

What Carlo hoped for was that they could absorb France’s valuable experience in shipbuilding and some of its unique design concepts, allowing Spain to take another step forward in warship design, at least to reach the level of the five great powers.

It couldn’t be helped. Due to Spain’s smaller population, the number of talented individuals in the country was certainly no match for the five great powers.

Not to mention, Spain’s education situation a decade ago was quite dire. With the majority of the population being illiterate, outstanding talents were undoubtedly few and far between.

In contrast, the educational situations in other great powers were much better. Combined with populations much larger than Spain’s, this resulted in these great powers having a talent pool that Spain could not hope to match.

Germany’s education system, in particular, was definitely among the best in Europe.

Historically, a large number of brilliant physicists and chemists came from the German lands, including the renowned Einstein.

After successfully reaching a cooperation agreement with the French government, Carlo was not satisfied. He immediately proceeded to secure similar collaborations with Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire did not excel in naval matters, but that was not to say it was completely inept. Spain’s warship research and development with Austria-Hungary would focus mainly on small and medium-sized warships, especially those under 3,500 tons.

With the industrial scale and naval strength of Austria-Hungary and Spain, developing several designs for small to medium-sized warships around 3,500 tons was entirely feasible.

A nation’s navy could not consist solely of ironclads; an ironclad also required many small and medium-sized warships to form a complete fleet.

Therefore, the role of these smaller warships was quite important. Whether it was cruisers capable of long-range ocean combat and even confronting capital ships, or gunboats limited to coastal defense and patrol, they were all relatively scarce for Spain.

After all, Spain’s colonies were spread across the globe, which meant Spain needed a large navy to protect its homeland and colonies.

According to Carlo’s plan, Spain was to form two fleets in the future: the Home-Africa Fleet and the Philippine Fleet.

The Spanish navy’s assortment of wooden warships and some of its more outdated vessels would be transferred to the Philippine Fleet. These ships would be sufficient to ensure the security of the Philippine colony.

Meanwhile, the Home-Africa Fleet would be equipped with more powerful ironclads and new types of warships to significantly enhance its combat effectiveness.

With the development of naval design in various countries, Spain’s old sailing warships were basically useless.

Although they could inflate the Spanish fleet’s on-paper statistics, when facing an enemy’s ironclad, sailing warships and other wooden vessels could only wait for their doom.

The disparities in firepower, protection, and speed were simply worlds apart; this was not something that could be overcome by numbers alone.

The situation in the Philippine colony was different. The Philippine colony primarily faced the Dutch fleet and some pirates, for which sailing warships were more than adequate.

Although the Netherlands was once a renowned hegemon of Europe, its small size at this time meant it could not support a large-scale fleet.

The Dutch navy, like Spain’s, was large in name only, consisting mostly of outdated ships with very few new ironclads. The Dutch were even less likely to station ironclads in their colonies.

This meant that Spain’s old fleet could still play an important role after arriving in the Philippines, at least ensuring that the Philippines would remain relatively stable for a long time to come.

Carlo had not yet made a final decision on how to handle the Philippine colony.

The Cuban colony was definitely going to be sold, and sold at a high price in the short term.

The Philippine colony was also far from the Spanish mainland, but it had become well-established, and the troops dispatched by Spain were sufficient to ensure its stability.

Under these circumstances, trying to sell the Philippine colony became extremely difficult. The public would not accept losing the colony without any unforeseen incident, unless it could be exchanged for a larger and richer colony.

But this was impossible. The great powers were not fools; they would not trade a better colony for a worse one.

Although the Philippines had a large indigenous population, the local natives were generally quite lazy, and the revenue the colony could generate was truly limited.

Viewed this way, the Philippine colony seemed like a piece of chicken rib—more trouble than it was worth.

Fortunately, Carlo still had enough time to make a choice. Both Cuba and the Philippines were currently held firmly in Spain’s hands.

If the cooperation with the Austro-Hungarian Empire was a bet on its existing foundation, then the cooperation with Italy was purely a bet on Italy’s future.

Although Italy was a newly-promoted great power, it was a great power nonetheless. Furthermore, due to its relatively weak army, Italy had focused its main development on the navy since the reign of Carlo’s father, Victor Emanuele II.

The current king of Italy was Carlo’s brother, Umberto, a blatant nationalist and imperialist.

Historically, it was under King Umberto’s leadership that Italy joined the arms race and expanded the size of its army and navy.

It had to be admitted that Italy did possess a certain capability in naval design. In the era of the pre-dreadnought, Italy even designed the most advanced battleships in Europe, something an ordinary great power could not achieve.

In naval matters, at least, the benefits of cooperating with Italy now might be even greater than those of cooperating with the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Fortunately, Carlo was an adult; he could have both. Spain could cooperate with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and it could also cooperate with Italy.

Chapter 241: Nikola Tesla

In addition to reaching a cooperation agreement with France on construction, Carlo also planned to bring in a number of highly educated talents from France to fill the void in Spain’s high-end talent pool.

Of course, Spain’s search for talent would not be limited to France but would extend throughout all of Europe.

The German lands, in particular, which had a relatively advanced education system, were of the highest interest to Spain. For scientists with strong capabilities, Spain’s talent acquisition policy had always been quite lenient, and the rewards offered were considerably generous.

For university students who had talent but could not afford their tuition, if they were willing to come to Spain and take Spanish citizenship, the Spanish government could provide them with partial scholarships. For certain exceptionally gifted geniuses, it could even offer full scholarships and living allowances.

This talent acquisition policy had been in effect for several years, through which Spain had gained a large number of talented individuals. Although the fiscal expenditure was substantial, compared to the caliber of the talents acquired, the monetary cost was negligible.

Currently, Spain had accumulatively recruited over two thousand talents from Europe, of which nearly five hundred were students who ultimately chose to take Spanish citizenship because they couldn’t afford university.

These were all outstanding students who, after investigation by Spain, were confirmed to have a certain aptitude for a physics and chemistry. The reason they couldn’t attend university was due to their poor family circumstances, not a lack of academic ability.

For these individuals, Carlo was naturally willing to help however he could. Sponsoring their university education didn’t cost much, but the contributions they would make to Spain in the future, after becoming citizens, were not something a small scholarship could buy.

Even if more than half of these students ultimately only reached the level of ordinary university graduates, Carlo’s investment would not be a loss.

After all, university students were a minority in this era, and foreign immigrants with university degrees were already within the scope of Spain’s immigration policy. Although it required a bit more investment, the degree of loyalty these individuals felt towards Spain would certainly be higher than that of ordinary immigrants.

To maximize Spain’s chances of attracting top-tier talent, Carlo even went through all the famous scientists of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries he could recall, writing down every name he could think of on a piece of paper and handing it to Kadir, the Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau.

Unfortunately, because it was still early in the timeline, some of the world-renowned scientists of later generations had not yet been born or were still too young.

For instance, Einstein, who was familiar to most, was only born in 1879, so he was currently nowhere to be found.

The good news was that some talents who were once too young had finally grown up with the passage of time. Among them was one of the individuals Carlo valued most: the famous genius scientist, Nikola Tesla.

Early on, when Spain’s talent recruitment program had just launched, Nikola Tesla’s name was on the list Carlo gave to Kadir, the Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau.

Unfortunately, Tesla was only a teenager at the time, and Carlo did not want his interference to disrupt Tesla’s developmental journey.

It was for this reason that Tesla was able to complete his high school education just as he had in history and, in 1875, enroll in the Graz University of Technology in Austria to study physics, mathematics, and machinery.

In 1876, due to the abolition of the Austrian Military Frontier, Tesla lost his scholarship and nearly had to drop out of school.

At this crucial juncture, intelligence agents from the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau found Tesla and proposed a plan to sponsor his continued university studies.

Of course, this sponsorship was not free.

The intelligence agents revealed their Spanish identity and explained that the scholarship was provided by His Majesty King Carlo of Spain.

In return, upon graduating from university, Tesla would take on Spanish citizenship and work for Spain. Of course, Tesla would be highly valued in Spain; he could continue his studies at a Spanish university, or he could serve as an Academician of the Royal Academy of Sciences and work in important project research groups.

At this time, Nikola Tesla had just turned twenty. He was shocked and found what the Spanish intelligence agents told him hard to believe.

Of course, he had no dissatisfaction with it; rather, he was extremely grateful. Without the scholarship provided by Carlo, he would have been forced to drop out. If he wanted to continue learning, he would have been limited to auditing classes—sitting in on lectures unofficially.

Listening to lectures from inside the classroom and auditing from outside were naturally two different paths with different outcomes. Tesla desperately needed this scholarship, so he agreed to the intelligence agent’s terms without hesitation.

Tesla was born into a Serbian family in Austria. His family had been poor since his childhood, and they faced discrimination in Austria.

This meant Tesla’s sense of belonging to Austria was not strong. Regarding the proposal to take on Spanish citizenship, not only did he have no objections, he even expressed anticipation.

Spain’s development over the last decade was plain for all to see. Through the widespread circulation of Spanish newspaper companies, many Europeans had learned of Spain’s revival.

Tesla was naturally one of them. He was very interested in the Royal Academy of Sciences established by Spain and naturally looked forward to becoming one of its Academicians.

With both parties willing, Tesla and the intelligence agent signed a scholarship agreement.

During the years Tesla studied at the Graz University of Technology, Spain would provide a sufficient annual scholarship to support his studies, which included funds for purchasing various materials and conducting small-scale experiments.

In return, upon completing his studies, Tesla would be required to immediately travel to Spain, and after obtaining Spanish citizenship, he could enter the Royal Academy of Sciences or other universities to work or continue his studies.

If Tesla wanted to study at other famous universities in Europe, Spain could also make arrangements. But the prerequisite for everything was that Tesla must take on Spanish citizenship after completing his university studies. The intelligence agents made this clear in advance, and Tesla agreed to it.

As time moved to 1878, Tesla’s university career was drawing to a close. He had studied physics, mathematics, and machinery at the Graz University of Technology, achieving outstanding results in all of them.

This fully demonstrated Tesla’s ability; after all, not everyone could study three majors in four years of university and still earn excellent grades in all of them.

The physics professor at Graz University of Technology expressed great regret over this, stating that if Tesla had not pursued three majors simultaneously, he might have completed his undergraduate studies early and begun his graduate studies.

In May 1878, under the arrangements of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau’s agents, Tesla traveled to Spain by ship.

Accompanying him were his family members. Because of Tesla, they were all eligible to apply for Spanish citizenship.

Of course, the intelligence agents had conducted a prior investigation. Only after confirming that Tesla’s family members were ordinary Serbian commoners, free of any relatively extreme nationalism or democratic and liberal ideas, did they extend the immigration invitation.

Tesla’s parents and several of his older brothers would be placed in suitable jobs, and his younger brother would be enrolled in a Spanish university.

As for Tesla himself, as long as he was willing, he had his pick of the Royal Academy of Sciences and any university in Spain.

Of course, he could also choose both—working at the Royal Academy of Sciences while continuing his studies at a Spanish university.

In fact, through this dual approach of theory and practice, Tesla’s learning might even become more effective. After all, this was a talent who became a great scientist just by auditing university classes. Now that he had completed a full university education, Carlo believed Tesla’s abilities would be even more outstanding; he merely lacked time and experience.

On the day the Tesla family arrived in Spain, they were settled in a property on the outskirts of Madrid.

The property was a detached villa, more than enough to house the Tesla family. It was also relatively close to Spain’s university town, making it convenient for Tesla’s future work or research at the university.

Of course, the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences was also located near the university town, not far away.

The day after Tesla arrived in Spain, Carlo summoned him and invited him to lunch.

In later generations, the name Nikola Tesla was world-famous; there was even a renowned car company named after him.

Carlo was very much looking forward to meeting Tesla. Perhaps with his and Spain’s support, Tesla could make even more outstanding scientific contributions than he did in history, and maybe even realize his wildest ideas.

Tesla’s scientific contributions were not limited to alternating current but also included radio systems, wireless energy transmission, ball lightning, turbines, magnifying transmitters, particle beam weapons, solar engines, X-ray equipment, electrical meters, missile science, remote sensing technology, aircraft, cosmic rays, radar systems, and robotics.

From the fields he researched, it was clear that Tesla was a polymath with his own unique understanding and ideas about scientific experiments.

Tesla’s talent and ability in alternating current alone were enough for Carlo to value him highly. Not to mention his research into radio and wireless energy transmission, which could perhaps allow Spain to enjoy the radio age ahead of schedule.

In the banquet hall of the Royal Palace, Carlo met the famous mad scientist for the first time.

At this point, Nikola Tesla was not as eccentric as he was described in history; he looked more like a cultured and ambitious young man.

He had only a faint mustache on his upper lip, a sign that Tesla was not actually very old.

And it was true. Nikola Tesla, born on July 10, 1856, was at this time a mere twenty-two years old.

Twenty-two was the typical age of a university graduate in later generations, yet Tesla had already completed his studies in physics, mathematics, and machinery at the Graz University of Technology, already showcasing his extraordinary talent.

“Welcome to Spain, Mr. Tesla,” Carlo said with a smile, taking the initiative to break the ice as he noticed Nikola Tesla’s slight nervousness.

“It is my honor to receive your invitation, Your Majesty. But I am just an ordinary person who couldn’t afford university. I am afraid I will fail to live up to your trust.” At this moment, Tesla was far from the mad scientist of the future, merely a university graduate who had nearly been forced to drop out because he couldn’t pay tuition.

He felt deeply honored by Carlo’s patronage but also feared he would be unable to accomplish Carlo’s tasks and betray his trust.

Hearing Tesla say this, Carlo smiled and said, “It’s alright, I believe in your abilities, Mr. Tesla. To be able to complete the study of three majors in the same amount of time already demonstrates your talent.

If you hadn’t still been in university, I would have wanted to meet you much earlier. Now that you’ve come to Spain, do you have any plans for the future?

Will you enter one of Spain’s polytechnic universities to continue your studies in related fields, or will you go directly to work at the Royal Academy of Sciences?”

In recent years, Spain had also placed great importance on the development of its universities, leading to the emergence of a large number of science and engineering institutions.

The most representative among them was the Royal Science Academy, which Carlo had established with the support of the Royal Academy of Sciences. The Royal Science Academy focused on physics, chemistry, and mathematics, and its professors were almost all Academicians of the Royal Academy of Sciences, each possessing the caliber of an excellent European scientist.

Thanks to the efforts of these Academicians, the Royal Science Academy had grown into a renowned science university not just in Spain but throughout Europe, attracting hundreds of exchange students from other parts of Europe each year.

Although Tesla was a rare genius, Carlo believed that Spain’s Royal Science Academy had more than enough capability to cultivate him.

If the Academicians at the Royal Science Academy were not enough, Carlo was willing to spend a great deal to hire professors and experts in relevant fields from other European countries, as long as it served to nurture Tesla.

With such a high level of support and cultivation, Carlo couldn’t even imagine how outstanding Tesla’s abilities would become in the future.

After all, the historical Tesla had only completed one year of university education, having to rely on auditing classes to gain knowledge afterward.

He lived a simple routine, shuttling between the library and the university, and yet this simple learning process still allowed him to become one of the most distinguished scientists of his time.

The level of cultivation Carlo was providing for Tesla far exceeded the self-study of the historical Tesla. As long as Tesla did not lose his motivation to learn, becoming one of the most outstanding scientists of the era was practically a sure thing.

If Tesla had a little more luck in his scientific research, it might not even be impossible for him to vie for the title of the greatest scientist of the age.

Hearing Carlo’s question, Tesla did not answer immediately, but considered it carefully for a long while before speaking, “Your Majesty, may I choose to work at the Royal Academy of Sciences and continue my studies at a Spanish science university at the same time?

Both would help me improve my professional abilities more quickly. I believe I have the confidence to complete both work and study simultaneously.”

As he made this suggestion, Tesla watched Carlo’s expression, worried that such a bold proposal might displease him.

Working while studying was an inherently difficult process. Moreover, the place Tesla would be working was the Royal Academy of Sciences, a top-tier scientific research institution in Spain and even all of Europe.

The research projects at the Royal Academy of Sciences were bound to be fraught with difficulties. For Tesla to want to join these projects while also studying his major at a Spanish science university inevitably bore the suspicion of him wanting to have his cake and eat it too.

To Tesla’s surprise, upon hearing his proposal, Carlo showed not the slightest hint of displeasure, but instead broke into a smile.

“That’s what I was thinking as well. I have great faith in your abilities and believe you can manage both your studies and your work. Of course, this will depend on your own efforts. You will need to commit one hundred percent of your energy and effort.

If anyone reports to me that you are struggling in either your work or your studies, then I will have to consider making you choose between the Royal Academy of Sciences and your university studies.

I trust you understand what I mean, don’t you, Mr. Tesla?” Carlo nodded with a smile, speaking to a Tesla who was gradually showing more of his confidence.

Tesla nodded quickly, assuring him, “I will devote all my energy and time to my work and studies. I will absolutely not disappoint Your Majesty.”

Tesla deeply loved learning, and he was passionate about conducting scientific experiments and research.

When he was forced to drop out of school because he couldn’t afford the tuition, not only did he not give up on learning, but he instead threw himself into an even more rigorous schedule of auditing classes and self-study.

Auditing classes did not grant one the right to ask university professors to answer one’s questions. When he encountered problems he couldn’t solve, Tesla could only go to the library to look up relevant materials or slowly figure out the solution himself.

After receiving the scholarship from Carlo, Tesla did not slack off in the slightest; instead, he became even more diligent.

He recorded all the difficult problems he had encountered while auditing classes, and upon re-enrolling in the university, he would pester the professors for answers.

During his four years at the university, Tesla became the hardest-working student at the Graz University of Technology. His talent and diligence earned him the admiration of many professors at the polytechnic university.

In fact, long before Tesla graduated from the Graz University of Technology, the university had already contacted him, asking if he was willing to continue his studies there, after which he could take up a professorship.

At the time, because of his pre-existing agreement with Spain, Tesla quickly declined the Graz University of Technology’s offer, a decision that many of the professors there deeply regretted.

Carlo was naturally aware of Tesla’s level of dedication at the Graz University of Technology, which was why he was confident that Tesla could balance work and study, benefiting from training at both the Royal Academy of Sciences and the university simultaneously.

Although the historical Tesla never won a Nobel Prize, it was actually the Nobel Prize’s loss. In the first thirty years of the Nobel Prize in Physics’ existence, Tesla was nominated nine times for his scientific contributions, and twice alongside Edison.

However, Tesla chose to be modest and declined the Nobel Prize in Physics every time. The first nine times were genuine modesty. The reason he refused the subsequent two times when he was a joint recipient with Edison actually came from a quote by his friend, Mark Twain: “How can two people share one wife, especially with a habitual thief? Isn’t that an extremely dangerous thing to do?”

Although Tesla never received a Nobel Prize, the proportion of Nobel laureates in physics who were directly inspired by his research was as high as twenty-seven percent, an astonishing figure.

The proportion of those who were indirectly inspired exceeded sixty-five percent. This included Röntgen, who helped prove the dangers of X-rays for Tesla and subsequently won the first Nobel Prize in Physics in 1901.

Tesla’s greatness was beyond doubt. When such a great and talented scientist was still willing to put in one hundred percent effort to learn and work, who could dare to imagine what insane scientific contributions a genius like him could create?

Only the future would reveal the scientific contributions Tesla would create, but Carlo believed that with Tesla’s help, Spain would achieve more scientific breakthroughs in electricity, radio, and many other fields, thereby accelerating the pace of Spain’s development in these areas.

Chapter 242: Electrification and the Internal Combustion Engine

After confirming that Tesla would be splitting his time between working at the Royal Academy of Sciences and studying at the Royal Science Academy, Carlo no longer hesitated and began arranging a work position and field of study for him.

Although Tesla was a versatile genius in scientific research, he was most famous for his work in alternating current and radio technology.

For this reason, Carlo decided to have Tesla join Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory to engage in research related to electricity and engines.

Currently, Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory was researching long-distance power transmission and energy storage. Carlo believed Tesla’s inclusion would inspire Gramme with new ideas and perhaps accelerate the adoption of electricity in Spain.

In addition to working in Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory, Tesla was also to pursue master’s degrees in physics, mathematics, and mechanics at the Royal Science Academy of Spain.

Carlo personally promised Tesla that if he could successfully complete his master’s degrees in all three fields with excellent grades within three years, he would be allowed to form his own laboratory to conduct his own research.

Upon hearing he might be able to establish his own lab, Tesla immediately agreed. Although he was just a recent university graduate, the chance to establish his own laboratory was an irresistible temptation for any scientist passionate about research.

To prevent Tesla from feeling lost after joining Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory, Carlo specifically instructed Gramme to personally guide Tesla through some electrical experiments to familiarize him with the lab.

Because of Carlo’s instructions, Gramme took the mid-stream addition of Tesla to the Electricity Laboratory very seriously.

Although the newcomer was a recent university graduate of just twenty-two, Gramme recognized Tesla’s potential after a brief interaction.

Gramme had long complained to Carlo about the lack of high-end talent in the Electricity Laboratory. Though Tesla was young, he was indeed a trustworthy talent in the field of electricity.

For this reason, Gramme felt no dissatisfaction at having to take time out of his busy schedule to help Tesla master the laboratory’s various data and materials. On the contrary, he hoped that under his guidance, Tesla would quickly adapt to the pace of the Electricity Laboratory and contribute more inspiration and ideas to their experiments.

Scientific research relies not only on a scientist’s ability and talent but also heavily on their imagination. Sometimes, the line between success and failure in an experiment is truly a matter of a single thought. A seemingly insignificant idea could determine the outcome.

As the famed “mad scientist” of later generations, Tesla’s talent for research was, of course, beyond question. Despite having just joined the Electricity Laboratory, he often raised questions during experiments that others would have struggled to conceive of, and he effectively accelerated the progress of the lab’s work.

After more than ten days, Gramme personally reported to Carlo on Tesla’s performance during that period, praising him as a once-in-a-century genius in the field of electricity.

When Gramme learned that Tesla was pursuing graduate degrees in physics, mathematics, and mechanics at the Royal Science Academy, he went a step further and personally requested to Carlo that he be allowed to serve as Tesla’s graduate advisor for physics and mechanics.

Having an Academician of the Royal Academy of Sciences willing to be Tesla’s graduate advisor was certainly a good thing.

Moreover, the person willing to serve as his advisor was Gramme, a pioneer in the electricity industry and a scientist of great renown in this era.

If not for the contributions of pioneers like Gramme, there would have been no “war of the currents” between Edison and Tesla.

Without the war of the currents, the commercialization of electricity would not have occurred. While this might be an exaggeration, the contributions of pioneers like Gramme to the electricity industry were by no means small; they too deserved praise and celebration.

Currently, Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory had already achieved a number of research successes, the most important of which were the electric motor, the generator, and the light bulb.

Madrid’s busiest street had been fully equipped with streetlights, which provided free illumination from 6:30 PM to 10:30 PM every evening.

As for the late hours after 10:30 PM, there was naturally no need for streetlights. After all, this era was different from later times; anyone out late at night was either a government or official worker, or some sort of dangerous element.

Judging by the reactions of Madrid’s citizens, people were quite fond of the streetlights that provided illumination at night.

Of course, to provide four hours of lighting for Madrid’s busiest street, Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory had built two large coal-fired power plants on the outskirts of Madrid, which barely met the lighting demands of a single street.

Some of the government’s large conference rooms and Carlo’s Royal Palace were also illuminated by light bulbs, and the electricity they consumed was supplied by other coal-fired power plants.

Although electricity was currently used mostly for lighting, illumination alone was enough to fully demonstrate its utility.

Before the invention of the light bulb, people relied almost exclusively on fire for light. Whether it was a kerosene lamp or a torch, the flame produced was relatively dim and constantly flickered.

In contrast, the light bulb provided much more stable illumination and was far brighter than kerosene lamps or torches. If not for the problem of power transmission, some factories on the outskirts of Madrid would have already considered purchasing light bulbs for lighting.

If factories could be equipped with a large number of light bulbs, it would mean they could potentially implement a two-shift system of day and night work.

This might not be a significant factor in the summer, but in the winter when it grew dark early, the utility of the light bulb was very apparent.

With illumination from sufficiently bright light bulbs, workers could ensure their own safety while working at night. After all, only by clearly seeing their surroundings could workers stay away from more hazardous areas.

Gramme naturally knew the main obstacles to the commercialization of electricity. The Electricity Laboratory was currently focused on researching methods of power transmission and storage.

Of course, there was also the issue of generator power. The maximum output of the laboratory’s current generators was only 6.5 KW, enough to power one small electric motor or illuminate a hundred light bulbs.

Coupled with the resistance and power loss during transmission, at most three-quarters of the electricity produced by the power plant was utilized; the other quarter was lost in the transmission process.

To meet the electricity demands of the Royal Palace and the Government Building, the coal-fired power plant near the palace was equipped with three sets of generators, reaching a maximum power output of 19.5 KW. It was, without a doubt, the largest power plant in the world.

However, due to transmission losses, even the world’s largest coal-fired power plant could only meet the electricity needs of the Royal Palace and the Government Building. It could not reach the Parliament Building, which was slightly farther away.

To push for the commercialization of electricity now, a coal-fired power plant would have to be built at every factory and every location that needed power.

But that was absolutely impossible. It was this major limitation that had long prevented the widespread promotion and commercialization of electricity.

Taking the opportunity of Tesla joining the Electricity Laboratory, Carlo once again approved a larger R&D budget that the lab had requested. He also ordered the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau to scout for more electrical talent throughout Europe for the lab, striving to overcome the problem of power transmission in a shorter amount of time.

As long as the two major problems of power transmission and generation capacity were solved, electricity could already enter an era of commercial use.

After all, any technology’s commercialization is a gradual process. It was impossible to wait until the electrical system was comparable to that of later generations before beginning commercialization.

In the future, when electricity entered the stages of commercial use and widespread adoption, Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory would be reorganized into the Spanish National Power Company, responsible for promoting the use and commercialization of electricity throughout Spain.

The future industrial bases in Madrid, Seville, and Barcelona were all slated for vigorous promotion of electricity.

The age of electrification had allowed Germany and the United States to become dazzling jewels on the world stage, and Carlo naturally wanted Spain to get a piece of the pie.

As the greatest beneficiary of the First Industrial Revolution, the British Empire had already enjoyed sufficient glory and a brilliant history.

Now it was Spain’s turn to enjoy that feeling. Spain had to become one of the driving forces of electrification and also one of its greatest beneficiaries.

This was quite achievable. Although Britain had established a vast industrial system through the First Industrial Revolution, it had also given rise to a large number of factory owners and capitalists who had grown rich from industrial development.

It was easier to promote electrification in countries like Germany, the United States, and Spain than it was in Britain.

This was because electrification was a completely new technology compared to the technologies born from the First Industrial Revolution.

If Britain wanted to fully promote electrification, it would have to completely replace the equipment and factories of the First Industrial Revolution.

Completely replacing industrial equipment meant enormous expenditure, and it would also affect the production of those factories and the interests of the factory owners.

Would those capitalists, with nothing but money in their eyes, agree to such a thing? Of course not.

Britain could achieve steady industrial growth simply by continuing to use the technologies of the First Industrial Revolution. If that was the case, why take the risk of adopting electrical technology?

Though new technology held more potential, it often symbolized more problems and potential hidden dangers.

It was for this very reason that Britain ultimately failed to keep pace during the Second Industrial Revolution, and its industrial scale was successively surpassed by the United States and Germany.

The British government may have seen this problem, but they were powerless to change it. Fully promoting electrification would mean standing in opposition to the existing factory owners and capitalists, something that was absolutely impossible for Britain at present.

It would harm the very foundation of Britain and make the British Empire’s vast industrial system instantly fragile, possibly even triggering greater internal unrest and crisis.

In addition to granting an extra research budget to Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory, Carlo also allocated R&D funds to Benz’s automobile laboratory.

Nearly four years had passed since Benz created a simple automobile prototype, and the Automobile Laboratory had made more progress during that time.

However, due to an inadequate industrial level, cars could not yet be mass-produced. The annual output was only a few hundred vehicles.

To date, the Spanish government had purchased over four hundred cars, nearly half of which had become the exclusive vehicles for cabinet ministers and the heads of some important departments.

Although these simple cars still had many problems, they were much faster than horse-drawn carriages.

Take Carlo’s car, for example. It was equipped with the latest engine developed by the Engine Research Office and only needed a check-up every 350 kilometers.

Even though the carriage of Carlo’s car was modified with inlaid steel plates and an enlarged cabin, this specially provided automobile could still reach a speed of about 25 kilometers per hour.

It was not an exaggeration for a fast military horse to reach 25 kilometers per hour, but for a horse-drawn carriage, such a speed was quite astounding.

Thanks to the widespread use of these simple cars, communication between Spanish government departments became much more convenient. Previously, a visit between two departments by carriage might have taken about half an hour.

After switching to simple cars, traveling between two departments took only a little over ten minutes, significantly saving the time officials spent commuting between various departments.

Carlo’s specially modified car could still reach 25 kilometers per hour. Those that were not so heavily modified, or hardly modified at all, could generally reach speeds of about 30 kilometers per hour.

Currently, the officials within the government were quite satisfied with these cars, and one official had even proposed purchasing one for private use.

Considering that these cars required an inspection every 300-odd kilometers to prevent problems during operation, Carlo ultimately rejected the official’s proposal.

However, Carlo also issued an order to Benz and his team: improve the engine’s stability as soon as possible, aiming to increase the stable driving distance from 350 kilometers to over 500 kilometers.

In terms of speed and power, these cars already demonstrated significant utility. But because of the engine’s poor stability, they were prone to breaking down from time to time.

This had long hindered the automobile from entering the commercialization stage. Carlo’s decision to have the Spanish government purchase over four hundred cars for public use was partly to provide the automobile laboratory with more relevant data through large-scale testing.

Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory was Spain’s hope for promoting electrified industry, while Benz’s automobile laboratory was Spain’s hope for leading the world in internal combustion engines.

The importance of electrification was self-evident, and the importance of the internal combustion engine was in no way inferior.

Future heavy weapons like airplanes and tanks would use internal combustion engines for power, and they would also be widely used in cars and other machinery.

If Spain could advance on both fronts, electrification and internal combustion engines, it would truly have the confidence to go head-to-head with great powers like Britain and Germany.

If Spain could be at the forefront of tank and airplane development, it would ensure that the nation reaped huge benefits in the two future World Wars, thereby truly becoming a superpower.

Besides improving the stability of the four-stroke engine, Benz and his team also needed to explore the assembly line production method proposed by Carlo as much as possible to increase car production.

Carlo set a deadline: to commercialize the automobile by 1885 and take Spanish cars global.

Before then, Benz and his team had to at least ensure that the finished cars could operate without problems on a single 500-kilometer journey or during 15 consecutive hours of driving.

To facilitate timely repairs for car owners, the Automobile Company, which the laboratory would be reorganized into, would need to build repair shops in Spain’s major regions and even in other European countries. This would help owners get their cars inspected for problems and repaired more quickly.

Only after all this was done could the automobile be officially commercialized. People would only be willing to buy cars if the problems that arose during their use could be solved.

Otherwise, no matter how much potential the automobile showed or how useful it was, if there was no one to solve the problems, no one would ever buy one.

In addition to building repair shops, Spain also needed to establish relevant refueling stations everywhere. No matter what kind of fuel an internal combustion engine used, it required a constant supply of energy to provide power.

Currently, the four-stroke gas engine used by Benz’s automobile laboratory was one of the best engines in the world, but its thermal efficiency was only about 11% to 13%.

This thermal efficiency was clearly quite backward compared to the engines of later generations, which often exceeded 40%.

Thermal efficiency was essentially the utilization rate of the heat energy consumed by the engine. This figure also meant that even with the very advanced engines of later generations, thermal efficiency was less than half, with more than half of the fuel being wasted.

And in this era, with a pathetic thermal efficiency of only 11% to 13%, it meant that at least 87% of the energy was wasted.

It was a pity, but there was nothing to be done. The thermal efficiency of engines could only be improved with constant technological advancement and the repeated research and efforts of relevant personnel.

Before technology advanced, even if Carlo was willing to pour money into it, there wouldn’t be much change in this area.

Fortunately, the important future energy source, petroleum, was still largely undeveloped. Large oil fields in the Middle East had yet to be discovered. Spain had a chance to acquire some land in the Middle East through various means to control a certain amount of oil reserves.

Most of this land in the Middle East was currently uninhabited desert, so acquiring a piece of it would be relatively simple.

Britain was the only great power with colonies in the Middle East, which was also within the Ottoman Empire’s sphere of influence. For Spain, as long as it obtained British permission, acquiring a piece of land in the Middle East would not be a difficult task; it could even be called child’s play.

Chapter 243: 1879

The end of the Russo-Turkish War did not bring lasting peace to the world. Instead, it intensified the competition between the two great European powers, Britain and Russia.

Besides their fierce rivalry in the Balkan Peninsula, Russia and Britain also had intense conflicts in Central Asia.

Between the Ottoman Empire and the Indian colony lay two countries, Afghanistan and Iran, which were also the most heated points of contention between Britain and Russia.

Originally, there were other native states further north, such as the Khanate of Khiva and the Emirate of Bukhara, but they had all been annexed by the Russians a few years prior.

Although these native states still existed in name, their administrative and military powers were already under Russian control. This extended Russia’s sphere of actual control to the borders of Afghanistan and Iran, putting them in a position to seize a colony with a port between the Ottoman Empire and India at any moment.

This was absolutely unacceptable to the British, as their Indian colony was far too close to this region.

If the Russians were to secure a sea outlet in Central Asia, they would inevitably expand on a larger scale in the area. The Indian colony would then face harassment from a great bear. The British Empire had no desire to lose its jewel, and any topic concerning the Indian colony was taboo.

As Russia sought to expand in Central Asia, Britain naturally had to thwart its expansion.

Since the native states further north had already been annexed by Russia, Britain could only turn its attention to the two remaining countries in Central Asia: Iran and Afghanistan.

Because Afghanistan was closest to the Indian colony, Britain decided to control it first before extending its influence into Iran, ensuring the Russians would not gain a sea outlet in Central Asia.

At this time, Afghanistan was just a weak native state, having been established for only fifty-five years.

Britain naturally had no qualms about dealing with such a weak nation.

In late 1878, the British government initiated contact with Afghanistan, demanding that the Afghan government receive a British delegation led by General N. Chamberlain and allow a small British military contingent to accompany the delegation into Afghan territory.

Such a request for a diplomatic visit was, in reality, a blatant act of intimidation, which the Afghan government was naturally unwilling to accept.

The Emir of Afghanistan, Sher Ali Khan, directly rejected the British government’s proposal, stating that under no circumstances would he allow British troops to enter his country.

For the mighty British Empire to have its demands rejected by a small native state was an outrage, naturally sparking anger within the British government and even among the public.

The British government used this as a pretext to declare war on Afghanistan, and the Second Anglo-Afghan War successfully broke out.

About forty years earlier, Britain and the Emirate of Afghanistan had fought another war. The reasons for that conflict were similar; it was mainly because the Emirate of Afghanistan had sided with Russia, and Britain, for the security of its Indian colony, had to launch a war against Afghanistan regardless.

To Europe, the so-called Anglo-Afghan War was hardly newsworthy. After all, a war between a great power and a native state was bound to be a crushing victory.

The only point of interest was Russia’s potential involvement, as without Russian support, the Emir of Afghanistan would not have rejected the British government’s proposal so decisively.

In the eyes of other European nations, it was Russia that had instigated the Emirate of Afghanistan to promptly refuse Britain’s proposal, aiming to embarrass the British Empire, which had suppressed Russia during the Russo-Turkish War.

Unexpectedly, however, subsequent events quickly took a turn that surprised the European nations.

As British troops continuously invaded his country from the border of the Indian colony, the Emir of Afghanistan quickly appealed to Russia in the north for aid.

Sher Ali Khan had originally thought that Russian troops would arrive swiftly and his country could be preserved amidst the rivalry between the two great powers.

But the Russian government’s refusal was cold and harsh, plunging Sher Ali Khan into a despair deeper than death. He soon died of indignation, much like the once-betrayed Tsar Nicholas I.

After Sher Ali Khan’s indignant death, his son, Yaqub Khan, became the new Emir of Afghanistan.

But by then, the situation in Afghanistan was already dire. British forces had occupied a significant portion of Afghan land, and Afghanistan’s own army was pitifully small, completely unable to challenge the British army in a direct confrontation.

The Anglo-Afghan War was the last major event of 1878. Before it ended, the calendar soon turned to 1879.

In early 1879, the Anglo-Afghan War concluded with a total victory for Britain. However, it would still take some time for the two sides to sign a treaty. After all, the British government could not completely annex Afghanistan, as this would provoke even fiercer resistance from the Afghan natives and might give the Russians an opportunity to cause trouble for Britain.

The main objective for the British was to incorporate a portion of Afghan territory into India and strengthen their control over Afghanistan, ensuring the Russians were kept beyond its borders.

Afghanistan had to exist, at the very least, as a buffer zone between the British and Russian spheres of influence.

Without Afghanistan, the British and Russian spheres of influence would directly border each other, leading to more intense clashes between their armies along the frontier, something the British wished to avoid.

This was perhaps the only sliver of good news for Afghanistan; at least the country would continue to exist and not become a state in name only, like the Russian-controlled Khanate of Khiva.

While Britain was making gains in Central Asia, Spain was also reaping rewards in Southeast Asia.

As mentioned before, Spain’s Philippine colony had two directions for expansion: on Kalimantan Island and on New Guinea Island.

Britain and Russia needed a buffer zone because the British were wary of the Russian army. Although the Russian army’s combat effectiveness was lacking, its sheer numbers were unparalleled in all of Europe.

The native troops in India alone could not resist Russia, and mobilizing troops from the homeland would disrupt the balance Britain maintained in various regions.

But Spain had no such need. Spain had only one enemy in Southeast Asia: the Netherlands, a country with a small territory and a sparse population.

The Netherlands, much like Portugal, was a weakened nation that was once a great power.

However, the Netherlands’ overall strength was still far greater than Portugal’s. In terms of both industry and economy, the Netherlands ranked among the top of all small European nations, arguably one of the very best.

Unfortunately for the Netherlands, its rival was Spain.

When the homelands of two countries are roughly equidistant from their colonies, the overall strength of the homeland becomes particularly important.

Though the Netherlands was strong, it stood little chance against Spain. The current consensus among European nations was that Spain had regained its status as a great power, generally ranking sixth or seventh among the world’s eight great powers.

This was already a considerably high ranking. After all, the positions of the five traditional European great powers were difficult to shake. In the eyes of other European nations, Spain’s current overall strength was second only to these five, and even stronger than the United States across the ocean.

According to the mainstream newspapers and some key officials in Europe, the world’s eight great powers were Britain, Germany, France, Russia, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Spain, the United States, and Italy.

The British Empire was indisputably the most powerful nation, closely followed by Germany, which had defeated France on the battlefield.

If not for the Franco-Prussian War, the title of the world’s second-strongest nation would have been contested among France, Germany, and Russia, with the French being the most likely contenders.

But alas, Prussia defeated France in the Franco-Prussian War, naturally forcing France to withdraw from the race for the world’s second-strongest power.

Russia was certainly powerful as well, but after suffering a crushing defeat in the Crimean War and being extorted by Britain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the recent Russo-Turkish War, it could only settle for being the world’s fourth-strongest power.

France, relying on its deep reserves, ranked third in the world. Britain, Germany, France, and Russia constituted the first tier, often jokingly referred to as the “first-rate great powers” by many European newspapers and the public.

After Russia, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, with its comprehensive advantages in various aspects, earned the title of the world’s fifth-strongest power. But the Austro-Hungarian Empire was slightly weaker than the four first-rate powers, so it could only hold the title of a “second-rate great power.”

Although there was some dispute over the world’s top five rankings, the general order was not far off.

The rankings that followed were more controversial, with the biggest debate being between Spain and the United States.

However, because the United States had not yet demonstrated its formidable industrial strength and its navy was too weak, most European countries still ranked Spain as sixth in the world, with the United States at seventh.

After all, Spain possessed an army of over one hundred thousand men and the world’s fifth-largest navy, so ranking it sixth was not an exaggeration.

Occupying the eighth spot, at the bottom of the great powers, was naturally Italy.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire, Spain, the United States, and Italy were known as the second-rate great powers. Compared to the first four, these nations had significant gaps in industrial, economic, or military strength, and their international status and influence were far inferior.

But then again, a second-rate great power was still a great power, holding a huge advantage over ordinary countries.

The Netherlands’ industry and economy were certainly excellent, but due to its limited territory and population, it was ultimately destined to be a small country.

In the colonial competition between Spain and the Netherlands, as long as no other great power intervened, Spain held a completely overwhelming advantage.

While the Russo-Turkish War and the Anglo-Afghan War captured the attention of European nations, Spain accelerated its colonization plans on Kalimantan Island and New Guinea Island.

In June 1878, Spanish troops stationed in the Philippines openly invaded the Sultanate of Bulungan to the south, occupying all of its territory in less than two days.

The large number of natives there were captured and taken back to the Philippines as laborers or sold to the Lanfang Republic to the west.

As mentioned before, the Lanfang Republic had made its fortune through gold panning. Gold panning required a vast amount of labor, and these natives were a perfect, natural source of it.

After occupying the Sultanate of Bulungan, Spain’s territory officially bordered the Dutch-controlled Kutai Sultanate.

Spain also dispatched some soldiers to garrison the border but did not heavily fortify it.

The Spanish government would even welcome a Dutch attack on its colony. If Spain were to declare war on the Netherlands first, Britain, that old shit-stirrer, might interfere.

But if the Dutch declared war on Spain first, Spain would have ample justification to fight a major war against them.

Whether it was a war in Europe or in the colonies, Spain was confident it could crush the Netherlands. If Britain still wanted to interfere when the Dutch were the aggressors, the alliances Spain had signed were not for nothing.

If nothing else, France and Russia would be more than willing to trip up the British.

If the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy also supported Spain, even the world’s number one power, Britain, would be unable to withstand such diplomatic pressure.

Besides annexing the Sultanate of Bulungan on Kalimantan Island, Spain also took colonial action on New Guinea Island.

New Guinea Island has a peculiar shape, resembling a standing dinosaur.

This island is even larger than Kalimantan, making it the second-largest island in the world, second only to Greenland, most of which is uninhabitable.

In other words, New Guinea is the world’s largest island with vast habitable land. Coupled with its abundant mineral resources and other natural resources, it’s no surprise that it has caught the eye of other great powers.

Currently, on this dinosaur-shaped island, there are colonial teams from several European countries, including the Netherlands, Spain, Germany, Britain, France, and Portugal.

The colonial teams of Spain, the Netherlands, and Portugal were generally concentrated in the upper part of the dinosaur—the head and upper torso.

Meanwhile, the colonial teams of Britain, France, and Germany were mainly focused on the lower part—the tail, claws, and a small part of the torso.

In addition, several large islands surrounding New Guinea have also been encroached upon by these European nations, creating a trend of partitioning the New Guinea peninsula among the European powers.

However, each country’s colonial team had only established simple colonial outposts; no nation had yet declared a large-scale occupation of New Guinea Island.

This actually implied that all the European countries that had sent colonial teams had hopes of occupying the island, or at the very least, carving out a piece of land to establish a new colony.

For this reason, even though the colonial competition on New Guinea was fierce, none of the participating countries gave up. Instead, they gradually increased the intensity of their colonization efforts.

The three countries with the most convenient access for colonizing New Guinea were perhaps Britain, Spain, and the Netherlands.

Britain’s Queensland colony, the protruding northeastern tip of Australia, is very close to New Guinea, giving the British a significant advantage in colonizing the island.

The Dutch were in no worse a position. Their East Indies were only 200 kilometers away from New Guinea at the closest point. The armies and native populations of the East Indies could be rapidly deployed to New Guinea, making them the fastest among these European nations at establishing colonial outposts.

And then there was Spain.

Spain’s Philippine colony was about 1,000 kilometers from the nearest point of New Guinea. Compared to Britain and the Netherlands, it held no significant advantage.

But Carlo placed great importance on colonizing New Guinea. Under his instructions, the Philippine colonial government stepped up its colonization efforts on the island, ensuring that Spain’s progress was not inferior to that of the Netherlands and Britain.

Of course, this also involved support and cooperation from the Portuguese.

Portugal also had a colony in Southeast Asia, though it was small, named Timor.

Yes, the same Timor that would later become East Timor.

In fact, Portuguese colonizers were the first to arrive and colonize Timor Island, establishing the Portuguese colony of Timor.

But the Dutch followed closely behind, discovering and colonizing the island and driving the Portuguese to the eastern side. This made the Portuguese Timor colony look pitifully small.

Although the Timor colony was small, Portugal maintained a garrison there, as it was an official colony.

It is worth mentioning that the Timor colony is only about 800 kilometers from the nearest point of New Guinea, even closer than the distance between Spain’s Philippine colony and New Guinea.

This was one of the reasons Portugal joined in the colonization of New Guinea; they too had a chance to get a piece of the pie in this competition.

Coupled with the fact that Carlo and King Luís of Portugal had previously discussed colonial cooperation, the combined efforts of Spain and Portugal had indeed established many colonial outposts on New Guinea.

Although both Spain and Portugal had experienced decline, when it came to colonization, they were still masters of the craft.

The main reason was their once-glorious colonial history; together, the two countries had dominated more than half of the Americas.

Colonizing the small island of New Guinea was a piece of cake for the Iberian duo. This allowed Spain, despite being farther away, to keep pace with the Netherlands and Britain in its colonization progress.

Conflicts between the immigrants of different European nations were inevitable. It was impossible to gain ownership of a colony through peaceful coexistence alone.

Because only the Netherlands, Spain, and Portugal were present on the western side of the dinosaur-shaped New Guinea, the Iberian duo held a huge advantage in the colonial competition. They pushed the Dutch back repeatedly, even squeezing their colonial outposts into more remote locations.

To ensure the security of Spanish colonial outposts on New Guinea, the Philippine colonial administration dispatched an entire colonial garrison regiment to the island.

This further intensified the colonial conflicts on New Guinea. The Dutch, not backing down an inch, also sent troops to the island, precisely to guard against the Spaniards.

Chapter [arabic_numeral]: Happy New Year’s Eve, Everyone!

Happy New Year’s Eve, everyone!

Happy New Year’s Eve, everyone!

To all fellow readers who see this message, I wish you a Happy New Year’s Eve and a prosperous New Year! I’d also like to wish everyone a Happy New Year in advance—may all your wishes come true, and may everything go your way!

Also, updates will continue through the New Year. Today’s chapter is coming right up.

Chapter 244: The Results of the Second Five-Year Plan

As time moved into 1879, the colony of the Philippines was busy dispatching colonial teams to establish outposts in New Guinea. Back in Spain, Carlo was also occupied with meetings with the Cabinet government.

Of course, this was no ordinary annual government work report, but a conference on the results of the Spanish government’s Second Five-Year Plan.

It goes without saying how important the Five-Year Plan was to Spain. If Prime Minister Primo’s first Five-Year Development Plan had halted Spain’s decline, then the second was intended to put the nation back on the fast track of development, advancing its industry and economy toward the status of a first-rate great power.

Because the first Five-Year Plan had achieved excellent results, the second one garnered a great deal of public attention.

As early as the end of the previous year, the public had been discussing how much of the Second Five-Year Plan had been accomplished and how much Spain had changed over the past five years.

The execution of the first Five-Year Plan had been quite smooth. With Prime Minister Primo managing affairs from the center, Spain encountered no major problems during its implementation.

But only two years into the Second Five-Year Plan, Prime Minister Primo was assassinated, and Carlo subsequently formed a Provisional Government that remained in power to this day.

The performance of each department under the Second Five-Year Development Plan would determine whether all members of the Cabinet could remain in this highest political body of Spain. It would also affect the Spanish Cabinet elections to be held this year.

For this reason, the entire nation, from the cabinet ministers down to every ordinary Spanish citizen, was focused on the government’s upcoming summary report meeting for the Five-Year Development Plan and the details of each department’s completed work that would be announced after the meeting.

Ever since the performance evaluation system for officials was enacted, the completion of tasks—whether related to the Five-Year Development Plan or other assignments from the kingdom’s government to the regional governments—and the associated results determined the futures and fates of the officials.

Those who completed their work quickly and performed well naturally had a chance for further promotion. But officials who were slow, or even failed to complete their tasks at all, would at best receive a poor rating in their performance evaluation, making them ineligible for promotion in the coming year, and at worst be held accountable, or even dismissed from office.

Carlo placed considerable importance on this matter. The Upper House and the Cabinet even organized an annual review of these evaluation scores to ensure that the results reported by the regional governments were accurate and free of cheating.

In any case of cheating found in the official performance evaluations, all participants were to be dismissed from their posts and held accountable. Severe cases could even face public execution.

Spain had not abolished the death penalty. For officials who had incurred public wrath, Carlo’s attitude was clear: public execution to appease the people.

Facts had indeed proven that Spain’s streetlights could be used to hang not only capitalists but also corrupt officials who exploited the people.

Since the implementation of the official evaluation system, a total of over thirty officials had been sentenced to death, with more than twenty of them transferred to the central square in Madrid for public execution.

The act of publicly executing criminal officials also earned Carlo and the current government immense praise from the populace.

If a king were to kill the innocent wantonly, the people would surely feel terror. But if the king only killed corrupt officials and grafters, the people would feel no fear at all; in fact, they would applaud.

Every commoner detested corrupt and power-abusing officials. Spain, in particular, had experienced the dark era of Queen Isabella’s rule and thus held no goodwill for such individuals.

Never mind executing thirty officials over several years; even if Carlo were to execute over three hundred officials in a single year, as long as there was sufficient evidence to prove they deserved to die, the public would not have the slightest objection or dissatisfaction.

Practice proved that this approach was highly effective. Especially after a number of officials were publicly executed, the performance evaluation scores reported by the various regional governments, while they might have slight deviations, were never outrageously inaccurate.

It was for this reason that the major newspaper companies and the majority of the Spanish populace paid close attention to the annual official evaluation results published by all levels of government.

Officials who received excellent ratings would be lauded in the newspapers, their political achievements publicized. Upon learning such news, the people would spontaneously support these high-achieving officials, regarding them as the good apples among Spain’s officialdom.

As for those who received poor ratings, the public would glare at them with anger and, without a second thought, brand them as corrupt, refusing to support such people in any future elections.

The public’s deep trust in the official evaluation scores gave Carlo even more say in Spanish politics.

After all, Carlo controlled the Upper House, the highest body overseeing the performance evaluation system for Spanish officials, which could directly determine an official’s political destiny.

For Carlo, he could already decide an official’s life or death with a single word. If Carlo deemed an official corrupt, that official would be universally condemned in a short time, then dismissed from office due to public outrage, subjected to investigation, and held accountable.

But if Carlo felt an official possessed considerable ability, he could have that official praised by the press and adored by the public in short order.

Although public adoration did not directly affect the Cabinet elections, it could influence the elections for the lower house.

In other words, Carlo could control the lower house elections through the advantages conferred by the official evaluation system.

If a party or individual truly emerged in Spain that jeopardized the royal authority, Carlo could use this method to instantly ruin that person’s reputation, thereby preventing them from being elected as a Senator.

On January 21, 1879, in the giant conference hall of the Spanish Parliament Building, a massive conference with several hundred participants was taking place.

Because the Spanish Cabinet was nominally responsible to the lower house, this summary report meeting for the Five-Year Development Plan was held in parliament and had to be reported to parliament.

In addition to the hundreds of senators from the Upper and Lower Houses, this large-scale meeting included all members of the Cabinet, Carlo as the king of Spain, and a small number of invited newspaper and media outlets.

Of course, these invited media outlets shared a common trait: they were either controlled by the government or by the royal family.

Having these officially controlled newspaper companies ensured they would not leak sensitive data when reporting the news.

As for those newspapers without an official background, they could only rely on information disclosed by the parliamentary meeting or find reportable hot topics in the news published by state-backed papers to produce their own newspapers.

Spain was rather strict about newspaper publishing. After several crackdowns, basically no newspaper company dared to publish news content that the government and the royal family did not permit.

Of course, news related to the Five-Year Development Plan was allowed to be reported; after all, it was a time to publicize the political achievements of government officials.

At the large parliamentary meeting, Grand Duke Serrano, in his capacity as Prime Minister, was the first to speak, reporting the results of the Spanish government’s Second Five-Year Plan to the numerous senators and Carlo.

“Your Majesty, esteemed Senators. Over the past five years, we have achieved considerable results and progress.

Before the implementation of the Second Five-Year Plan, our country’s annual fiscal revenue was 545.1 million pesetas.

After the completion of the Second Five-Year Plan, our country’s annual fiscal revenue has reached 897.9 million pesetas, an increase of over 352.8 million pesetas.

Before the Second Five-Year Development Plan, our country had a population of 17.45 million people. As of the end of last year, our population has exceeded 19.12 million, a net increase of over 1.67 million.

Five years ago, our country’s annual steel production was only 123,000 tons, and iron production was only 323,300 tons. After the completion of the Second Five-Year Development Plan, our country’s annual steel production has surpassed 200,000 tons, and iron production has surpassed 670,000 tons.

Currently, our country’s steel production has surpassed that of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia. According to our projections, our total steel output ranks fifth in the world, which proves that our efforts over the past five years have not been in vain.

Five years ago, our country’s annual per capita income was only 115.32 pesetas, and more than half of the population could not afford adequate food and clothing.

After the successful completion of the Second Five-Year Development Plan, our country’s annual per capita income has risen to 134.28 pesetas. The annual per capita income for workers and peasants reached 146.37 pesetas and 128.22 pesetas respectively, both showing tremendous growth compared to five years ago.

We believe that what His Majesty Carlo spoke of, to Make Spain Great Again, is becoming a reality that we will soon witness. Perhaps in a few years, Spain will reach a state where everyone has enough food and clothing, and our future will be even brighter.”

Although Grand Duke Serrano’s introduction to Spain’s changes over the past five years was brief, it still received thunderous applause from the majority of the senators attending the meeting.

Of course, the primary reason for this was that Carlo was the first to stand up and applaud. The moment Carlo stood to applaud, the other senators, no matter how unwilling they might have been in their hearts, had no choice but to smile, stand up, and applaud as well.

From Carlo’s perspective, the Cabinet government’s performance over the past five years was absolutely outstanding. Forged by the Second Five-Year Development Plan, Spain had officially returned to the ranks of Europe’s great powers.

Although it was only a second-rate great power, compared to its previous situation of having fallen out of the great powers’ ranks, the current Spain was undoubtedly much stronger.

But this was merely the first step to making Spain great again. Spain needed the tempering of more Five-Year Plans to ascend to the status of a first-rate great power, earning the right to compete with superpowers like Britain, France, and Germany.

After Grand Duke Serrano gave his summary speech, it was time for the ministers of various departments to present their own summaries of the Five-Year Development Plan.

The first to take the stage was Spain’s Minister of Finance, Ewald Bartel. On paper, the Ministry of Finance’s achievements were quite impressive.

The difference in Spain’s annual fiscal revenue before and after the Second Five-Year Development Plan was 352.8 million pesetas, and last year’s annual fiscal revenue reached an unprecedented 897.9 million pesetas.

Such figures made Ewald Bartel, as Minister of Finance, extremely proud, and he had essentially secured his position.

Considering the upcoming cabinet reshuffle, it was inadvisable to change the person holding such an important position as Minister of Finance. This meant that Minister Ewald could easily continue for his third term as a cabinet minister and then strive for a position of greater power.

Spain’s Cabinet was rather unique; the Prime Minister did not control all cabinet positions.

However, the Prime Minister of Spain still wielded great power, directly appointing the ministers for nine departments: finance, industry, agriculture, livelihood, transport, public security, healthcare, education, and diplomacy.

The ministers of these nine departments had no term limits. As long as they were members of the Upper or Lower Houses, they could be appointed by the Prime Minister as a minister of a certain department.

In addition to these nine cabinet departments appointed directly by the Prime Minister, the Minister of Defense, elected by the Military Committee, also had no term limit.

Considering that the officers trained in military academies had not yet risen to the ranks of senior officers, the position of Minister of Defense could currently only be entrusted to Grand Duke Serrano.

The Minister of Royal Affairs, appointed directly by the king, also had no term limit. This was the last position, besides the Prime Minister, without a term limit.

The remaining positions—Minister of Colonial Affairs, Minister of Justice, and Minister of State who also served as Deputy Prime Minister—all had term limits.

These three positions had a re-election limit of two consecutive terms and a total tenure limit of three terms. After being re-elected for two consecutive terms, one had to withdraw from the election and appointment for these three positions. After serving a full three terms, one could no longer hold a position for which the term limit had been reached.

Spain’s current Cabinet was a special case; it was a Provisional Cabinet formed after the assassination of Prime Minister Primo.

This meant that the time served in the Provisional Cabinet was not counted toward the term limits of its members. At most, all ministers in the current Spanish Cabinet had served for only two terms.

The three positions of Minister of Colonial Affairs, Minister of Justice, and Deputy Prime Minister were all established during the period of the Provisional Cabinet.

This meant that no minister in the current cabinet had exceeded their tenure limit, and they were all eligible to continue serving in their respective positions.

Of course, this depended on the willingness of the prime minister of the new Cabinet. The prime minister controlled the appointment power for ministers of nine cabinet departments and could single-handedly change the composition of the Cabinet.

Although the Ministry of Finance reported only good news, it did not mean that Spain’s financial situation was excellent.

In fact, in the ten years from 1869 to 1878, Spain’s fiscal balance was in a state of deficit for eight of those years.

The only two years with a fiscal surplus were a mere 9.7 million pesetas and 5.8 million pesetas, respectively.

Over this decade, Spain’s total fiscal revenue reached 6.20358 billion pesetas, while fiscal expenditure reached 6.8531 billion pesetas, resulting in a total fiscal deficit of 649.52 million pesetas. The average annual fiscal deficit was nearly 65 million pesetas, enough to build four or five state-of-the-art ironclads.

If not for the loans the Spanish government secured from Italy, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and France, followed by a major windfall from the Indian temple treasure, the Spanish government’s finances would have likely collapsed long ago under such a staggering deficit.

Especially during the implementation of the first Five-Year Plan, Spain’s annual fiscal deficit exceeded 100 million pesetas, and in 1873, it approached 200 million pesetas.

Fortunately, although the Second Five-Year Plan also operated at a loss for most of its duration, the fiscal deficit had been reduced to below 20 million, which was a completely acceptable range.

After Minister of Finance Ewald finished his report, it was the turn of the Minister of Industry, who also served as Deputy Prime Minister, Canovas.

Besides reporting on the growth of Spain’s total steel production, Canovas also reported on the construction status of the Barcelona Industrial Base.

According to the Ministry of Industry’s estimates, the third phase of construction for the Barcelona Industrial Base was expected to be completed between mid and late 1879.

This meant that from 1880 onwards, Spain’s industry would enter a state of rapid growth. While surpassing the three industrial giants of Britain, Germany, and the United States might be difficult, there was great hope of surpassing France, the former hegemon of Europe whose industrial growth had clearly slowed.

Although France had not announced its total annual steel production, according to investigations and estimates by intelligence agents of various French factories, France’s total steel output last year was at most slightly over 300,000 tons.

While this was a full 100,000 tons more than Spain, it was only because France’s industrial foundation was much better than Spain’s.

Considering the current slow pace of France’s industrial growth, as long as the Barcelona Industrial Base could be fully completed, Spain’s industry might have a chance to overtake France within the next five years.

Although it sounded very simple, it took Spain at least fifteen years to reach this point.

This was only possible because the total industrial output of European countries was not yet enormous; even before, the steel production of various nations was only in the hundreds of thousands of tons.

In the future, when the steel output of major industrial powers reached millions of tons, it would no longer be easy to catch up to them.

After all, building the capacity for millions of tons of steel production is very difficult, and consuming that steel is even more so. If a country only focused on increasing steel production without considering domestic demand for steel consumption, it would definitely face a severe economic crisis.

Although Spain’s industrial development was fast, it was carried out with comprehensive consideration of Spain’s demand for industrial products.

Furthermore, with Spain possessing two large colonies, Cuba and the Philippines, exporting some industrial products was not a problem.

Spain could even engage in economic output to Portugal, whose industry was no match for Spain’s, which facilitated the faster consumption of Spanish industrial products.

At least for now, the production and demand for Spain’s industrial products remained in a healthy ratio, which was sufficient to ensure that Spain’s industrial development would not be plagued by an economic crisis.

With the future growth of Spain’s population and its colonial expansion, the domestic capacity to consume industrial products would increase again.

This was why Spain regarded France as its target in industrial matters; a Spain with vast colonies was qualified to build a larger-scale industry, and at the very least, would not self-destruct through blind development.

Chapter [arabic_numeral]: Happy New Year!

Happy New Year!

Happy New Year!

Happy New Year!

Chapter 245: Cabinet Election

After the report meeting on the Second Five-Year Plan concluded, the information released by the various government departments immediately became the most hotly debated news in Spain.

Most Spaniards were filled with pride. They were thrilled by the progress the country had made in the past five years and felt more confident about its future.

Carlo, as the king who had proposed the idea of making Spain great again, was met with fervent adoration from the public.

If there had been many Spaniards who previously doubted Carlo’s ability to lead Spain to greatness, the majority now believed that “Make Spain Great Again” was not just a mere slogan, but a reality that would soon be achieved.

With newfound confidence in their country’s future, the people were naturally more willing to contribute their own efforts.

After the meeting, the streets of Spain’s cities were filled with headlines like “Make Spain Great Again!” Some clever factory owners also put up similar slogans and banners in their factories, encouraging their workers to strive for the nation’s future.

The Spanish government generally turned a blind eye to the less egregious factory owners. After all, Spain’s population was limited, which meant the number of workers was also limited.

To effectively increase Spain’s industrial output, it was temporarily necessary for Spanish workers to endure some hardship.

Of course, Carlo had his limits. As early as the beginning of last year, at Carlo’s suggestion, the Spanish Workers’ Party was quickly established and, in a short time, attracted a large number of workers.

The main purpose of the Workers’ Party was to protect the interests of Spanish workers and to represent the working class in their struggles against the capitalists.

Such a party, capable of harnessing the political power of the working class, was naturally established by Carlo to guide them.

On the surface, the Spanish Workers’ Party had no connection to the royal family or Carlo, but its leader and several key members were all sent by him.

Their primary mission was to strategically use the workers’ political power while deepening the conflict between the capitalists and the workers.

Of course, the “capitalists” here referred to private capitalists, not state-owned capital.

The wages and welfare benefits for employees of Spain’s state-owned and royal enterprises were relatively good. This ensured that the workers would not direct their anger toward state and royal enterprises, but would instead resent the private companies that exploited their interests—those established by capitalists.

It was only because the regional parliamentary elections had already concluded that the Spanish Workers’ Party had not yet secured any seats, which would have qualified them to enter parliament.

Even with just one parliamentary seat, a party’s political influence is far greater than those without one. After all, only by entering the Spanish Parliament does one become eligible for a Cabinet nomination. If a party cannot even enter parliament, it has very little presence in Spain.

Judging by the current distribution of seats in the lower house, the majority of the next Cabinet government’s members would still be chosen from Spain’s three major parties.

But unlike the last Cabinet election, the Conservative Party had become the largest party in Spain, squeezing the political space of the Progressive Party and the Liberal Party.

If Carlo hadn’t intentionally protected the Progressive and Liberal Parties, the Liberal Party might have soon faded from the political stage. Advocating for liberty and civil rights in a monarchy was tantamount to opposing the Spanish government.

Had the radical republican democrats not already been purged, Carlo would never have allowed the Liberal Party to continue to exist in Spain.

Once the Workers’ Party gained seats in parliament, Carlo would withdraw his protection of the Liberal Party.

At that point, the Liberal Party would have only two options: either be jointly pushed out of parliament by the other parties, or completely abandon its ideology of liberal democracy and transform into a conservative, moderate reformist party like the Progressives.

The year 1879 was an exceptionally busy one for the Spanish government. Less than a month after the summary report meeting for the Second Five-Year Development Plan, a new round of elections for the Spanish Cabinet government was upon them.

The good news was that all government departments had performed remarkably well during the Second Five-Year Development Plan, and the respective ministers had all burnished their reputations in parliament.

Of course, these cabinet ministers knew where the key to their re-election lay. The Conservative Party was now the largest party in Spain, and as its leader, Deputy Prime Minister Canovas was the most likely candidate to become the Prime Minister of the next Cabinet government.

This meant that the re-election of most cabinet members depended on Canovas’s attitude. Once Canovas became Prime Minister, whether they could be reappointed would be his decision alone.

Since last year, the cabinet ministers had already been strengthening their ties with Deputy Prime Minister Canovas. They weren’t foolish; they naturally understood why Canovas had been appointed Deputy Prime Minister.

With Grand Duke Serrano aging, the probability of Canovas succeeding him as Prime Minister was not one hundred percent, but at least ninety percent.

The cabinet ministers lacked the standing to compete with Canovas for the premiership. If they wanted to remain in the Spanish Cabinet, their only path was to gain Canovas’s trust and stay in their current positions.

Of course, Carlo’s attitude was also something that could not be ignored. Even Canovas himself had been promoted with Carlo’s support, so the cabinet ministers naturally placed great importance on the king’s opinion.

In their bids for re-election, many cabinet ministers expressed their absolute loyalty to Carlo, which invisibly increased his power.

Unlike during Prime Minister Primo’s era, when Carlo had little administrative power over the government, he now wielded immense authority within the Spanish government, which made his actions much more convenient.

With the power in his hands, Carlo enacted numerous policies that brought about significant changes in certain aspects of Spain.

One of these concerned Spain’s public health policies.

Although Europe in this era was the most developed region in the world, its sanitation standards, a legacy of the Middle Ages, meant that its cities were not so civilized.

Public urination, defecation, and littering were common sights in European cities. The phrase “fragrant carriages, fine wine, and stinking London” described not only London’s smog but also its terrible sanitation and the stench of excrement and garbage everywhere.

This was no exaggeration. Even in later times, some European cities still had problems with public urination and defecation.

If you were unlucky, you might not step in dog droppings when you went out, but there was a high probability of stepping in human waste.

Living in Madrid, Carlo certainly did not want the city to become one filled with feces and trash. As soon as he had arrived in Spain, he had suggested to Prime Minister Primo that sanitation control in Madrid be strengthened.

In the ten years since Carlo became king, Spain had built numerous public toilets in Madrid and other important cities, effectively reducing instances of public urination and defecation.

To further regulate uncivilized behavior, the Madrid municipal government established corresponding punitive policies. Anyone caught urinating or defecating in public in Madrid would face, at minimum, a fine of varying amounts, and at maximum, imprisonment for several months or even several years.

Since this policy was enacted, the streets of Madrid have indeed become much cleaner. Carlo also planned to extend this sanitation management policy to other Spanish cities, striving to make all cities in Spain hygienic places free of excrement and garbage.

After environmental sanitation became an important part of the mayor’s performance evaluation, the Mayor of Madrid began to pay close attention to the cleanliness of the city’s streets and alleys.

Carlo believed that if a similar sanitation assessment was added to the performance reviews of all city mayors, they would surely do everything in their power to reduce public urination and defecation.

Of course, one couldn’t just prohibit it; one also had to provide places for people to relieve themselves—that is, public toilets.

If they only knew how to ban the act without building more public toilets, it would only incite public anger.

Carlo did not want the city governments to implement a one-size-fits-all policy, disregarding the will of the people just for the sake of their own political achievements.

A month later, the grand conference hall of the Spanish Parliament reopened. The members of the lower house were to elect a new Prime Minister for Spain, while the members of the Upper House were to elect a new Minister of Justice and Minister of Colonial Affairs.

Of course, the Military Committee also had to elect a new Minister of Defense, and Carlo had to consider candidates for Minister of Royal Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister.

Only after all these positions were filled would the new Spanish Cabinet government be considered fully formed.

Five years had passed since the last Cabinet election, and the Spanish lower house had undergone two elections in that time.

The Conservative Party had now successfully become the largest party in Spain, holding a total of 146 seats, which accounted for 49% of the seats in the lower house, single-handedly overpowering the Progressive and Liberal Parties.

The Progressive Party was relegated to the second-largest party, with its lower house seats reduced to just 87, making up 29.1% of the total.

The Liberal Party still held the title of Spain’s third-largest party, but its number of seats was in continuous decline. Currently, the Liberal Party retained only 27 lower house seats, accounting for just 9% of the total.

Beyond the three major parties, a few smaller parties also held seats in the lower house, but none in the double digits. The combined number of seats held by these parties was comparable to that of the Liberal Party, totaling only 8.4%, or 25 seats.

In addition to these parties, 13 seats in the lower house belonged to non-partisans. The decline of non-partisans was predictable, as parties held a greater advantage in elections.

Parties could receive political contributions from the public, whereas individuals could not. Parties could pool the efforts of many people, while individuals had to rely on their own efforts.

In the political arena of any country, the political power of a party is far greater than that of an individual. Many former non-partisans had either joined one of the three major parties or formed their own, with very few remaining unaffiliated.

The distribution of seats in the lower house clearly showed the Conservative Party’s overwhelming advantage.

The Conservative Party’s share was already close to half. They only needed about thirty more seats to secure the position of Prime Minister of the Spanish Cabinet.

No other party could compete with the Conservatives. To win the premiership, a candidate needed over 60% of the votes.

The Conservatives would not vote for their political rivals, which meant that a partnership with the Conservatives was the only way for other parties to join the Spanish Cabinet.

The Cabinet election was a major political event in Spain, and as king, Carlo naturally participated.

The good news was that both the Upper House and lower house meetings were held in the Parliament Building, allowing Carlo to take part in both elections simultaneously.

The lower house was electing the Prime Minister of Spain, while the Upper House was electing the Minister of Colonial Affairs and the Minister of Justice.

Though not as prestigious as the premiership, these two cabinet positions were still quite important. The Minister of Colonial Affairs assisted Carlo in managing the affairs of the colonies, holding a rank higher than that of any Governor-General.

The Minister of Justice, on the other hand, was the highest leader of the Spanish judiciary and, like the Minister of Royal Affairs, was not subject to the control of the Spanish Cabinet government.

The Minister of Justice was accountable only to the Upper House and the king, a measure intended to ensure the minister’s loyalty and reliability.

Compared to the lower house election, the Upper House election was just as lively. Both houses had hundreds of members, making every election a bustling event.

However, unlike the lower house, the Upper House was an institution that Carlo completely controlled. He could even dictate the election results for the two cabinet minister positions.

The parliamentary elections lasted for an entire day, ultimately succeeding in electing Spain’s Prime Minister and several important cabinet ministers.

As expected, former Deputy Prime Minister Canovas successfully secured the position of Prime Minister. Because he received over 60% of the votes, he gained the authority to form a Cabinet on his own.

This meant the selection of the nine departmental ministers of the Spanish Cabinet government would be at Prime Minister Canovas’s discretion. If he wished, any member of the lower house could hope to become a high-ranking cabinet minister.

The Upper House election concluded earlier than the lower house election, and the Minister of Colonial Affairs and Minister of Justice were chosen early on.

The new Minister of Colonial Affairs was William, the former Governor-General of Cuba. He was familiar with Spain’s various colonies and was a member of the Spanish nobility, so his loyalty was quite reliable.

The new Minister of Justice was Manuel Diaz Santos. The name was familiar to Carlo; as expected, he was also a member of the nobility.

However, Manuel was not one of the old-style nobles, but one of the new-style nobles. Manuel was quite familiar with legal work, having been a lawyer before entering politics.

His noble status, combined with his past as a lawyer, allowed Manuel to smoothly become Spain’s Minister of Justice. Carlo was not overly concerned with the Minister of Justice’s ability; after all, Spain’s judicial system relied not just on the Minister of Justice but on the efforts of a whole series of institutions and personnel.

For the position of Minister of Justice, loyalty was more important. After all, this role was completely independent of the Cabinet government, allowing it to supervise Spanish officials and parliamentarians, as well as the general public.

Chapter 246: The Third Five-Year Development Plan

Having successfully become the new Prime Minister, Canovas now wielded immense power, but he did not let it go to his head.

He knew who had granted him this power, and he also knew it could be just as easily taken away. The day after being elected Prime Minister of the Spanish Cabinet, Canovas went to the Royal Palace of Madrid to request an audience with Carlo and inquire about his stance on the appointment of cabinet members.

Both Canovas and Carlo understood that Carlo himself did not particularly care who the cabinet ministers were. However, Canovas had to show complete respect for Carlo’s opinion, as this was a demonstration of loyalty.

Sure enough, Carlo was quite pleased with Canovas’s visit. But when Canovas asked for Carlo’s opinion on the cabinet members, Carlo stated that he would not interfere in the government’s decisions.

The meaning was simple: Canovas had full authority to make appointments. Of course, before appointing any cabinet ministers, Canovas had to ensure that the individuals he chose were also sufficiently loyal to Carlo.

Carlo truly wasn’t concerned with the selection of cabinet ministers because he already possessed enough power to handle a Cabinet government that was not under his control.

Fortunately, Canovas was indeed loyal enough, and Carlo had no desire to frequently change the Cabinet government, as that would only throw Spain’s political situation into chaos.

After Canovas became Prime Minister of Spain, the first thing Carlo did was appoint Grand Duke Serrano as the Deputy Prime Minister of Spain.

Grand Duke Serrano’s role was clear: to lend gravitas to Canovas, who was serving as Prime Minister for the first time.

Although Canovas was also of noble birth, his title was merely that of a minor Count. A Count was not a low rank in the European aristocracy; in the Middle Ages, they were lords with real power and their own domains.

But in a unique country like Spain, a Count was as pitiful as an honorary title, carrying almost no weight.

Even after Carlo had revoked over a hundred noble titles following the aristocrats’ rebellion, the number of nobles in Spain was still as numerous as the hairs on a cow.

In an era where Dukes were a common sight and Marquises were a dime a dozen, a Count was truly nothing special. If not for Carlo’s strong support, Canovas would never have won the backing of the Conservative Party, let alone become the Prime Minister of Spain in such a short time.

With Canovas taking on the important role of Prime Minister for the first time, it was essential to have someone with the stature of a Grand Duke like Serrano to back him up.

Furthermore, this was very likely Serrano’s last time serving as a cabinet minister. Born in 1810, Grand Duke Serrano was already sixty-nine years old. In the modern era over a century later this was past retirement age, let alone in an era where the average life expectancy was only around forty.

Due to Grand Duke Serrano’s advanced age, Carlo did not intend for him to continue serving as Spain’s Minister of Defense.

Although Grand Duke Serrano was more than capable and loyal, it seemed overly cruel to have a sixty-nine-year-old man in charge of a demanding and complex department.

Grand Duke Serrano’s position as Deputy Prime Minister was largely a nominal one, a measure taken with his health in mind. Canovas had already been handling the practical affairs of state of the Spanish Cabinet government during his time as Deputy Prime Minister, and he would only become more adept after becoming Prime Minister.

Although Carlo did not plan for Grand Duke Serrano to remain Minister of Defense, he needed him to continue holding a senior military position to maintain order.

Among the several high-ranking officials on the Spanish Military Committee, Carlo planned to promote Evan Bradley, Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Army, to be the new Minister of Defense. Chief of the General Staff Marco Antonio Fletcher would succeed Evan as Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Army, and Grand Duke Serrano would take Marco’s place as the Chief of the General Staff of the Ministry of Defense.

Although the Commanders-in-Chief of the Army and Navy and the Chief of the General Staff all held the rank of General, the power and importance of these positions were different.

The Minister of Defense was, of course, the highest position in the Spanish military, and also the most powerful. The Minister of Defense typically held the rank of Marshal and oversaw the Army and Navy command headquarters, the General Staff, the Logistics Department, and other departments.

Below the Minister of Defense, the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Army ranked higher than the Chief of the General Staff, who in turn ranked higher than the Commander-in-Chief of the Navy.

The reason for this was the different levels of importance Spain placed on its army and navy, as well as the timing of the General Staff’s establishment.

By appointing Grand Duke Serrano as Spain’s Chief of the General Staff, Carlo was allowing him to enjoy his final years peacefully in a position that was relatively leisurely during this time of peace.

Although he was no longer Minister of Defense, the combined titles of Deputy Prime Minister and Chief of the General Staff actually conferred a higher status than that of the Minister of Defense alone.

Upon learning of Carlo’s decision, Grand Duke Serrano raised no objections and accepted the command readily.

Since Carlo had already made his decision, the election within the Spanish Military Committee naturally proceeded without a hitch.

The Military Committee consisted of only seven people. With the support of the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards, the current Prime Minister, the current Minister of Defense, and the current Commander-in-Chief of the Army, Carlo already had five votes, ensuring a smooth passage.

Although his position was lowered to Chief of the General Staff, Grand Duke Serrano would retain his rank of Marshal. Evan, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army who was promoted to Minister of Defense, would soon be awarded the rank of Marshal and would formally take charge of Spain’s defense apparatus.

In addition to appointing Grand Duke Serrano as Deputy Prime Minister, Carlo also appointed Menotti as Spain’s Minister of Royal Affairs.

Menotti, Garibaldi’s eldest son, had performed exceptionally well since coming to Spain and had previously been granted the title of Count by Carlo.

By making him Minister of Royal Affairs, Carlo also intended to hone his abilities. Whether he would serve as Minister of Colonial Affairs or become a Governor-General in a colony, both were excellent future paths.

With Ricciotti as the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards and Menotti as the Minister of Royal Affairs, the two of them had successfully revived the Garibaldi family in Spain.

Ricciotti, as Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards, had been granted the title of Count by Carlo long ago. He and his younger brother Menotti were among the nobles in Spain with the best prospects of being awarded a ducal title.

The future of the Garibaldi family appeared exceptionally bright, which brought great comfort to Garibaldi himself, far away in Italy.

Upon learning that both his sons had been granted the title of Count and held high positions in the Spanish government, he was finally at ease. He repeatedly instructed his two sons to serve Carlo with all their hearts, to know their place, and to maintain their loyalty.

Garibaldi certainly understood how crucial trust was between a king and his subjects. He did not want his sons to be foolish and arouse Carlo’s suspicion through poor choices.

For a nobleman, betraying the king was asking for trouble. When one already had an extremely bright future, the best choice was to follow the king closely and show one’s loyal side.

Of course, Carlo’s trust in the two brothers was worthy of their loyalty. If Carlo had not trusted them much from the beginning, Garibaldi would not have been willing to send both his sons so far away to Spain.

The series of adjustments to key positions in the Cabinet government made for a busy time in Spain, and the major newspaper companies were closely following the changes in the cabinet’s important posts.

Having sought Carlo’s guidance, Cánovas was now planning his own Cabinet government. Since he already knew Carlo would not be involved in the appointment of cabinet members, Cánovas had to submit his own candidates for the nine ministerial positions.

These candidates were not chosen at random. He had to ensure that their political ideologies were largely aligned with his own, that they were highly competent, and preferably, that they were members of his own Conservative Party.

The first of the nine cabinet positions to be decided was Foreign Secretary, which would continue to be held by the Marquis of Everton. The Marquis of Everton was a member of Spain’s old nobility and had previously expressed his clear support for Cánovas, whose help Cánovas very much needed.

Meanwhile, Jovellar y Soler, a fellow Conservative, was promoted to the position of Minister of Industry, one of the easiest posts for racking up political achievements.

Ewald would continue to serve as Minister of Finance. His Progressive Party still held some sway in Spain, and Cánovas could not completely ignore their opinions.

The remaining cabinet positions also saw changes, with the Conservative Party clearly occupying the majority of posts in the Spanish Cabinet government.

Although he appointed nine cabinet ministers, Prime Minister Cánovas was quite astute. He had no intention of consolidating power for himself. The government he formed was primarily to serve Carlo, its purpose to better execute the orders Carlo issued.

As long as he could keep Carlo satisfied, he stood a very high chance of being re-elected in the next prime ministerial election five years later.

Canovas currently held only the title of Count, but if he served as Prime Minister for a full ten years, he could at least secure the title of Duke upon retirement.

Although a ducal title was not so prestigious in Spain, it at least placed one among the top tier of the aristocracy. Canovas’s children would have much brighter futures, whether they continued in politics, pursued business, or entered other fields, they would have a rich network of connections and support.

Of course, what Prime Minister Canovas valued most was gaining Carlo’s trust. Spain was, after all, a monarchy, and the King of Spain’s opinion was paramount.

If Canovas could earn Carlo’s trust through his high degree of cooperation, his children would also be assured of a more brilliant future.

For Canovas, it would be a matter of great pride if his family could flourish under his leadership.

Becoming Prime Minister was a major step, and it gave Canovas more confidence in achieving his goals.

If he could even arrange a marriage alliance with the Spanish royal family in the future, the Canovas family might rise to become one of the most prominent noble families in Spain, joining the House of Savoy at the pinnacle of Spain’s ruling class.

With the Cabinet government officially formed, the greatest task facing the new administration was to discuss Spain’s third development plan.

The first two Five-Year Development Plans had been a complete success, and formulating another one had become an expectation shared by everyone in Spain, from top to bottom.

After all the cabinet ministers of the new government swore an oath of allegiance to Carlo, Carlo immediately convened a Cabinet meeting, demanding that the Cabinet government produce a new Third Five-Year Development Plan in a short time.

The first two Five-Year Development Plans had laid the groundwork for Spain; the next one would be key to Spain’s definitive takeoff.

For this reason, Carlo presented his requirements for the Third Five-Year Development Plan at the meeting, with special mention of railway mileage, total industrial scale, heavy and military industries, and agricultural production.

During the first two Five-Year Development Plans, Spain’s economic development had been remarkably swift. A major reason for this was Spain’s emphasis on railway development.

The benefits of building railways were self-evident, and the nationwide, large-scale construction of railways allowed Spain’s industry and economy to grow in tandem.

When Prime Minister Primo originally proposed the Second Five-Year Development Plan, the goal was to increase Spain’s total railway scale to over eleven thousand kilometers by 1879.

This target was surpassed in the middle to late part of last year. By the end of December 1878, Spain’s total railway mileage had officially exceeded 11,500 kilometers and was steadily advancing toward the 12,000-kilometer milestone.

After deliberation among the cabinet members, the railway mileage target for the Third Five-Year Development Plan was officially set.

Spain’s population was generally concentrated in coastal plains and the area around Madrid, which meant that railway construction did not need to cover every corner of the country.

The Cabinet’s attitude towards the railway mileage requirement in the next Five-Year Plan was relatively clear: to abandon the aggressive construction approach and stabilize the mileage at around thirteen thousand kilometers.

Since the current mileage already exceeded 11,500 kilometers, this meant that Spain would only need to build less than 1,500 kilometers of railway over the next five years, an average of less than 300 kilometers per year.

This figure was only half of the annual railway mileage Spain built during the Second Five-Year Development Plan, which was the most distinctive feature of the Third Five-Year Development Plan.

Of course, this did not mean Spain was to completely slow down its railway development.

It was only the construction on the mainland that was being paused; railway construction in the various colonies was to be accelerated to ensure that resources from the colonies could be quickly transported to mainland Spain, while also strengthening control over the colonies.

Railway construction on the mainland was not without other tasks. Due to Spain’s mountainous terrain, railway construction was quite difficult, costing much more time and money than in countries with more plains.

Compounded by less mature technology, some railway lines had become fragile under the strain of frequent transport.

One of Spain’s tasks in the Third Five-Year Development Plan was to fully upgrade the existing railway lines and convert single-track railways to double-track railways in some busy areas to increase transport capacity.

A single-track railway is a single line, while a double-track railway consists of two parallel lines. As the name implies, a double-track railway has at least twice the transport capacity of a single-track one.

It is worth noting that in calculating railway mileage, both single-track and double-track railways are measured by the same length of route.

This means that if both a single-track and a double-track railway are 100 kilometers long, the calculated railway mileage will be 100 kilometers for both; the double-track railway is not counted twice.

What Spain needed to do was increase the proportion of double-track railways, especially on busier lines, converting them wherever possible to boost transport capacity.

Spain’s population was projected to grow, and Carlo had no desire to wait until the country’s population reached several tens of millions before upgrading the railway lines.

Currently, Spain had two busiest railway sections: the line from Madrid to Barcelona and the line from Madrid to Seville.

Carlo’s vision for Madrid and Barcelona was not for them to be small cities of 500,000, but major metropolises with populations of at least two million.

Although this goal was still distant for both cities, Spain’s railway construction had to take this into account.

Every year, Spain received many immigrants, a large portion of whom were settled in industrial powerhouses like Madrid and Barcelona.

This caused the populations of the two cities to climb continuously. Madrid’s population now exceeded 550,000, and Barcelona’s had surpassed 460,000, making them Spain’s most dazzling twin stars.

No other city could compare to these two. Even a larger city like Seville had a population of only around 150,000.

Precisely because of the large populations of Madrid and Barcelona, coupled with their substantial industrial scale, the railway line between them had become one of the busiest in Spain.

The biggest task for the Spanish Department of Transportation in the next Five-Year Development Plan was to convert the entire railway line between these two cities to a double-track railway, and to serve as many other cities along the route as possible, such as Zaragoza.

In addition to requirements for railway mileage, the Third Five-Year Development Plan also stipulated a series of issues and development directions, including industrial scale, total iron and steel production, and population education levels.

It was projected that by the end of the Third Five-Year Development Plan in 1884, Spain’s population would reach at least 21.5 million. The total output of iron and steel was targeted to reach 300,000 tons and 750,000 tons respectively, for a combined total of over one million tons.

Furthermore, the Third Five-Year Development Plan also addressed the Spanish government’s current foreign debt.

Although Spain’s fiscal revenue was steadily rising, the government’s fiscal expenditure was also constantly increasing. Considering that Spain still had significant foreign debt to repay, for the next five years, Spain would need to economize on fiscal expenditure as much as possible while maintaining its own development, with the saved funds being used to pay off foreign debt.

The first debts that needed to be repaid were to Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, but these were mostly low-interest or interest-free loans and would be relatively easy to pay back.

The repayment period for the French debt was longer, so the Spanish government could wait until its own economy had developed further before considering repayment.

In any case, France was a large and wealthy nation and wasn’t in dire need of this sum. If the loan were repaid to France, the French might just lend the money out again to other European countries, which might even include Spain.

It was better to hold onto the money. For at least the next few years, these funds could accelerate Spain’s development, allowing its economy and government revenue to maintain a high rate of growth.

Chapter 247: Foreign Capital

At eight o’clock in the morning on March 27, 1879, at the Barcelona Stock Exchange in Spain.

It should have been an ordinary day, but the Barcelona Stock Exchange was already a sea of people.

The reason so many investors had flocked to the stock exchange so early in the morning was, of course, the Spanish government’s announcement of the new Third Five-Year Development Plan yesterday.

Although the development plan released by the government was not detailed, it did mention construction in industry and railways. The investors had anticipated this, and their very reason for coming to the stock exchange at the crack of dawn was to buy shares in Spanish railway companies.

Unlike other European countries, Spain had not suffered too severely from the economic crisis, which gave Spanish investors great confidence in the stock market.

The emphasis on railway construction in Spain’s two previous Five-Year Development Plans had given rise to several large railway companies, the most famous of which were the Spanish National Railway Company and the Spanish Royal Railway Company.

These two officially-backed railway companies became the main force in Spain’s railway construction. Below them were a large number of privately-owned railway companies, which also contributed their efforts to Spain’s railway development.

Among the crowds queuing up, many had already tasted the rewards during the last Five-Year Development Plan. After that plan was announced, the stock prices of Spanish railway companies had soared, and those who bought shares had made a fortune.

However, the last Five-Year Development Plan was announced against the backdrop of an economic crisis ravaging Europe, which caused many people to shy away from buying stocks out of fear.

Now that the economic crisis was largely over, and with the Spanish government announcing another Five-Year Development Plan, the investors could no longer sit still. They scrambled to buy shares in railway companies, or at the very least, stocks in related industries, hoping to get a piece of the pie from the surging stock market.

Most of the people in line were ordinary citizens, but there were also many nobles and capitalists dressed in lavish attire.

Unfortunately, because the crowd had completely blocked the entrance to the stock exchange, these nobles and capitalists also had no choice but to wait in line, as they simply could not get in.

“Damn it, why are there so many people today?” Amidst the massive, crowded throng, a middle-aged man in luxurious clothing stuck his head out of his carriage and grumbled.

He was a nobleman and could arrive by carriage. The problem was, the road in front of the stock exchange was completely gridlocked, and his carriage was now trapped.

The nobleman was unwilling to stand with the commoners, so after muttering a few curses to himself, he retreated back into his carriage.

“What can you do? The government announced the Five-Year Development Plan yesterday. These people are like cats that have smelled fish, all wanting a bite. The only question is, how many of them are the actual fish?” another man in fine clothes inside the carriage said with a smile. Despite the dense crowd, he didn’t seem anxious at all; in fact, he appeared to be in a wonderful mood.

“Hmph! Only we nobles can make money in the stock market. These damned commoners can’t withstand the slightest ripple; they’ll drown in the ocean of the stock market sooner or later.” The grumbling nobleman nodded and stopped complaining.

There were quite a few carriages trapped in the crowd, and nobles or capitalists in expensive attire were not a rare sight.

And it was true. Most of those who were stuck on the road were nobles with little status or power, perhaps even just a pitiful Baron.

These people had no special privileges and had to queue obediently with the commoners, no matter how dissatisfied they were.

The truly powerful and influential had already entered the stock exchange long before its doors opened and had been respectfully invited to the VIP trading rooms on the second floor.

Because the crowd was so overwhelming, the Barcelona municipal government had deployed a large number of police officers to maintain order. As the second-largest city in Spain, Barcelona had ample security forces.

With police officers constantly patrolling through the crowd, they could prevent violent incidents and crimes.

After all, the larger the crowd, the more chaotic the order. In an era without surveillance cameras, theft and robbery were not uncommon in such crowded situations.

Some people might even take the opportunity to grope others; as long as they weren’t caught, there were basically no consequences.

The deployment of a large police force did effectively prevent such incidents from occurring. Carlo placed great importance on law and order in Spain, which led to the Department of Public Security imposing heavy penalties for criminal offenses.

Even a relatively minor disturbance of public order could result in fines of varying amounts, and sometimes even a period of mandatory imprisonment.

Such laws might seem harsh, but they were effective in reducing Spain’s crime rate. In Madrid and Barcelona, the crime rate had been lowered to a level that was completely acceptable to the public.

A few minutes later, the doors of the stock exchange officially opened.

People did not surge inside, as many police officers were maintaining order at the entrance. The stock exchange was not very large, which meant only a portion of the crowd could enter at a time, and they had to enter in an orderly queue.

Anyone who tried to cut in line or force their way through, if spotted by the police, would be denied entry to the stock exchange altogether.

Seeing the line of police officers at the door, the initially anxious crowd wisely calmed down.

Under these circumstances, people spontaneously formed a long, dragon-like queue and entered the stock exchange in an orderly fashion.

Inside the stock exchange were giant blackboards displaying various data from the exchange. Investors had to check the stock market data on these blackboards and then find a trader to register their transactions.

Unlike in later eras, all transactions in the stock exchange at this time were done manually. This made stock trading very cumbersome and required more time than in the future.

But in an age without electronic technology, manual labor was the only solution. Fortunately, the Barcelona Stock Exchange had anticipated today’s massive turnout and had arranged for extra staff in advance, which effectively sped up the process of buying stocks.

Inside the exchange, administrators were registering the stocks issued by various companies one by one. The most popular ones today were the railway companies, followed by factories and enterprises related to the railway industry.

The railway companies, in particular, were astonishingly popular. One might even say that however many shares the railway companies released, the investors would buy them all.

A small railway company under the Spanish royal family was also listed today, issuing a total of two million shares, accounting for a 30% stake.

The issue price was 5 pesetas per share, with a plan to raise ten million pesetas.

As the administrator registered this information, he announced it loudly. Besides the blackboards, the administrator’s shouting was a primary method of disseminating information.

After all, there were no loudspeakers, so whether the investors could hear key information depended on the volume of the administrator’s voice.

The newly listed railway company was indeed a small enterprise; Carlo had invested less than five million pesetas in it.

It had to be admitted that industry in this era was truly profitable. After undertaking a few small railway projects, this railway company, with an investment of less than five million pesetas, was able to go public and raise over ten million pesetas.

And the shares issued by the railway company only accounted for a 30% stake. This meant that as long as all the shares were sold, the total market value of this company, which originally had an investment of only five million pesetas, would exceed thirty-three million pesetas—an increase of a full 6.6 times.

And this was just the beginning. As long as the railway company’s operations continued smoothly and it secured more projects, the value of its issued shares would continue to rise.

With the stock price increase, the market value of the railway company could even cross the fifty-million-peseta threshold, instantly becoming a major enterprise in Spain.

Achieving this only required securing a few railway projects and getting listed on the stock exchange. This step was very simple for capitalists and nobles, which was why the Spanish stock exchanges had strengthened their review process.

There was no other way. If the review process wasn’t strengthened, the two major stock exchanges in Spain would likely see thousands, or even tens of thousands, of companies going public every day.

Did Spain need that many companies? Of course not.

Only high-quality enterprises could be listed on Spain’s stock exchanges. Shell companies would be weeded out by the strict review system, which was also an important measure to prevent Spain from suffering an economic crisis.

These shell companies had absolutely no resilience when faced with an economic crisis. The bankruptcy of a large number of companies would severely impact the stock exchanges, and if the exchanges were to collapse, it would affect the entire country’s economic operation.

Spaniards were clearly aware that the companies listed on the stock exchanges were vetted. Therefore, the announcement of each new listing was met with a frenzy of buying from investors, and the stock prices of these newly listed companies were constantly rising.

Although the royal family’s listed railway company issued two million shares, in reality, only a little over one million were in circulation on the stock exchange.

Long before the stocks were circulated, those with real power—namely, Spain’s two major official banks and some securities firms established by powerful figures—had already subscribed to a portion of them in advance.

They certainly understood that this was a royal family enterprise and that the royal family did not deal in shell companies.

Investing in railway companies was a surefire profit, as Spain would not abandon its policy of railway development anytime soon.

Although the Third Five-Year Development Plan was less aggressive in its requirements for new railway mileage, the work of maintenance and renovation was still substantial. Spain’s railway companies would remain busy for the next five years.

Subscribing to shares in advance was also a way to manage the stock price. If the number of shares in circulation was too large, the market would become saturated.

Once the market was saturated, even if the stock and the company itself were of high quality, the stock price would collapse.

After all, if the market was saturated, investors would be unable to sell their shares. If shares couldn’t be sold, the price would naturally fall.

As a newly listed railway company, it was necessary to maintain its stock price to some extent. Only by ensuring the stock market did not become saturated could the stock price maintain positive growth.

The fact that the two major official banks and some noble-owned securities firms had subscribed to the railway company’s shares in advance meant that the company’s stock price was linked to everyone’s profits.

This amount of money was certainly not much for Carlo, but it was a substantial sum for the nobles. Among those participating in this transaction were the new-style nobles. Because they held little land, the income of these new-style nobles depended entirely on industry and finance.

This was why Carlo attached great importance to this listing. If the shares of this railway company could rise, it meant these new-style nobles could get a piece of the action and enrich their family fortunes.

Both new-style and old-style nobles were part of Spain’s aristocracy, but because Carlo had personally granted the titles to the new-style nobles, he was clearly closer to them.

Of course, this could also be because the new-style nobles posed no threat to Carlo and were, in fact, a great support to him.

The old-style nobles had roots in Spain that were too deep and powerful; sometimes, they would not obey Carlo’s orders. Compared to the less obedient old-style nobles, Carlo trusted the compliant new-style nobles more, even if they held little power.

A prerequisite for being a good ruler is to ensure that those who follow you can share in the benefits. Even if you eat the meat and they drink the soup, you have to make sure they all get a drink.

The listing of this railway company was, in effect, a gift from Carlo to a portion of the new-style nobles. They had received the news in advance; as long as they bought shares in this railway company, they were almost guaranteed not to lose money.

Of course, even if they couldn’t buy them directly, the new-style nobles would still be able to get some shares because some securities firms had already subscribed in advance.

It might not be much for the old-style nobles, but for the new-style nobles, it would be a considerable income, allowing them to live more affluently and pursue a more luxurious lifestyle.

They were nobles, after all, and Carlo did not want them living a life no different from that of a commoner. The Spanish people had more ways to become new-style nobles, and this was one of Carlo’s primary methods for attracting the loyalty of the Spaniards.

If the new-style nobles did not live well, then the Spanish people would naturally have little interest in becoming one.

This meant one thing: the new-style nobles had to live well, at least well enough to create a significant gap between themselves and the commoners.

After all, new-style nobles were still nobles. If a nobleman couldn’t even afford some luxury goods, could he still be considered a nobleman?

This listing was also very important for the railway company itself. Going public could raise at least ten million pesetas in funds, ensuring the company would not lack project capital for a long time to come.

As long as it was ensured that genuinely capable railway companies received financing, Spain’s railway development would not fall behind.

Even if a railway company went bankrupt due to mismanagement, the royal family and the Spanish government could step in to bail it out. In short, it would not affect Spain’s railway plans.

The railway companies might have to worry about the revenue generated by railway construction, but for Carlo and the Spanish government, the direct revenue from railways was not as important.

Even if building railways was a loss-making venture, Carlo was willing to do it. This was because railways would drive the development of other industries, and the increased tax revenue from these developing industries also constituted a potential benefit of the railways.

It was the same old saying: To get rich, you must first build a road. A railway was, of course, a type of road, and a very important one in this era.

Railway construction also facilitated the deployment of the Spanish army to various regions, which was crucial for strengthening national stability.

Of course, there were also political benefits. If one region had a more developed railway network while another had little to no railway coverage, wouldn’t the people who couldn’t enjoy the convenience of railways become resentful?

Although it was impossible to treat every region equally, it was at least necessary to ensure that some important cities were connected by rail, which was why Spain continued to build railways tirelessly.

If one only considered the demand for railways in Spain’s major cities, the existing railway network was actually more than sufficient for the needs of the Spanish people.

The capitals of all major regions were already connected by rail, and some other important cities were also within the railway network’s coverage. Such a railway network was definitely quite comprehensive, if not among the best.

It was precisely because the potential benefits of railway construction were so great that many countries were willing to undertake it, even if building and operating railways was a loss-making endeavor.

Even if operating a section of railway consistently lost money, a country would willingly allocate funds to keep it running.

Because Carlo paid close attention to the development of the stock market, the stock exchanges delivered a report on the market’s situation to the Royal Palace at around four in the afternoon.

Steward Loren, holding the stock market data from the two major exchanges, found Carlo with a smile on his face and reported the good news: “Your Majesty, the two railway companies we listed in Madrid and Barcelona have both seen their stock prices increase by at least 30%.

The railway company on the Madrid Stock Exchange saw its stock price rise by 36.7%, closing at 13.67 pesetas per share.

The stock price of the railway company listed on the Barcelona Stock Exchange saw an even greater increase of 41.2%, reaching 7.06 pesetas per share before the market closed.”

Carlo was taken aback, somewhat surprised by the jump in stock prices.

It was inevitable that the prices of these newly issued stocks would rise, but such a dramatic increase was unexpected.

After all, a large volume of shares had been issued. The small railway company in Barcelona alone had issued two million shares for a total of ten million pesetas.

Although only about half of the shares were in actual circulation, it seemed impossible for them to have been completely bought up in such a short time.

In theory, the stock price shouldn’t have seen such an exaggerated increase before all the issued shares were sold. This meant that the railway company’s stocks had most likely already sold out. Did the investors in Barcelona really have such strong purchasing power? Or was other capital involved?

If the Spaniards could see the development potential of Spanish railway companies, capitalists certainly could too.

Investing in railway companies was an extremely profitable business, so it was not strange for it to attract some foreign capital.

Judging by the percentage increase in the stock prices of the two railway companies, it was highly likely that there was foreign capital intervention.

“According to news from the Barcelona Stock Exchange, some unidentified Frenchmen have purchased a large number of shares.” Steward Loren said with a smile, “The participation of the French caused our shares to sell out in a short period. Some investors were willing to pay a premium to buy the shares, which led to a significant increase in our stock price in a short time.”

Hearing that the French were involved, Carlo’s confusion completely dissipated.

French capital was quite powerful, and given the economic cooperation between Spain and France, it was not surprising that some French capital would flow into Spain.

Furthermore, Spain’s Third Five-Year Development Plan was a hotly debated topic, so it was hardly surprising that French capital would pay attention to Spanish railway companies.

Of course, this was a good thing for Carlo. The higher the stock price of the railway companies, the greater the profits he could obtain. The new-style nobles and other enterprises who were getting a piece of the action would naturally also receive greater benefits.

Chapter 248: Population

The influx of foreign capital was something Carlo hadn’t expected, but it was a good thing for Spain.

Companies listed on the stock exchange benefited from this, especially the railway companies, whose stock prices rose by at least ten percent.

The biggest impact for Spain was that many railway companies obtained additional funding as a result. The smooth completion of the railway construction scheduled in the Third Five-Year Development Plan was now practically a certainty.

The influx of French capital had its pros and cons, but for Spain at present, the benefits far outweighed the drawbacks. The large amount of capital brought by the French could accelerate Spain’s industrial development and make its Five-Year Development Plan more effective.

Although this would also give French capital a more profound influence over Spain, the extent of this influence was controllable.

Spain followed the path of state capitalism, where the largest sources of capital in the country were the government and the royal family. Under such circumstances, unless all French capital were to be transferred to Spain, a partial amount would not be able to influence the Spanish government’s decisions.

In certain situations, this foreign capital could even become lambs to the slaughter. Once relations between Spain and France broke down, the industries and properties in which French capital was invested would be forcibly expropriated by the Spanish government.

Because the Spanish government did not prevent the influx of French funds into Spain’s stock exchange, the stock prices of all railway-related enterprises experienced rapid growth.

At this time, Spain was indeed a good destination for French capital. Due to the effects of the previous economic crisis, the economies of various European countries had not yet fully recovered.

In contrast, Spain, which had not been significantly affected by the economic crisis, boasted an economic growth rate that was definitely among the fastest in all of Europe.

It wasn’t just the railways in the Five-Year Development Plan that caught the attention of French capital; other industrial construction projects also attracted capital from France and even other European countries.

The influx of large sums of money set off an investment wave in the Spanish stock market, and many stockholders even saw their assets multiply several times over in just a few days.

With Spain’s “All are welcome” attitude, French capital quickly established close partnerships with Spanish enterprises. This capital wasn’t content with just buying the shares offered by Spanish companies; they even wanted to directly purchase large blocks of stock from the shareholders of some railway companies.

Carlo adopted a laissez-faire attitude toward the actions of these French capitalists.

At least for now, French capital posed no threat to Spain. On the contrary, it could accelerate Spain’s industrialization and make the nation’s own capital stronger.

If Spain were to rely solely on domestic capital to drive its industrialization, by the time it was complete, the other European great powers would have already achieved a much higher level of industrial progress.

Even if it was just to speed up the process of Spain’s industrialization, absorbing this foreign capital was essential.

Now that it was certain that a large amount of capital from France, and even other countries, was flowing into Spain, the most important thing to do was to make rational use of this foreign capital to promote Spain’s economic development.

Currently, foreign capital was mainly concentrated on Spain’s railway construction, and their primary investments were in railway-related industries.

As long as a way could be found to draw their attention to other Spanish industries, Spain’s economy could hope to see comprehensive growth.

With Carlo’s deliberate push, Spanish newspaper companies began to report news related to other industries. Even finance-related businesses began to predict that certain sectors would experience tremendous growth in the future.

Although this didn’t produce an effect similar to that seen in the railway industry, it did attract a small portion of foreign capital to invest in Spain’s agricultural processing, manufacturing, and other sectors.

Predictably, with this foreign capital as a driving force, Spain’s other industries would also enter a golden age of development.

While the influx of this foreign capital would cause some local small and medium-sized enterprises to face greater competition and even the risk of bankruptcy, it was beneficial for the industries as a whole.

As long as it could help Spain’s various industries develop rapidly, sacrificing some small and medium-sized enterprises was a necessary price to pay. This era was, after all, an age of monopoly giants. These small and medium-sized enterprises were not that important to Spain, and there was no need to feel sorry for them.

Of course, development was one thing, but it was also necessary to guard against the problem of overcapacity.

The hidden dangers of overcapacity were enormous, and it could very well trigger a new economic crisis. Although Carlo wanted Spain’s economy and industry to develop rapidly, he wanted even less for Spain to face a severe economic crisis.

For this reason, as foreign capital poured in and drove Spain’s high-speed economic growth, Carlo also issued several directives to the Cabinet government. The most important among them were to prevent overcapacity and blind development.

Spain’s development had to be purposeful, focusing on building up industries that were scarce and greatly needed, rather than concentrating on sectors where Spain was already quite strong.

In steel manufacturing, for example, Spain’s steel output already ranked fifth in the world. For the time being, there was no need to pursue even greater steel production unless the domestic demand for steel products expanded.

If they blindly pursued steel output, the inability to sell the manufactured steel products would lead to the outbreak of an economic crisis.

While the rapid development of various industries was certainly gratifying, it was crucial to resolutely prevent an economic crisis from occurring and to stop these industries from developing blindly, which would ultimately lead to the problem of overcapacity.

With Spain’s economy developing rapidly, the one left to suffer could only be Portugal, which was forced into economic trade with Spain.

Ever since the two countries’ railway tracks were synchronized, economic trade between Spain and Portugal had become quite frequent. Spain was Portugal’s only land neighbor and its only land route for trade with other European countries.

Since the two countries began trading and synchronized their railway tracks, the total trade volume between Spain and Portugal had seen a huge increase in a short period.

When the first Five-Year Development Plan was just beginning, the total import-export trade between Spain and Portugal was less than one million pesetas. The relationship between the two countries could be described as tense and hostile, with virtually no trade relations to speak of.

By the end of the second Five-Year Development Plan, the total import-export trade between Spain and Portugal had already reached forty-six million pesetas, and Portugal had become an important trading partner for Spain.

Of course, only Spain benefited from such a trade relationship; Portugal’s disadvantages far outweighed its advantages.

The first issue was the impact of the influx of a large number of industrial products on Portugal’s industrial environment. With the effects of the economic crisis not yet fully dissipated, Portugal’s industry had suffered quite severely.

Many smaller factories went bankrupt directly during the economic crisis, causing Portugal’s total industrial output to plummet by nearly a quarter.

The remaining factories seemed utterly powerless against the onslaught of Spanish industry.

During the most severe period of the economic crisis, Spain’s export of industrial products to Portugal had little effect.

After all, many Portuguese workers had lost their jobs at the time and simply couldn’t afford Spanish industrial products.

But as the impact of the economic crisis gradually subsided and these unemployed workers found new jobs, the dumping of Spanish industrial goods began to show clear results.

Compared to Portugal’s industrial products, Spain’s were not only more comprehensive but also had the advantages of better quality and lower prices.

This was the basis for Spanish industrial products’ assault on the Portuguese market. Under these circumstances, the total import-export trade volume between Spain and Portugal continued to climb, and the trade deficit between the two sides continued to widen.

As of now, Portugal imports over thirty million pesetas worth of goods from Spain annually, covering a wide variety of industrial products, and even large items like steel rails and trains.

There was no choice; Portugal also needed to build railways. With the output of Portugal’s steel mills having collapsed, it could only buy cheaper steel rails from its neighbor Spain, which even reduced Portugal’s expenditure on railway construction.

Meanwhile, the total value of goods Spain imported from Portugal was only about sixteen million pesetas, resulting in a staggering trade deficit of fourteen million pesetas between the two countries.

Companies engaged in import-export trade and bulk commodity trading made a fortune from this, and most of those involved in these industries were Spanish noblemen and capitalists.

Currently, the import-export trade between Spain and Portugal mainly relies on the railway from Badajoz to Portugal, which is the only railway connection point between the two countries.

A look at the map would show that Spain’s railway network extended in all directions, but only a small section in the lower-left corner connected to Portugal’s railways.

It wasn’t that the Spanish government hadn’t proposed connecting more railways to the Portuguese government, but the requests were ultimately rejected by Portugal.

The reason was simple: if the Portuguese government fully integrated its railways with Spain’s, then Portugal’s safety and security would be entirely at Spain’s whim.

Although much of Spain’s territory was mountainous, the route from Toledo to Lisbon was almost a wide expanse of flat land with no natural barriers for defense.

If Spain truly had designs on Portugal, it could rely on the railway connecting the two countries to reach the Portuguese capital, Lisbon, in a very short time.

This was something the Portuguese could never accept, and it was the reason they were only willing to maintain a single railway connection with Spain.

With only this one small railway connection, if a rift appeared in the relationship between the two countries, the Portuguese could blow up the railway at any time to ensure that Spanish troops could not use it to quickly enter Portugal’s border.

If the northern, central, and southern regions were all connected to Spain by rail, it would become considerably more difficult to stop the advance of the Spanish army by destroying the railways.

Carlo still felt it was a pity. If they could fully connect the railway lines with Portugal, Iberia’s railways would form a massive network, promoting economic exchange between all regions of the peninsula.

This would certainly be a good thing for Spain, but not necessarily for Portugal, which was why the Portuguese government refused.

So far, Spain’s domestic development had been relatively smooth, but its colonial development still faced many problems.

A long time had passed since the establishment of the Congo Territory, and population had always been a major challenge to its development.

Currently, the total population of the Congo Territory was no more than thirty thousand people, many of whom were Russian immigrants who had been forcibly sent there.

After these Russian peasants arrived in the Congo Territory, they quickly cleared a large tract of land with the help of the local natives. Barring any accidents, they would settle permanently in the Congo Territory, contributing their strength to its agricultural development.

Of course, Spain would not treat them unfairly. After arriving in the Congo Territory, these Russian peasants enjoyed absolute freedom. They were also first-class citizens of the colony, possessing certain privileges.

In Russia, they were at the bottom of society, working themselves to death all year for meager earnings, and even facing huge debts from renting land from noblemen.

But in the Congo Territory, for any manual labor, they could rent a few slaves from the colonial government, or even directly buy a few black slaves to do the work.

The status of these Russians was transformed in an instant, which made them not averse to settling in the Congo Territory. They even felt fortunate to have chosen to immigrate and change their lives.

Facts proved that these Russian immigrants were very useful.

Their arrival accelerated the agricultural development of the Congo Territory and allowed it to barely meet its own needs for agricultural products.

If the Congo Territory hadn’t formed a colonial division with an army of twenty thousand men, its current agricultural scale would actually be sufficient for self-sufficiency.

Because food had to be supplied to the army, the scale of agriculture in the Congo Territory needed to be further expanded. There was no crisis of overcapacity for grain; after all, there were always people in the world who didn’t have enough to eat.

During an economic crisis, the price of grain would actually rise. After all, not using industrial products would only make people’s lives inconvenient, but if they didn’t eat, they would starve to death in a few days.

The question of how to increase the population of the Congo Territory had troubled the Spanish government for a long time.

During a Cabinet meeting, the new Minister of Colonial Affairs, William, made a proposal that made Carlo’s eyes light up: attract a large number of gold prospectors by engineering a gold rush, thereby expanding the population of the Congo Territory.

The so-called gold rush was, in effect, a way to attract gold prospectors by publicizing the existence of gold mines. A large number of prospectors flocking to an area with gold mines to pan for gold was an event known as a gold rush.

Many colonies had developed precisely because of gold rushes. Famous cities among these included Old Gold Mountain and New Gold Mountain, both of which grew into large cities because of gold rushes.

One should not underestimate a gold prospector’s obsession with finding gold. Even in the deep mountains and old forests, as long as news of a gold mine reached them, it would attract a large number of prospectors.

The Lanfang Republic also developed due to a gold rush, gathering tens of thousands of gold prospectors at its peak.

If Spain released news that there was a large gold mine in the Congo Territory, it would surely attract many gold prospectors.

As long as a portion of these prospectors could be convinced to stay, the problem of the Congo Territory’s insufficient population would be solved.

Of course, using a gold rush to attract population was a double-edged sword. While some of these prospectors would indeed settle in the Congo Territory, a gold rush would also attract the attention of other nations.

This was gold, one of the most valuable precious metals in the world. A smaller gold mine was destined not to create a gold rush. The ones that could were typically large, unexploited mines.

Such a large gold mine could attract gold prospectors, and naturally, it could also attract the attention, and even the covetous gaze, of other countries.

Therefore, before using a gold rush to attract population, it was necessary to consider whether the gold in the Congo Territory would draw the attention of other great powers.

After careful consideration, Carlo ultimately decided to adopt the method proposed by William.

The Congo Territory was rather special. There were few colonial competitors in this land, at least for the time being.

In the entire Congo River Basin, there were practically only two colonial powers: Portugal and Spain. The next closest colonizers were the French, whose colony was more than 500 kilometers away from the Congo River.

Furthermore, France currently needed Spain to escape the effects of its policy of isolation. The French were not likely to create a conflict with Spain over gold, at least not in the short term.

With the French not participating, Spain only needed to pay attention to Portugal’s colonial movements.

Carlo did not see tiny Portugal as a threat, and for this reason, he decided to adopt William’s suggestion.

In fact, besides France, the British might also meddle in the Congo Territory’s gold rush.

But the British colonies were far from the Congo River Basin, the closest being the Gold Coast, nearly 2000 kilometers away.

Spain’s Congo Territory was located in the African interior. If the British wanted to meddle, they would have to occupy the lower Congo River and then push deep into the Congo Basin.

If the British really did that, Carlo would actually laugh out loud.

Because the power entrenched in the lower Congo River at this time was Portugal. If the British seized Portugal’s colony, relations between Britain and Portugal would take a sharp turn for the worse.

A Portugal without British support would be a lamb to the slaughter for Spain. If events really developed this way, the unification of Spain and Portugal might not be far in the future.

The on-paper figures after a unification of the two countries would be quite staggering. Based on last year’s data, if Spain and Portugal were to unify, their combined population would exceed twenty-four million, with an army of two hundred fifty thousand. Their industrial output would remain fifth in the world, their navy also fifth. Their overall strength would be quite formidable.

If the two countries unified, Spain’s rapidly developing economy would also affect Portugal, putting Portugal’s industry and economy on the fast lane of development as well.

After a few years of low-key development, the unified federation could be called the foremost power after Britain, France, and Germany, and it would not even be a problem to go head-to-head with the French.

Chapter 249: Gold Rush

News of the gold mine discovery in the Congo Territory quickly spread throughout Spain and began to reach other parts of Europe.

The news immediately captured the attention of the nobility. Some noblemen who already had plantation businesses in the Congo Territory promptly dispatched men to the area of the discovery to search for other gold mines. A few did indeed find new deposits, though their scale was not as large as they had hoped.

The gold mine was located in the northeastern part of the Congo Territory, deep in the African interior. It was a region where, aside from Spanish colonists, virtually no settlers from other nations had ever set foot.

This allowed Spain to publicize the gold discovery in the Congo Territory with great fanfare. It was a prize firmly in Spain’s grasp; other nations had no right to claim a share.

As the Minister of Colonial Affairs, William personally oversaw the promotion of the news about the gold mines. Regardless of the size or reserves of any discovered mine, as long as it was in the Congo Territory, it was packaged and aggressively advertised.

The first small gold mine discovered was an alluvial deposit, and the gold content in the shallow river sand reached seven to eight grams per ton, while the average content in the deeper ore was around seventeen grams per ton.

Not all gold mines could achieve such a high yield, but that did not stop the Ministry of Colonial Affairs from using this rich small mine for its propaganda, presenting it as representative of all gold mines in the Congo Territory.

Because the related news only announced the estimated reserves of each mine without providing a clear range for their gold content.

This led the public to naturally assume that all gold mines in the Congo Territory were like the first one discovered, with a gold content of at least seven to eight grams per ton.

Based on one pound sterling being worth 7.33 grams of gold, a single ton of ore from these mines was worth more than one pound.

The amount of currency a nation could issue was based on its gold holdings, which meant the value of this gold could be multiplied several times over.

It wasn’t just the gold prospectors; even the Spanish nobility was in an uproar.

The Congo Territory had a large indigenous population, who could be forced to dig for gold.

Mining one ton of gold ore a day could yield a profit of three to five pounds. Mining 100 tons a day would mean a profit of 300 to 500 pounds, which was around 7,800 to 13,000 pesetas.

This was a substantial income even for the Spanish nobility, and it caused more of them to start paying attention to news from the Congo Territory.

Just then, the Ministry of Colonial Affairs provided another boost. The Ministry announced that Spaniards had the right to own any minerals they discovered in the Congo Territory, with the royal family recognizing this as their property sovereignty.

Spaniards only needed to pay a mining tax to the royal family and the Congo Territory government to legally exploit the minerals they found. After paying the legal taxes on their earnings, they could comfortably pocket the rest.

This eliminated any remaining hesitation among the noblemen and gold prospectors. As long as they could find a gold mine in the Congo Territory, they would naturally own it.

Of course, only Spaniards had the right to own these mines. If a foreigner discovered mineral resources, they would have no right to claim them.

This policy was primarily aimed at the noblemen, as only they had the resources to organize teams for mineral exploration, which would in turn help develop the Congo Territory.

Discovering a gold mine in the Congo Territory would certainly require organizing more people to mine it. After extraction, the gold needed to be refined. With more people, the population of the Congo Territory would naturally increase.

Previous policies in the Congo Territory had only attracted a portion of the nobility to invest. But after the news of the gold discovery was announced, many noblemen proactively went to invest in the Congo Territory, aiming to acquire a great and unexpected fortune by discovering gold mines.

The Ministry of Colonial Affairs also heavily publicized the success stories among the nobility. One particularly fortunate Baron, whose family had fallen on hard times, gambled nearly his entire fortune and luckily discovered a small gold mine in the Congo Territory.

The gold content of this small mine was quite high, reaching a peak of 23 grams per ton, with an average of around 6 grams per ton.

The discovery of this small mine instantly turned the Baron into a millionaire, and he was on the verge of becoming a ten-millionaire.

Although it would take a long time to fully cash in on the mine, the Baron had at least successfully saved his family’s fortune and had hopes of making his family even more prosperous.

There was no shortage of noblemen like this Baron who gambled their family fortunes, as many noble families in Spain had fallen into poverty.

Due to the large number of nobles in Spain, the lowest titles, like Count and Baron, carried little weight.

After Prime Minister Primo’s reforms, the nobility lost all their special privileges. Some nobles who had managed to get by on land rents completely lost their former glory after the reforms.

The gold mines in the Congo Territory were indeed their chance to rebuild their fortunes, and it was a relatively fair opportunity.

As long as they could find gold in the Congo Territory, they stood to profit. If they were lucky enough to find a mine with large reserves, returning to their former glory might happen In a single thought.

Among these nobles, some were lucky, while others, of course, were not.

Some organized proper exploration teams but never found any gold in the Congo Territory. Others were luckier; the mines they found had small reserves, but it was enough to ensure they didn’t lose money.

Regardless of whether it was luck or not, anyone who successfully found a gold mine in the Congo Territory was trumpeted across all of Spain’s media.

A certain nobleman or commoner striking it rich overnight in the gold rush became the most frequently reported news in Spanish newspapers over these few months.

As for how many noblemen went bankrupt after gambling away their family fortunes, that remained unknown, because no one cared.

Carlo had underestimated the allure of gold. If presented with gold and an equivalent value in currency, any sane person would choose the gold.

The wave of gold prospecting in the Congo Territory did not subside with time; on the contrary, it grew more intense as the days went on.

Starting from the first mine discovered by the noblemen, a succession of large and small gold mines were found, and the area of discovery was not limited to the northeast of the Congo Territory.

In addition to gold, the noblemen also discovered silver mines in the eastern part of the Congo Territory. However, compared to the more tempting gold, the less valuable silver mines garnered little attention.

Newspapers promoting the Congo gold mines only mentioned the silver in passing, merely to enrich the list of precious metal deposits in the territory.

While the noblemen were searching for gold, Carlo was certainly not idle.

In fact, back when the Congo Territory was first established, Carlo had already ordered a survey of its mineral reserves.

Carlo had long known the value of the land in Congo; naturally, gold mines existed there. Some of the larger gold mines had already been prospected and were being mined by Carlo. The small and medium-sized mines that he looked down on were the ones truly left for the noblemen and gold prospectors.

Although gold was enticing, one had to admit that the value of currency in this era was indeed high.

One pound sterling was worth 7.33 grams of gold, which destined the pound to be the most valuable currency in the world. One pound could be exchanged for 26 pesetas, which made the peseta seem inexpensive.

In reality, one peseta was worth 0.282 grams of gold, meaning the peseta still held considerable value.

A gold mine with about one ton of gold reserves was actually worth only around 3.5 million pesetas.

What did one ton of gold entail? With a gold content of eight grams per ton, one would need to dig up 125,000 tons of gold ore to refine one ton of gold.

The gold mines currently being discovered in the Congo Territory were mostly small ones with reserves of less than three tons. The maximum value of such a mine did not exceed 10 million pesetas, so there was truly no need for Carlo to pay them any mind.

Currently, both the Royal Joint Bank and the Royal Steel Company were providing the royal family with an annual net profit of over 30 million pesetas each.

It was better to leave these gold mines to the noblemen and gold prospectors. It would make them even more obsessed with the gold in the Congo Territory and encourage them to invest more capital.

And as it happened, this approach was truly effective.

In just a few short months, the population of the Congo Territory increased by nearly 5,000 people, most of whom were sent by Spanish nobles.

Of course, some of them were gold prospectors from all over Europe, whose goal was to find alluvial deposits in the rivers of the Congo Territory and earn an income through illegal mining.

Carlo certainly allowed these prospectors to exist; after all, they were also part of the population for the Congo Territory.

As long as a portion of them stayed, the population of the Congo Territory could grow and strengthen naturally.

As noblemen and gold prospectors poured into the Congo Territory, the Royal Joint Bank and the national bank also opened branches there.

The purpose of these two banks opening branches in the Congo Territory was, of course, to issue loans to the prospectors and mine owners.

Prospecting and mining for gold required a great deal of capital, and not everyone could afford it. These prospectors and mine owners were prime customers for the banks. They could use their newly discovered gold mines as collateral to secure loans.

Even if they couldn’t repay the money, there was no need to worry; the mines they had prospected would become the bank’s property.

Of course, such loans would only be issued to people with certain assets. A penniless gold prospector would not be eligible for a bank loan.

Besides issuing loans, the banks also had a business of purchasing gold ore. After the gold ore was mined, refining the gold was another troublesome matter.

Mine owners were better off, as they had sufficient equipment and capital to refine the gold. But the illegal prospectors might not have the ability to do so.

This was where the banks could offer convenience. They could sell the gold dust they panned to the banks, which would purchase it with pesetas equivalent to the value of the gold.

Currently, the only banks in the Congo Territory were the Royal Joint Bank and the national bank. With no competitors, the illegal prospectors had no other choice.

This approach would help collect as much gold as possible and expand Spain’s gold reserves.

The more gold Spain controlled, the more pesetas it could issue internationally. Carlo had already made thorough plans before deciding to use the gold rush to attract a portion of the population.

In reality, prospecting and mining for gold was not a guaranteed way to make money. If one couldn’t find a mine, one could lose everything.

Even with the good fortune of finding a gold mine, the initial exploration fees and subsequent mining costs were a huge expense.

With so many noblemen and gold prospectors rushing off to find gold, Carlo took the opposite approach, having the two banks provide logistical services for them. This, in fact, was the most profitable venture.

Chapter 250: Reforming the Political Contribution System

Carlo was still rejoicing over the population boom the gold rush had brought to the Congo Territory when a problem emerged back in mainland Spain that made him frown.

The root of this problem was the influx of French capital into Spain. Not all capital was willing to operate within the limits set by the Spanish government.

The greed of capital is well-known. Karl Marx’s Das Kapital also spoke of its greed and evil: with a ten percent profit, capitalists become restless; with a twenty percent profit, they become active; with a fifty percent profit, they take risks; with a one hundred percent profit, they trample on the law; and with a three hundred percent profit, they dare to commit any crime.

The French capital in Spain had not yet reached the point of committing crimes, but it had indeed become active, seeking more privileges and preferential treatment in Spain.

To expand their influence, some French capitalists began investing in Spanish political parties, attempting to use them to change the unfavorable climate for capital within the country.

Although the actions of the French capitalists could not change Spain’s political situation for the time being, it was certainly something Carlo did not want to see.

Political activities require a large amount of funding, which was why most political parties in Spain failed to develop. The Spanish government did not have overly strict requirements for establishing a party; one only needed to hold at least one seat in any of the Regional Parliaments to apply to the Senate for its formation.

Due to a lack of funds, most parties, even if established, were doomed to fail.

Only parties that genuinely had public support could receive political contributions from the people, thereby acquiring the capital to engage in political activities.

Because domestic capital in Spain had not been strong previously, the parties that received more political contributions were typically those supported by the public. To put it bluntly, their political funds were accumulated through sheer numbers of small donations.

But with the intervention of French capital, certain parties without public support now had the opportunity to obtain more political funds and thus engage in more political activities.

Among Spain’s many parties, the first one the French capitalists approached was the Liberal Party, which was also the party Carlo was most wary of among all existing Spanish parties.

The Liberal Party had a history of supporting republicanism, and France was a republic. This naturally aroused suspicion and vigilance.

Carlo did not want French capital to interfere too much in the affairs of the Spanish government. Therefore, the best solution was to change the current system and regulations regarding how political parties in Spain received political contributions.

Currently, Spain had no restrictions on its political contribution system. As long as someone donated to a party, the party would receive the full amount and could use it for political activities.

If this system continued, French capital could easily cultivate a large political party that would threaten Spain’s current ruling party, the Conservative Party.

The current slogan of the Liberal Party was the pursuit of democracy and freedom. With the intervention of French capital, would it change to the pursuit of a democratic republic?

Carlo had no faith in the integrity of capitalists. If turning Spain into a republic would allow French capital to earn more, they would undoubtedly do it.

Therefore, Carlo had to cut off the opportunity for French capital to gain more political influence at its source, preventing them from acquiring more political power by controlling a party.

The simplest method was to change the political contribution system, ensuring that the money donated by French capitalists would go into the pockets of all political parties, not just the one they sponsored.

Once he had a plan, the rest was easy.

Carlo and Prime Minister Canovas discussed for several days and finally came up with a new proposal for the political contribution system.

Originally, political contributions from the public went directly into the pockets of the respective parties. But under the new system, political contributions would first have to be submitted to a party management body in the Upper House, which would then distribute the funds to the various parties.

These political contributions would be divided into two parts. Forty percent would be given directly to the donated party as funds for political activities. This portion had no requirements or preconditions; any legal party could receive it.

The remaining sixty percent would be distributed to all parties with seats in the lower house, proportional to the number of seats they held. This achieved the goal of having all parties share the political contributions.

The advantages of such a system were obvious: it ensured that all parties could get a piece of the pie, preventing them from being forced to disband due to a lack of donations.

The disadvantages were also clear: a single party could not receive the entire political contribution, and the final proportion they received would depend on their number of seats in the lower house.

Taking Spain’s largest party, the Conservative Party, as an example: if someone donated one hundred pesetas to the Conservative Party as a political contribution, the party would directly receive forty pesetas. Additionally, based on the lower house seats they held, they would receive forty-nine percent of the remaining sixty pesetas, which is 29.4 pesetas.

Under the old system, the Conservative Party would have received the full one hundred pesetas. But under the new system, they would only get 69.4 pesetas, with the remaining 30.6 pesetas being divided among other parties according to their proportions.

This meant that for every donation the Conservative Party received, 30.6% would be shared by other parties. While this seemed like a loss, one also had to consider the political contributions received by other parties.

The Conservative Party would also receive 29.4% of the funds donated to other parties. If the other parties received fewer political contributions than the Conservative Party, the Conservatives would lose some money.

But if other parties received more political contributions than the Conservative Party, the Conservatives would actually gain more funds overall.

Under these circumstances, if the French capitalists still wanted to fund the Liberal Party, they would have to invest much more money.

Of the funds that French capitalists donated to the Liberal Party, the Liberal Party would only receive 45.4%. The remaining 54.6% would be divided among the other parties. This meant the Liberal Party would not gain any financial advantage.

After careful deliberation and confirming there were no major issues with this system, Carlo decided to implement it immediately to prevent French capital from investing too heavily in the Liberal Party beforehand.

Following Carlo’s directive, the Spanish Parliament acted efficiently and quickly passed the new proposal regarding the political contribution system.

After the new political contribution system was passed, the French capitalists were stunned.

They had originally intended to gain more political power and influence by supporting the Liberal Party, but now they had to abandon that idea.

Under Spain’s new political contribution system, they would have to pay at least double the original cost, and the results were not even guaranteed to be effective.

After all, the funds would be divided among all the major parties. The intended recipient, the Liberal Party, would only get 45.4%, while the Conservative Party, which did nothing, would get 29.4%.

The new system was demoralizing for the French capitalists, but for some small parties with low support, it was a ray of hope that allowed them to survive.

Although Spain’s per capita income had increased significantly compared to a decade ago, due to the large peasant population, most people could barely afford food and clothing.

Under these circumstances, it was impossible for the parties to receive many political contributions, and this was true even for the Conservative and Progressive Parties.

As for the minor parties with only one or two seats, their situation was even worse. The political contributions they received each year were negligible, and they had to rely on donations from their own members to fund any political activities.

Under the new system, these parties could also receive some political contributions. Although it wasn’t much, it was certainly a significant improvement over their previous situation of having almost no income.

For this reason, these small parties were quite welcoming of the new system. They had almost nothing to lose and stood to gain more funding.

However, for Spain’s three major existing parties, the losses were substantial. This was especially true for the Conservative Party. As Spain’s largest party, they also received the most political contributions.

Because the Conservative Party had many noblemen as members, its political contributions tended to be larger, and thus its losses under the new system would be greater.

The Conservative Party was completely loyal to Carlo and would not express clear opposition to an order even if it harmed their own interests.

But precisely because it was a party completely loyal to him, Carlo felt he had to provide some compensation. His solution was simple: he would have the fast-food company under the royal family’s name donate five hundred thousand pesetas annually to the Conservative Party.

From this five hundred thousand peseta donation, the Conservative Party would receive 347,000. This amount was enough to compensate for the losses they incurred due to the new system, while also utilizing the system to provide funds for other parties.

The reason for donating in the fast-food company’s name, rather than Carlo’s personal name, was mainly because as the King of Spain, Carlo could not be too obvious in his support for any single political party.

To Carlo, whether it was the Conservative Party, the Progressive Party, or even the Liberal Party he was wary of, they were all essentially the same.

As long as they did not explicitly oppose the monarchy, these parties were all political forces Carlo could use. If he only supported one, it would mean alienating the others.

Such an approach was not wise, and Carlo would never allow a single party in Spain to become dominant.

A truly rational political situation should involve several parties competing and cooperating with each other, all to be used by Carlo.

Only by doing this could Carlo remain above all the major parties, easily using their rivalries to ensure their loyalty to him.

Under such circumstances, if any party began to oppose the monarchy, Carlo wouldn’t even need to act. The other parties, for their own benefit, would unite to oppose it.

If Carlo were to clearly support one party, the remaining parties might unite to oppose the party he supported, or even oppose Carlo himself.

After the new system was announced and implemented, the problem within Spain was solved.

Without the support of French capital, it was impossible for the Liberal Party to pose a threat to the Progressive and Conservative Parties.

Carlo could then turn his attention back to the Congo Territory with peace of mind, focusing on its population growth and the changes brought by the gold rush.

During this period, the war between Britain and Afghanistan officially ended. The two countries signed the Treaty of Gandamak, giving Britain formal control over Afghanistan’s foreign affairs and allowing it to station troops in the region.

However, the British did not have long to celebrate. The treaty instead provoked anti-British sentiment among the Afghans, which evolved into a persistent war of rebellion.

Britain getting bogged down in the quagmire of Afghanistan was actually good news for Spain. It gave Spain enough time to develop the Congo Territory without worrying about British interference.

In later generations, there was a running joke that petroleum attracted the US military. In this era, there was a similar joke that gold attracted the British military.

The British Empire possessed the most extensive colonies in the world, and these were not acquired peacefully but through repeated colonial and aggressive wars.

The gold rush in the Congo Territory had already taken shape. If the British had not been tied down by Afghanistan, they would have likely tried to cause some trouble for Spain or dispatched colonial teams to establish their own outposts in the Congo River Basin.

Now, with the British tied down, Spain had enough time to complete its own plans.

In fact, the British had quite a few troubles. Back in January, Britain had gone to war with the native state of Zulu in South Africa.

A force of thirteen thousand British colonial troops, led by Lord Chelmsford, crossed the Tugela River and launched a large-scale invasion of the Zulu Kingdom.

The arrogant British underestimated this native state and ultimately paid a heavy price. The Zulus surrounded the British forces under the cover of darkness and launched a night raid.

To the astonishment of the British soldiers, the Zulus charged into the main British camp through a fierce artillery barrage and engaged them in brutal hand-to-hand combat.

The Zulu soldiers suffered over three thousand casualties, but they also inflicted more than sixteen hundred casualties on the British army.

The main reason was that the Zulu warriors broke into the British camp, turning the battle into a melee. If the Zulus had not broken in, the British army could have easily crushed them with firepower.

In this battle, Britain lost over one thousand rifles, five hundred thousand rounds of ammunition, and several artillery pieces, and was forced to give back most of the land it had occupied.

But this victory did not end the war for the Zulus. Britain rejected all of their negotiation attempts and continued to send reinforcements to the South Africa region.

As the most powerful nation in the world, when the British were determined to invade a country, very few could repel their attacks.

Although the Zulus inflicted heavy casualties on the British army during the war, and even killed Napoleon III’s son, Louis, none of this could change the war’s outcome.

In July 1879, the British army, leveraging its superior firepower, easily defeated the Zulu forces. Having gained experience from their long conflict with the Zulus, the British had prepared a massive supply of bullets and shells, pinning the Zulus down outside their positions.

Unable to approach the British positions, the Zulus could not engage in the melee combat they were familiar with.

With the battle fought at a distance, the Zulus had no choice but to endure Britain’s intense firepower, where peeking out meant being instantly killed.

While the Zulus were suppressed, the British cavalry charged out in full force and easily routed the Zulu army.

This victory established British dominance over Zululand. The Zulu Kingdom was partitioned by the British into thirteen smaller chiefdoms, all brought under their rule.

Of course, the complete occupation of Zululand was not the end for the British; rather, it marked the beginning of a new conflict.

Britain’s South African colony was originally established by the Dutch. Dutch immigrants founded Cape Town, which later grew into the Cape Colony.

But with the British invasion, the Cape Colony was eventually annexed by Britain. The descendants of the local immigrants, known as Boers, were forced to flee north under the oppression of the British colonizers.

The Boers’ destination was the Zulu Kingdom, a place that not only had access to the sea but was also relatively fertile land with a considerable number of natives who could be enslaved.

The British had also set their sights on this land and eventually gained control of it.

But this actually deepened the conflict between the Boers and the British, as there was no longer any buffer zone between the lands they controlled.

Compared to the technologically backward native states, the Boers, who were descended from European immigrants, were clearly more advanced, and their fighting capabilities were much stronger.

The conflict between Britain and the Boers was bound to make the competition in the South Africa region even more intense.

The historical Boer War also proved that the British Army was only effective at bullying colonial natives; when facing a more advanced military, it did not have as great an advantage as one might imagine.

Carlo certainly understood that the Boer War was a major opportunity for Spain, perhaps even a chance to annex Portugal and retake Gibraltar.

The problem was, there were two Boer Wars, and only the second was a war in the true sense. The First Boer War was less of a war and more of a small-scale conflict between the British and the Boers.

The Second Boer War broke out at the turn of the twentieth century, which was still about twenty years away.

This meant that Spain was at least twenty years away from its goal of annexing Portugal and retaking Gibraltar.

Of course, the fact that there was still plenty of time was also good news.

Spain could spend these twenty years making its preparations. In the historical Second Boer War, the British won a pyrrhic victory; although they were triumphant, they paid a very heavy price.

If Spain could make preparations in advance, even if it couldn’t change the outcome of the war, it could certainly make the price the British paid even heavier.

The greater Britain’s losses, the greater Spain’s opportunity to annex Portugal and retake Gibraltar. If Britain became deeply mired in the Boer War, Spain might even have the chance to annex Portugal and Morocco, establishing a great empire spanning Europe and Africa.

Chapter 251: Sanitation and Hygiene Reform

The year 1879 was a busy one for everyone. While the British were mired in the Zulu War and the Second Anglo-Afghan War, Spain was undergoing a new round of reforms domestically.

Of course, compared to the comprehensive reforms pushed by former Prime Minister Primo, the current reforms were small-scale and targeted.

The reforms were proposed by the Spanish Workers’ Party with the goal of improving the working conditions for laborers in Spanish factories and providing them with better housing.

As mentioned before, sanitation was not a priority anywhere in Europe. Feces and garbage were a common sight on bustling city streets, let alone in the dark corners of factories.

For workers laboring in such an environment, it was a double torment for both body and mind.

Furthermore, the living conditions of some workers were appalling, with dozens of people squeezed into a single small room, making it difficult to even turn over in their sleep.

This was a common plight for workers of this era. Europe’s industrial progress was, in fact, a history of suffering for the working class, which eventually gave rise to organizations like trade unions, dedicated to seeking better welfare and living conditions for workers.

The proposal to improve the working and living conditions of workers sparked heated discussions within the Spanish Workers’ Party and also caught the attention of Carlo, the party’s behind-the-scenes controller.

All things considered, improving the working and living environments of the workers was essential. Only in a more sanitary and clean environment would workers have the right mindset to devote themselves to their tasks.

At the same time, only with adequate rest and relaxation could workers have enough energy to work.

The methods to improve the workers’ environment were quite simple. The factory environment could be managed by following the model used for Madrid’s streets; by building public toilets and implementing a system of fines, the factories could be kept tidy and clean.

As long as there were convenient, nearby public toilets, it was believed that most workers would choose to use them rather than finding a dark corner in the factory.

Initially, some workers might be fined due to old habits, but as time went on, the vast majority would adapt to the existence of public toilets.

Meanwhile, improving the workers’ living conditions could also boost their morale and prevent dissatisfaction arising from the systemic changes.

The solution for improving housing was also simple: build a large number of wooden houses around the factories.

With the development of the African colonies, a large amount of cheap timber was being shipped back to mainland Spain. Both the Guinea colony and the Congo Territory possessed vast lumber resources.

Building a wooden house for workers required very little cost and time, but the result could be a working class that was much more satisfied with the government.

Improving the working and living conditions for laborers was also an excellent opportunity to win public support from the working class.

After drafting a detailed plan, Carlo summoned Prime Minister Canovas, presented the entire plan, and demanded that the government reform the workers’ living and working environments accordingly.

Upon receiving Carlo’s command, Prime Minister Canovas took the matter very seriously and immediately issued the relevant orders to the various government departments.

The Spanish government acted quickly. The very next day, it issued an announcement stating that it would begin reforming the living and working conditions of factory workers. It required all factories within Spain to cooperate with the government’s actions and rectify the conditions within their facilities.

Considering that improving workers’ housing would be a significant expense, this cost would not be borne entirely by the factory owners. The government would also provide subsidies for factories to purchase the raw materials needed for construction.

Once this announcement was published, the Spanish government immediately began the reforms. The government’s stance was clear: this was not a negotiation with the factory owners; a decision had been made, and the factory owners and capitalists only needed to cooperate.

The Spanish government had sufficient grounds for its confidence. Because it practiced state capitalism, several of Spain’s largest factories were in the hands of the royal family and the government.

Privately owned factories were mostly small or medium-sized, and their owners had no power to resist the government’s decrees; they could only be forced to obey.

Furthermore, the government and royal family’s factories had already taken the lead in making changes. If these smaller factories still put up a futile resistance, wouldn’t that prove they were standing in complete opposition to the workers?

Under such circumstances, the Spanish government did not even need to take action; the angry masses of workers would be enough to destroy these stubbornly defiant factories.

Experience had shown that if the power of the workers was properly channeled, its influence on politics was immense. For factories that paid lip service to government decrees, mobilizing the workers to strike was all that was needed to make the factory owners cooperate obediently.

After all, when a factory went on strike, it was the factory owners’ interests that suffered. Against the backdrop of Spain’s major construction boom, every day a factory halted production meant a day’s less income for its owner.

Following the Spanish government’s announcement, the work to improve the working and living conditions of laborers proceeded with great enthusiasm.

The major newspaper companies also followed up with related reports, all praising the new Cabinet government and King Carlo for their concern for workers and commoners, acclaiming that this was the government the people needed and the king the people should love and respect.

Wooden houses were quick to build. Of course, they were certainly not as sturdy as houses made of reinforced concrete.

However, for the Spain of today, wooden houses were sufficient. The primary objective was to improve the living conditions of the workers.

As the first batch of wooden houses was completed and put into use, the living conditions for Spanish factory workers improved from dozens of people squeezed into one room to ten people per room. Each person’s bunk was also slightly larger, allowing them to at least turn over freely.

Overall, the Spanish workers were quite satisfied with the new dormitories. With the construction of the new dormitories, the safe water project was launched simultaneously.

The so-called safe water project was, in essence, a plan to provide drinking water to cities, towns, and factories through large-scale water supply companies.

Currently, large cities like Madrid and Barcelona had water supply companies. But in the suburban factories and more distant towns, such companies were non-existent.

People generally drank from underground wells, while some drew water directly from rivers and drank it untreated.

Before Spain’s industrialization, the river water was relatively clean. But even clean water contained bacteria, and Carlo himself did not advocate drinking raw water.

Moreover, with the construction of Spain’s industries, some rivers had already become polluted.

This was not a future era that championed sustainable development, and the existing industrial technology was incapable of low-pollution production.

It was no exaggeration to say that the industry of this era was high-pollution industry. To make a nation’s industry powerful, it had to bear the risk of land and water contamination.

Under these circumstances, ensuring that the public’s drinking water was filtered and disinfected became extremely important.

When deciding to reform the workers’ living and working environments, Carlo had also thought of replacing the populace’s old drinking habits with tap water, having official companies supply water uniformly to the Spanish people.

Of course, getting all Spaniards to drink tap water would be a very long process.

Carlo decided to use Madrid and Barcelona as pilot projects. These two cities already had small water supply companies and large populations, making them perfect for the first step in promoting tap water in Spain.

Naturally, the first places to receive a comprehensive tap water supply would be the factories in the suburbs of the two cities.

The unified construction of wooden houses for the workers provided an excellent opportunity to simultaneously supply them with tap water, replacing their old ways of drawing water from wells and rivers.

The Ministry of Industry even issued a special regulation: all factories in the suburbs of Madrid and Barcelona must provide workers with tap water. If workers were found drinking river or well water, the factory would be penalized.

Considering that the two cities did not have enough water plants to supply all the factories, until the output of the water plants could meet the demand, factories could provide boiled well water to the workers as a substitute.

The safe water project was essential, as it could at least reduce the incidence of disease among Spaniards.

Drinking boiled water and tap water could not completely prevent illness, but drinking river and well water would certainly cause corresponding diseases.

To help Spaniards accept the concepts of drinking boiled water and tap water, Carlo had the newspapers publish numerous articles on disease transmission related to drinking water and sanitation, which yielded excellent results.

The workers went from being reluctant to drink boiled water to demanding that the factories provide it. They even urged the government to build water plants faster to supply tap water to the factories.

Under pressure from the workers, it became impossible for factory owners to refuse to provide boiled water. If they did, the workers would accuse them of deliberately spreading disease, and the factory could even risk a shutdown.

In this situation, the factory owners dared not refuse to cooperate. Fortunately, providing boiled water was simple and did not require a major expenditure on their part.

With the government’s successive decrees, Baron Angelo Orcajo, the director-general of the Barcelona Industrial Base, instantly became the busiest man in all of Spain.

At the beginning of this year, the third phase of the Barcelona Industrial Base’s construction had been successfully completed. The three phases were then merged to form the Barcelona Industrial Zone.

As the director-general of the industrial base, Baron Angelo Orcajo naturally became the first regional governor of the Barcelona Industrial Zone.

As an industrial zone that Spain was heavily developing, the Barcelona Industrial Zone had a political status equivalent to a city, even possessing its own Zone Parliament and Zone Government.

Baron Angelo Orcajo’s position as regional governor of the industrial zone was more important than that of a typical Spanish city mayor.

Only the mayors of the two great cities, Madrid and Barcelona, surpassed Baron Angelo in status and importance.

Having gone from a family in decline to the regional governor of the industrial zone, Baron Angelo Orcajo certainly knew who had helped him.

Therefore, after the government issued the decrees, Baron Angelo Orcajo immediately mobilized all departments of the Zone Government to supervise all factories in the industrial zone and ensure the reforms were completed.

The good news was that since the Barcelona Industrial Zone had been established not long ago, the living and working conditions for most factory workers were already at an acceptable level.

Baron Angelo Orcajo only needed to pay extra attention to the smaller factories, ensuring they conscientiously carried out the government’s orders.

The factories that could move into the industrial zone were generally well-established. These factories were capable of implementing the government’s reform decrees, a point on which Baron Angelo Orcajo was relatively confident.

In addition to implementing the government’s decrees, Baron Angelo Orcajo also set up a large number of large trash bins throughout the industrial zone to collect the garbage generated by the workers’ daily lives and dispose of it centrally.

This was already being done on some streets in Madrid. Spain’s coal-fired power plants could also burn this garbage to generate electricity. Although the emissions would pollute the environment, it was better than letting the trash pile up in every corner of the industrial zone.

The downside was that regularly clearing these trash bins required manpower, which represented an additional expense.

Fortunately, the industrial zone was not short of funds and could easily bear this expense on its own. According to Spain’s tax system, all factories within the industrial zone had to pay taxes to the Zone Government on time.

The Zone Government would retain a portion for its financial budget and transfer the remainder directly to Spain’s Ministry of Finance.

In this respect, the fiscal level of the Zone Government was equivalent to that of the various regional governments. Typically, a city’s taxes were submitted to its regional government, which would then consolidate the taxes from all its cities before submitting them to the kingdom’s government.

Because the financial budgets of the regions and municipal governments came from a portion of the fiscal revenue they generated, their financial situations varied completely.

Large cities like Madrid and Barcelona, or large industrial zones like the Barcelona Industrial Zone, had very ample financial budgets.

But smaller cities and less populated regions were not so lucky. If the Cabinet government did not allocate funds to support these regions with lower fiscal revenues, they would probably be unable to complete even basic construction.

Last year, Spain’s total fiscal revenue reached 897.9 million pesetas, of which nearly 80 million pesetas were distributed to the various regional governments to help alleviate the financial pressure on regions with smaller populations or weaker economies.

It was expected that even more funds would be distributed to the regional governments this year, as the reforms to workers’ housing and working environments required substantial expenditure.

Fortunately, the development of Spain’s twin star cities and the Barcelona Industrial Zone was proceeding smoothly; otherwise, Spain could not have afforded such a large outlay.

Currently, Spain could be said to be focusing all its efforts on the development of its twin star cities and one industrial zone. The progress of these two cities and one industrial zone was tied to the development of the entire nation.

Only by allowing these two cities and one industrial zone to develop fully could the other regions of Spain develop, following the principle of letting the prosperous lead the rest.

If there were no focused development goals and the various regions were allowed to develop blindly, all of Spain’s regions would fail to develop.

This plan had a chance of success within the context of the government’s regional development. After all, with the Cabinet government centrally coordinating, the regions that became prosperous first could not hoard their wealth; they would, when able, help other regions develop as much as possible.

As for other situations, it was hard to say. After all, human nature is always greedy, and not everyone is willing to use their own funds to help others.

Carlo had plans to adjust Spain’s existing administrative divisions.

Spain had an area of only 506,000 square kilometers and a population of less than twenty million, yet it was divided into sixteen region-level administrative divisions.

Among these sixteen divisions, only six had populations exceeding one million. The populations of the remaining ten varied, with some regions having only one or two hundred thousand people.

In Carlo’s view, such administrative divisions were rather unnecessary. What was the point of a region with only a few hundred thousand people? It merely added another layer of government bureaucracy and a Regional Parliament.

Other than creating more official and senatorial positions, it brought no benefit to Spain. These extra officials and senators also increased Spain’s financial burden. What did a region with only a few hundred thousand people need so many officials for?

In Carlo’s opinion, Spain’s sixteen region-level administrative divisions would eventually need to be reduced to about twelve.

These twelve region-level divisions would include a Madrid Region and a Barcelona Region.

Yes, Carlo planned to establish Barcelona as a separate region, distinct from Catalonia.

There were two reasons for establishing a separate Barcelona Region. First, Barcelona’s urban population was already approaching five hundred thousand. And this only counted the population within the city proper.

If the suburban population and the workers in the industrial zone were included, Barcelona’s population would exceed one million, making it Spain’s most populous city.

The population of Barcelona’s urban area alone already surpassed that of some entire regions, which was one of the reasons it qualified to become a region of its own.

The second reason, naturally, was Carlo’s desire to weaken Catalan influence. Barcelona was critically important to Catalonia. If Barcelona could be established as a separate region, Catalonia’s significance would be diminished, and the Catalans would no longer pose a significant threat.

Including the population of the suburbs and the industrial zone, the proportion of Catalans in Barcelona had already dropped to below half. When Barcelona existed as a region-level administrative division, it could radiate influence over the entire Catalonia region, much like Madrid did for all of Spain, ensuring the stability of the entire region.

In the future, Madrid and Barcelona would become Spain’s two brightest jewels. Madrid would be Spain’s cultural, political, and economic center. Barcelona would be Spain’s largest seaport, secondary economic center, and industrial center.

The two cities would complement, compete with, and assist each other, helping to accelerate the development of Spain’s industry and economy.

In the future, officials whom Carlo valued would be appointed to positions in these two cities to test and hone their abilities.

Although the only official requirement for becoming Prime Minister of Spain was to be a member of the lower house, the actual election was not so simple.

Without a brilliant political record or an outstanding work history, it was impossible to become Spain’s Prime Minister.

While the position of Prime Minister did not require overly exceptional abilities, Carlo did not want the leader of the Spanish government to be an incompetent fool.

Whenever Carlo issued a decree, he needed a clever person who could cooperate with him and lead the Spanish government to fully implement his orders.

In summary, for the position of Spanish Prime Minister, loyalty was more important than ability, but ability was also very important.

In the future, the mayoral posts of Madrid and Barcelona would become exceedingly important. Perhaps a considerable number of future Spanish prime ministers would have served as mayors of these two cities.

Chapter 252: Madrid, the City that Never Sleeps

The relationships between the various European nations were quite complex, a fact well illustrated by the League of the Three Emperors.

Although Germany did not favor the Austro-Hungarian Empire during the peace negotiations, its self-professed neutral stance had nonetheless angered Russia.

Russia had won the Russo-Turkish War at great cost, yet it was the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Britain that reaped the benefits. This caused Tsar Alexander II to harbor a grudge against Germany, and German-Russian relations deteriorated as a result.

For Germany, the future of its relationship with Russia became a very difficult choice.

German Chancellor Bismarck secretly prepared an alliance with the Austro-Hungarian Empire to guard against Russia, which might ally with France. At the same time, he also wanted to repair relations with Russia to continue his policy of isolating France.

Amid this seemingly contradictory diplomatic stance, the German-Austrian Alliance was successfully signed, though it was not made public. This alliance treaty was more like a private agreement between Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, a joint defense against a potential Russian defection.

In this treaty, Germany and Austria-Hungary agreed that if either country was attacked by Russia, the other would provide aid with its entire military force and would not be permitted to make a separate peace.

If one party was attacked by a European country other than Russia, the other would remain benevolently neutral. However, if the attacking nation received support from Russia, the other party was obligated to join the war in accordance with the treaty.

This military treaty, specifically designed to guard against Russia, brought a sigh of relief to the Austro-Hungarian Empire and formally brought Germany and Austria-Hungary closer together.

Germany also began to value its Austro-Hungarian ally. At least compared to the greater threat posed by Russia, the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s position towards Germany was more steadfast, making it an ally that Germany could more easily control.

Although Russia was powerful, an alliance with it could easily backfire on Germany. A German-Austrian Alliance led by Germany was clearly more reassuring than the League of the Three Emperors, where each of the three nations had its own agenda.

Thanks to intelligence from the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, Carlo was naturally aware of the secret meeting between German and Austro-Hungarian diplomatic representatives.

Judging by the course of history, Germany ultimately chose the Austro-Hungarian Empire, while Russia joined forces with France, giving rise to the two most powerful military blocs in Europe to date: the German-Austrian Alliance and the Franco-Russian Alliance.

The evolution of the European situation was already trending in this direction, though things were not yet so clear. Carlo was also contemplating which side Spain should choose when the two military blocs evolved into their final forms—the Triple Entente of Britain, France, and Russia against the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy.

Carlo did not have a clear answer yet. Perhaps only when that moment truly arrived would he know which side Spain should choose.

For now, Carlo’s most important task was to help Spain build more advantages in the Second Industrial Revolution and minimize the gap with other European nations as much as possible.

Although both military blocs each contained three great powers, their actual comprehensive strengths were not proportional. The three great powers of the Triple Entente—Britain, France, and Russia—were all hegemonic powers. The only slightly weaker one was Russia, which was plagued by frequent domestic problems.

But even so, Russia’s overall strength still surpassed that of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

On the side of the Triple Alliance, only Germany could truly match Britain, France, and Russia. The Austro-Hungarian Empire was a tier weaker, and Italy was a tier weaker still.

Furthermore, Italy was not a steadfast ally at all; after the war broke out, it defected to the side of Britain, France, and Russia.

This led to a situation where World War I was effectively Germany and Austria-Hungary taking on all of Europe. In the middle and late stages of the war, it had evolved into Germany alone taking on the entirety of Europe.

Spain had to at least grow into a great power on the level of France or Russia to have any hope of changing the course of World War I through its own strength.

When the time came, whether it joined the side of Britain, France, and Russia or the German-Austrian Alliance, Spain would have a choice and could ensure it emerged on the winning side.

As time moved into September 1879, Carlo received two pieces of good news.

The first was that, with Tesla’s help, Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory had successfully developed a higher-power generator.

Gramme’s primary research was on a ring armature generator, driven by hydroelectric power, which could achieve a maximum output of 6.5 KW.

After Tesla joined the Electricity Laboratory, he proposed a completely different concept: a two-phase large-scale generator.

With the help of the many scientists at the Electricity Laboratory, after more than a year of work, they finally produced the first-generation prototype—the world’s first high-power generator.

This generator’s power output reached an astonishing 26.5 KW, a full four times that of the previous generation.

This meant that electricity now had a real chance of being applied to industrial production, allowing Spain to truly enter the electric age.

Of course, there were still some problems to solve. Although the generator’s power had increased, the transmission of electricity remained a major issue.

The current power supply was adequate for lighting electric lamps, but for industrial production, it would require the combined effort of multiple power plants.

Unless the problem of high transmission loss could be solved, the doors to the age of the electrical industry would not open.

Despite the many limitations, the birth of the high-power generator meant that more streetlights could appear on the streets and alleys of Spain, providing more ample lighting for people returning home from work at night.

Currently, only the two most prosperous streets in Spain had streetlight illumination. Carlo’s next step was to have the main roads of Madrid and Barcelona lit by streetlights, letting the Spanish people experience the wonders of the electric age.

According to Tesla’s report, the current high-power generator still had many issues. If these problems could be solved one by one, the generator’s maximum output could potentially reach over 50 KW.

This was a case of “all things are difficult before they are easy.” With the two applications of electricity—electric motors and electric lights—clearly defined, the arrival of the electric age was only a matter of time.

Perhaps it wouldn’t be long before the Electricity Laboratory could manufacture large generators with outputs exceeding one hundred KW. These large generators would be the true symbol of Spain’s entry into the age of the electrical industry, because only larger generators could power larger electric motors, thereby driving Spain’s industrial production.

The birth of the high-power generator also signaled a decrease in the cost of electricity generation. As streetlights began to appear throughout Spain, electricity would surely be emulated by other countries, prompting more people to enter the electricity industry and promoting the global popularization of electrical power.

Carlo had a wild idea: before this year’s Christmas, he wanted to have streetlights installed on all the major streets and alleys of Madrid, lighting up the entire city on Christmas night.

This would be highly significant. At the very least, it could be heavily publicized to let all of Europe know that Spain possessed a “city that never sleeps,” making people spontaneously curious about electric lighting and, by extension, about the country of Spain.

Once Spain’s image in the eyes of Europeans became one of development and advancement, a steady stream of immigrants would naturally vie to come to Spain.

It was just like the United States in later generations. Regardless of the actual conditions within the country, to the people of other nations, the U.S. was promoted as a beacon of human civilization. Naturally, many uninformed people would yearn to join this so-called “jewel of the world.”

By the time they actually arrived in the United States, it would be too late for regrets. Immigration has its costs, and not everyone can afford the expense. Nor would every country accept people who had just emigrated wanting to return.

In this era without the internet, if Spain’s external image became one of civilization and progress, its appeal to immigrants would naturally and intangibly increase.

Even if it wasn’t used to attract immigrants, strengthening international influence by showcasing technology was also a viable path for Spain right now.

Spain’s current situation was awkward. In terms of strength, it had returned to the ranks of the great powers. But in terms of international status and influence, it was in a similar position to Italy, not truly taken seriously by other countries.

Therefore, improving Spain’s international status and influence became very important. Increasing military strength was one way, but showcasing technology and enhancing its presence was another.

Electricity and electric lights were by no means secrets; other countries were also researching them. But as long as Spain became the first country to pioneer their widespread use, people would often think of Spain, the first country to extensively apply electrical power, whenever they used it.

A “city that never sleeps” was clearly an excellent gimmick. Before the electric light, there had never been a way to illuminate an entire city and keep it lit for a whole night.

If Spain achieved this, it was certain that newspapers across Europe would scramble to report on such a scene. As long as it could capture the attention of the European media and the curiosity of the European public, Carlo’s goal would be more than half-achieved.

To accomplish the miracle of Madrid’s “city that never sleeps,” building enough power stations was essential.

According to the Electricity Laboratory’s estimates, one generator set could currently light nearly 1,500 small light bulbs or 700 large ones. To achieve the grand goal of Madrid, the city that never sleeps, at least five large power stations would need to be built around Madrid to light over 3,000 large light bulbs on Christmas night.

These 3,000 large bulbs would cover several main roads in Madrid’s city center, allowing the heart of the city to achieve the magnificent goal of being a city that never sleeps on Christmas Day.

Streetlights in the areas surrounding the city center would be fitted with smaller bulbs for illumination. Although the brightness wouldn’t be as great, it would at least ensure people wouldn’t walk into walls in the dark.

The newspaper photographs would only show the brightly lit scenes of the city center; the dimmer areas outside the center would not be mentioned by any newspaper.

There were only three months until Christmas. To build five large power plants and install over 3,000 streetlights in Madrid within this period was a considerable challenge.

More importantly, the electric company would have to install wiring for all 3,000 streetlights and ensure that they all lit up properly on Christmas night.

Carlo personally promised Gramme and Tesla that if they could achieve the grand vision of “Madrid, the City that Never Sleeps,” the Electricity Laboratory’s research budget for the following year would be doubled. Furthermore, Carlo would hire more electrical experts from across Europe to join the laboratory in Spain.

The benefit of a doubled research budget solidified the determination of Tesla and Gramme to achieve this goal at any cost.

To further motivate the laboratory’s researchers, Carlo also announced that if the plan was successfully completed, everyone in the Electricity Laboratory would receive a bonus.

Carlo was famous for his generosity towards researchers, which made the ordinary scientific personnel look forward to it as well. They were filled with motivation as they worked, not just to receive the promised reward from Carlo, but also to realize the unparalleled feat of the city that never sleeps, creating a great milestone in the history of electricity with their own hands.

With everyone fired up, there was no problem that couldn’t be solved.

And indeed, that was the case. A week before Christmas, the Electricity Laboratory had already completed the installation of all the streetlights and the construction of the power plants. They had even tested the circuits and confirmed there were no connection issues.

All that was left was to wait for Christmas Day, for Madrid to become a hot topic of conversation among the people of Europe, and for Spain to become a symbol of advancement and development in their minds.

On December 25, 1879, as Christmas night descended, the streetlights in Madrid’s city center were successfully lit.

The citizens of Madrid flocked to the streets, their eyes filled with excitement and thrill. Looking at the city center, as bright as day, the eyes of the Spaniards were filled with tears of joy.

“Father, what is this? Why is it glowing?” Under a streetlight in the city center, a little boy who looked to be only a few years old asked his father with great curiosity.

The streetlight before him was so bright, a level of brightness he had never seen before, as if it were the sun during the day.

Hearing his son’s question, Francesco reluctantly tore his gaze away from the streetlight and smiled as he explained, “The newspapers say this is a streetlight. It’s something that provides light for us.

“We are the first country to use streetlights on a large scale, and Madrid is the first city to be as bright as day at night. And all of this was brought to us by our great king, Your Majesty. The Spain of today is the most powerful country in the world!”

The day before Christmas, the Spanish government had announced the “City that Never Sleeps” plan. The announcement caused a stir throughout Spain, and many Spaniards decided to skip their Christmas celebrations and travel to Madrid to see this so-called city that never sleeps for themselves.

Francesco’s family was one of them. They lived in Toledo to the south and came straight to Madrid without even celebrating Christmas.

The reality was just as they had hoped. At this moment, Madrid was as bright as day. This light, however, did not come from the streetlights, but from the hearts of the teary-eyed Spaniards standing beneath them, a radiant glow of pride.

It proved just how much the Spanish people loved their country. When Spain displayed its strength with the city that never sleeps, all Spaniards were moved to tears, venting their emotions and celebrating their nation’s power in various ways.

Tonight, Madrid was the city that never sleeps, and for all the Spaniards in Madrid tonight, it was also a sleepless night.

Carlo had never imagined that a “city that never sleeps” would actually cause many of Madrid’s citizens to stay awake all night.

However, it also proved that the plan had indeed been effective, a fact further confirmed by the news from various countries the next day.

First, Spain’s major newspaper companies reported with great pride on the success of Madrid, the City that Never Sleeps. They proudly declared Madrid the first city that never sleeps in human history, and that Spain had, in this way, announced its strength and its return.

Photographs in the papers showing rows of streetlights making Madrid’s city center as bright as day were reprinted by newspapers in other European countries. Their news reports also covered Spain’s achievement.

Because Europe was at peace, such once-in-a-century news immediately became the headline story in every country, sparking widespread discussion among the European public.

Of course, while these Europeans envied Spain for its city that never sleeps, they also began to condemn their own governments.

This was especially true in major European powers like Britain and France, where the British and French people were even more vehement in their censure of their governments.

In the eyes of the British, the British Empire was the most powerful country in the world, and London was the beacon of the world.

How was it that even London had not achieved the grand goal of a city that never sleeps, while a small city like Madrid had?

Londoners used to see Spain as a remote and backward country, but now this remote and backward region had transformed into a developed, modern city, while London was a step behind.

This was something the British absolutely could not accept. The British could be proud of their nation’s strength, and they could certainly be angered by their nation falling behind.

The day after Christmas, as newspapers across Europe reprinted the news of Madrid’s achievement, the citizens of London took to the streets. They protested the government’s inaction and demanded that London also be fitted with streetlights to become a city that never sleeps.

Joining the London citizens in protest were the Parisians. The protests in Paris were even more intense, and the French government did not dare to underestimate the opinions of the people of Paris.

This was no joke; the citizens of Paris were truly capable of overthrowing the government. The British Cabinet could still turn a blind eye to the demonstrations in London, but if the French government handled public protest in the same way, its lifespan would likely come to an abrupt end.

The will of the people could not be defied, but creating a city that never sleeps was a burden that neither Britain nor France could bear.

Thanks to the strength of Britain and France, London and Paris had extremely large populations. This meant that for London and Paris to achieve the goal of becoming cities that never sleep, they would need to install far more streetlights and build far more power stations than Madrid.

And looking at the public’s furious mood, this construction would have to be completed in a short period of time to quell their anger.

How much would that cost? The two governments didn’t even dare to calculate it. If they really built a city that never sleeps like Spain, just to light up one city, what would happen to their other development plans?

Besides, even if they were willing to imitate Spain, did their electrical development even have that capability?

It would require not only high-power generators but also light bulbs that could provide stable illumination. Possessing both, they would also need to minimize costs and reduce expenditures as much as possible. This gave the two governments an instant headache, and they began to grumble about why Spain had to create a city that never sleeps. Wasn’t this just holding their feet to the fire?

Chapter 253: Technology Exchange

As it turned out, Carlo’s “City that Never Sleeps” project for Madrid was highly effective.

News of Madrid’s City that Never Sleeps not only stunned many Europeans but also shocked many European nations.

It was not just Britain and France; the great powers, including Germany, Austria, Russia, and Italy, all expressed their concern. The people of these nations also demanded that their governments build their own “Cities that Never Sleep” to demonstrate their countries’ strength.

While Britain and France were still hesitating, Germany became the first nation to act. As a driving force of the Second Industrial Revolution, Germany’s domestic sensitivity to the electrical industry was unparalleled by other countries.

Perhaps the only country that could rival Germany in its focus on electricity was the United States, across the ocean. However, because the Atlantic Ocean separated the United States from Europe, news traveled more slowly there than in other European countries.

While other European nations received the news on the day after Christmas, the earliest the United States could receive the relevant newspaper reports would be the third day.

December 26, 1879, Berlin, German Empire.

The German government was holding a meeting, primarily to discuss the costs of turning Berlin into a City that Never Sleeps.

Germany had also delved into electrical technology. Some German scientists had developed devices like generators and light bulbs, so in theory, building a City that Never Sleeps was possible.

Even if its effect could not match Spain’s for the time being, they had to at least build something similar. This was the only way to declare to the public that Germany remained a powerful and advanced nation in the emerging field of electricity.

“Have the financial budget requirements for building a City that Never Sleeps been calculated?” German Prime Minister Bismarck asked, turning his gaze to the Minister of Finance.

The Minister of Finance looked grave and gave a reply that instantly changed Bismarck’s expression. “At present, if we were to install streetlights on all of Berlin’s main streets, we would need to invest at least sixty million marks. If we were to install streetlights in the vast majority of our large cities, we would need to invest at least five hundred million marks.”

“Considering the different geographical environments of each city and their varying electricity needs, the funds we would need to invest might be even greater.”

“All in all, this is an unprofitable venture, at least for us at the moment. Even just Berlin’s streetlight system would require dozens of power stations working in tandem.”

“The labor costs for these dozens of power stations alone would require at least several thousand people. Just manufacturing the generators could take several months. By the time everything is completed, it would be half a year from now at the earliest.”

Bismarck rubbed his brow, feeling helpless about this terrible news. According to the Minister of Finance, building a City that Never Sleeps would be a massive expense and would also take a very long time to complete.

“Damn it, if it costs so much, why was Spain able to create the first City that Never Sleeps before any other country?”

“Even if Madrid has a smaller population, it must have at least five hundred thousand people! Berlin needs sixty million marks, so Madrid would need at least thirty million pesetas.”

“Would the Spaniards bite the bullet and bear an expense as high as thirty million pesetas just for the small amount of prestige brought by a City that Never Sleeps?”

“This is simply unbelievable. That sum is enough to build two of the most powerful ironclads. Wouldn’t it be better to spend it on the navy?” Prime Minister Bismarck said in disbelief.

For European countries, if their finances were abundant, the first choice would undoubtedly be to develop industry or the navy.

The size of a nation’s navy was also a measure of a great power’s strength. Countries that were only strong on land were not given much importance in Europe, unless one was a neighbor to these land powers.

No matter how strong an army was, it could not bypass other countries to attack you, but a navy could. This led European nations to often regard the navy as the most important branch of the military when assessing a country’s comprehensive strength, with the army being secondary.

Prime Minister Bismarck simply could not understand the Spaniards’ actions. If building a City that Never Sleeps required such a huge expenditure, what on earth were the Spaniards building it for?

“This is a very frightening outcome. Perhaps in the electrical industry, the Spaniards have already surpassed all other nations. Only then could they reduce the cost of building power stations and using electricity, allowing Spain to build a City that Never Sleeps so recklessly to attract our attention,” German Emperor Wilhelm I said at this moment.

The European nations were no fools. The fact that Spain was the first to create a City that Never Sleeps also meant that Spain was certainly at the forefront of the electrical industry in Europe.

It was very simple to judge. If they could also quickly build a City that Never Sleeps, it would prove that Spain’s achievements in the electrical industry were not outstanding.

But if even a powerful nation like Germany could not quickly build one, it would prove that Spain’s achievements in the electrical industry had already surpassed Germany’s, and they might even hold a significant lead.

The German Foreign Secretary nodded and explained to Kaiser Wilhelm I and Prime Minister Bismarck, “According to the message sent back by our Ambassador in Spain, the Spaniards are using unknown high-power generation equipment. There are fewer than ten power stations in the entire area around Madrid, yet the electricity generated supplies the lighting for the entire city center.”

“It is said that the cost of electricity in Madrid has been reduced by more than half, and many factories are already considering installing light bulbs to provide illumination at night.”

“In the age of electricity, the Spaniards have indeed achieved a great deal. I think we can cooperate with them in this area, exchanging some of the industrial technologies we excel at for their electrical technology.”

Prime Minister Bismarck glanced at Wilhelm I. Seeing no objection, Bismarck then nodded and issued his decision, “Have the Ambassador contact the Spanish government. Inquire about the price of Spain’s power generation equipment and electric light technology.”

“No matter how high the cost of the City that Never Sleeps, we must keep up. Electricity brings more than just lighting. If we can achieve good results in the electrical industry, perhaps Germany can have a brighter future.”

At this time, Prime Minister Bismarck still held great power. With his order, the German government became busy, with everyone carrying out their respective tasks.

Unlike the decisive German government, France, which held a deep-seated enmity with Germany, was now in a dilemma.

As a great power directly bordering Spain, news of Madrid’s City that Never Sleeps had reached France at the first opportunity.

Before the French government could react, the impatient citizens of Paris had already launched protests, demanding that the government build a City that Never Sleeps to demonstrate France’s power.

The protests by the Parisian populace sent a wave of panic through the French government; important officials did not even dare to appear in public.

Unable to find the central government, the people of Paris turned their sights on the city government and surrounded it. After all, the Paris city government was still part of the government, so condemning them was definitely not wrong.

Inside the Paris city hall, the official serving as the Mayor of Paris had an ashen face. He tried to contact the central government by telegram, but their response was for the Paris city government to handle the situation on its own.

Was this a joke? How was the Paris city government supposed to handle it? Were they expected to build streetlights on every street and alley in Paris just because the public demanded it?

Any discerning person could see that this would be a massive expenditure. For the Paris city government, even if their finances were relatively well-off, they absolutely could not bear such a huge cost.

It was important to note that the political systems in European countries were quite distinct. While the Paris city government’s finances were relatively abundant, it was also responsible for the entire city’s construction and infrastructure maintenance, as well as the salaries of all its officials.

As the largest and most prosperous city in France, Paris also had the highest fiscal revenue of all French cities. This made it difficult for Paris to receive financial allocations from the central government, and its various expenditures were generally covered by the fiscal revenue retained by the city government.

No matter how wealthy the Paris city government was, it could not possibly bear the cost of installing streetlights alone. Due to the earlier Franco-Prussian War, parts of Paris had suffered varying degrees of damage.

Rebuilding the urban areas alone had left the Paris city government with a huge debt, which took several years to pay off.

If they were to rely solely on the Paris city government to build the streetlights, by the time they were completed, generations of Parisians would have come and gone.

The Mayor of Paris expressed his dissatisfaction and resentment toward the central government on one hand, while on the other, he ordered officials to lock the city hall gates tightly to prevent the disgruntled populace from storming in.

The martial prowess of the Parisian citizens was no joke. If the citizens were to storm the city hall, no one could guarantee what would happen.

The Mayor of Paris had no desire for such a protest to turn into an armed conflict, eventually escalating into a bloody revolution.

Based on past experience, whether a revolution succeeded or not was unimportant. What was important was that once a revolution broke out, the officials of the Paris city government would be the first to shed blood.

The different attitudes of the various governments towards Madrid’s City that Never Sleeps actually reflected their understanding of the electrical industry.

There was a reason why Germany became one of the fastest-developing countries during the Second Industrial Revolution. The entire nation, from top to bottom, was highly sensitive to the electrical industry. They had long seen the changes that the electrical industry would bring to industrial technology and placed great importance on such technology.

As for Britain and France, it was not to say they did not value it. The problem was that building a City that Never Sleeps required a massive investment of funds, and the large-scale use of electricity would also affect the existing industrial system.

Carlo did not pay too much attention to what was happening in other countries. After all, following the successful debut of the City that Never Sleeps, things were quite busy within Spain as well.

The success of the City that Never Sleeps also meant that electricity had officially entered the era of commercial use, and the public could spend money to experience this brand-new source of energy.

Of course, the cost of electricity was still relatively high at this time. Even though the invention of high-power generators had reduced the cost of generation, the cost in Madrid was still as high as around 1.6 pesetas per kilowatt-hour.

Power plants needed a certain amount of profit to continue operating, and there were also significant losses during the transmission of electricity.

This resulted in an electricity price of 2.5 pesetas per kilowatt-hour in Madrid, meaning ordinary people faced relatively high costs for using electric lighting.

Based on the power of a light bulb, a 15-watt bulb consumed 0.015 kilowatt-hours of electricity per hour, and a 35-watt bulb consumed 0.035 kilowatt-hours per hour.

Assuming a household needed to install four small light bulbs, and each bulb was lit for an average of one hour per night, the family’s electricity cost would be as high as 0.15 pesetas per day, or 54.75 pesetas per year.

Spain’s per capita annual income was only 139.71 pesetas. A household’s annual electricity bill was almost forty percent of the per capita annual income.

To provide a more relatable example, imagine someone in a later era with a monthly income of 5,000, for an annual income of 60,000. At Spain’s current electricity rates, this person would have to pay nearly 24,000 in electricity bills annually—an absolutely staggering amount.

Although this electricity bill was the cost for the entire family, it was a major expense for any commoner household.

Moreover, people’s daily use of electric lights definitely exceeded one hour. As the duration of use increased, the cost of electricity would also continue to rise.

Based on Spain’s current per capita income, only less than a tenth of the population could afford electricity. These people were basically nobles, capitalists, and some middle-class individuals with higher incomes.

The good news was that although only a tenth of Spain’s population could afford electricity, a considerable portion of this tenth lived in Spain’s capital, Madrid.

This was why Carlo had planned to build the City that Never Sleeps in Madrid—because these nobles did not flinch at all when spending money. When they had electricity, they truly used it.

After the City that Never Sleeps became major news throughout Europe, Spain’s nobles also dreamed of installing a large number of streetlights and electric lights in their castles and manors.

These bulbs not only provided illumination but also served to display the power of the castle or manor’s owner to the outside world.

On just the day after Christmas, dozens of nobles contacted Gramme’s electric company through various means, requesting that the company lay circuits for their castles and manors and install corresponding streetlights and electric lamps.

It was only because Carlo had established the electric company for the commercialization of electricity that these nobles were able to find out about it; otherwise, they would have had no way of discovering the existence of the Electricity Laboratory.

After seeking Carlo’s approval for these nobles’ requests, Gramme nodded and agreed to cooperate with them.

Since its establishment, the Electricity Laboratory had not yet provided Carlo with any income. Although one should not be stingy with investment in scientific research, Gramme still wanted to prove his own worth by generating revenue.

Although only a few dozen nobles wanted to lay circuits and build streetlights in their manors and castles, these nobles were almost all great nobles of the rank of Duke or higher.

These great nobles all had one thing in common: they owned countless castles and manors, and often, it was not just a single property that needed wiring.

The electricity consumption of these great nobles was also much higher than that of ordinary commoners. The streetlights in their castles and manors would sometimes even stay on all night, which represented a considerable income for the electric company.

What Carlo hadn’t expected was that Spain’s nobles were not the electric company’s biggest clients—the German government was the real big fish.

No matter how wealthy the nobles were, their goal was merely a few dozen or a hundred streetlights plus a small power station dedicated to supplying them with electricity.

The German government’s request was different. They directly requested ten large power stations plus thousands of streetlights. They clearly wanted to imitate Spain and build a City that Never Sleeps, which meant the German government had made up its mind to invest a lot of funds.

Of course, the German government did not intend to invest too much money in streetlights and electricity. The German Ambassador proposed a request to the Spanish government: to exchange industrial technologies that Spain lacked for Spain’s electrical technology.

Among these industrial technologies were Germany’s latest steelmaking techniques, most advanced artillery technology, and some technologies related to chemicals and medicine.

Carlo was very interested in these technologies and was willing to exchange Spain’s existing electrical technology for them.

The reason he was willing to make the exchange, aside from the fact that the industrial technologies offered by Germany were indeed attractive, was that the electrical technology Spain currently possessed was about to be upgraded. There was no need to hold on tightly to these technologies.

For example, Spain’s current light bulb technology was still the earliest carbon filament light bulb. Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory had already begun researching light bulbs made from other materials, and it was currently expected that a new product would be available soon.

Compared to the carbon filament light bulb, the new product would not only be brighter but also have a longer lifespan. It was for this reason that Carlo was willing to hand over the existing light bulb technology to Germany; it was a product that would be phased out sooner or later anyway.

The same was true for the generator. Unlike Gramme’s ring armature generator, the two-phase generator developed by Tesla had greater potential, and its current power output was just the initial level.

If everything Tesla reported to Carlo last time was true, then Spain was about to usher in high-power generators with an output of over 50 kW. Naturally, they would look down on the current pseudo-large-scale generators with a power output of only 26.5 kW.

Technological upgrades happened that fast. After transitioning from the ring armature generator to the two-phase generator, a massive burst in power generation in a short period was inevitable.

The increase in power generation also meant one thing: higher-power light bulbs and electric motors now had a purpose.

The reason the electrical industry had been just a hypothesis was that the power of previous generators was too low, simply unable to drive larger-power electric motors.

This meant that if factory owners used electricity as an energy source, the cost of electricity alone would be enough to bankrupt the factory.

But with high-power generators, this situation would be greatly improved. Once Spain possessed generators with a power output of over 50 kW, Spain’s electricity generation cost would fall below 1 peseta per kilowatt-hour, and the cost for the public could be controlled at around 1.5 pesetas.

Under such circumstances, more families and factories would be able to afford electricity, and the electrical industry and the age of electricity would truly have a hope of arriving.

Coupled with the industrial technology and related data exchanged between Germany and Spain, Spain could absolutely become a driving force in the Second Industrial Revolution, achieving substantial development in its industry and economy.

Chapter 254: Promoting Electricity

To Carlo’s surprise, just a few days after finalizing the order with the German government, the American ambassador came knocking, requesting to purchase the electric company’s light bulb and generator technology.

Although both Germany and the United States wanted Spain’s electrical technology, their approaches to the purchase were completely different.

Germany wanted to save on expenses and had sufficient industrial technology to trade for Spain’s electrical technology.

The Americans, on the other hand, had nothing in terms of technology that particularly enticed Spain. Their choice was simple and direct: buy it with cash.

Of course, since they were buying in Spain, the currency used couldn’t be US dollars. The American ambassador stated that the United States government was willing to use pounds or pesetas to purchase Spain’s electrical technology. As long as Spain named a price, the United States was ready to pay in full.

As it turned out, the United States of today truly had the air of the nouveau riche. Having been independent for just over one hundred years, the country’s population had already reached a number that was difficult for European nations to imagine.

With the exception of Russia, which could still overwhelm the United States in terms of population, America’s population had already surpassed that of any other European country.

After the end of the American Civil War, the United States entered a long period of peace, and its rapidly developing economy attracted a large amount of European capital.

Under the influence of this European capital, the speed of American railroad development was so exaggerated that European countries couldn’t possibly keep up. This, in turn, indirectly affected American industry, allowing it to develop at an extremely rapid pace as well.

Under these circumstances, the United States became a major industrial and economic power in a very short time. But it was also clear that, due to the European capital driving it from behind, the United States was restricted in many aspects of its industry and economy and could not be considered a truly great power.

Without this European capital, America’s development would certainly not have been so fast. Its excessively rapid growth also earned it the “nouveau riche” label. Because the European public generally looked down on the United States, Americans who came to Europe were often derisively called “nouveau riche from the remote countryside” by Europeans.

Of course, this wasn’t entirely mockery of the Americans; there was also a hint of envy mixed in.

In any case, the Americans were indeed wealthy. At the very least, Carlo was satisfied with their attitude toward doing business. Since the Americans were offering him money, what reason did he have to refuse?

The deep-pocketed Americans ordered over three thousand streetlights and twenty large generators, an order even larger than the one from the German government.

The cost of the twenty generators alone was enough for the electric company to make a tidy profit, not to mention that the three thousand streetlights also represented a substantial income, enough to at least ensure that Spain recouped half of its investment in Madrid’s “City that Never Sleeps.”

Of course, to complete these two large orders in a short time, the electric company’s employees would have to work hard.

However, the employees were more than happy to do so. They were paid extra for overtime, which increased their income. They even volunteered one by one to work overtime, all for the extra pay earned in those few hours.

After signing orders with the nobility, the German government, and the United States government, the electric company became truly busy.

Although the company had not been established for long, its potential had been fully demonstrated. Carlo believed that perhaps in ten years, the Spanish Power Company would become one of the most profitable companies under his control. The money earned could then be invested back into the Electricity Laboratory, reducing Carlo’s personal spending on scientific research.

The same logic applied to the Automobile Company. Once it started making a profit, Carlo would no longer need to invest so much capital into automobiles.

The profits from these two companies would be enough to sustain related research and improvement costs, freeing up Carlo’s funds to be invested in other research fields, building a more solid foundation for Spain in more industries and technologies.

Of course, not every country wanted to import Spain’s technology. A few days after Christmas, a piece of news from the British Empire set all of Europe abuzz.

The British government established the London Royal Power Company in London. The newly formed company announced it would build at least ten power stations within three months to supply sufficient electricity to the entire city.

Britain was the most powerful country in the world, and London was its most developed and prosperous city. As the beacon of European civilization, the citizens of London would never allow their city to fall behind in electricity.

Upon hearing the news of the London Royal Power Company’s formation, London’s citizens were quite satisfied, and the British government successfully quelled the public discontent that had arisen because of Madrid’s “City that Never Sleeps.”

The French government, after dawdling for a few days, was forced to announce that it would also establish an electric company to illuminate all of Paris.

Lacking the necessary technology to build power stations, the French government ultimately had to turn to Spain and sign a cooperation agreement.

Whether cooperating with the Americans or the French, the Spanish National Power Company’s primary method was to sell patents outright, with no intention of cooperating with other countries through licensing agreements.

The main reason for this was the era’s weak awareness of patent rights. Selling a patent ensured they wouldn’t lose out. But with licensing, once the agreement expired, the other party was highly likely not to renew and would instead use the acquired technology to infringe on the patent.

In this era, fighting a transnational patent lawsuit was nearly impossible, especially when the partners were the great powers themselves.

Even if one could win a lawsuit, by the time the verdict was reached, electrical technology would have already gone through several generations of updates.

For this reason, Spain insisted on direct patent sales in all related collaborations. Carlo had no faith in the integrity of other countries; patent infringement was rampant in this era, and no one would be foolish enough to abide by so-called patent clauses.

Selling patent technology was very profitable. The patents sold to the United States and France alone earned the Spanish National Power Company a return of over twenty million pesetas.

Combined with the income from selling generating equipment and light bulbs, Carlo had already recouped all the costs invested in the Electricity Laboratory and had even made a small profit.

After finalizing the cooperation agreements with several countries, a new year arrived, and it was now New Year’s Day, 1880.

For the National Power Company’s goals in 1880, Carlo issued an order for a two-pronged approach: to fully develop the electricity industries in Madrid and Barcelona.

As Spain’s capital and most populous city, and with a large number of nobles living in the surrounding areas, Madrid had the potential to find plenty of electricity users.

Barcelona also had a large population and a major industrial base nearby, giving it numerous potential customers as well.

The first step in developing Spain’s electricity industry was to bring power to all the streets and alleys of Madrid and Barcelona, radiating out to the factories surrounding the two cities, and allowing the public to experience the charm of electricity.

Even though electricity’s primary use at present was for lighting, one could not deny the convenience it brought to people’s lives.

Electric lights could make factories brighter for night work, thereby increasing worker efficiency and reducing errors.

Electric lights could also illuminate homes. Whether for studying or other activities at night, being able to see clearly was always better than not.

The Electricity Laboratory had now been split into two parts by Gramme. Gramme led one group of researchers to form the electric company, whose main task was to maintain Spain’s power grid and solve problems encountered by factories and the public in using electricity.

Tesla took the remaining researchers to continue with electrical research. The new Electricity Research Office would focus on developing more powerful generators and longer-lasting light bulbs. Gramme also served as the chief expert of the Electricity Laboratory, as he would not give up his research on electricity.

Besides promoting the use of electricity, the electric company also needed to establish a set of universal electrical standards as much as possible.

This included power transmission methods, voltage levels for industrial and residential use, light bulb wattage, and so on.

If they could establish a set of electrical standards led by Spain, the Spanish power companies would gain a significant advantage in the development of electricity.

After all, subsequent research and development would follow their own standards. Spanish researchers would only need to conduct research according to their own standards, without needing to align with international ones.

The electricity market was currently a blank slate, and most European countries were even purchasing their light bulbs and generating equipment from Spain.

Under such circumstances, it would be quite simple for the Spanish National Power Company to establish a universal set of standards.

For other countries to overturn Spain’s electrical standards, they would at least have to wait until they had superior generating equipment and light bulbs.

Moreover, whether to overthrow Spain’s standards would also depend on whether such an action would bring them any benefits. If the disadvantages outweighed the advantages, it was likely that many would choose not to overturn the existing standards.

On January 11, 1880, the Barcelona municipal government publicly announced the formation plan for the Barcelona Power Company, as well as the streets where streetlights would soon be installed.

Barcelona’s streetlight construction plan would not be as ambitious as Madrid’s; after all, Madrid’s “City that Never Sleeps” had received strong support from the government.

Although Barcelona’s development also received government funding, it largely depended on its own efforts. Fortunately, the fiscal revenue from both the city proper and the industrial zone was very high, so sustaining its development was not a problem.

According to the streetlight plan announced by the Barcelona municipal government, over the course of 1880, at least one thousand two hundred streetlights would be installed on four streets in the city center. Additionally, a large power station would be built in both the northeast and southwest of Barcelona to provide power for the city’s lighting.

Two large power stations supplying only one thousand two hundred streetlights was clearly extravagant. For this reason, the citizens of Barcelona could apply to the Barcelona Power Company to get connected to the grid and purchase light bulbs for their own lighting.

Of course, factories in the industrial zone had the right to do the same. If too many factories wanted to be connected, the Barcelona Power Company would even consider building another large power station near the Barcelona Industrial Zone to meet their electricity demands.

The greatest effect of lighting was that people could continue to work or study at night.

For factories, this was extremely important. With light bulbs, workers’ hours could be extended late into the night, and factories could implement two-shift production systems to increase efficiency.

This would not only increase the industrial zone’s total output but also allow some smaller factories to earn more money.

Although this would come at the cost of some of the workers’ rest time, under the protection of Spanish labor laws, these workers would receive the pay they were due for overtime, which was a good deal for them.

After all, in other European countries, many workers had to work overtime every day without receiving any extra pay. In fact, never mind overtime pay; many couldn’t even get their full regular basic wages.

For capitalists, it was only natural to find every possible way to dock workers’ salaries. Any wages withheld from workers would go straight into the capitalists’ pockets, and what capitalist would ever complain about having too little money?

Sure enough, after the Barcelona municipal government formally established its electric company, factory owners began approaching the newly formed company to inquire about the price of light bulbs and grid connections.

Although the Barcelona Power Company was established by the municipal government, the Spanish National Power Company was the true majority shareholder. The Barcelona municipal government held only 40% of the shares, while the remaining 60% belonged to the Spanish National Power Company.

For this reason, Barcelona’s electricity rates were the same as Madrid’s: 2.5 pesetas per kilowatt-hour of electricity.

In the initial stages of the electric company’s formation, such a low rate was definitely a loss-making venture. Because there were few users, a considerable portion of the power generated by the stations would be wasted, yet power generation cost money.

Fortunately, Barcelona’s factory owners were quite proactive. Since the Barcelona Power Company was formed, there had been a continuous stream of factory owners seeking cooperation.

Perhaps due to the positive effect of Madrid’s “City that Never Sleeps,” in less than a week, more than twenty factories had chosen to connect to the grid and purchase light bulbs.

These were mostly medium to large factories in the industrial zone, with employee numbers ranging from hundreds to even over a thousand.

Their reason for buying light bulbs was simple: the illumination would increase their factories’ efficiency, allowing the owners to make more money.

One shouldn’t underestimate these twenty-odd factories. With each buying dozens of light bulbs, the total number purchased was in the hundreds.

Furthermore, compared to residential users, factories would use electricity for much longer periods.

Additionally, the electric company had different pricing for industrial and residential electricity, which made cooperation with factories more profitable than with ordinary citizens.

Currently, the price of residential electricity in Spain was 2.5 pesetas per kilowatt-hour. The cost of industrial electricity was not much different, but it would vary under certain circumstances.

Because electricity needed to be promoted at present, the price for industrial use was also kept at a low level. Once electricity saw widespread application, the cost of industrial use would certainly have to increase.

After all, industrial consumption was the largest portion of electricity use. If industrial rates remained low, the electric company would be the one losing money.

Besides the Barcelona Power Company’s cooperation with factories, the Madrid Power Company was also pushing for light bulbs to be adopted by factories in the suburbs.

Madrid had fewer factories in total than Barcelona, but the owners behind Madrid’s factories were mostly powerful capitalists or nobles.

The nobles certainly understood the utility of light bulbs. To improve their factories’ efficiency, they were naturally willing to purchase them.

In fact, the number of factories in Madrid that had finalized orders with the electric company was even greater than in Barcelona, reaching a total of thirty.

This figure wasn’t that surprising, however. The factory owners around Madrid were very influential, and Carlo’s own factories had signed orders almost as soon as the electric company was established, which made it seem like more factories in Madrid were willing to adopt electricity.

Carlo’s steel mill currently had two main sites: Madrid and Barcelona. Both the Madrid Royal Steel Mill and the Barcelona Royal Steel Mill had adopted electricity and installed at least a hundred light bulbs each.

Moreover, a considerable portion of the light bulbs purchased by the steel mills were 35-watt bulbs. These were more expensive but were also naturally brighter.

Some smaller factories bought 15-watt bulbs. Although they could also be used for lighting, their brightness was simply not comparable to the 35-watt bulbs.

But, as the saying goes, you win some, you lose some. While the 15-watt bulbs were dimmer, their power consumption was also lower, and factory owners still had to consider the cost of electricity.

In both Madrid and Barcelona, the electric companies did not consider the electricity needs of rural areas and small towns.

After all, the price of electricity at this time was unaffordable for the average commoner. Even if small towns had some customers, the number would certainly not be large.

This was unavoidable. Until the cost of electricity could be significantly reduced, it was destined to be a luxury enjoyed by only a minority.

For the majority of ordinary people to enjoy the convenience of electricity, it would take at least several decades.

Even in later generations, many regions remained without electricity, as not all countries could afford to meet the power demands of small rural populations.

Laying power lines and maintaining the supply both incurred costs. Providing electricity to sparsely populated rural areas was clearly a loss-making enterprise.

In an era where everyone can enjoy the convenience of electricity, one should actually be grateful for the policies and governments that make it possible for both urban and rural populations to have access to it.

But in this era, it was completely impossible for everyone to use electricity. In the month or so since the launch of the “City that Never Sleeps,” fewer than one thousand households in Madrid proper had been willing to get connected—only a few thousand people.

Madrid’s population exceeded five hundred thousand, so these few thousand people represented just one percent of the city’s population.

This was more or less in line with the electric company’s initial estimates. Less than a tenth of the entire Spanish population could afford electricity. Even in Madrid, the capital, the number of households able to connect to and use electricity in the coming years would absolutely not exceed ten thousand.

This number included many nobles and capitalists. If one were to count only commoners, the figure would be even smaller—pitifully so.

Chapter 255: The Birth Rate

As time entered 1880, the bustling activity in Spain was not limited to the two major cities of Madrid and Barcelona.

Andalusia, Spain’s most populous region, saw its birth rate exceed five percent for two consecutive years, claiming the top spot in both total births and birth rate among all Spanish regions.

Andalusia’s population surpassed 3.5 million, nearly seven hundred thousand more than the second-ranked Castile and León region.

With a high birth rate of five percent, Andalusia recorded a staggering one hundred seventy thousand newborns in 1879, far outstripping the total births in the second and third most populous regions, León and Catalonia.

However, Andalusia’s death rate was also as high as 2.5%, meaning that while it welcomed one hundred seventy thousand new lives, it also lost over eighty thousand people last year.

Among Spain’s sixteen regions, Andalusia’s population stood at a high of 3.5 million, a significant lead over the others.

The second-ranked region, Castile and León, had a population of only about 2.8 million, followed closely by Catalonia with approximately 2.63 million people.

Catalonia had experienced extremely rapid development after the completion of the Barcelona Industrial Base, its population soaring from just over 1.8 million to more than 2.6 million. The vast majority of this growth of eight hundred thousand people consisted of industrial workers and their families, with only a small number of immigrants outside this group.

Given Catalonia’s current development pace, it was only a matter of time before its population surpassed that of Castile and León, a change that could even occur within the next one to two years.

Coming in fourth was the Galicia region, with a population of about 1.92 million as of early 1880. The Valencia Region ranked fifth, with a population of around 1.74 million.

Further down the list was the La Mancha region, south of Madrid, with a population just over 1.5 million. Apart from these six, no other Spanish region had reached the one million mark, and many had populations of only one or two hundred thousand.

Both the Extremadura region and the Aragon region had populations just over nine hundred thousand, making them, aside from Madrid, the two regions most likely to break the one million barrier.

Madrid’s population had already exceeded six hundred fifty thousand, with a birth rate as high as 4.3%, resulting in over twenty-seven thousand new babies each year.

Combined with a number of immigrants, Madrid’s annual population increase was around thirty to forty thousand people (after accounting for deaths).

At this rate of growth, it would take at least another ten years for the Madrid Region to surpass one million people.

But reality would likely defy such simple calculations. As Madrid’s fame as the “City that Never Sleeps” spread across Europe, more and more European immigrants would come to tour and settle.

Factoring in the rising number of births from Madrid’s growing population, it was possible that the city could reach one million people within the next five to eight years.

Below Madrid, the populations of Asturias, the Basque Country, and the Murcia region were all around six hundred thousand.

The Basque region’s population had not originally been this large, but the Spanish government had relocated a portion of the population from other areas and from immigrants to the Basque region, successfully diluting the proportion of Basques and boosting the region’s total population.

Below these three regions with over six hundred thousand people, the Canary Islands, located off the mainland, boasted a population of nearly four hundred thousand.

The Canary Islands held a special position, serving as a transit hub for material transport between Spain and its African colonies. Because of this, the islands had experienced relatively rapid population growth in recent years, and their economy was quite prosperous.

The Canary Islands had a respectable population of nearly four hundred thousand, whereas the three regions of Navarre, Cantabria, and the Balearic Islands each had only around three hundred thousand. The combined population of these three regions had yet to break the one million mark, a testament to how sparsely populated they were.

Of course, these three were not the least populated regions in Spain. The least populated region on the Spanish mainland was the La Rioja Region, with a total population of just over one hundred fifty thousand. The vast majority of the region was unihabited wasteland, and it had been largely abandoned by the Spanish government in terms of development.

The combined population of these regions exceeded 19.8 million, accounting for the vast majority of Spain’s total population. Another two hundred thousand or so were distributed across Spain’s various colonies, most of them colonial inhabitants who had just obtained Spanish citizenship and had not yet had time to migrate to the mainland.

It is worth noting that the over six hundred thousand Cubans were not included in Spain’s population count. The vast majority of these Cubans held no good will toward Spain, so the Spanish government naturally did not count them when calculating the population.

Of course, since they were not Spanish citizens, they naturally did not enjoy any related welfare benefits or policies.

Carlo had even decided to abandon the Cuban colony within the next few years and use all the funds from the exchange for the development of the African colonies.

If there was a chance, Carlo would much rather sell the Cuban colony to the British in exchange for the opportunity for Spain to fully colonize Morocco.

Among all of Spain’s colonies, investing in Morocco was the most valuable. This was because Morocco was a colony that could be integrated; investments here would never be a loss, as this land would forever be in Spain’s hands.

By the beginning of 1880, Spain’s population had officially surpassed twenty million. Reaching this milestone was very important for Spain, as it represented a major step toward becoming a European great power.

A European country with a population of less than ten million could under no circumstances be considered a major power. And a European country with a population of less than twenty million could under no circumstances be considered a great power.

With its population now over twenty million, Spain had truly secured its place among the great powers and had the potential to advance its ranking, expanding its international influence and status.

For the whole of 1879, the average birth rate across Spain’s regions was only about two percent, a figure with significant room for improvement.

Even if it could not reach the rather exaggerated five percent of the Andalusia region, it could certainly be raised to over three percent, which would substantially increase the scale of Spain’s population growth.

For a population of over twenty million, a three percent birth rate would mean the arrival of more than six hundred thousand children each year. Even if a portion of these children were to die prematurely, and after subtracting the deceased population, Spain’s annual net population growth could still hopefully be maintained at between two hundred and three hundred thousand.

Adding in the number of foreign immigrants, Spain’s annual population growth could potentially be maintained at around three hundred fifty to four hundred thousand, an astonishing rate.

More importantly, among the more than twenty million Spanish citizens, the proportion of Spaniards still constituted the majority, reaching a staggering 89.5 percent, with the dominant ethnic group numbering eighteen million people.

This exaggerated proportion of Spaniards was actually quite normal. This era was precisely the period when national consciousness was forming. Due to the intervention of the Spanish government, apart from the Catalans and Basques who had a relatively clear self-identity, the majority of the Spanish population considered themselves pure Spaniards; they did not see themselves as a minority ethnic group in Spain.

And after a large portion of the radicals in Catalonia were purged, a considerable number of Catalans also came to see themselves as Spaniards. They merely resided in Catalonia; it did not mean they possessed Catalan blood.

Those who truly did not consider themselves Spaniards numbered only about two million people, among whom the Catalans, Basques, and Galicians were the most numerous.

With the exception of the rather unique case of the Basques, there was hope for the Catalans and Galicians to be completely assimilated by Spain.

And once the Catalans and Galicians were fully assimilated, whether the Basques could be completely assimilated would no longer be important.

After all, the Basques in the two regions numbered only a few hundred thousand. If they refused to accept Spanish rule, at worst, Spain could just expel them all.

Although the Basques were brave and skilled fighters, their population greatly limited their threat. For Spain at this time, the initiative was entirely in its own hands.

Especially after its population surpassed twenty million, Spain had enough capital to take action against the Basques. Even if all the Basques were driven from Spanish lands, Spain’s population would not decrease by much, and it would not have a major impact on the country’s development.

Spain’s birth rate was not particularly high compared to the rest of Europe; in fact, it was not even among the top ranks.

Russia, as the most populous country in Europe, also had an astonishingly high birth rate. Russia’s birth rate was generally over five percent, meaning that over five million babies were born there each year.

Of course, as one of the great powers with the worst basic living conditions, Russia’s death rate was also persistently high.

Russia’s death rate fluctuated between 3.5% and 4%, which meant that the number of deaths in Russia each year was also high, approaching three to four million people.

Subtracting the death rate from the birth rate, Russia’s current annual population increase was only a little over one million. Of course, this number was continually growing.

After all, Tsar Alexander II’s abolition of serfdom did have an effect. Although the effect was not huge, it at least gave Russian peasants a chance to breathe.

Looking at the birth rates across Europe, there was a general trend of lower birth rates in Central and Western Europe and higher rates in Southern and Eastern Europe.

France, a relatively prosperous nation, had a birth rate that remained below three percent, rarely exceeding it. Although France’s death rate was only about two percent, this meant its net population growth remained at a relatively slow pace.

Birth rates across European countries were generally above two percent. The main reason for this was the abysmal medical technology of the era. If people did not procreate desperately, the extinction of a people or nation was no exaggeration.

Despite the high number of births, the number of deaths in European countries each year was also very high. Coupled with the fact that a large proportion of newborns died in infancy, this meant that despite relatively high birth rates, the population growth rate in European countries was actually not high.

Russia, with a population of over one hundred million, only grew by a little over a million people each year, let alone the other European great powers with populations of only twenty to thirty million. Their annual net growth was only two to three hundred thousand people, a figure completely disproportionate to the population growth rates of later eras.

Although birth rates in later eras were lower, mortality rates and infant mortality rates were also very low.

Perhaps only after a significant leap in medical technology, leading to a drastic reduction in deaths and infant mortality, could the European population experience a new boom.

Before that, the population growth of European countries was unlikely to see any major changes. After all, many people from European countries also chose to immigrate abroad, so population loss was another issue these nations had to consider.

It was only because Spain had achieved rapid development in the eleven years from 1869 to 1880 that it had indirectly reduced the number of its people emigrating.

After all, if one could make a living in one’s homeland, the vast majority of people would be unwilling to leave their homes and families behind to start a new life in an unfamiliar land.

It is worth mentioning that in the latter half of 1879, Carlo also welcomed his third child, his second son, Martin.

After Princess Sofia was born, Carlo had decided to let Queen Sophie rest for a period before considering having more children.

Although it was important for the royal family to produce heirs, ensuring Queen Sophie’s health was equally important. The medical technology of the era was what it was, and the best Carlo could do was to ensure her health as much as possible, so she would not suffer any mishaps during childbirth.

After two years of careful recuperation, Carlo and Queen Sophie resumed their efforts to have more children.

Prince Martin was born a year later. As Carlo’s second son, Prince Martin was granted the noble title of Duke of Alcobendas at birth, starting at the pinnacle for most of Spain’s nobleman.

Little Martin’s birth thrilled Prince Juan Fernando and Princess Sofia, and both of them doted on their little brother.

The two little ones spent time with Little Martin whenever they were free. Seeing her children’s deep sibling bond, Queen Sophie would often look at Carlo with a gratified expression.

As Carlo’s eldest son, Prince Juan Fernando was already five years old this year.

The elite aristocratic education Carlo had specially designed for him would begin this year. As the heir to the Spanish throne, Prince Juan Fernando had to be an exceptionally capable Crown Prince, and Carlo had high expectations for him.

Compared to her older brother, Princess Sofia had a much more relaxed life. For one, she was still too young; born in November 1876, Sofia was actually only three and a half years old.

At this age, she naturally did not require an overly rigorous education. Aside from needing to learn some Spanish words and etiquette early on, Princess Sofia still had plenty of free time to enjoy.

With the birth of Prince Martin, Carlo and Queen Sophie had put Spain’s pro-natalist policy into practice, setting an example for the Spanish people.

Driven by Carlo’s example, the Spaniards were quite enthusiastic about having children. However, Spain’s birth rate also showed a trend of being higher in rural areas and lower in cities, an issue the Spanish government needed to address and improve.

The reason for this rural-urban disparity in birth rates was actually quite easy to understand.

Against the backdrop of rising average annual incomes in Spain, people were not averse to having children. Some couples were even enthusiastic about it, as the state would bear part of the expenses for larger families.

The main reason was that the rural population had more disposable time compared to the urban population. A significant portion of the urban population consisted of workers, whose working hours generally exceeded ten hours a day.

Furthermore, most of the work was physically demanding labor, leaving them with little energy to have children after working for more than ten hours.

Although workers got one day off per month, who would use this precious holiday for procreation? Other than resting, most people chose to go into the city to experience a different kind of life, visiting new shops and a more prosperous streetscape along the way.

For this reason, the Spanish government decided to focus its pro-natalist propaganda on the working class and urban populations.

If they could encourage these groups to actively have children, Spain’s birth rate would naturally see a further increase, and the population growth rate could soar.

Of course, propaganda was one thing; appropriate subsidies and welfare incentives were also necessary.

Carlo had also reviewed the report submitted by the Andalusia region. There was a reason why its birth rate had been a high five percent for two consecutive years.

As Spain’s most populous region, Andalusia’s financial situation was also quite healthy. The Zone Government had formulated welfare policies to encourage childbirth, which included, but were not limited to:

Parents who had given birth were eligible to receive government-issued unemployment benefits if they lost their jobs. For each additional child, the amount of the benefit increased by fifteen percent, up to a maximum of sixty percent.

If both spouses were unemployed, the rate increased to thirty percent per child, with the cap raised to one hundred fifty percent.

In addition, parents with children could enjoy certain tax and rent reduction policies. The Andalusia region would provide the public with some relatively cheap housing, and couples with children could get further rent reductions on top of the already low rent to reduce their expenses.

Of course, similar benefits existed for purchasing homes. For each child born, a fifteen percent discount was given on the purchase of a house, up to a maximum of sixty percent.

This meant that families with four or more children could buy houses in the city center of the Andalusia region at a price below cost.

Although Andalusia did not have any particularly large cities, a house priced below cost was an extremely high attraction.

Coupled with a series of other subsidies, although the amount of each subsidy was not large, they added up to a not-insignificant sum.

Under such policies and welfare benefits, the increase in Andalusia’s birth rate was only natural.

Chapter 256: The Lanfang Conflict

After seeing the policies encouraging childbirth enacted by the Andalusia region, Carlo immediately decided to have the other regional governments follow suit to increase Spain’s population growth rate as much as possible.

The policies established by the various regions did not conflict with those of the Spanish government; citizens could even enjoy double the subsidies.

This would also strengthen the public’s desire to have children. If there were benefits to having children, he believed most people would be willing to do so.

Carlo was quite satisfied with the policies established by the Andalusia region. Consequently, Carlo was also quite pleased with the work of the Andalusian regional government.

Naturally, the political achievement evaluations for the regional governor of Andalusia and some government officials were all excellent. They would have an easier path to promotion, and Spanish newspaper companies would widely publicize their achievements, allowing them to gain more public support.

Carlo didn’t hold out much hope for the regions with populations under one million for now, but for those with over a million people, it was essential to encourage childbirth by emulating the policies of the Andalusia region.

The total population of these regions with over a million people accounted for more than half of Spain’s total. If their birth rates could be maintained at around four to five percent, Spain’s annual number of newborns could exceed four hundred thousand.

Adding the continuous stream of foreign immigrants and natives who were granted Spanish citizenship, it was no problem for Spain’s annual net population growth to approach five hundred thousand.

With such a population growth rate, Spain’s population had a chance of reaching thirty million before the year 1900, which would give it a sufficient voice in World War I.

At the same time, Spain had no need to worry about its pro-natalist policies being copied by other countries. This was because other nations did not place such a strong emphasis on population, nor were they willing to spend so much money merely for population growth.

While the various regional governments on the Spanish mainland were busy enacting policies and subsidies to encourage childbirth under Carlo’s orders, a conflict was brewing on Kalimantan Island, thousands of miles away.

As the world’s third-largest island, the situation on Kalimantan Island was quite chaotic and complex. Conflicts existed not only among the colonizers but also among the island’s indigenous peoples.

After receiving Spain’s support, the Lanfang Republic developed at an astonishing pace, and its strength soon surpassed the Kingdom of Sarawak to the north and the Kutai Sultanate to the east.

The power and prosperity of the Lanfang Republic made the Dutch green with envy. If not for Spain’s forceful intervention, large swathes of land in South Kalimantan should have long belonged to the Netherlands.

The most fertile land on Kalimantan Island was that of the Lanfang Republic. Thanks to the diligent cultivation by the ethnic Chinese, its grain production was several times that of the surrounding native states, making the Lanfang Republic a renowned grain producer in the region.

Unfortunately, this grain-producing area was now controlled by Spain. Every year, large quantities of grain were transported from Kalimantan Island to the Philippines to supply the Spanish colonizers and the local natives of the Philippines.

The Dutch-occupied Java Island also had a high grain output, but Java Island had a large native population, and there wasn’t even enough grain on the island to feed them all.

For the Netherlands to accelerate its colonization of the East Indies, it needed sufficient grain production to support its colonial army and immigrants.

After much consideration, the Netherlands finally set its sights on the Lanfang Republic. Of course, they didn’t dare to openly invade the Spanish-backed Lanfang Republic. Instead, they chose another method: encouraging the natives to invade the Lanfang Republic, which would also serve to test Spain’s attitude.

The Dutch were aware that the Lanfang Republic was training a new army. To bolster the natives’ fighting capabilities, the Dutch managed to gather over ten thousand firearms through various means and supplied them to the Kutai Sultanate and the Kingdom of Sarawak.

With their large native populations and these ten thousand-plus firearms, these two native states had a good chance of posing a threat to the Lanfang Republic.

If Spain did not support the Lanfang Republic, the Dutch could naturally seize the opportunity to step in and restore their control over it.

It wouldn’t matter even if Spain chose to support the Lanfang Republic. Because mobilizing troops to aid Lanfang would certainly cause Spain to reduce its investment in New Guinea.

In that case, the Netherlands could gain an advantage in the colonization of New Guinea Island and establish its own colony a step ahead.

No matter what the Spaniards chose, the Dutch would not be at a disadvantage. As long as the Dutch did not actively join the conflict, Spain would have no reason to declare war on them.

If Spain were to forcibly invade a Dutch colony, the British would not stand idly by. It was precisely for this reason that the Dutch dared to plot against the Lanfang Republic with confidence, even knowing that Spain, a great power, stood behind it.

Unwittingly, five years had passed since the Spanish military advisory group arrived in the Lanfang Republic.

In these five years, the Lanfang Republic had developed quite rapidly, with its population even exceeding 4.3 million.

Of course, this figure included the local natives, ethnic Chinese, and all other immigrants. If one only counted the dominant ethnic group of the Lanfang Republic, the ethnic Chinese, its population was still less than six hundred thousand.

But it was these less than six hundred thousand ethnic Chinese who had reclaimed vast tracts of land, keeping the Lanfang Republic’s grain production ranked first among all the states and native factions on Kalimantan Island.

Much of the land on Kalimantan Island was untamed wilderness, which held no interest for European colonizers or the local natives. The people of Lanfang, however, were obsessed with land reclamation.

The Lanfang Republic was largely comprised of two types of people: gold prospectors who panned for gold near the mines, and peasants who lived in the villages, towns, and surrounding areas of the cities.

If not for the Lanfang Republic’s lack of fertilizer technology and its complete reliance on manual labor for agriculture, its grain production could likely be increased substantially.

This was also why the Dutch had their eyes on the Lanfang Republic. Weren’t these hardworking people who offered little resistance far superior to the lazy natives who disliked labor?

Andrew Roso, as the regimental commander of the Spanish military advisory group in Lanfang, was informed of the conflict that had broken out on the Lanfang border with the local natives at the earliest opportunity.

Because Lanfang was too far from the Spanish mainland, Andrew, as the regimental commander of the military advisory group, had the authority to make his own decisions.

If the Lanfang Republic were invaded, Andrew had the right to decide whether to help the Lanfang Republic or to remain indifferent.

Of course, considering Spain’s current foreign policy, the Spanish government’s stance was clearly to protect the Lanfang Republic.

But if faced with a powerful enemy, for instance, if Britain chose to help the Netherlands invade the Lanfang Republic, Andrew could remain neutral to avoid involving Spain.

But it was obvious that the British had no energy to spare for matters on Kalimantan Island at this time. The Anglo-Afghan War and the Zulu War had both just ended not long ago. Although Britain had not deployed a large number of troops, its military expenditure had been anything but small.

Unless it was a matter of particular importance, the British would not provoke a conflict with other great powers at such a time.

After all, Britain had many enemies in various places. Once Britain was bogged down in a difficult war, there would undoubtedly be many who would want to kick them when they were down.

Andrew, of course, understood the importance of the Lanfang Republic to Spain. Upon learning of the conflict between the Lanfang Republic and the local natives, he conveyed Spain’s stance to the Lanfang Republic: that Spain supported Lanfang in its war against the natives.

Having received Spain’s backing, the Lanfang Republic no longer hesitated. After all, the purpose of training their twenty-thousand-strong new army was not for show, but to protect the security of the Lanfang Republic.

Events proved that mobilizing its army was the wisest decision for the Lanfang Republic.

Because after the conflict broke out in the border region, the two native states had already been secretly mobilizing their forces to invade the Lanfang Republic.

When the new army of the Lanfang Republic arrived near the border, they happened to encounter the native army crossing the Lanfang border.

Both sides understood their purpose for being at the border, and at the very first moment of their chance encounter, they launched fierce attacks on each other.

The Lanfang new army had undergone five years of training. Although they had never participated in a real war, their combat effectiveness was no match for these natives.

The outcome of the encounter battle was very clear. The Lanfang army, with only a few hundred casualties, routed the native army, who suffered at least several thousand casualties and were forced to flee in disarray.

The moment the battle results reached the Lanfang government, Andrew couldn’t help but breathe a sigh of relief. He was responsible for training the Lanfang new army. If the new army’s performance had been poor, wouldn’t that prove his own abilities were lacking?

Fortunately, the new army’s performance was quite good; they had easily crushed the native forces. This also proved that emulating the training methods of the Spanish army was highly effective, and that the people of Lanfang could also be trained into a formidable fighting force.

Although the Lanfang Republic had won the conflict, the necessary reports still had to be made. Andrew sent a full report of the conflict between the Lanfang Republic and the natives, including the results of the encounter battle, back to Spain by telegram, requesting instructions from the Spanish government on the next steps.

Due to the great distance between the two places, several days had already passed since the conflict erupted by the time Spain received the telegram.

The outbreak of this conflict was actually a good thing for Spain, as it proved that the colonizers, including the Dutch, had not given up on Lanfang.

If the Lanfang Republic did not depend on Spanish rule, it could be annexed by the Netherlands at any time.

This would also make the people of Lanfang understand that only by submitting to Spanish rule could they preserve their country and government.

The Philippines currently did not have enough troops to suppress the people of Lanfang, so the Spanish government had to ensure Lanfang’s stability.

If a rebellion were to break out within Lanfang, the Spanish government would have no choice but to deploy troops from its more distant African colonies or the mainland, which would waste a great deal of time.

As long as the Dutch still had designs on the Lanfang Republic, the people of Lanfang would have no choice but to submit to Spanish rule.

As long as Spain held the dominant position, it could gain more benefits and advantages from Lanfang. Currently, the only railway in the Lanfang Republic was built with investment from Spanish capital. Although ownership belonged to the Lanfang Republic, Spanish capital had the right to collect tolls on this railway for thirty years.

There were many other collaborations like this. For example, the vast majority of the Lanfang Republic’s grain exports were first purchased by Spanish capital from the Lanfang Republic and then sold to other countries and regions.

This resulted in Spanish capital having an almost complete grip on Lanfang’s economy. The status of Spaniards in the Lanfang Republic was extremely high, and Andrew’s influence there was naturally also immense.

To strengthen its control over the Lanfang Republic, Spain had stopped at nothing.

The good news was that the first batch of exchange students sent by the Lanfang Republic to Spain had successfully graduated, and the second batch was about to graduate.

As Carlo vigorously developed Spain’s education sector, some Spanish universities had also gained a good reputation in Europe.

This also led to Spanish universities receiving many applications from students wishing to study abroad, many of whom were from Europe, but also many from Asia and the Americas.

Exchange students of this era were different from those of later generations; their qualifications held significant weight. Spain had no diploma mills where one could just scrape by. All universities prioritized by the state for development required students to master sufficient knowledge and possess practical skills.

Prestigious science universities like the Royal Science Academy, in particular, placed great importance on cultivating students’ talents. The fact that graduates from these universities could immediately join the Royal Academy of Sciences for research showed that the Royal Science Academy valued both theoretical knowledge and practical ability equally.

It was precisely because of this that the exchange students trained by Spanish universities were all quite capable.

The first batch of Lanfang exchange students sent to Spain had now successfully returned. They became highly valued talents in the Lanfang Republic and were entrusted with important responsibilities immediately upon their return.

As for who was most valued at the moment, it was perhaps Wu Yuansheng, an exchange student who had graduated from the Royal Military Academy.

Andrew had carefully selected candidates in the Lanfang Republic, ultimately choosing fewer than ten to study at the Royal Military Academy of Madrid.

Wu Yuansheng was the most representative figure among them. Due to his excellent performance at the Royal Military Academy of Madrid, he had even been received by the academy’s vice-dean and invited to stay and serve in the Spanish army.

However, due to his concern for Lanfang, Wu Yuansheng ultimately chose to return, and the Spanish authorities did not stand in his way.

Upon returning to Lanfang, Wu Yuansheng and the others were immediately given important positions by the Lanfang government. These few military academy exchange students were all appointed to the position of regimental commander with the rank of major.

Wu Yuansheng in particular, because his performance was so outstanding, was specially promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel by the Lanfang Republic and appointed as the de facto leader of Lanfang’s new army.

Chapter 257: Counterattack

Upon learning of the conflict erupting on Kalimantan Island, Carlo felt not the slightest worry. Instead, he was pleased with the change in the situation.

Regardless of whether the Dutch were backing the Kutai Sultanate, it would not stop Spain from supporting the Lanfang Republic in a counterattack.

Without this conflict, it would have been nearly impossible for Spain to take the initiative to expand on Kalimantan Island. The British would not allow Spain to gain an advantage there, and the Dutch would never cede the colonies they already occupied.

But this conflict gave Lanfang a sufficient reason to counterattack the Kutai Sultanate. Although the Lanfang Republic’s strength hadn’t significantly increased, its twenty-thousand-strong new army, equipped with Spanish weaponry, could easily crush the native states on Kalimantan Island.

There was only one way the Lanfang Republic could be defeated: if either Britain or the Netherlands joined the fray, using their more powerful and advanced weapons to suppress Lanfang’s army.

But such a scenario was highly improbable, and Spain had no reason to fear it.

Britain had just gone through the Anglo-Afghan War and the Zulu War; it was impossible for them to send another expeditionary force to attack the Lanfang Republic.

Moreover, the British army would have no legitimate cause. The conflict had nothing to do with Britain. If Britain were to intervene, wouldn’t it be tantamount to the British government admitting they had incited the natives to attack the Lanfang Republic?

The Dutch, on the other hand, might threaten the Lanfang Republic with war to protect the Kutai Sultanate, but Spain was not in the least afraid of Dutch threats.

Twenty thousand men was far from the Lanfang Republic’s limit. It would be quite easy for them to arm an army of over fifty thousand.

The Lanfang Republic could continuously replenish its population from the great East Asian nation to the north, while the Dutch could only send a small number of immigrants from their homeland.

The combat effectiveness of the regular Dutch army might be higher than Lanfang’s, but the problem was that the Netherlands simply didn’t have many regular troops.

The East Indies colony relied more heavily on auxiliary troops composed of local natives. These forces lacked both advanced weaponry and proper military proficiency; they were, to put it mildly, a disorganized rabble.

It was no exaggeration to say that, given the current combat strength of Lanfang Republic’s twenty thousand new army troops, they could hold their own even against a native army of over one hundred thousand.

Coupled with a steady stream of supplies from Spain, the Lanfang Republic truly had no reason to fear the Dutch, who could only deploy native forces.

It would be even more amusing if the Dutch mobilized their regular army. How large of an expeditionary force could a country with a population of just over 4.6 million assemble to send to Lanfang?

Even if the Dutch government had the audacity to form an expeditionary force, would the Dutch people be willing to join it?

A defensive war to protect one’s homeland could arouse the public’s passion to resist the enemy, but an expedition thousands of miles away would undoubtedly amplify anti-war sentiment.

The Netherlands was a small country. Regardless of whether the expedition succeeded or failed, it would ultimately be a loss for them.

This meant that on Kalimantan Island at this moment, Spain already held an absolute advantage. Unless the British were willing to help the Dutch at all costs, the Netherlands would have to choose between stability at home and the Kutai Sultanate.

Far away in the Lanfang Republic, Andrew waited quietly for several days before finally receiving Carlo’s response.

Upon receiving Carlo’s orders, Andrew acted without hesitation. He notified the Lanfang Republic to mobilize its army and continue advancing east, attempting to open a direct link between the Lanfang Republic and the Spanish-controlled Sultanate of Bulungan.

Once this connection was established, supplies from the Philippines could be transported to the Lanfang Republic more conveniently, and Spain could strengthen its control over Kalimantan Island.

Kalimantan Island’s geographical position was quite significant. The Dutch East Indies was a vast archipelago colony, with its four most important islands being Sumatra, Java Island, Kalimantan Island, and Sulawesi.

The four islands were arranged like a trident, and Kalimantan Island formed the central prong. Due to its central location, Kalimantan had always been a primary target of Dutch conquest, which was the very reason the Lanfang Republic had been destroyed historically.

But now, as long as the Lanfang Republic opened a corridor to the Sultanate of Bulungan, unless it betrayed Spain, its destruction was impossible.

A nail had been driven into the Dutch East Indies. It would not be so easy for the colony to remain stable.

The East Indies not only had a massive native population, but the entire colony was also composed of countless islands of various sizes. The Dutch currently controlled only the four main islands and some important surrounding ones; most of the small and medium-sized islands remained outside their control.

Even on the four main islands, there were countless regions beyond Dutch control. Under such circumstances, it would be very easy for Spain to stir up trouble for the Dutch.

If the Dutch government did not want to spend the next few decades quelling rebellions in the East Indies, they would have to find a way to improve relations with the Spanish government, or at least ensure Spain wouldn’t cause trouble for them.

Under the Lanfang Republic army’s offensive, the Kutai Sultanate suffered one defeat after another, and the land corridor between Lanfang and the Sultanate of Bulungan was successfully opened.

Seeing the writing on the wall, the Kingdom of Sarawak to the north, which had initially aided the Kutai Sultanate, quickly retreated within its own borders and requested help from the British Empire’s Straits Settlements.

Speaking of the Kingdom of Sarawak, it was truly the most unique entity on Kalimantan Island. Although it was a native state, its founder was a genuine white British man.

James Brooke was originally an explorer. After arriving in the Sarawak region of Kalimantan Island, James, through his forceful methods and connections with the British colony, successfully conquered the land and established a native kingdom under his rule.

James’s state had the tacit approval of the British government, and he even held the title of a British Knight, which reflected the close ties between the Kingdom of Sarawak and Britain.

It was only natural for the Kingdom of Sarawak to request aid from the British colony in its most critical moment. Britain had long considered this region its sphere of influence and would certainly not refuse to support them.

Of course, such support was not free. The Kingdom of Sarawak, both now and in history, was destined to become part of a British colony.

Carlo’s target, of course, was not the Kingdom of Sarawak. Britain was, after all, a great power with vast resources, and now was not the best time to turn on the British.

The Kutai Sultanate alone was enough to satisfy Spain and the Lanfang Republic. If they could seize this opportunity to sign a peace treaty with the Dutch government and gain more interests in the Dutch East Indies, Spain’s plans for Southeast Asia would be largely complete.

Although the colonies Spain occupied in Southeast Asia were not small, their distance from the homeland meant that, apart from future rubber cultivation, most of them would not be properly developed.

In fact, if a good opportunity arose, Carlo would even consider selling off all the Southeast Asian colonies in exchange for a chance to expand in Europe or to expand Spain’s colonies in Africa.

If all the colonies in the Philippines and Kalimantan could secure Britain’s tacit agreement for Spain to annex Portugal, Carlo would willingly give them up.

Compared to the expansion of the homeland, even the most valuable colonies were expendable—unless they were colonies like Morocco, which could be integrated into the mainland.

It wasn’t even necessary to get the British to agree. As long as Spain could win over any one of the three great powers—Britain, France, or Germany—and persuade another to remain neutral, the unification of the two countries on the Iberian Peninsula could be achieved.

But achieving this was very difficult, at least for now.

Britain would certainly not allow Spain to annex Portugal. France also did not want a nation on its southern border that could rival the five great powers.

Germany might not object, but it was unlikely to offend both Britain and France for Spain’s sake.

Unless the price Spain was willing to pay far outweighed the benefits of annexing Portugal, neither Britain nor France would agree to Spain becoming a stronger nation after the unification.

If only one of them objected, it would be manageable. But if Britain and France jointly opposed it, then even with Germany’s strong support, annexing Portugal would be absolutely impossible.

It was for this reason that Carlo had never shown any ambition to annex Portugal, and Spain’s expansion had been limited to Africa and the more distant Southeast Asia.

Returning to the situation on Kalimantan Island, the Kutai Sultanate was being pushed back relentlessly by the Lanfang Republic’s offensive, only able to desperately defend its capital, Tenggarong.

While doing everything possible to resist Lanfang’s advance, the Kutai Sultanate was also desperately pleading for Dutch aid.

Without Dutch help, it was impossible for the Kutai Sultanate to survive the Lanfang Republic’s offensive.

Spain’s aid to the Lanfang people was not insignificant. In addition to being equipped with Spain’s most advanced rifles, the Lanfang Republic’s twenty thousand new army troops also possessed dozens of artillery pieces of varying calibers.

Although these cannons were all obsolete models phased out by the Spanish army, with certain gaps in power and range compared to the steel cannons currently in service with Spain, they were cannons nonetheless.

Facing the Kutai Sultanate, which had no heavy firepower, these dozens of cannons were the ultimate weapon.

The reasons for the Kutai Sultanate’s successive defeats were twofold: their native troops lacked military proficiency and were prone to low morale after a loss, and the artillery inflicted immense casualties on their army.

The natives had no concept of military tactics in warfare; they mostly adhered to the principle of swarming forward in a massive frontal assault.

This made them perfect targets for the Lanfang Republic’s artillery. With several years of training, Lanfang’s new army was quite capable. Their artillerymen had been personally trained by the Spanish army; while not marksmen, they were at least above a competent level.

The result was that after a few massive frontal charges, the Kutai Sultanate’s army quickly began to disintegrate.

The Sultanate’s officers were completely unable to stop the fleeing soldiers. Fortunately, the soldiers didn’t have much equipment to speak of, so they didn’t have to cast off armor and helmets as they ran.

It had to be admitted that although these natives had little fighting prowess, once they scattered and fled, it was quite difficult to catch them.

Kalimantan Island is vast, with a terrain that is generally flat around the perimeter and higher in the central regions. The fighting between the Lanfang Republic and the Kutai Sultanate was taking place in the central mountains. The natives plunged headlong into the mountains, which actually aided their escape.

Although the Lanfang people had lived here for a long time, they were no match for the natives who had grown up in the mountains. This led to a situation where, despite the Kutai Sultanate suffering heavy losses over several battles, the number of enemy kills on the Lanfang Republic’s side was not high.

Of course, even though most of the fleeing soldiers escaped, it was highly unlikely that the Kutai Sultanate could reassemble them to fight Lanfang.

After a few rounds of artillery bombardment, these native soldiers were scared out of their wits. They were more than just resistant to fighting Lanfang again; they would resist rejoining the army at all costs.

If the Kutai Sultanate was in a state of frantic emergency, then the Dutch East Indies colonial government had shot itself in the foot.

Inciting the Kutai Sultanate and the Kingdom of Sarawak to start a conflict with the Lanfang Republic had been the colonial government’s plan. The goal was merely to test the extent of Spain’s support for Lanfang and to probe the strength of Lanfang’s new army.

But unexpectedly, Spain’s support for the Lanfang Republic was substantial, and Lanfang’s new army was indeed powerful enough.

The East Indies colonial government was now in a dilemma, stuck between a rock and a hard place.

The Lanfang counterattack was clearly fierce and aggressive; they seemed determined to take the Kutai Sultanate.

If the Dutch backed down now, the Kutai Sultanate would fall into Spain’s sphere of influence, leaving the Netherlands with only a small slice of territory in the southernmost part of Kalimantan, less than what the latecomer Spaniards now controlled.

But if they didn’t back down, the colonial government would have to risk a war with the Lanfang people.

The twenty thousand new army troops trained by the Spaniards were clearly a formidable fighting force. Even if they were not as good as the regular Dutch army, they were far superior to the colonial troops.

What price would the colonial government have to pay to completely defeat this twenty-thousand-strong Lanfang new army?

If they suffered heavy losses, wouldn’t the Spaniards behind Lanfang laugh their heads off? After all, Spain had not committed a single soldier to the conflict so far.

If the Netherlands lost troops and commanders just fighting the Lanfang Republic, how could they possibly resist further harassment and aggression from the Spaniards?

After much deliberation, the East Indies colonial government could find no good solution and could only pass this mess on to the Dutch government to resolve.

When the Dutch government learned of the situation, King William III was furious. He cursed the Governor-General of the East Indies as a good-for-nothing who only caused trouble for the Netherlands.

Although the colonial competition between the Netherlands and Spain in New Guinea seemed intense, in reality, the Dutch government dared not offend Spain, at least not proactively.

If Belgium still belonged to the Netherlands, William III might have allowed the colonial government to test Spain’s attitude. But the problem was that the Netherlands now consisted only of its homeland and Luxembourg, with a total population barely one-fifth of Spain’s.

As far as William III was concerned, he only wanted to see the Dutch throne passed down safely and did not want any unexpected incidents during his reign.

Offending Spain at this time was the last thing William III wanted, especially when it was the East Indies colonial government that had proactively provoked Spain.

Wasn’t this just handing Spain a reason to attack? Now, with the Lanfang people launching a counterattack backed by Spain, was the Netherlands supposed to invest a huge amount of capital, manpower, and resources to intervene in this war for a minor Kutai Sultanate?

Chapter 258: Negotiation

Given the vast disparity in power between the Netherlands and Spain, the Dutch government was quick to compromise. It immediately ordered its ambassador in Spain to contact the Spanish government and clarify the Dutch government’s innocence in the conflict between the two native forces on Kalimantan Island.

Of course, the Dutch government was not so naive as to believe that Spain would cease its actions simply because they backed down.

On one hand, the Dutch government was prepared to lose the Kutai Sultanate. They did not wish for a minor sultanate to escalate into a major conflict with Spain.

On the other hand, the Dutch government also hoped that the great powers of Europe would mediate, ensuring that Dutch interests would not suffer too great a loss.

If they were to negotiate with Spain alone, it was inevitable that the Spaniards would make exorbitant demands. The Netherlands would certainly be at a disadvantage in the negotiations, and their losses might not be limited to just the small Kutai Sultanate, but could extend to the entire island of Kalimantan, or even several surrounding islands.

Because of Kalimantan Island’s crucial geographical location, the Dutch government was unwilling to lose it entirely, let alone other large islands beyond it.

Kalimantan Island was only a little over three hundred kilometers from Java Island, the core territory of the Dutch East Indies. If Spain were allowed to occupy South Kalimantan, wouldn’t that mean Java Island might also face the covetous gaze of the Spaniards?

It was precisely for this reason that, after internal discussions, the Dutch government decided its bottom line for concessions to the Spaniards was the Kutai Sultanate.

After all, it was the Kutai Sultanate that had attacked Lanfang. They could settle old scores and let bygones be bygones, as long as other uninvolved nations were not drawn into it.

As for the large swaths of land south of the Kutai Sultanate and east of the Lanfang Republic, the Dutch would absolutely not concede.

This was already the southern part of Kalimantan Island, the true core territory of the Dutch East Indies.

If the Spaniards were allowed to interfere here, the Dutch East Indies would know no peace in the future.

Of course, if Spain’s appetite proved too large, the Netherlands could make certain concessions in other areas, such as New Guinea, which various nations were actively colonizing.

New Guinea could be seen as two parts. In West New Guinea, only the Netherlands, Spain, and Portugal were colonizing. In East New Guinea, the three great powers were Germany, France, and Britain.

Based on the current progress of colonization in West New Guinea, the Netherlands, as the country with the longest presence, had hopes of acquiring the largest colony.

Although Spain was the most powerful of the three nations colonizing West New Guinea, its presence there was less than ten years old. Its current progress was only slightly ahead of Portugal’s, and there was still a significant gap with the Dutch.

If nothing unexpected happened, the Netherlands would acquire a large portion of the western part of New Guinea Island, Spain would get some relatively important areas and islands, and Portugal would have to settle for remote areas and uninhabited islets that neither of the other two particularly valued.

Although New Guinea was larger than Kalimantan Island, its location at the easternmost edge of the Dutch East Indies made it geographically less important.

For the Dutch, giving up a portion of their land in New Guinea to ensure that southern Kalimantan remained theirs was definitely a worthwhile trade.

Of course, this was the extent of Dutch forbearance.

If Spain’s appetite was too great, and even the Kutai Sultanate plus a portion of New Guinea could not satisfy it, then the Dutch could only request mediation from the great powers to ensure the security of the Dutch East Indies.

By the time the Dutch Ambassador to Spain requested an audience with Carlo, it was already the fifth day of the Lanfang army’s full-scale counter-offensive.

The Dutch Ambassador was rather anxious. If he could not reach an agreement with the Spanish government before the Lanfang army had completely occupied the Kutai Sultanate, it would not be so easy to negotiate once the flames of war reached Dutch colonies.

In contrast to the slightly anxious Dutch Ambassador, Carlo was in a much better mood.

Currently, Spain’s colonization efforts in Africa and Southeast Asia were proceeding quite smoothly. The Congo Territory, the Guinea colony, and the Philippine colony were all in a state of continuous territorial expansion.

Since Carlo’s coronation as King of Spain, the country had finally stemmed the tide of continuously losing colonies and had even acquired many significant and sizable new ones.

Although Carlo did not boast much about these achievements, the Spanish people paid close attention to the expansion of their country’s colonies.

During Carlo’s reign, Spain had acquired two large colonies: the colony of Southern Morocco and the Congo Territory. The Congo Territory alone spanned several million square kilometers.

In addition, the Philippine colony had expanded by nearly one hundred thousand square kilometers. The title of the Third Colonial Empire was finally beginning to look well-deserved.

Though these were not expansions of the homeland, pioneering colonies was also a great achievement.

Carlo, who had orchestrated this colonial expansion, had his merits enthusiastically extolled by the Spanish people. While he had not yet reached the level of the greatest king in Spanish history, he was certainly among the top five.

This was mainly due to the contrast provided by Fernando VII and his daughter, Queen Isabella, which made King Carlo appear so remarkably great.

Of course, a cult of personality was actually a good thing for a monarchy. As long as the monarch possessed sufficient ability, there was no need to worry about its drawbacks.

Thanks to the public’s fervent adoration for Carlo, the Spanish government he led found it remarkably easy to issue decrees.

For the vast majority of decrees, there was no need to worry about the public’s reaction. The people would spontaneously support the government’s proclamations, with almost no opposition.

Carlo had also repeatedly stressed the importance of having more children, and the Spanish people now took pride in large families. Many families with more than three children had already emerged.

It was these Spaniards, who adored Carlo and obeyed every decree issued by the Spanish government, that allowed Spain’s development to proceed so smoothly.

It was no exaggeration to say that, given Carlo’s current public support in Spain, there was no need to fear an invasion from any country.

Even against superpowers like Britain, France, and Germany, if they dared to actively invade Spain, Spain could at least inflict crippling losses in return, dragging down a superpower of their caliber.

If it were a country like Britain, whose army was not particularly strong to begin with, they would surely be defeated if they dared to confront Spain on land.

Although a cult of personality had its various shortcomings, for the military, sufficient worship could greatly boost morale and fighting spirit, to the point where at a single command from Carlo, the Spanish army would mobilize in full force, fierce and unafraid of death.

The only issue was that Spain’s population was far smaller than that of great powers like Britain, France, and Germany. Otherwise, Spain would not be keeping such a low profile.

Even if Spain could gain a military advantage through its cult of personality and some technological superiority in weaponry, other countries could still wear Spain down through attrition of manpower.

Therefore, until Spain’s population reached a certain level, Carlo had no intention of letting Spain attract too much attention on the international stage.

After all, the most powerful nation at this time was Britain. Any country whose international influence threatened Britain would be targeted and met with hostility by the British.

This had been the case with France before, was the case with Russia now, and would be even more so with Germany in the future.

In fact, it wasn’t just the British; every superpower holding the top spot in the world would do the same. The throne of world number one represented immense benefits, and no country would willingly relinquish such a position.

This also meant that every time the mantle of world hegemon changed hands, it was accompanied by brutal bloodshed and turmoil.

The Dutch Ambassador to Spain was named William, a very common name throughout Europe. Many rulers of various countries were also named William.

Of course, Europeans generally had very long names, so the probability of an exact match was still quite small.

“Your Majesty, the esteemed King of Spain, on behalf of my king, His Majesty William III, the Dutch government, and the people of the Netherlands, I extend to you my deepest respects.” Upon meeting Carlo, Ambassador William immediately performed a standard European Noble’s bow.

In this era, it was common for noblemen to serve as ambassadors for European countries. After all, most European nations were monarchies, and ambassadors had to frequently meet with various kings and other nobles.

If one were not a nobleman, one would already be of a lower station, making formal greetings quite difficult.

Take Spain’s Foreign Secretary, Everton, for example. He held the title of Marquis, higher than a Count but lower than a Duke, which certainly made him a great noble.

If a Baron was the baseline for being a nobleman, then a Marquis, a rank above a Count, was the standard for being considered a great noble.

Of course, in some countries, the standard was the rank of Duke, but the general idea was more or less the same.

In Europe, no one would consider a Count a great noble, even if he possessed vast lands and wealth.

Similarly, no one would consider a Duke a minor noble, even if his wealth was not great.

Although there were many impoverished nobles, once a family reached the rank of Duke, the chances of complete decline were very slim, unless the family line ended or the title was lost due to some unforeseen circumstances.

In response to Ambassador William’s respectful bow, Carlo gave a calm nod, a faint smile on his face as he inquired, “Ambassador William, is there something important that prompted this sudden request for an audience?”

“It is not a matter of great importance,” Ambassador William said hastily. “Regarding the problems caused by the native rebellion on Kalimantan Island, I wish to express apologies to Your Majesty and your government on behalf of my king and my government, and we are willing to compensate for your country’s losses.”

“Not long ago, another native rebellion broke out on Java Island. This rebellion resulted in the deaths of several of our immigrants. His Majesty the King was furious and ordered the East Indies government to dispatch troops to suppress the rebellion.”

“It was precisely because of this transfer of troops that our forces on Kalimantan Island were depleted, which ultimately allowed those damned natives to take advantage of the situation.”

“We also wish to suppress the native rebellion, but because the situation on Java Island has not yet stabilized, we are currently unable to do so.”

“We are willing to invite your government to enter the Kutai Sultanate to suppress the rebellion. The military expenditure incurred will also be borne by us as compensation for the losses your country suffered in the rebellion.”

“I wonder if your country would be amenable to these terms? We hope this can mend the friendly relations between Spain and the Netherlands,” Dutch Ambassador William said with great sincerity.

Carlo looked at Ambassador William with a smile, not at all surprised by his words.

Faced with a more powerful Spain, the Dutch government was highly likely to take the initiative and back down. Since they were going to concede, the first thing the Dutch government had to do was clear its name of any suspicion in this conflict to avoid greater losses.

Just as expected, in Ambassador William’s words, a border aggression against the Lanfang Republic, orchestrated by the Netherlands, was transformed into a native rebellion caused by Dutch negligence.

Although the Dutch government still bore some responsibility, Ambassador William’s meaning was clear: they were willing to use the Kutai Sultanate and a certain amount of funds to compensate Spain.

The Dutch compensation was indeed generous. The total area of Kalimantan Island was a staggering 743,300 square kilometers, and the Kutai Sultanate was one of the largest native states on the island.

The Kutai Sultanate alone had an area of at least one hundred thousand square kilometers, which was more than twice the size of the Dutch homeland.

Portugal, which Carlo coveted, had a total area of only about 92,000 square kilometers. Although the Kutai Sultanate was far from Europe, acquiring a piece of land over one hundred thousand square kilometers in size was still a significant gain for Spain.

The problem was, as the main force that had invaded Lanfang’s border, the Kutai Sultanate had long since been driven back by Lanfang’s counter-offensive.

Regardless of whether the Dutch government was willing to give up the Kutai Sultanate, the area would soon become territory controlled by the Lanfang Republic and de facto controlled by Spain.

The Dutch army would certainly not personally intervene to stop the Lanfang army’s advance, which meant that the loss of the Kutai Sultanate for the Netherlands was inevitable.

Viewed in this light, it was as if the Dutch government hoped to resolve this dispute with some monetary compensation, unwilling to pay a higher price.

But was that possible? The dispute was initiated by the Dutch. Now that they wanted to get off lightly, it all depended on Spain’s attitude.

“Ambassador William, I am aware of the rebellion that has occurred on Kalimantan Island. During this native rebellion, some of our immigrants have faced severe property damage and mortal danger, which is something I, as the King of Spain, cannot tolerate.”

“Since the Netherlands is unable to suppress the native rebellion, then Spain naturally has an obligation to quell it swiftly to ensure the safety of Spanish citizens and their property.”

“Since we are to purge these natives, then I believe it is necessary to conduct a purge of all the natives on Kalimantan Island. This will also prevent another rebellion from the natives in the near future.”

“What are your thoughts, Ambassador William? If your country does not have sufficient troops, the Spanish army would be happy to be of service,” Carlo said, his expression unchanged, a faint smile still on his face, his tone exceptionally mild.

Although Carlo was smiling, to Ambassador William, his words were a series of threats.

Carlo’s stance was now very clear. He acknowledged the Dutch narrative of a native rebellion. But at the same time, Carlo was not satisfied with the terms offered by the Dutch.

The Kutai Sultanate was already a juicy morsel in Spain’s mouth. The so-called sacrifice from the Dutch had no real cost and held no appeal for Carlo.

If the Netherlands wanted to secure peace in Southeast Asia through negotiations, they had better propose terms that were genuinely appealing, not territory that Spain had already effectively occupied.

Chapter 259: The Role of the Light Bulb

With both sides intending to negotiate peacefully, the meeting between Carlo and Ambassador William ended quickly.

The Dutch were unwilling to enter into a more intense dispute with Spain at this time. After all, the Netherlands’ change in government required a stable environment, and they lacked the strength to confront Spain.

As for Carlo, he also wished to avoid being too high-profile and attracting the attention of the British.

In fact, this conflict was entirely brought on by the Dutch themselves. If the Dutch hadn’t done something so reckless, Carlo would have had little interest in the Dutch East Indies.

Although this colony had high economic value, the problem was that besides Spain, the one truly keeping an eye on it was Britain, which controlled the Indian colony.

Britain regarded India as a treasure, which meant it had to ensure the stability of the surrounding regions to guarantee that no major problems would arise in its Indian colony.

Southeast Asia was neither particularly close to nor far from India, so it was only natural for it to receive British attention.

Not to mention, there was an extremely vast market in East Asia, one that had attracted the notice of many great powers.

According to the preliminary agreement discussed between Carlo and Ambassador William, the so-called rebellion in the Kutai Sultanate would be quelled by troops from Spain and the Lanfang Republic. The subsequent division of the land after its pacification would naturally have nothing to do with the Netherlands.

In addition, the Netherlands would have to pay a certain amount of reparations to Spain, as the rebellion on Kalimantan Island had affected the local Spaniards.

Furthermore, within three months, the Netherlands was required to transfer at least thirty immigrant settlements in New Guinea to Spain. These settlements had to be located near Spain’s existing ones.

The Dutch demonstrated considerable sincerity in their apology. Because of this, Carlo personally promised that Spain would absolutely not hold the Netherlands accountable for any responsibility, nor would it use this as a pretext to wage war on the Netherlands or the Dutch East Indies.

If the Dutch side were willing, Spain could even sign a non-aggression pact with the Netherlands, in which both parties would agree not to infringe upon each other’s colonies and to respect each other’s sovereignty there.

With the agreement reached with Ambassador William, the matter on Kalimantan Island was considered concluded.

Once the army of the Lanfang Republic occupied the entire territory of the Kutai Sultanate, the Spanish colonial garrison regiment stationed in the Sultanate of Bulungan could move south to take over the land.

After all, this was a piece of land exceeding one hundred thousand square kilometers, and Spain naturally accepted it without ceremony.

Carlo was now considering whether it was more appropriate to fully incorporate this land into the Philippine colony or to establish a new, large colony on Kalimantan Island.

The Philippine colony currently spanned a massive four hundred and forty thousand square kilometers, already the largest colony controlled by Spain, second only to the Congo Territory.

If the Kutai Sultanate were added, the Philippine colony’s area would exceed five hundred thousand square kilometers, larger than Spain’s mainland itself.

The indigenous population in this colony was by no means small. The native population in the Philippine region alone numbered in the millions, and adding the indigenous people of Kalimantan, the total native population of the Philippine colony would approach ten million, increasing the difficulty of governing.

Considering that establishing a new colony would increase Spain’s investment costs, Carlo temporarily decided to annex the Kutai Sultanate into the Philippine colony and halt the colony’s expansion for the time being.

From now on, apart from New Guinea, the Philippine colony would diligently develop the lands it already occupied, showing no interest in territories beyond its borders and undertaking no further colonial actions.

With the issue on Kalimantan Island resolved, Carlo turned his attention to the popularization of electricity.

Last Christmas, Madrid’s City that Never Sleeps became the most sensational news in all of Europe, and even today, many media outlets still mention it repeatedly.

The main reason was that, to this day, no other country had managed to build a “City that Never Sleeps” like Madrid’s. Madrid remained the only one of its kind.

While European great powers, led by Britain, France, and Germany, were following up with their own “City that Never Sleeps” projects, Spain had already begun projects for the comprehensive electrification of Madrid and Barcelona.

Although electricity could currently only be used for lighting, lighting itself offered immense convenience to humanity. Whether for daily life or industrial production, more effective illumination was extremely useful.

Carlo’s emphasis on electricity was on full display. After the City that Never Sleeps project, all factories and enterprises owned by the royal family signed orders with the electric company, not only connecting their companies and factories to the grid but also purchasing light bulbs of all sizes for lighting.

A fervor for electricity swept across Spain, and everyone took pride in being able to use a light bulb for illumination.

Although this wave had not yet reached the commoner class, among Spain’s nobility and capitalist class, the affection that dignitaries and nobles had for electricity and light bulbs was already plain to see.

It was actually quite understandable. People in later generations were accustomed to the brightly lit cities at night; they would feel disoriented if the power went out one day.

When the people of this era experienced the brightness and convenience brought by electricity, they would naturally do everything in their power to enjoy it.

If you were to ask which business was the busiest at this time, if the electric company claimed to be second, no other company would dare claim to be first.

Carlo had long since reminded Gramme, the general manager of the electric company, to ramp up production of various models of light bulbs and wires before the City that Never Sleeps project began, to prepare for the widespread adoption of electricity in Spain.

Gramme had indeed followed Carlo’s orders, producing large quantities of light bulbs and wires in advance. The electric company had also been vigorously recruiting staff since its establishment, precisely to prevent being caught unprepared during such a busy period.

But Gramme had vastly underestimated the public’s love for electricity, or rather, he had vastly underestimated the enthusiasm of the nobility and capitalists for enjoying it.

When enjoying electricity and light bulb illumination became a new fashion, the nobleman really had no choice.

Other nobleman were using electricity and light bulbs; how could their peers remain indifferent?

After Christmas, the electric company was continuously overwhelmed with orders. For Gramme, this was a moment of both joy and distress.

Although electricity could only be used for lighting at present, it was undeniable that lighting was an extremely important function. As a pioneer in the electricity industry, Gramme was very happy to see his research taken seriously by the public.

The problem, however, was that the Spanish National Power Company’s order backlog already stretched a year into the future, and new orders were still flooding in every day.

Given the current production capacity of the Spanish Power Company, just meeting the electricity demand for the two large cities of Madrid and Barcelona would likely require the company to produce at full capacity for more than two years.

With no other choice, Gramme went to Carlo, requesting that he help the electric company recruit more employees and, while he was at it, help expand production scale and improve the efficiency of power installation.

Carlo, of course, readily agreed to Gramme’s request.

The good news was that Carlo had always placed great importance on the development of electricity. Some universities in Spain even offered majors in electricity, though they weren’t very popular.

Despite their lack of popularity, all the universities combined could still provide the electricity industry with over one hundred talented individuals each year.

If one included the skilled workers trained in electricity at technical schools, so-called electricians, Spain was likely producing several hundred electricity-related technical personnel annually.

If this talent pool was still insufficient, Spain could recruit a certain number of personnel from other countries. However, because other nations had also begun to prioritize the development of electricity, recruiting talent was not as easy as it once was.

Fortunately, Spain had already poached considerable talent from abroad before this, which was why it was at the forefront of the electricity industry among all nations.

Not only did Carlo attach great importance to the development of electricity, investing large sums of money annually, but he also continuously brought in foreign talent at a time when other countries were not paying much attention to it.

Under these circumstances, the rapid development of Spain’s electricity sector was only natural. Without external interference, it was very simple for a country to focus all its efforts on developing a specific industry.

Moreover, Spain was not a small country. With sufficient capital investment, it was a matter of course for it to make progress, whether in electricity or any other industry.

There was more good news for Spain: through its cooperation with Prussia, Spain’s metallurgy technology had improved to a certain extent.

Metallurgy techniques included the technology for refining brass, which was the most reliable material for electrical wires. It not only improved transmission efficiency but was also safer compared to other metals.

Due to the improvement in metallurgy, Spain’s annual copper production also saw a certain increase. With higher copper output, the price of copper naturally fell.

The drop in copper prices led to a small reduction in the production cost of electrical wires, providing a significant boost to the development of electricity in Spain.

Spain’s relatively small population meant that, for now, only the more populous cities of Madrid and Barcelona could be widely electrified.

But this was not entirely bad news. Compared to populous nations like Britain, France, and Germany, Spain’s smaller population meant it could spend less capital on electrifying the country, with the City that Never Sleeps being the best example.

Something like the City that Never Sleeps had to be built in the capital, or at least in a city with a relatively developed economy and industry.

Such cities would have large populations. This was especially true for the three great powers—Britain, France, and Germany—whose capitals all had populations exceeding one million.

Compared to Madrid, they would have to spend at least twice as much to replicate a City that Never Sleeps. And that didn’t even include the cost of power generation and consumption. If those were factored in, their cost might be more than three times that of Spain’s.

This was, in fact, why Britain and France had not followed suit immediately. While it didn’t seem too expensive for Spain to build Madrid’s City that Never Sleeps, if you multiplied that cost by three, it would be a huge expense.

Wouldn’t that money be better spent building a large fleet? Even if it were invested in the army, couldn’t it create a massive, elite force?

Pouring vast sums of capital into a field like electricity, which had not yet demonstrated sufficient utility, truly required considerable resolve for established great powers like Britain and France.

If Germany hadn’t followed up so early, the British would probably have delayed for some time longer. And if Britain hadn’t followed Germany’s lead, the French would likely have delayed even longer.

The popularization of electricity was, of course, a good thing for humanity. Only when electricity reached major cities and industrial zones could electricity-related devices emerge in a continuous stream and be improved upon, generation after generation.

This included not only electric motors but also all sorts of other electrical appliances and machinery that also required electricity to run.

The spread of electricity was like a great opening act, creating a bright future for its development. And Spain, as the leading nation in the progress of electrification, had a better chance of achieving more in electricity-related technology and fields.

Benz’s Automobile Company was the best example.

In fact, several years ago, Benz had already developed a rudimentary prototype of a car that was barely usable.

But such a car had too many flaws. It was fine for the government and the royal family to purchase a few, but putting them into commercial use was completely impossible.

The public would never buy a car that could break down at any moment, not to mention that these handcrafted automobiles were extremely expensive and well beyond the reach of ordinary people.

Benz and his team had spent years on research and, to this day, had not solved the problem of the internal combustion engine’s instability.

But this was only normal. If the stability of the internal combustion engine were solved, it would mean the steam engine was ready to be replaced.

With the current state of technology, it would be utterly impossible to significantly improve the stability of the steam engine in less than twenty years.

For this reason, Carlo had temporarily given up his hopes for the commercialization of the automobile. Building a few of these cars for the royal family and the government was also a good option. At the very least, the car specially supplied to Carlo was much more comfortable to ride in than a horse-drawn carriage. Repair personnel would also travel with the car at all times to ensure it wouldn’t break down halfway through a journey, or if it did, someone would be there to repair it promptly.

After Spain began vigorously promoting the popularization of electricity, Benz suddenly had an idea: he decided to add two large light bulbs to the front of his automobile model to provide illumination.

The benefit of this was obvious—it gave the car the ability to be driven at night.

When people rode in horse-drawn carriages, it was difficult to provide lighting at night. Neither kerosene lamps nor torches could fully illuminate the road ahead.

Moreover, the vision of horses is completely different from that of humans; what a person could see clearly did not mean a horse could. Animals also have a natural fear of fire. Relying on torches or kerosene lamps to light the way for a horse was less practical than hoping for a bright, full moon to reflect more light.

But a car was completely different. If a car could be fitted with at least two light bulbs at the front, there was a chance it could provide sufficient illumination for the driver.

The car didn’t need to see; it was enough for the person driving it to see. This would not only improve the efficiency and safety of driving at night but also give the car a function that horse-drawn carriages lacked.

Hoping to install lighting equipment on a horse-drawn carriage was unrealistic. After all, light bulbs required electricity, and a carriage was constantly moving.

If a small power generation device were installed, the carriage would become even more cumbersome. It was simply impossible for an ordinary carriage to undergo such a modification.

Perhaps only the specially supplied carriages of the royal family and the government could be modified in this way. After all, the royal carriages were already inlaid with steel plates and were much larger than normal carriages.

It might be possible to install a simple power generation device on such a carriage. Although the power output wouldn’t be high, it would be enough to light a few bulbs.

Previously, when power generation output was low, a device installed on a carriage would have struggled to light up high-wattage bulbs. But now, with the increase in power output from generators, there was a real possibility of installing such simple devices on carriages and cars to provide power for lights.

This was precisely the role of electricity: as long as it could make people’s lives more convenient, its usefulness was immense.

Chapter 260: The Tram

Carlo was very encouraging of novel ideas, such as installing light bulbs on automobiles and in horse-drawn carriages.

Only through constant exploration and hypothesizing could science and technology advance. If one remained confined to a single industry or field, technology could only stagnate.

To support the development of the electrical industry, and to demonstrate the broader applications and value of electricity, Carlo invested a large sum of R&D funds into the Royal Academy of Sciences. The goal was to explore more uses for electricity and to diversify its applications.

Imagination is crucial to scientific research. It was precisely this imaginative spirit that allowed the scientists of this era to discover one novel technology after another, driving the scientific progress of their time and indirectly creating the prosperous technological society of the future.

Without the groundwork laid by the scientists of this era, science in later generations could never have developed so rapidly. What Carlo could do was give these scientists more support, allowing their imaginations to run wild and create achievements that far surpassed what their historical counterparts had accomplished.

With Carlo’s substantial financial backing, the Royal Academy of Sciences and the Electricity Laboratory established many scientific research projects related to electricity, each assisted by relevant experts from the electrical industry.

Carlo also kept an eye on some of the research projects established by the Royal Academy of Sciences and the Electricity Laboratory. Generally speaking, the scientists’ imaginations were running wild.

Although electricity had so far only demonstrated its use in lighting, projects had already been launched in the labs of the Electricity Laboratory and the Royal Academy of Sciences. These included, but were not limited to, electric locomotives, smaller and more powerful electric motors and generators, and batteries that could store energy more efficiently.

An electric train was not yet feasible, as the current electrical technology could not support the transport of such a large object. However, smaller, more powerful generators and electric motors were theoretically achievable in the short term.

This included more efficient batteries. As the electrical industry developed, it was essential to create a battery that could store more energy and was less prone to waste.

There was currently no way to store electricity on a large scale, which meant that any surplus power generated by plants would be wasted.

As the number of power plants in Spain grew and the output of various types of generators increased, the problem of wasted electricity would only become more severe.

If an effective method of storing electricity could be found, it would guarantee that factories and homes could still be supplied with power even when power plants were not operational.

The impact of a power outage might not be significant in this era, but in later times when electricity was an integral part of every household, the consequences would be quite substantial.

Fortunately, electricity was currently only widespread in the cities of Madrid and Barcelona, where it was in high demand. For the time being, there was no need to worry about wasted power.

Carlo also proposed an idea to Gramme and Tesla: storing electrical energy as another form of energy, to be released when needed.

It was actually a very simple system. Use electricity to pump water from a low elevation to a high one, which was a form of energy storage.

When more electricity was needed, the water from the higher elevation could be released, and its flow would generate power to turn a generator, thus creating new electricity.

This was one of the more common methods of energy storage in later generations, and its benefits were obvious.

First, this method of storage produced no pollution, and large reservoirs could also ensure a water supply for surrounding areas during droughts.

The downside was that it required the construction of large-scale pumping and power generation equipment. The location of the reservoir was also critical to avoid potential disasters during water release.

Fortunately, these were all solvable problems for Spain. Carlo assigned this task to Tesla, asking him to design a comprehensive hydroelectric system to help Spain complete the process of energy storage and generation.

What Carlo didn’t expect was that the Electricity Laboratory would soon bring news of the latest progress on these research projects.

Carlo had assumed that the simpler project—smaller, high-power generators and electric motors—would be completed first. Instead, a variation of the electric locomotive, the tram, had been roughly developed.

The so-called tram was essentially a train powered by electricity that ran on tracks within a city.

In truth, it wasn’t really a train, but rather a single passenger carriage, similar to a train car, plus a traction unit to provide power.

This form of urban rail transit had been invented as early as 1807, originating, of course, in the British Empire.

However, back then, what pulled the carriage was actually one or more horses. In other words, this form of urban rail transit was just a modified horse-drawn carriage.

A horse-drawn carriage could roam freely on the roads, whereas this rail vehicle could only move along a fixed track within the city.

Compared to a carriage, the horse-drawn tram had some advantages. For instance, on a fixed track, the horses could run freely without the risk of colliding with pedestrians.

The disadvantage was that such horse-drawn trams were slow. After all, the carriage itself was already very heavy, and it also had to pull passengers and cargo.

The tram invented by the Electricity Research Office simply replaced the horses with electricity, using several bulky electric motors as its power source.

An electric locomotive had many advantages over a conventional one, the most significant being lower pollution and noise.

Since it was for urban rail transit, pollution and noise needed to be minimized as much as possible. This was why countries had opted for horses instead of steam locomotives for their urban rail systems.

As early as last year, the German Siemens company had developed similar tram technology. But at the time, the tram they demonstrated had very poor power, with an average speed of only thirteen kilometers per hour and capacity for only a few people, making it clearly unsuitable for commercial use.

Through a technology exchange with Germany, Spain had acquired this immature rail transit technology. After improvements by Tesla and the Electricity Laboratory, the power of the current tram had been significantly increased, and its average speed had been raised to around twenty to twenty-five kilometers per hour.

Trams were very important for urban development, with a role no less significant than that of buses and subways in later eras.

Of course, the transport capacity of a tram could not compare to a subway; its passenger load was about the same as a single bus.

On March 27, 1880, Carlo saw Spain’s first tram at the Electricity Laboratory and personally experienced the improved vehicle.

Besides the substantial increase in speed, the locomotive unit was also much smaller. From the outside, the tram still looked very much like a train.

A speed of twenty to twenty-five kilometers per hour was more than sufficient for a tram, since it was a vehicle operating on tracks laid on city streets, where high speeds were not appropriate.

The tram tracks were laid directly on the road. Before the tram arrived, people on the street had to clear the tracks to let it pass. After it passed, the tracks could once again be used by pedestrians just like the rest of the road.

Carlo’s first impression of the tram was that it was fast and could effectively increase the efficiency of population flow in Spanish cities.

Once he confirmed that the tram was ready for the market, Carlo didn’t hesitate. He immediately decided to build tram lines in all Spanish cities with a population of over one hundred thousand, allowing all Spaniards to enjoy this convenient mode of transportation.

Of course, if the Spanish government were to build it all, the expense would be enormous.

Trams were not considered critical infrastructure, so Carlo naturally allowed domestic and foreign capital to participate, letting everyone share in the profits.

As long as the trams were popular, passenger fares would generate revenue. This revenue would flow back to the capitalist investors. The capitalists would make money, the public would enjoy convenient transportation, and the Spanish government would accelerate population mobility and economic growth in its cities. It was a triple-win deal.

For Spain, which had already captured Europe’s attention with Madrid’s “City that Never Sleeps,” attracting foreign capital to invest in trams became a simple matter.

On March 29, 1880, the Spanish government announced that a tram exhibition would be held in Madrid on April 16 to unveil to domestic and foreign media another major breakthrough for Spain in the field of electricity.

The reason for such great fanfare was not only to attract foreign capital to promote Spain’s tram development but also for Carlo to fleece other countries a bit before their own tram technology matured.

Although Siemens’ tram technology was currently immature, the first commercially viable tram in history was built in 1881.

This meant that if Spain didn’t act quickly, other countries would soon catch up with their own trams, leaving no profit to be made.

However, this tram exhibition could draw more countries’ attention to Spain’s electrical technology. As long as they were interested in tram technology, Spain had various ways to trade it for other technologies or to secure funding from them.

Acquiring technology and funds from other countries to develop Spain’s own technology was an advantageous prospect no matter how one looked at it, and Carlo certainly wouldn’t let the opportunity slip by.

As expected, with the shining precedent of the “City that Never Sleeps,” the European media paid close attention to Spain’s planned exhibition.

There was over half a month between the announcement and the exhibition date, which was enough time for media from neighboring countries to travel to Spain to attend.

Perhaps the only ones who couldn’t make it were the Russian media from Eastern Europe. However, Russia’s economy was the weakest among the five great powers of Europe, so the attention of Russian capital was not particularly important to Spain.

The “City that Never Sleeps” hadn’t attracted much attention from the Russian media before, let alone this tram exhibition.

Spain only needed to capture the attention of capital from the four great powers—Britain, France, Germany, and Austria-Hungary—to bring in enough funds to build its own rail transit system.

Time flew, and soon it was April 16, the day of the exhibition.

It wasn’t just domestic and foreign media who were attracted; many interested members of the public also attended. Most of them were Madrid residents, but many Spaniards had also traveled from surrounding regions.

Of course, there was also a considerable number of interested Portuguese. Since the two countries’ railways had been connected, the flow of people had become slightly more frequent.

Although a significant portion of them were Portuguese who were simply curious about Spain, many were genuinely considering immigrating.

It was only because Portugal did not place much importance on its population size, combined with Spain’s own formidable strength, that the Portuguese government did not dare to utter a word of complaint.

The exhibition featured not only the latest tram but also Spain’s high-power generators, high-power electric motors, and samples of various light bulbs.

To ensure the exhibition went smoothly, a one-kilometer-long circular track was built on-site for the purpose of testing the tram’s speed and stability.

Under the watchful eyes of the public and the media, the tram operated steadily at a speed of about twenty-two kilometers per hour without any issues, earning praise from the foreign press and exciting the Spanish public.

Besides the tram, which drew a lot of attention, the previously unannounced high-power generators and electric motors also captured the interest of many media outlets.

They eagerly photographed and documented these new electrical devices and products. Some newspaper companies were already drafting their latest articles, aiming to be the first to break the story and claim the headlines.

Spain held the patent for the carbon filament light bulb. In fact, in addition to the carbon filament bulb, Spain had also applied for patents on some longer-lasting metal filament light bulbs.

Although patent rights offered little protection in this era, it was enough to prove that Spain was the inventor of the relevant light bulb technology.

Most countries would not respect such patents. The United States, for example, separated from Europe by the Atlantic Ocean, had many companies that copied European patents without fear of retribution from foreign companies thousands of miles away.

Even if a European company discovered its patent was being infringed upon, there was nothing it could do. Filing a transnational patent infringement lawsuit would not only take a great deal of time but could also ultimately end in defeat.

One should not underestimate the power of American capital. It was extremely difficult to sue the more influential capitalists. Even if a case could be won, it would be dragged out for so long that the company’s interests would suffer.

After the “City that Never Sleeps,” Spain once again became a nation in the spotlight, and Madrid repeatedly graced the front-page headlines of newspapers across various countries.

Spain’s own newspaper companies excitedly hailed their country as the strongest power in the field of electricity. Some tabloids, for the sake of sensationalism, brazenly declared that Spain would lead the electrical age and create a history even more glorious than that of the empire on which the sun never set.

Carlo did not stop the press from this adulation. It was necessary to appropriately boost national pride; it would make Spaniards more enthusiastic about serving their country.

Of course, excessive praise was unnecessary. When the Spanish people discovered that such flattery was ultimately empty talk, they would not only become disappointed in Spain’s future but also in the government and the royal family.

To avoid such a scenario, Carlo specifically instructed the Publicity Department to closely monitor the news reports of domestic newspaper companies and prevent excessive hype.

Praising one’s country was acceptable, but boundless adulation was not. Carlo believed that Spain could maintain its position at the forefront of the world in electricity, but to claim that it would completely surpass all other nations and create an even greater history was simply boasting without a second thought.

Chapter 261: Win-Win Cooperation

Carlo’s plan to hold a tram exhibition was a resounding success, a fact evident from the grand spectacle on the day of the event and the headline news in various countries’ newspapers the following day.

The tram not only captured the attention of the European public and media but also that of European capitalists and various national governments.

Before the exhibition had even concluded, the German government had already contacted the Spanish government, hoping to acquire Spain’s tram technology through an exchange of technical data, just as they had done with the electrical technology before.

Although Germany’s Siemens company was the inventor of the tram, the technology Spain currently showcased demonstrated that it had already surpassed Germany in this field.

This was hardly surprising. Spain held a leading position in high-power generators and electric motors. A tram equipped with a powerful electric motor would naturally outperform Germany’s in terms of speed and passenger and cargo capacity.

Electrical technology was, after all, a brand-new field. Germany respected Spain’s achievements in this area and hoped to synchronize with these accomplishments through a technology exchange rather than slowly conducting its own research.

Germany, from top to bottom, saw the potential of electrical technology and was not about to remain indifferent to this new innovation.

It is no exaggeration to say that, at this time, Germany was the country in Europe that valued electrical technology the most, aside from Spain itself. Germany’s emphasis on it far surpassed that of Britain and France, which was also the reason they would ultimately achieve great success in the Second Industrial Revolution.

The Spanish government naturally accepted the German government’s request for another collaboration.

Even if Spain did not disclose its current tram technology, Germany was bound to master a comparable level of technology within the next few years.

It was far better to trade this technology for some technology and capital from Germany and other European nations while it was still valuable, which would in turn boost the development of Spain’s own electrical technology.

If they were to hide it away, great powers like Britain, France, and Germany would undoubtedly develop similar technology within a few years anyway.

After all, the existing tram technology was not particularly advanced, and Spain was not yet capable of imposing a technological blockade on other countries.

As with the previous electrical technology, various governments were quite interested in the tram.

Following the German government, Britain and France successively expressed their desire to import tram technology, followed by the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy.

Carlo couldn’t have been more welcoming of the various nations’ requests for cooperation. Whether it was an exchange of technical data or a direct purchase with funds, Spain would be the ultimate beneficiary.

While the Spanish government began negotiating the specifics of cooperation with various countries, it also released its intention to partner with capital to establish tram transportation systems in major cities.

Cooperating with foreign governments was only the first step. Partnering with foreign capital was the key to accelerating the construction of Spain’s tram network.

In an era without subways or buses, the tram was the best mode of transport for urban residents. The trams in Madrid and Barcelona could connect directly to the industrial zones in the suburbs, which would also promote economic exchange between the urban centers and the industrial areas.

Workers from the industrial zones could travel to the city for leisure and consumption in their spare time. What better way to stimulate economic growth?

The tram of this era effectively served the role of the subway in the large cities of later generations. Although its capacity was much smaller than a subway’s, for a country like Spain without any megacities, the tram’s capacity was more than sufficient, and its impact would be quite significant.

Because news of the tram had already made headlines in various countries, when Spain announced its desire to cooperate with capital to build the tram network, it immediately attracted the attention of both domestic and foreign capital.

Besides the government and capitalists, the electric company would also be involved in the construction of the trams. This led these capitalists to contact Gramme’s electric company right away, all hoping to be the first to reach a cooperation agreement with the Spanish government.

Although Carlo’s plan was to popularize trams in all Spanish cities with a population of over one hundred thousand, this could not be accomplished in a short period.

The current priority was still to build tram systems in Madrid and Barcelona. Only these two cities, with their numerous power stations, were qualified to construct such systems.

If trams could link the urban centers and industrial zones of these two cities, the improvement for both would be enormous.

Of course, in addition to the economic boost, the improvement of public support was also a key consideration.

Unlike the relatively costly electric lighting, the tram system was intended for all residents of Madrid and Barcelona.

This meant that the cost of riding the tram would certainly not be too high; at the very least, it had to be within a range the public could afford.

Imagine, when a city has convenient and cheap public transportation, won’t its people spontaneously feel grateful for the government’s efforts?

The answer was a definitive yes. And as the people thanked the government, they would naturally also thank Carlo, the nation’s ruler.

Building trams could not only promote Spain’s economic development but also effectively boost public support. Why wouldn’t Carlo be happy to do it?

Although tram systems only needed to be built in Madrid and Barcelona, the scale of both cities meant that the required investment would still be substantial.

According to the joint plan of the Spanish government and the two municipal governments, Madrid would build at least six tram lines. Four of these lines would be within the city of Madrid, covering its core urban area.

Of the remaining two lines, one would directly connect to the industrial zone on the outskirts of Madrid, which housed the vast majority of factories and other enterprises in the Madrid area.

The last tram line would connect the Madrid university town, the Royal Academy of Sciences, and the large experimental area, a line specially prepared for university students and scientific researchers.

Carlo had also reviewed Madrid’s tram line plan and felt that, overall, it could meet the city’s public transport needs.

As for the citizens who did not live along the lines, they would just have to make do and walk a certain distance to catch a tram.

Once the tram tracks were completed, the tram operating company would arrange the number of trams according to specific demand.

Lines with higher passenger volumes would have more trams dispatched, and vice versa. Although the tram was a form of public transport, it still needed to earn the money it was supposed to earn.

Only by letting these capitalists earn their due profits would they be satisfied and enthusiastic about investing in Spain’s next urban construction project.

If the first collaboration were to fail, these capitalists would be far less optimistic about investing in Spain’s development in the future.

In a situation where Spain lacked domestic capital, cooperating with these foreign capitalists was essential. A nation’s development cannot be a solo effort; appropriately introducing foreign capital would only bring benefits to Spain’s development, with no drawbacks.

Compared to Madrid, which required the construction of six tram lines, Barcelona would only have four.

Three of these would be tram lines within the city of Barcelona, while one longer line would connect to the industrial zone on the city’s outskirts.

The main reason Barcelona had two fewer lines than Madrid was that it did not have as dense a university town, and since it was not Spain’s capital, the level of government support would be somewhat lower.

However, Barcelona’s tram line connecting to its industrial zone would be longer, passing through and circling more than half of the Barcelona Industrial Zone.

If Madrid had the most tram lines, then Barcelona would have the longest total track mileage. After all, as Spain’s largest industrial zone, it certainly deserved the attention.

To build and operate the tram systems in the two cities, Spain would establish the Madrid Tram Company and the Barcelona Tram Company.

The Madrid Tram Company would have a total investment of over 62 million pesetas. The Spanish government would invest 10 million pesetas, the Spanish royal family would invest 5 million pesetas, the Madrid municipal government would invest 7 million pesetas, and the Spanish National Power Company would contribute technology as shares equivalent to 15 million pesetas. The remaining 25 million pesetas of investment would be opened to public bidding, inviting both domestic and foreign capital to participate.

The Barcelona Tram Company’s investment would exceed 75 million pesetas. The Spanish government would likewise invest 10 million pesetas, the royal family another 5 million, the Barcelona municipal government would invest 10 million pesetas, and the electric company would also contribute technology as shares worth 15 million pesetas.

The remaining 35 million pesetas in investment would also need to be covered by domestic and foreign capital. This was done to reduce the government’s fiscal expenditure.

The total investment for the tram lines in the two cities amounted to 137 million pesetas, which was no small sum.

The investment accessible to capitalists was as high as 60 million pesetas, approaching half of the total investment.

If the Spanish government were to rely solely on its own efforts, it could still come up with the 60 million pesetas, but it would clearly affect development in other areas.

The Spanish government’s total fiscal revenue last year was only 932.5 million pesetas, with a pitiful fiscal surplus of just 9.7 million pesetas.

For the Spanish government, every bit of money had to be carefully calculated to ensure that all aspects of development could be attended to, rather than focusing on just one or a few areas.

After all, the Spanish government still had many foreign debts to repay, and savings had to be made where necessary.

As long as the construction of the trams was successful and they became profitable, the initial cooperation between the Spanish government and foreign capital would conclude on a positive note.

This way, when future cooperation with these foreign capitalists was needed, they would not have the slightest hesitation, and the capital力量 Spain could mobilize would be even greater.

Although the royal family’s combined investment in the tram technology of the two cities was only 10 million pesetas, the shares it actually controlled were more than that.

The vast majority of shares in the Spanish National Power Company were controlled by the royal family, and the electric company had obtained an investment share equivalent to 30 million pesetas by contributing technology as shares.

In other words, the royal family’s direct and indirect investment in the tram construction reached 40 million pesetas, accounting for about one-third of the total investment.

Coupled with the investments from the Spanish government and the two municipal governments, this would ensure that Spanish official bodies had a sufficient say in the tram business.

This was also why Carlo was confident in bringing in foreign capital. As long as the combined Spanish investment formed the majority, there was no need to worry about foreign capital gaining the upper hand in decision-making power.

To encourage scientific research in Spain, Carlo even planned to create relevant awards to recognize and reward these researchers.

Such awards, of course, would not be the Nobel Prize of later generations, but rather encouraging medals for scientific research.

Since the goal was simply to encourage scientific innovation, the selection process for the awards would not be overly strict. As long as one had an idea for scientific innovation and had already achieved certain results in the corresponding research, one could apply to the award’s review committee to receive it.

Of course, an award was still an award, and the selection would certainly not be too simple, to prevent such awards from becoming commonplace and ultimately disregarded.

According to Carlo’s plan, awards like the Scientific Innovation Award and the Technological Contribution Award would be selected only once a year, and the total number of recipients for all awards combined would not exceed ten individuals or teams.

Because the purpose was to encourage scientific innovation, the rewards would not just be simple monetary funds but would also include free use of research facilities, exemption from utility fees for research, and other forms of assistance.

If needed, award winners could also apply for tax exemptions for their research projects, reducing the R&D funds required through tax relief.

This was especially true for private research teams, where everything from researchers’ salaries to other expenses was generally subject to taxation.

If this portion of taxes could be exempted, it would save a substantial amount of money for such private research groups.

And throughout Europe, what private research groups lacked most was R&D funds. The effect of this measure was also clear: it would allow these small-scale research groups to have more funds, ensuring that their research funding could be put to practical use.

These were small-scale awards, and the difficulty of obtaining them was generally not high. Moreover, the selection would only take place within Spain, as Carlo’s goal was to encourage technological innovation within Spain, not worldwide.

Of course, where there were small awards, there would also be major awards.

The major awards would certainly be similar to the Nobel Prize of later generations. The application requirements would be extremely strict, and there would be a very rigorous review process.

If the smaller awards only offered financial rewards and certain support policies, then the official major awards would offer much more.

In addition to more money and more powerful support policies, winners of the major awards could even be granted a noble title, ascending to the ranks of the Spanish nobility in a single step.

Of course, the major awards would not only be for scientific researchers but would be open to experts in various fields, selecting the most capable and accomplished scientists from all of Spain, and even all of Europe and the world.

The purpose of the small awards was to encourage technological innovation in Spain, while the purpose of the major awards was to attract top scientists and related research talent to the country.

Spain’s rewards for the winners of the major awards were extremely generous, precisely to entice these individuals to stay in Spain.

Of course, it would be even better if the award winner was a Spaniard. In any case, regardless of nationality, the award winner would receive substantial funds, supportive policies, and a series of other rewards.

But to receive the honor of a Spanish noble title, one would have to acquire Spanish citizenship. It was believed that the attraction of a noble title was sufficient; becoming a Spanish nobleman through scientific research could be a powerful means of attracting foreign scientists.

Chapter 262: Colonial Exchange (Part 1)

Between 1869 and 1880, the status of the Cuban colony underwent a monumental transformation.

During the Bourbon dynasty, Cuba was Spain’s most important colony and one of the main sources of its fiscal revenue.

At that time, mainland Spain was not well-developed. Although it had some industry and economic scale, most of the tax revenue was intercepted by the nobility and lower levels of government.

A large number of peasants were tied to the nobles’ land, and the nobles directly collected land rent and agricultural tax from them. The Church would then add a one-tenth Tithe on top of that.

The consequences of this were not only that the Spanish government could not obtain sufficient fiscal revenue, but also that the Spanish people were crushed under the weight of several mountains, living in deplorable conditions with abysmally low living standards.

After Prime Minister Primo’s reforms and two Five-Year Plans, the situation in mainland Spain improved dramatically, and the fiscal revenue from the Cuban colony became less important.

Some time had passed since the last proposal to trade the Cuban colony. Judging by the current reactions of government officials and parliament, this was not an impossible task.

As long as the Cuban colony could be exchanged for some reasonably valuable land, or land with strategic value, public sentiment could be appeased.

As for the opinions of government officials and Senators, they could be ignored in certain circumstances. After all, when Prime Minister Canovas and King Carlo were in complete agreement, other officials and Senators were not qualified to hold differing opinions.

With the popularization of electricity and the construction of trams, the Second Industrial Revolution was also in full swing. The comprehensive national strength of emerging great powers, led by Germany and the United States, would rise rapidly during the Second Industrial Revolution, and America’s ambitions for Cuba would continue to grow.

Although Spain’s comprehensive national strength was also constantly increasing, in the final analysis, its potential was no match for a country like the United States, with an area of several million square kilometers and a population of tens of millions.

Carlo was not afraid of the Americans coveting Cuba, but as the saying goes, one can be a thief for a thousand days, but one cannot guard against a thief for a thousand days. When it came to a hot potato like Cuba, it was best to let go when the time was right.

More importantly, this was still the early phase of the European great powers’ scramble for Africa, and the value of many high-value colonies around the world had not yet been discovered.

If the Cuban colony could be traded at this time, Spain had a chance to acquire some important colonies in Africa, as well as parts of the Middle East.

Africa was relatively close to mainland Spain. Some colonies there could potentially connect with Spain’s existing colony of Southern Morocco, Congo Territory, and Guinea colony, making it a decent choice for Spain.

And it went without saying for the lands of the Middle East. As the most petroleum-rich region in the world, securing a piece of land there would mean Spain would have no worries about petroleum in the future.

Petroleum was the most important strategic resource for the next one hundred, or even two hundred years. The more petroleum Spain controlled, the more initiative it would have in the future international landscape.

Of course, Spain also needed sufficient military strength to defend these oil-rich lands. After all, a famous saying from a later era was that petroleum breeds the US military.

If a small country discovered an oil field, it was often not a good thing. Not only would the oil field be seized by a major power, but even its own domestic affairs would be interfered with by other great powers.

If the Cuban colony were to be traded, then Carlo’s targets would only be Africa and the Middle East.

There were not many countries with colonies in Africa and the Middle East. The only ones that could make a deal with Spain were, in fact, the two colonial powers of Britain and France, plus the already declining colonial empire of Portugal.

Although Britain had vast colonies in Africa, the British would never let go of important colonial regions like the Cape Colony.

While the Cuban colony had some economic value, it was clearly not worth that much to the British. If they were to exchange colonies with the British, the available areas would be mainly concentrated in West Africa, including the British Gambia Colony, British Sierra Leone Colony, and the British Gold Coast.

Of course, the British could offer more than just these small colonies; there was also the Middle East, which held equally high economic value.

The Middle East was theoretically still in the hands of the Ottoman Empire, but British infiltration into the region was already taking shape.

As early as 1861, Britain had signed a treaty with Bahrain in the Middle East, making Bahrain a British protectorate.

With Bahrain as a staging post, Britain could exert greater influence over the Middle East and hoped to completely take over the Ottoman Empire’s sphere of influence in the region after its complete decline.

No country in the Middle East could compete with Britain for colonies, as the region was not far from Britain’s core colony, India.

The three powers with the strength to compete with Britain—France, Germany, and Russia—were clearly out of their depth; their reach did not extend here.

Considering the potential gains from the Middle East, an exchange with the British was clearly the most advantageous. The British could offer better terms, which could even include mining rights in Australia.

Australia possessed extremely rich mineral resources, including coal, iron, and other metal ores essential for industry.

Although Spain had its own coal and iron mines, their overall scale was not large enough to support an industrial powerhouse with massive output.

This was also why Carlo wanted to continuously expand Spain’s colonies, because the current scale and potential of mainland Spain were not enough to compete with super-great powers like Britain, France, and Germany.

The scale of colonies France could exchange with Spain was similar to that of Portugal, and the probability of France giving up its West African colonies was extremely low, making it almost impossible for them to cooperate with Spain.

This essentially meant that Spain had only two choices: either cooperate with the British to acquire lands in West Africa and the Middle East, or cooperate with the Portuguese to acquire the Kingdom of Kongo, which was under their control.

Although the Kingdom of Kongo could be connected to Spain’s Congo Territory, its actual value was certainly not as high as the combined value of Britain’s West African colonies and Middle Eastern lands.

Moreover, Portugal’s comprehensive strength was weaker, which might prompt the United States to launch a war for the Cuban colony sooner.

If the United States were allowed to rise too early, it would be even more difficult to deal with this problem in the future. It would be better to cooperate with the British, let them have Cuba, and force the United States to consider whether it had the backbone to challenge the British Empire.

Without the Cuban colony, it would be much harder for the United States to rise. Carlo was not afraid of the Americans targeting the Philippines. Although the Philippines was thousands of miles away from mainland Spain, it was also not close to the US mainland.

The Philippine colony was about 11,000 kilometers from the west coast of the United States, and Kalimantan Island was also only about 11,000 kilometers from the east coast of Spain.

This was not like Cuba, which was right on America’s doorstep. If the United States wanted to cross the ocean to invade the Philippine colony, Carlo wouldn’t mind letting the Americans experience the changes Spain had undergone since the Industrial Revolution.

In any case, the United States was still an easy target for now and posed no major threat to the European great powers. It would not be so easy to treat it as an easy target until after World War I, when it had reaped certain benefits.

Taking all factors into account, Carlo was more willing to cooperate with the British to complete the colonial exchange.

From the history of British colonial development, it was also clear that the main purpose of British expansion in Africa was to connect their colonies in Egypt and South Africa.

The British did eventually succeed in connecting their northern and southern African colonies. This vast colonial territory did not include West Africa, which meant that in the eyes of the British, their colonies in West Africa were not that important.

Although it was highly likely that Spain could acquire Britain’s colonies in West Africa, this did not mean there were no disadvantages.

Currently, there were three major powers colonizing West Africa: Britain, France, and Spain.

If Spain took over all of Britain’s West African colonies, it would mean that only France and Spain would be left to compete for colonies in the region.

A three-way standoff might be relatively stable, but when two nations compete, one is bound to be hurt. For Spain to complete the integration of its West African colonies, it would have to face the pressure from the French head-on.

Historically, Britain did connect its colonies from Egypt to South Africa, but the French were not without their achievements.

France acquired vast colonies in West and North Africa. Although much of this land was desert, the total area of the colonies and the amount of mineral resources were second only to what Britain obtained, enough to claim the second spot among the great powers.

One must remember that during World War I, the German Empire, esteemed as the second most powerful nation in the world, only managed to secure a small, worthless colony in the scramble for Africa.

This was proof enough of how intense the colonization of Africa was. The slightest misstep could lead to a colonial war between Spain and France.

The good news was that as long as the League of the Three Emperors had not collapsed, France would not dare to have a falling out with Spain.

If Spain were forced to lean towards the League of the Three Emperors, France would face a complete continental blockade by Europe.

So, how long until the League of the Three Emperors collapsed? Historically, it fell apart in 1887, but things might be different in this world.

The Russo-Turkish War severely damaged relations between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia, and the post-war peace negotiations greatly soured relations between Germany and Russia.

With the signing of the alliance between Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russia became the outsider in the League of the Three Emperors.

The French, of course, also saw the possibility of the League’s collapse. The French government was constantly trying to win over Russia in an attempt to form a Franco-Russian alliance to counter the German-Austrian Alliance.

However, the current Russian government had clearly not made up its mind. On one hand, they were in contact with French capital, while on the other, they had not broken their treaties with Germany and Austria-Hungary. This meant that the so-called League of the Three Emperors still existed, and peace was maintained in Europe.

Now that the decision had been made to exchange colonies with the British, the next step, naturally, was to orchestrate the public opinion before the exchange.

Spain couldn’t just approach the British government directly to discuss a colonial swap; this would certainly arouse the British government’s wariness and suspicion.

To exchange colonies, there had to be a seemingly reasonable justification. This would not only allow the British to negotiate with the Spanish government with peace of mind but also appease the Spanish public, ensuring that the loss of the Cuban colony would not cause public outrage.

The best reason for the Spanish government to abandon the Cuban colony was that constant rebellions there were overwhelming the government, forcing it to voluntarily give up.

While this was a good reason, it was necessary to maintain a certain degree when spreading the news.

Spain was already giving up the Cuban colony voluntarily. If the news spread was too severe, it would inevitably lead to the British government hiking up the price, resulting in Spain gaining less.

To ensure the smooth exchange of the colony, Carlo personally convened a Cabinet meeting, demanding close cooperation between the diplomatic service and the colonial affairs department to push forward the exchange of the Cuban colony.

Of course, before exchanging the Cuban colony, Spain had to do its best to absorb the pro-Spanish population from there.

Although most people in the Cuban colony wanted independence, there was still a small number of Spanish immigrants willing to remain under Spanish rule.

Under Spanish rule, Cuba’s security could still be guaranteed. But if it became independent, Cuba, with a population of just over one million, would have no power to resist other great powers.

Spanish colonial rule was indeed cruel, but that did not mean the colonial rule of other European countries was benevolent.

If Cuba’s complete independence could not be guaranteed, a considerable number of immigrants of Spanish descent would rather remain in Spain’s embrace. At least within Spain’s colonial system, they could become first-class citizens, and their interests would be sufficiently protected.

Although they were all European immigrants, immigrants from different countries received different treatment in different places.

Take the United States for example. In peacetime, immigrants from Britain, Germany, France, Russia, or Italy were all white and would naturally be treated as equals.

But in wartime, immigrants from countries at war with the United States would face a certain degree of discrimination and targeting within the country.

German immigrants who came to the United States during World War I and World War II received such treatment; their situation could be considered miserable compared to other white immigrants.

Of course, no matter the era, the treatment of white people was always better than that of people of other races.

Part of the reason some white people chose to immigrate abroad was precisely because they could enjoy the treatment of high-class citizens in foreign countries. This era was extremely cruel for Black people, and the laws of various colonies and immigrant nations basically did not protect their interests.

Even Black slaves who had obtained the status of freemen still had their interests unprotected.

This could be seen even from later eras. Even in the 21st century, white police officers could still shoot Black people with impunity.

As long as the event did not escalate into a media frenzy, not only would the white police officer not receive any punishment, but they might even get a few days of paid leave.

It was a completely different story for Black police officers. If an incident of a Black officer shooting a white person broke out, it would quickly evolve into a political event that swept across the United States.

If it was like this in later eras, it was even more so in this chaotic time. In 1880s America, it was common for white people to kill Black people, especially for those in powerful white families, who would not be punished for killing a few Black people.

As for a Black person killing a white person in retaliation, that was absolutely impossible. Because at this time in the United States, the government, from top to bottom, practiced a policy of racial segregation.

Black people could only live in remote rural areas and chaotic slums; their presence was rarely seen in prosperous cities.

Even if one could see Black people in bustling New York, they were definitely from the lowest social strata. Compared to the highest-status individuals within the Black community, slaves who slaved away for white people were actually more likely to enter the big cities.

With Senators, capitalists, and government officials in the United States being almost exclusively white, the treatment and situation of Black Americans were imaginable.

When Carlo and Prime Minister Canovas finalized the policy to exchange the Cuban colony, not a single cabinet official stood up to oppose it.

They were not fools; they knew who had bestowed upon them the power they held. If such a proposal had been brought up by a cabinet member, that would be one thing, as it would at least prove they were qualified to refute and debate it.

But this proposal came directly from the Prime Minister and the king. Even if the rest of the cabinet did not support the idea, they could not prevent it from happening.

What’s more, during the last discussion, the Spanish Cabinet government had already maintained a rather ambiguous attitude towards exchanging the Cuban colony.

There were indeed cabinet members who were clearly opposed, but not many. Most cabinet ministers maintained a noncommittal stance; as long as they were not responsible for the matter, they did not mind going with the flow and echoing the decisions of the Prime Minister and the king.

After the Spanish government made its decision, various propaganda agencies swung into action.

First, the Cuban government needed to allow some of Spain’s opponents to plan resistance activities.

Of course, such resistance activities needed to be kept within a certain scale, at least not to the point of affecting the Cuban colony.

If a large-scale rebellion were to break out in Cuba during this period, even if the colony could be successfully exchanged in the end, the value of the Cuban colony would surely be greatly diminished.

Chapter 263: Colonial Exchange (Part 2)

Between 1878 and 1880, the British Empire was undoubtedly the busiest country in the world.

Britain first intervened in the Russo-Turkish War with a powerful stance, ensuring the security of Constantinople and the stability of the strait.

Subsequently, Britain launched the Anglo-Afghan War and the Zulu War, continuously expanding its colonial territory and reaping considerable gains.

However, the incessant wars put a strain on Britain’s finances, forcing the government to raise the income tax on the capitalist class.

This move instantly cost the British government the support of the capitalists. The once immensely popular Prime Minister, Disraeli, was also condemned for his aggressive foreign policy and ultimately lost the new cabinet election.

In mid-1880, former Prime Minister Gladstone, who had styled himself as a fervent protector of small nations and seized every opportunity to criticize and oppose Prime Minister Disraeli, finally saw his chance. He won a landslide victory in the general election and ascended to the premiership once more.

During the election, Gladstone had provocatively asked, “Do you approve or condemn Disraeli’s policy of aggression?” This question won his Liberal Party a vast number of votes.

By opposing the policy of aggression, Gladstone was hailed by the British public as a hero standing against Disraeli’s conservative and aggressive government, even earning the laudatory title “Friend of the Balkan Slavs.”

After taking office as Prime Minister of Britain, Gladstone knew he could not continue the wars initiated by Disraeli’s government.

These wars had not only plunged the British government into a fiscal deficit but had also stirred up strong anti-war sentiment among the British populace.

Ending the wars promptly was a slogan Gladstone had campaigned on, and he could not go back on his word now that he was Prime Minister.

Under the new Prime Minister Gladstone’s orders, Britain quickly concluded the Anglo-Afghan War and announced that the British Empire would usher in a long-awaited period of peace.

Peace was one thing, but Gladstone’s ambition was no less than Disraeli’s. Since expanding the colonies through warfare was no longer an option, the British Empire’s objective simply had to shift from invasion to colonization. In the end, the outcome would be the same.

In mid-August 1880, as news of the Cuban colony fermented, the British government took notice of the situation in the Spanish colonies.

Britain had, in fact, always kept a close watch on Spain. Even during Spain’s weakest period, the British government had never lessened its attention.

The reason, naturally, was Spain’s extremely important geographical location. It was the only sea outlet in the western Mediterranean and a vital crossroads connecting Europe and Africa.

Spain’s geographical position was similar to that of the Ottoman Empire; both were connection points between Europe and Africa and possessed sea outlets on both sides of the Mediterranean.

Through clever maneuvering, Britain had acquired a majority stake in the Suez Canal, giving it effective control over this crucial waterway.

But Britain was not without its opponents. Many European nations, including France, needed to pass through the Suez Canal to reach their various colonies.

It was only because France was still in a state of isolation that it hadn’t already voiced its objections regarding the Suez Canal.

This was also why Britain had remained idle while France was being isolated by the League of the Three Emperors, composed of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia. The Anglo-French rivalry was still quite intense, and the enmity between Britain and France was no less than that between Germany and France.

If it were just a simple colonial rebellion, the British government would not have paid it undue attention. However, reported alongside the news of the Cuban rebellion was a rumor that the Spanish government might be forced to abandon the colony.

Though just a rumor, it had a certain logic to it upon careful consideration.

Even a power as mighty as the British Empire could one day be brought down by war. Although the Anglo-Afghan War and the Zulu War were small-scale conflicts, they still caused a serious fiscal deficit for the British Empire, ultimately forcing it to raise the income tax for businesses, which thoroughly offended the capitalist class.

The difficulty for Spain in suppressing the rebellion in Cuba was lower, but the problem was the vast distance separating Cuba from the Spanish mainland.

Perhaps the military expenditure Spain needed to suppress the Cuban colony was far less than what Britain spent on its wars, but one must not forget that the comprehensive national strength and economic scale of Spain and Britain were not proportional.

Military spending that could cripple Spain might be insignificant to the British Empire. Conversely, military spending that could cripple the British Empire would likely cause Spain to go bankrupt or trigger a severe economic crisis.

“Gentlemen, let’s hear your thoughts. The Spaniards might give up the Cuban colony. What should our attitude be in this matter?” The new Prime Minister Gladstone’s sharp eyes scanned his cabinet ministers as he posed the first question of this Cabinet meeting.

Gladstone was the leader of the Liberal Party, and the Liberal government he formed was one that completely favored the capitalist class.

To win the support of the capitalists, Gladstone had announced on his first day as Prime Minister the repeal of former Prime Minister Disraeli’s decree, canceling the additional income tax levied on capitalists.

While this action cost the British government a significant amount of revenue, it did indeed win the favor of the capitalists. They returned the favor by launching a media offensive, which quickly helped Gladstone gain the support of a large number of citizens and workers.

Since it was a government formed by the Liberal Party, its primary concern was naturally interests related to capital.

Spain’s colonies were not particularly special, but Cuba, as the world’s largest producer of sugar, had one of the highest economic values among all colonies worldwide.

The income from the sugar cane industry alone was a considerable sum, not to mention Cuba’s important geographical location. To the north, it could contain the United States; to the south, it could restrain South America. In the age of American colonization, it was a place of vital strategic importance.

“Mr. Prime Minister, this might be an opportunity for us.” As a loyalist of Prime Minister Gladstone, the British Foreign Secretary was the first to stand up and present his view: ”

If Spain is unwilling to give up Cuba, then so be it. But if they are willing, I believe it is essential for us to acquire this colony.

Cuba is the world’s largest producer of cane sugar. The sugar it produces not only sells well in the Americas but is also shipped in large quantities to Europe for sale each year.

If we can control the Cuban colony, we can control the sugar trade in the Americas, earning significant revenue through it to compensate for the fiscal revenue we lost after repealing the additional income tax law.

Furthermore, Cuba’s strategic position is also very important. Cuba can connect with our colonies in the Bahamas and Jamaica, allowing us to blockade the Gulf of Mexico if necessary to curb American expansion.

If the United States were to acquire this land, it would be difficult for us to prevent its southward expansion. Although the United States does not currently pose a significant threat, there are no other nations of a similar caliber in the Americas that can threaten its security.

If we do not contain America’s expansion, in the coming decades or even a century, a superpower beyond our imagination could emerge on the American continent.”

Gladstone nodded but did not offer his own opinion, instead turning his gaze to the other cabinet ministers.

A few seconds later, another cabinet minister stood up and expressed a completely opposing view: “Mr. Foreign Secretary, I am in complete disagreement with your viewpoint.

First, whether the Spaniards will abandon the Cuban colony is a question worth considering.

Given the income and importance generated by the Cuban colony, I believe it is highly unlikely that the Spaniards will give up this land.

Even if they were willing to give up the Cuban colony, what price would we have to pay to acquire it?

Other than India, Canada, Australia, and South Africa, we have no colony that can match the economic value of the Cuban colony.

The importance of the Straits Settlements is comparable to the Cuban colony, but are we really willing to give up the entire Straits Settlements for one Cuba?

To make the Spaniards agree to give up the Cuban colony, we must pay an equivalent price. Such an exchange may not be beneficial for us. It would be better to wait and see the attitude of other countries for now, especially since the Spanish government has not made any related statements.”

Although the British Empire was the most powerful colonial empire in the world, it did not have many large colonies.

Of course, the main reason for this was that the British Empire’s major colonies were simply too vast. Canada, India, and Australia were lands spanning millions or even tens of millions of square kilometers, and the Indian colony had a population of hundreds of millions.

These colonies could certainly not be exchanged with Spain. Let alone a small Cuba, even the Spanish mainland itself was, for the British Empire, far less valuable than the gains from India.

Besides the three large colonies of Canada, India, and Australia, the only other notable colonies Britain could offer were the Cape Colony and the Straits Settlements.

The Cape Colony was located at the southern tip of Africa, in what would later be known as South Africa. Britain could not possibly give up the Cape Colony, as it was not only crucial to Britain’s plan to connect its African colonies but also integral to its deployment in the South African region.

The Straits Settlements were not as critical as South Africa, but due to their important geographical location, they also played a significant strategic role.

These colonies were not something the British Empire could easily part with, and the British were reluctant to do so even in exchange for the Cuban colony.

Aside from these large colonies and those with high strategic value, Britain’s remaining colonies were relatively small and not particularly valuable.

Examples of these colonies included the Bahamas near Cuba, Jamaica, Honduras, Guiana, and in Africa, the Gold Coast, Gambia, Sierra Leone, and so on.

These small colonies were countless. Some had populations of tens to hundreds of thousands, while others were merely archipelagos of one or several small islands with populations of a few thousand at most, or even just a few hundred.

To want to trade such small colonies for Spain’s Cuban colony was clearly wishful thinking.

Even the British government itself thought it was impossible, so how could the Spaniards possibly agree to such terms?

Hearing the completely different dissenting opinion, British Prime Minister Gladstone also nodded, his initial enthusiasm somewhat dampened.

To acquire the Cuban colony, one had to offer something of equal value, or at least not too far off.

Spain was, after all, one of the great powers. Britain’s usual method of seizing through force would not work on Spain.

It might be different if Spain were in a period of decline; offending the Spaniards wouldn’t matter much. But the current Spain was a country Britain did not want to offend. Spain had good diplomatic relations with both the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy, and France also relied on Spain to break Germany’s encirclement.

Under these circumstances, Spain had little reason to fear Britain’s threats. Britain’s gradual efforts to control the sea outlets on both sides of the Mediterranean had already aroused discontent among European nations. If it continued to act so unscrupulously, a day of reckoning would come sooner or later.

Although Britain was the world’s foremost power, its strength was clearly not great enough to confront all the European nations combined.

Especially with the British public tired of war, the question the British government needed to consider was how to acquire the Cuban colony in a peaceful manner.

Although the opposing view had its merits, the Foreign Secretary proposed a new idea: ”

It is true that we do not know Spain’s attitude, but their attitude can be manipulated by us.

If we add more fuel to the fire in the Cuban colony, no matter how unwilling Spain is to give up Cuba, they will have to consider the dangers of continuing to control it.

Gentlemen, at the end of the day, Spain’s industry and economy are still at the bottom among the great powers. A constantly rebellious Cuba is a quagmire that Spain can never escape. They must also consider the normal development of their country, mustn’t they?

Madrid’s ‘City that Never Sleeps’ and its trams may seem splendid, but they were born only after the Spanish royal family invested heavily in scientific research.

Our own government required substantial funds to build London’s ‘City that Never Sleeps’; the funds Spain invested in Madrid’s ‘City that Never Sleeps’ and trams would only be greater.

Under such circumstances, the Spaniards are certainly unwilling to invest too much in military expenditure, and they surely do not have much capital available for it.

If the Spaniards are unwilling to give up the Cuban colony, we can make the colony even more chaotic, forcing them to abandon it.

A Cuban colony that has already slipped from their control will surely decrease significantly in value. When the day comes that Spain can no longer suppress the Cuban rebellion, we can then discuss a colonial exchange with them, and the price we will have to pay will be much lower.

For us, this is an excellent opportunity that we absolutely cannot miss. If we can acquire a sizable colony through peaceful means, we can not only avoid public discontent but also enhance our own achievements, can we not?”

Chapter 264: Colonial Exchange (Part 2)

“Is there any news from the British?” Carlo asked with a smile, looking at the hastily arrived Prime Minister Canovas.

After releasing the relevant information through the newspaper companies, the Spanish government had been closely monitoring the British government’s movements.

The best outcome would be for the British to propose the exchange for the Cuban colony themselves. This would allow Spain to avoid a passive position and secure more benefits.

The worst outcome would be for the British to remain silent. Spain would then have to take the initiative and propose the exchange, but this would put them in a passive situation. The British would surely try to drive down the price. After all, the Cuban colony was quite valuable, and for the British to acquire it for an equivalent price, they would have to part with several of their own colonies.

“We have news, Your Majesty.” Prime Minister Canovas also wore a smile, clearly bearing good news. “The British Prime Minister, Gladstone, has already proposed an exchange involving the Cuban colony during a Cabinet meeting. It’s likely the British government will contact us soon.”

Carlo nodded, breathing a sigh of relief.

He had been the one pushing for the exchange of Cuba, but it was not without its risks. After all, there was no guarantee the British government would follow the plan Carlo had laid out.

The British government of this era was exceedingly greedy in its colonial expansion policies. They were, after all, the most powerful nation in the world, and no single country could stand in the way of the British Empire’s expansion on its own.

Although Russia posed a threat to Britain in Central and West Asia, it was only because Britain had not invested too much energy in those regions.

Britain’s colonies were spread across the globe, as were its plans for colonial expansion. Africa and Asia were obvious targets, but British footprints could be found in the Americas as well.

This demonstrated that Britain certainly harbored significant ambitions for Cuba. Historically, even if the United States had not seized it by force, Spain might not have been able to hold onto the territory.

Of course, the Spain of this world was undoubtedly stronger. Both Britain and the United States had already lost any opportunity to take Cuba by force.

But if they could acquire a large colony like Cuba through peaceful means, the British government would surely be more than willing.

This was the source of Carlo’s confidence. As long as the British were willing to trade for the Cuban colony, the Spanish government’s plan would not fail.

If the British had no ambitions for Cuba, Spain would have to either exchange it with another European nation or sell it directly to the United States.

Carlo was quite confident in the value of the Cuban colony.

Historically, during a period of extreme weakness for Spain, the United States had offered to purchase the Cuban colony for 150 million US dollars to avoid a war.

Before World War I, currency exchange rates were relatively stable. 150 million US dollars was equivalent to thirty million pounds, or 780 million pesetas—by no means a small sum.

Moreover, the global sugar market had undergone significant changes by then. With the powerful rise of the rubber industry, the value of colonies in Southeast Asia had become apparent, making the Cuban colony less crucial.

Even under those circumstances, the Cuban colony was worth at least 150 million US dollars. At this time, its value could easily be double that.

If it weren’t worth that much, the Spanish government would not have historically poured over 700 million pesetas in military expenditure into the Cuban war of independence.

Long before initiating the proposal for a colonial exchange, the Spanish government had internally discussed the value of the Cuban colony.

If they were to exchange colonies with the British, Spain’s conditions would be the British Gambia Colony, the British Sierra Leone Colony, and the British Gold Coast, in addition to Spain’s colonial rights over the Trucial States and the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman, partial mining rights in Western Australia, and cash to make up the difference in value.

It might seem like Spain was getting a lot—land, special clauses, and cash—but in reality, the combined value of these lands was not very high.

The three British colonies in West Africa were, needless to say, small, sparsely populated, and of low economic value.

Even if Spain acquired the Trucial States and Oman, these two territories were mostly desert and sparsely inhabited.

More importantly, these two territories were close to Britain’s Indian colony, so the British might be reluctant to cede them. Although the lands were not technically theirs, the British already considered this part of the Arabian Peninsula to be within their sphere of influence, destined to one day be incorporated into the British Empire.

As for the mining rights in Western Australia, they were of negligible value in compensating for Spain’s loss. Western Australia was too far from the Spanish mainland; it was completely unrealistic to rely on its minerals to supply Spain’s industrial development.

Spain’s domestic industrial growth would rely more on coal and iron ore from Africa, and of course, minerals from Brazil across the ocean.

Although Brazilian iron ore had a lower iron content than Australian ore, Brazil was still one of the top three countries in the world for iron ore reserves. And with the advantage of being closer to Spain, Brazil was a much more promising partner for Spain’s mineral imports.

Of course, another important reason was that Brazil was an independent nation and could choose its own trading partners.

Western Australia, on the other hand, was just a colony. Whether it eventually unified into Australia or remained a separate entity, it would be under the control of the British government.

Would the British government be willing to let Australia export vast quantities of coal and iron ore to Spain each year? Of course not.

For Britain, the stronger Spain’s industry became, the greater the threat it posed to Britain.

Britain did not want a super-great power on the level of Britain, France, or Germany to emerge on the Iberian Peninsula. This would not only disrupt Britain’s strategic plans for the western sea outlet of the Mediterranean but also affect the balance of power on the European continent.

After all, although the Iberian Peninsula where Spain was located was relatively closed off, it was still connected to the European continent. As long as it was connected, Spain could influence the European situation.

The situation in Europe was already quite chaotic. Britain did not want any country’s interference to make it even more chaotic, completely destroying its policy of regional balance.

Currently, the three most powerful countries in the world were Britain, France, and Germany. With Britain not actively involved in European affairs, the most intense confrontation on the continent was between France and Germany.

Meanwhile, in the Balkan Peninsula, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia occasionally sparked conflict. Fortunately, the friction between Britain and Russia was also significant, which helped to mask the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Russia.

Among these nations, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russia, and Germany maintained the League of the Three Emperors, while Russia was also inclined to be friendly with France. The European situation was exceedingly puzzling.

Spain, as the most powerful European nation outside of this group, had a marriage tie and an alliance treaty with the Austro-Hungarian Empire on one hand, and a not-so-bad relationship with France on the other, with cooperation between the two on various matters.

Under such circumstances, no one could predict the next move in European politics. The League of the Three Emperors might continue, or it might fracture due to conflict between Austria-Hungary and Russia.

The future of the League of the Three Emperors was directly related to the situation in Europe, because if it collapsed, France would certainly spare no effort to win over Russia and completely emerge from the shadow of its isolation.

This was a development the British wanted to see, as the current European situation was not in their favor.

Britain and France were old rivals, and the British were pleased to see France isolated by the combined great powers of Europe. The problem was, Britain also had a deep-seated enmity with Russia.

Relying on the League of the Three Emperors, Russia was on the verge of becoming a great power on par with Britain, France, and Germany. The Russo-Turkish War was a clear indication of Russian ambitions for territorial expansion.

Britain did not want the League of the Three Emperors to continue. Not only would it undermine the policy of regional balance that Britain had established, but it would also widen the gap between the already evenly matched Germany and France.

Unless Italy and Spain could swing towards France, creating a French-Italian-Spanish alliance in Europe to counter a German-Austro-Hungarian-Russian bloc.

Putting aside the power disparity between the two sides and whether these two military blocs could even be successfully formed, the threat a French-Italian-Spanish military alliance would pose to Britain was enough to make the British determined to prevent such a scenario.

France, Italy, and Spain, three great powers, all shared one thing in common: they were all Mediterranean coastal nations.

If France, Italy, and Spain were to form a military alliance, would Britain still have any decision-making power in the Mediterranean?

Britain was certainly powerful, and France in this era was by no means weak. Add to that a revitalized Spain and a rapidly rising Italy, and unless Britain had help from other great powers, it would have no choice but to give this military bloc a wide berth.

The current situation was clear. Through a simple exchange of colonies, Spain would not be able to acquire lands of equal value to the Cuban colony.

Fortunately, Carlo’s target was not Britain’s colonies in West Africa, but the lands in the Middle East.

Whether it was the Trucial States or Oman, as long as Spain could occupy a piece of land in the Middle East and establish a firm foothold, it had a chance to acquire a vast territory rich in oil fields in the future.

The good news was that there was still a long time before petroleum would be discovered in this region. Spain wouldn’t have to worry about the value of its occupied lands being exposed until after World War I.

After experiencing World War I, Spain’s strength would be even greater. By then, even if large-scale oil fields were discovered one after another in the Middle East, Spain would not have to worry about being unable to defend its territory.

And before the discovery of oil, the lands of the Middle East—apart from the relatively fertile Mesopotamian Plain where Iraq is located—were mostly desert and uninhabited areas, possessing no value for development.

This meant that Spain still had a chance to acquire land in the Middle East. Even if it couldn’t obtain both the Trucial States and Oman, acquiring either one would be enough to accomplish Carlo’s plan.

Now that the Spanish government had a clear understanding of the Cuban colony’s value, their negotiations with the British government would have a very clear objective.

These conditions were the Spanish government’s bottom line—the goals that must be achieved. On top of this, the diplomatic service would need to exert more effort; after all, whether it was land, funds, or other clauses, the more the better.

Just as Prime Minister Canovas had predicted, a few days later, the British government took the initiative to contact Spain, sounding out its attitude regarding the Cuban colony.

The reason the British government took the initiative was, naturally, another piece of news released from Cuba: that the rebellion was on the verge of being suppressed.

If Spain suppressed the rebellion once again, it would certainly not give up the Cuban colony so easily. The British could only seize this opportunity. If Spain was truly unwilling to part with Cuba, they would have to secretly cause even greater problems for the colony, forcing the Spanish government’s hand.

It was Prime Minister Canovas who met with the British ambassador. Upon hearing the probing from the British side, Prime Minister Canovas did not rush things. Instead, he expressed an unwillingness to give up the Cuban colony.

However, Prime Minister Canovas’s stance was not entirely firm; he left the British ambassador a sliver of an opening.

The British government did not grow overly suspicious. They had communicated with the British government beforehand, and the ambassador assumed that the Spanish side had already entertained the idea of giving up Cuba but was reluctant to admit it for fear of public backlash.

Since the Spanish side was already considering giving up the Cuban colony, the next step was simple: persuade the Spanish Prime Minister, Canovas, to agree, thereby initiating formal negotiations for a colonial exchange between the British and Spanish governments.

Spain was not like those small and medium-sized countries or native states. Because Spain had, through reforms, rejoined the ranks of the great powers, its strength had to be respected.

The British government had no intention of using threats to compel Spain to give up Cuba. This could backfire, making Spain more determined to defend the colony and severely damaging relations between the two countries.

Offending a great power right after taking office would not be good news for Gladstone. His proclaimed anti-war and anti-aggression policies would be completely overturned. After all, not even the previous Prime Minister, Disraeli, dared to easily stir up disputes with other great powers.

Prime Minister Canovas watched the British government’s step-by-step probing, delighted in his heart.

For Spain, the more proactive the British were in the matter of the colonial exchange, the more control Spain would have.

Although Spain was the party that wanted to make the exchange, under these circumstances, it was in no hurry.

After all, the situation in the Cuban colony was relatively stable. As long as no major problems erupted, its value would not depreciate.

In fact, as Cuba’s sugar industry developed and its population grew, the colony’s value would also increase.

If the British government was unwilling to pay a high price, they would certainly choose to conduct the colonial exchange quickly, during this period when the colony’s situation was chaotic due to the small-scale rebellion and its value was temporarily impaired.

The British ambassador probed step by step, and Prime Minister Canovas relented step by step. After all, Spain also wanted the colonial exchange to happen. If he held out for too long, what if the British government gave up?

With both sides cooperating willingly, the Spanish and British governments reached an agreement. The British Prime Minister, Gladstone, and a number of government officials would pay a diplomatic visit to Spain in early September. The two sides would conduct negotiations regarding the colonial exchange during their meeting.

Of course, they agreed that no news would be released before the final negotiations were concluded, to prevent any external factors from disrupting the talks.

After formally reaching this agreement with the British government, Prime Minister Canovas and Carlo could finally breathe a sigh of relief.

All that remained was to wait for the formal negotiations with the British government to achieve the goal of the colonial exchange.

The hot potato that was the Cuban colony could finally be passed on. Although on the surface it looked like Spain would incur a loss, as the lands it was acquiring were not very valuable, the actual loss was not as severe as one might imagine.

The revenue that the Cuban colony brought to Spain was steadily declining. If one factored in the annual military expenditure invested in Cuba, the income would drop even further.

Although the colonies received in the exchange could not match Cuba’s income, their strategic value was not necessarily lower than Cuba’s.

This was especially true for the lands in the Middle East. Whether it was the Trucial States or Oman, their value was no less than that of the Cuban colony.

If they could acquire both of these colonies, Spain would have absolutely hit the jackpot. Although the superficial benefits showed a loss, the prestige the government had gained from Spain’s reforms would ensure that the public would not be too dissatisfied.

After all, the government had already opened up the Congo Territory, an area of several million square kilometers. What did the loss of a small Cuba matter?

Chapter 265: The Hispano-British Secret Pact

After settling on a specific time for the diplomatic visit with the British government, preparing for the negotiations became the Spanish government’s top priority.

Although the current turn of events was within the Spanish government’s expectations, it did not guarantee that the final outcome of the negotiations would be as they had predicted.

As a fellow European nation, Spain was certainly aware of the British government’s greed. For the British Empire, unless there were significant benefits to be gained, it was unlikely that the British government would agree to the terms of a colonial exchange.

Spain hoped to acquire all of Britain’s colonies in West Africa in the process of the colonial exchange, a goal that was not so easily achieved.

However, the good news was that if Britain withdrew from the colonial competition in West Africa, only Spain and France would remain.

Although relations between Spain and France were also good, the possibility of them jointly colonizing and developing West Africa was close to zero.

Considering the British propensity for being a shit-stirrer, even if the British government agreed to relinquish all its West African colonies, it would undoubtedly dig a huge pit for diplomatic relations between Spain and France.

Given France’s awkward position in Europe, a deterioration in diplomatic relations between France and Spain could very well trigger a series of changes.

Even Carlo was seriously considering Spain’s diplomatic situation. Once the League of the Three Emperors collapsed, the classic historical confrontation between the German-Austrian Alliance and the Franco-Russian Alliance would instantly emerge.

In the confrontation between these two major military alliances, what path should Spain take? Judging by marital ties, Spain should logically be closer to the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

If Spain were to acquire all of Britain’s colonies in West Africa, it would also deepen the conflict with France. If Spain wanted to fully annex Morocco and control its West African colonies, it would have to stand in opposition to France and even Britain.

But the problem was that the German-Austrian military bloc, even with Spain added, was clearly no match for the five great powers of Britain, France, Russia, Italy, and the United States.

Unless Russia could be induced to have its revolution earlier, and Italy could be prevented from switching sides, perhaps a scenario of Britain and France versus Germany, Italy, Spain, and Austria-Hungary could be achieved.

If such a situation came to pass, the Americans would certainly remain neutral and not easily join the war.

While Carlo was still pondering a way to break the deadlock, time quickly flew by to September.

The British government assembled a grand diplomatic delegation and openly traveled to Spain for a diplomatic visit.

Such a diplomatic visit was quite rare for Britain and Spain, two countries with less-than-ideal diplomatic relations, and their meeting attracted the attention of many European nations.

Neither country would leak the content of their discussions before reaching a concrete agreement. As a result, during the days of the British government’s visit to Spain, media outlets across Europe were busy speculating on what the two governments were discussing.

At the Royal Palace of Madrid in Spain, Carlo received the British government’s diplomatic mission. It was clear that the British were taking the proposal for a colonial exchange very seriously.

The new Prime Minister, Gladstone, personally led the delegation, which included several cabinet ministers. The scale of such a mission was already quite extraordinary.

Although Carlo personally received the British diplomatic mission, he would not be participating in the subsequent discussions with the British government. The purpose of this was to distance himself directly from the proceedings.

Regardless of the outcome of the discussions between Spain and the British government, the land Spain ultimately acquired through the colonial exchange would certainly not compare in present value to Cuba.

This meant that the officials who facilitated this agreement would likely face public criticism, and even verbal abuse. As the King of Spain, Carlo had to avoid such a situation.

As long as Carlo did not participate in the negotiations between the two governments, he would not have to take the blame for the matter.

In this era of rampant monarchy in Europe, it was quite common for cabinet governments to take the blame for their monarchs. This was especially true when the Conservative Party was in power; the interests of the party, the Cabinet government, and the monarch were aligned, and it was necessary for them to take the blame for the monarch.

If the monarch’s reputation was damaged, to the point of causing public outrage, the monarchical system itself would be threatened, which would not be a good thing for the Conservative Party.

The Conservative Party was mostly composed of landlords and noblemen, who were natural Royalists. If the monarchical system were to collapse, the special privileges they enjoyed would vanish in an instant.

This created a tacit understanding among the nations of Europe: in such risky situations, the Cabinet government had to take the blame for the king.

After all, the Cabinet government was elected. At worst, the Prime Minister would be dismissed, and new elections would be held.

Taking the blame for the king was not a political stain. With the help of public opinion and media spin, officials could even run in the next cabinet election and quickly return to the government stage.

Prime Minister Gladstone was clearly aware of these intricacies. He showed Carlo a very respectful attitude, as both Spain’s overall strength and the Spanish royal family’s status in Europe were enough to make the British government take them seriously.

If Spain’s overall strength were not formidable, Britain wouldn’t even need such diplomatic negotiations; they could have obtained the colony through threats of force.

This was, after all, an era where the weak were prey to the strong. There was only one reason for two countries to engage in diplomatic negotiations: they were wary of each other’s overall strength and were unwilling to offend the other unless absolutely necessary.

Although Carlo appeared to have no involvement in the negotiations between the two governments, Prime Minister Canovas still had to report the progress of the talks to him daily in secret.

In the first few days of negotiations, progress was extremely slow, one might even say stagnant.

The British government was no fool; they would never make a losing deal. In fact, for the British government, making only a small profit on a colonial exchange was no different from taking a loss.

The Spanish government proposed to divide Australia in two: Spain would exchange the colony of Cuba for the colony of Western Australia plus Britain’s Straits Settlements, and Spain and Britain would establish a buffer zone nearly 50 kilometers wide between the colonies of Western Australia and South Australia.

This proposal was flatly rejected by the British government. Although the colony of Western Australia had a small population and little value beyond its mineral resources, the land mass was immense, and its mineral resources were countless. There was no need for Britain to give up Western Australia for the small island of Cuba.

As for the Straits Settlements, it went without saying. There was only one route for the nations of East Asia to travel to Europe: south through the Strait of Malacca, across the Indian Ocean along the coast of India, and then through the Suez Canal to the Mediterranean.

Bypassing the Strait of Malacca was possible, but it would add at least a thousand kilometers to the journey, costing an extra week or two for a round trip.

The geographical location of the Strait of Malacca meant that the British could never give up this land. Cuba or no Cuba, this was not something that could be decided by economic value.

After rejecting the proposal put forth by the Spanish government, British Prime Minister Gladstone presented his own proposal: to purchase Spain’s colony of Cuba with the Gold Coast, Spain’s colonial rights over the Brunei Empire, and a sum of five million pounds.

If the Spanish government’s proposal had at least considered the value of the colonies, then the British government’s proposal completely disregarded it, with terms that could be described as extremely harsh.

The British Gold Coast possessed a large number of gold mines, which was how it got its name. The problem was, this land had been discovered by the Portuguese back in 1471, and the earliest European colonial settlement, Elmina Castle, was established in 1482, nearly four hundred years ago.

Over those four hundred years, the Portuguese, British, Dutch, Danes, Prussians, and Swedes had all flocked here to trade in slaves, gold, ironware, necklaces, glass mirrors, rum, and guns, plundering immense wealth and seizing numerous gold mines of all sizes.

The Gold Coast was most famous for two products. One was the gold produced from its magnificent mines, the very origin of its name. The other was a local specialty: native Africans, that is, black people.

For a long period, the Gold Coast was not controlled by any single nation but was instead administered by various European colonial powers.

However, with the rise of the British Empire, the British Gold Coast was established and gradually annexed the nearby Danish Gold Coast and Dutch Gold Coast, transforming the Gold Coast into one of the large colonies under British control.

Due to its numerous gold mines, the Gold Coast was Britain’s largest and most populous colony in West Africa.

However, its inhabitants came from various European countries. The proportion of British people in the Gold Coast was actually not high; the largest populations were the Portuguese and the Dutch.

Although the Gold Coast was rich in gold mines, its value had been greatly diminished after four hundred years of exploitation by various European countries.

The wealth that could be squeezed and exploited by these nations had long been shipped back to their homelands, leaving only a few relatively large gold mines still standing.

But the output of these mines was not as vast as one might imagine, and relations between the British colony and the Ashanti Empire to the north were not good, even escalating into several wars.

The main conditions proposed by the British were the Gold Coast, plus Spain’s ability to exert colonial influence over Brunei. While five million pounds was not a small sum, when compared to the colony of Cuba, it was negligible.

These terms were rather meager compared to the value of the Cuban colony. This revealed the greed of the British; they were truly unwilling to pay any significant price and wanted to acquire Cuba with minimal benefits, essentially getting something for nothing.

Fortunately, Spain possessed sufficient strength at this time, so Britain did not dare to turn on them directly. Both sides could only sit at the negotiating table, which was also beneficial for Spain.

Because Spain had many options. Since it was going to be a sale at a loss anyway, why not sell to a country with a better attitude?

Carlo was fully confident in this regard. If the British government was truly unwilling to cooperate, Spain was not without backup options.

They could either sell the Cuban colony to France, in exchange for France’s tacit approval of Spain’s annexation of Morocco. Or they could sell Cuba to Germany or the United States. Germany could provide the industrial technology and technical personnel that Spain needed, while the Americans could offer sufficient funds, both of which Spain required.

While the negotiations between the two sides were at a stalemate, before the British government could make a move, news broke from the Spanish side that made the British government’s face change dramatically: the Spanish government had plans for a diplomatic visit to Berlin and was currently considering it.

The British government, of course, understood that this news was actually leaked by the Spanish government. The purpose of releasing this news was naturally to remind and threaten the British.

The Spanish government was openly telling the British government that Britain was not the only country Spain could cooperate with; all the great powers of Europe were within Spain’s range of potential partners.

Who ultimately owned the Cuban colony was not important. What was important was that if this incident pushed Spain completely into Germany’s arms, wouldn’t France be completely isolated diplomatically by Germany?

The threat from Germany was already substantial. The British government was considering helping France win over Russia to form a Franco-Russian Alliance to counter the German threat.

If Spain went over to Germany’s side, how could the Franco-Russian Alliance possibly work? France would be caught between Spain and Germany, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s army might even bypass Switzerland to attack France’s border.

And let’s not forget Italy, a great power-level nation. Although its army was not particularly strong, it was capable of tying down three hundred thousand to five hundred thousand French troops.

If Spain truly sided with Germany, then the European political game would be over. Unless the British were willing to personally intervene to help France, the problem was that Britain’s army wasn’t strong either.

For the British government, it was imperative to prevent Spain from aligning with Germany, no matter what. Spain either had to remain diplomatically neutral or could only temporarily lean towards France’s side.

Unless the League of the Three Emperors broke apart, the British did not want France’s position to become too disadvantageous.

What worried the British even more was that if Spain sided with Germany, then among the seven great powers on the European continent—Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia, Italy, and Spain—Germany would have won over four, forging an alliance of five great powers: Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia, Italy, and Spain.

In such a situation, what role would the British have left in European affairs? No matter how powerful Britain was, it could not fight one against five, nor could it expect France alone to resist the combined might of five great powers.

This meant the British government had to make concessions. At the very least, their terms could not be too harsh, to prevent Spain from becoming extremely dissatisfied with Britain and siding with the League of the Three Emperors.

With this little interlude, the conditions proposed by the British government the next day became much more generous.

On top of the British Gold Coast, the British added the British Gambia Colony and also increased the financial compensation from five million pounds to ten million pounds.

Based on the cost of an ironclad at five hundred thousand pounds in this era, ten million pounds was enough for Spain to build twenty of the latest model ironclads. This was by no means a small sum.

If converted to pesetas, ten million pounds was worth 260 million pesetas, which was more than a quarter of Spain’s total annual fiscal revenue.

Although the British government had improved its terms, they were clearly not enough to satisfy Spain’s appetite.

Prime Minister Canovas demanded more, such as the colony of Sierra Leone, which was sandwiched between the two British colonies, as well as more land.

Spain could give up on colonizing Brunei, but it deserved to receive a larger area of land to avoid public outrage over the loss of a colony.

The negotiations continued for several more days after this, finally guiding the topic to the lands of the Middle East.

For the British, the lands of the Middle East were not only vast but also had little value. More importantly, this land was not in their hands, so promising the Spaniards land in the Middle East was no loss for the British.

For this reason, Britain and Spain quickly reached an agreement.

Spain would exchange the colony of Cuba for Britain’s Gambia Colony, Sierra Leone, and Gold Coast. At the same time, the British government would permit Spain to launch colonial actions against Oman in the Middle East.

The British government would also pay the Spanish government five million pounds in financial compensation. The colonial exchange between the two parties would be completed within the next three months. Only after all handover work was finished would the two governments consider publicly announcing the news of the colonial exchange.

Chapter 266: Laying the Groundwork for Naval Construction

Compared to the handover of the colonies, the five million pounds in compensation was clearly the easiest part to pay.

And indeed it was. To express its sincerity, the British government paid the Spanish government the five million pounds on the very day the treaty was signed. As the pound sterling was the world’s most valuable currency at the time, Spain did not object to the British government’s proposal to pay in pounds.

Five million pounds might not seem like much, but it was actually worth 130 million pesetas—not a small sum for any country.

The Spanish government engaged in fierce debates over the use of these five million pounds. In the end, Carlo made the final decision: the funds would be dedicated to the development of the Spanish Navy.

Of course, naval development did not simply mean building warships. It meant researching and developing a more advanced and powerful warship system to ensure that the combat effectiveness of Spain’s naval vessels remained at the forefront globally.

If used solely for shipbuilding, five million pounds would be enough for Spain to construct ten Revival-class ironclads. Adding these to Spain’s existing naval strength, it could arguably claim the position of the world’s third-strongest naval power, surpassed only by Britain and France.

But doing so would clearly treat the symptom, not the cause. More importantly, the age of battleships—the pre-dreadnought era—was just around the corner.

Carlo hoped that Spain could gain a sufficient advantage in the pre-dreadnought era, seizing the opportunity to build the Spanish Navy into one of the world’s top three military forces.

After the pre-dreadnoughts came the era of the dreadnoughts. If Spain could capitalize on both of these major naval transformations, it was not impossible for it to become the world’s second-strongest naval power, second only to the British Empire.

For a relatively isolated country like Spain, the strength of its navy was more important than that of its army. The Pyrenees Mountains already served as a natural barrier. By simply building a few fortresses to secure the defensive lines on both sides of the Pyrenees, European countries would be unable to launch an attack on Spain from the continent.

In this way, Portugal would be the only country that could pose a threat to Spain by land. Considering the vast power disparity between Portugal and Spain, it would be very difficult for Portugal to defeat Spain in a land war; one could even say it was hopeless.

This meant that if Spain could build a powerful navy, it would have the hope of competing for greater interests and would no longer have to fear super great powers like Britain, France, and Germany.

Take Britain, for example. Although it was number one in the world, its threat to Spain was not that formidable.

As long as Spain could seize the opportunities presented by the two warship transformations to significantly enhance its naval strength, it would have a chance to retake Gibraltar or even fully occupy Morocco during a period when Britain was otherwise occupied.

If its ambitions were greater, Spain could even withstand the pressure and directly annex Portugal. After successfully annexing Portugal and Morocco, Spain would officially become a super great power on par with Britain, France, and Germany, and would no longer need to fear the British threat.

The five million pounds would be divided into two parts. Two million pounds would be used to build three ironclads and dozens of small- to medium-sized warships to strengthen Spain’s existing forces and solidify its position as the world’s fifth-strongest naval power.

The remaining three million pounds would be fully invested in Spain’s existing major shipyards. Through the combined research and development efforts of these shipyards, they would design more advanced ironclads and even battleships.

The time to massively expand the navy would come after the battleships were designed. By then, Spain would have already used electricity to significantly boost its industrial and economic development. Even in a naval arms race, Spain would have what it takes to have the last laugh.

After reaching the agreement with the British, Spain was also making thorough preparations for relinquishing the colony of Cuba.

The colonial government in Cuba was already in the process of transferring assets, and the population transfer had long since begun.

With the exception of Black people, the entire population of the Cuban colony could apply to the colonial government to move to mainland Spain or other colonies. The Spanish government would treat these people equally; they would bypass the probationary period in Spain’s immigration policy and be granted Spanish citizenship directly.

After all, Cuba had a population of over one million. Although a considerable number of whites and blacks were dissatisfied with Spanish rule, there was also a portion of the population that was relatively accepting of the Spanish colonial government.

Ultimately, no matter how cruel Spain’s colonial rule was, it would never turn its blades on its own people.

Under Spanish colonial rule, only Black people were in mortal danger; white people, at most, had some of their income exploited.

If the Black people of the Cuban colony were genuinely dissatisfied with Spanish colonial rule, then most of the white people were merely unhappy with the colonial government’s harsh exploitation. They were not, in the true sense, opposed to Spain itself.

Of course, none of this mattered to Spain anymore. Once the colonial handover was complete, Cuba would have no further relationship with Spain.

The officials of the Cuban colonial government would be reassigned to mainland Spain or other colonies. Since the number of Spanish colonies had theoretically increased, the officials would not lack for new posts.

As for the population willing to move to mainland Spain and other colonies, a portion would be settled in the three former British colonies in West Africa.

Having acquired three of Britain’s colonies, the Spanish government certainly intended to keep them firmly in its grasp.

Spain’s colonies had to have a significant number of Spaniards. For the Spanish government, Spanish immigrants were the foundation of colonial rule.

Of course, the Portuguese immigrants might also submit to Spanish rule. Compared to colonists from other European countries, they had no communication difficulties with Spanish colonists, and their cultures were quite similar, making them distinctly more amicable.

This was especially true for the British Gold Coast, a territory with a considerable Portuguese population. If the Portuguese could be absorbed into Spain’s colonial administration, it would allow Spain to quickly gain control of the situation in the British Gold Coast.

Britain’s three colonies in West Africa were rather scattered, but the distances between them were not that great.

If it could completely control these three colonies, Spain had a chance to acquire over a million square kilometers of land in southern West Africa.

Combined with the Congo Territory and the Guinea colony, if they could be connected, Spain’s colonial achievements in Africa would be no less than France’s. It might even have a hope of becoming the country with the most land in Africa after Britain.

Following this trend, the future scramble for Africa among the great powers would likely result in a situation where Britain occupied the east, France occupied North Africa and northern West Africa, and Spain occupied the Congo, southern West Africa, and Morocco.

Most of West Africa would be occupied by Britain, France, and Spain. Even a powerful nation like Germany would only be able to pick up the scraps of land in Africa that Britain, France, and Spain didn’t want.

The most important reason for such a vast disparity in land division was the proximity of the great powers to Africa and the timing of their colonization efforts.

There were only four great powers that could reach Africa via the Mediterranean: France, Spain, Italy, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Italy’s overall strength was the weakest of these four, while the Austro-Hungarian Empire was the farthest away.

Coupled with Italy’s late unification and the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s previous focus on the German lands, the two great powers’ progress in colonizing Africa was quite slow—one might even say fruitless.

Germany and Russia were certainly powerful enough, but Germany also unified late, and the long distance required to sail around Africa meant that its colonization efforts there also saw little progress.

As for Russia, there was even less to say. The Ottoman Empire stood between Russia and Africa. The Ottoman Empire was once a vast empire spanning three continents, so it was completely impossible for Russia to cross it and colonize Africa.

Even now, the Russians could not colonize Africa. The Ottoman Empire would not agree, and neither would the British.

For these reasons, the only great powers with both the means and the strength to colonize Africa were Britain, France, and Spain.

Of course, if smaller countries were included, nations like Portugal, the Netherlands, and Belgium also had their own plans for Africa.

However, because these small countries were too weak, their colonial plans would not be respected by the great powers.

Take, for example, Portugal’s Pink Map project. Because they had already occupied the coastal regions of the Kingdom of Kongo and the region of Mozambique, they once planned to connect these two territories to establish Portugal’s own great African colony.

There was nothing wrong with the Portuguese proposing such a colonial plan, but their plan happened to conflict with the British proposal for a north-south line.

Portugal’s Pink Map project blocked Britain’s plan to connect the lands between Egypt and South Africa, which the British Empire was certainly not willing to accept.

The clash of the two countries’ colonial plans not only severely damaged relations between Portugal and Britain, but the British government even issued an ultimatum to the Portuguese government.

Faced with the British government’s blatant threat, the Portuguese government ultimately chose to back down, an act that severely damaged the prestige of the Portuguese royal family.

This incident also demonstrates that the great powers paid no heed to the colonial plans of smaller nations. If it didn’t affect their own plans, it was one thing; but if it did in any way, the great powers had various means to make smaller nations yield.

Just like Portugal’s Pink Map project and Britain’s Cairo-Cape Town Red Line plan, Spain had its own plan for colonizing Africa.

Originally, the Spanish government only intended to connect the Guinea colony and the Congo Territory, creating a Spanish colony of several million square kilometers in Central Africa.

But now, after taking over Britain’s three colonies, Spain’s colonial territory in Africa would instantly double. In addition to the Congo Territory, it now hoped to annex the entire coast of the Gulf of Guinea.

Logically, the British would not have so easily given up all their colonies in West Africa, allowing for the creation of a vast colonial empire in the Gulf of Guinea.

There was certainly a reason why the British would readily abandon their three colonies in West Africa, and that reason was the large number of French colonial outposts in the Gulf of Guinea.

While Britain had established three colonies in the West African region, France also possessed several large colonies in the same area.

Next to the British Gambia Colony was the French Senegal Colony, and next to the British Gold Coast was the French Gold Coast.

Even to the west of Spain’s Congo Territory, there was a French colony.

Combined with the colonial conflict between Spain and France over Morocco, it was foreseeable that in the coming decades, various conflicts and disputes would erupt between Spain and France over their African colonization efforts.

This was why the British were willing to abandon their West African colonies. After Britain’s withdrawal, the colonial competition in the region would only become more intense.

As for France and Spain uniting to jointly carve up West Africa, that was almost impossible.

Such an alliance between two countries requires a crucial prerequisite: the presence of another, more powerful nation eyeing their interests. With Britain having completely withdrawn from its West African colonies, the primary incentive for France and Spain to unite was lost.

This was an era where the weak were prey to the strong. To expect France and Spain to unite and colonize West Africa without an external enemy was less realistic than expecting France and Germany to shake hands and dominate Europe together.

Without a greater competitor, Spain and France were each other’s rivals in West Africa.

The British government was also confident in its diplomatic prowess. With the British government’s interference, France and Spain would never reach a relevant compromise in West Africa.

Constant colonial conflicts erupting between France and Spain, with each interfering with the other’s colonial plans—this was precisely the British objective.

If they could use such a plan to impact the second and third colonial powers in one fell swoop, wouldn’t that be the best possible plan for Britain, the number one colonial power?

Carlo naturally saw through the British objective, but unfortunately, there was no good solution to such a blatant scheme.

The reason Britain was confident that Spain and France would clash over colonies was their belief that neither Spain nor France would abandon their colonization of Africa.

Unless either Spain or France was willing to give up its existing colonies, disputes between their adjacent territories were bound to erupt.

As it happened, all three of France’s colonies in West Africa were adjacent to Spain’s existing colonies. Under such circumstances, if colonial conflict didn’t break out between France and Spain, one could only say that God had interfered with the two nations’ foreign policy decisions.

The only Spanish colony in West Africa that did not share a border with a French colony was the Sierra Leone colony. But the Sierra Leone colony was sandwiched between French colonies to its north and south.

This effectively meant that neither Spain nor France had a way to retreat. To colonize West Africa, one must force the other to yield.

For Spain, there was another trouble: the dispute between the British Gold Coast and the northern native state, the Ashanti Empire, was entirely inherited by Spain.

This was not a conflict between the British government and the local natives, but a conflict between the Gold Coast colony and the local natives. Since Spain had acquired the Gold Coast colony, it naturally had to fight the Ashanti Empire to protect the security of the Gold Coast.

The good news was that although the Ashanti Empire sounded like a vast empire, it was actually just a small country of a few tens of thousands of square kilometers.

Native states did not pose much of a threat to Spain. Dispatching one to two colonial garrison regiments would be sufficient to protect the safety of the Gold Coast.

Spain had a full six colonial garrison regiments deployed in the Cuban colony, which could be conveniently reassigned, with two regiments sent to each of the three newly acquired colonies to maintain local order and security.

Two colonial garrison regiments numbered 4,600 troops. While this might be insufficient for a war with another European country, it was absolutely enough to maintain local order and security in a colony.

Not to mention that each colonial garrison regiment was equipped with three cannons. With an adequate supply of ammunition, six cannons plus 4,600 troops could easily defend against an attack by a native army of under twenty thousand men.

Chapter 267: The West Africa Development Plan

Although the colonial exchange between Spain and Britain was theoretically kept secret, the transfer of colonial governments and local garrisons could not be hidden from everyone, least of all from the European nations paying attention to the matter.

As Spain and Britain officially began their colonial exchange, the various European countries began to speculate about the secret agreement the two had reached.

Perhaps the most frantic of all was the United States, which had long had its eyes on Cuba. If Spain was an opponent the United States could barely manage to defeat, then the British Empire was a mountain too high for it to surmount.

No matter how exaggeratedly the United States’ industry and economy had developed, in the eyes of the British, America was merely a nouveau riche that could be manipulated at will.

The Panama Canal had not yet been built, making communication between the east and west coasts of the United States considerably difficult.

Although the distance between the American coasts was just over four thousand kilometers, a ship from the East Coast wanting to reach the West Coast had to circumnavigate the entire South American continent.

Even by hugging the South American coastline, the journey was at least twenty thousand kilometers long. By comparison, traveling from the US East Coast across the Atlantic, through the Mediterranean, traversing the entire Indian Ocean, and then heading to the US West Coast via the North Pacific was only a journey of over thirty thousand kilometers. This was enough to demonstrate the difficulty of communication between America’s coasts and was a major factor hindering its development.

With Britain in control of the Cuban colony, the United States would have to face the British Empire if it wanted to push south into South America. Under such circumstances, it would not be so easy for the United States to dig the Panama Canal. Even if the canal could be built, sovereignty over it would certainly not be in American hands.

More importantly, the United States was about to face a pincer attack from Britain from the north and south. To the north of the United States was the British Dominion of Canada, and to the south, it faced the British colony of Cuba and The Bahamas across the sea.

On land, aside from Mexico, the United States had no other direction for expansion. Maritime expansion was even more impossible. With The Bahamas, the colony of Cuba, and Jamaica, Britain formed a solid line of defense, directly blockading the United States within the Gulf of Mexico.

After losing the colony of Cuba, Spain’s influence in the Americas would be substantially reduced. However, Spain retained Puerto Rico, its last colony in the Americas and the sole remaining proof of the existence of the Spanish colonial empire.

Compared to the economically valuable colony of Cuba, Puerto Rico was merely a military base for Spain.

Spain stationed a colonial garrison regiment in the colony of Puerto Rico, which would also serve as a transit point for trade between Spain and the countries of the Americas.

Although Spain had given up the colony of Cuba, this did not mean it would abandon its connections with the nations of South America.

There were a large number of immigrants of Spanish descent in South America, and by leveraging their shared roots, Spain could still establish good diplomatic relations with these South American countries.

After all, to put it bluntly, the South American countries were small nations. Even the most powerful among them—Brazil, Argentina, and Chile—would only be considered slightly stronger small nations in Europe.

To protect their independence and stability in a world where the weak are prey to the strong, they had to rely on the protection of more powerful nations.

Argentina possessed vast expanses of fertile black soil, and Brazil had rich coal and iron ore resources—all of which Spain needed.

Compared to the distant iron ore of Australia, Brazil’s iron ore was closer to Spain, and besides Africa, it was the most promising source for Spain to import large quantities of coal and iron.

Brazil was once a colony of the Portuguese, and Portuguese immigrants were also a population that Spain could attract.

If Spain were to annex Portugal in the future, the unified Iberian Peninsula would become the most influential European great power in the Americas.

If the South American countries could be cultivated into a consumer market and economic partners for Spain, Spain’s industry and economy could also develop rapidly as a result.

In the first month after the signing of the colonial exchange agreement between Spain and Britain, the government of the British Gambia Colony officially withdrew. Spanish troops formally entered the Gambia colony later that day, announcing military administration over the colony. This military rule would last until a formal government for the Gambia colony was established.

About a week later, the transfer of the Sierra Leone colony was also officially completed. The handover of the Gold Coast colony took longer, but it was also completed within two months of the treaty’s signing.

As Spain’s six colonial garrison regiments were stationed in the three colonies, Spain’s colonization of West Africa formally began.

Compared to the colony of Cuba, for which it had long been prepared to relinquish, the Spanish government clearly placed greater importance on the colonization of the three West African territories.

The British Gambia Colony, in particular, despite being in Africa, was an excellent agricultural area. If managed well, it could very well become an important source of grain for Spain, compensating for the lack of plains on the Spanish mainland.

Although the Sierra Leone and Gold Coast colonies were not as outstanding as the Gambia colony, they were also colonies with enormous development potential.

Now that Spain had occupied these three colonies, it had no intention of giving them up. Even if developing them meant competing with the French, Spain would absolutely not back down.

In response to Spain’s current colonial situation, the Department of Transportation proposed the Central and West Africa Railway Plan.

The so-called Central and West Africa Railway Plan would start from the colony of Southern Morocco in the north, run south along the coast to connect Spain’s three West African colonies, then head east from the Guinea colony into Central Africa, with its terminus in Spain’s Congo Territory.

This railway plan was quite extravagant. Wherever the railway reached, Spain could bring those lands under its colonial control.

The problem, however, was that the Central and West Africa Railway would have to pass through French and Portuguese colonies. Even if the Portuguese agreed, the French most likely would not.

If the Spanish government could achieve its railway plan, France’s dream of colonizing West Africa would be shattered. The Spanish railway would block the northward expansion of France’s West African colonies, preventing its territories in North Africa and West Africa from connecting.

This was similar to the conflict between Portugal’s Pink Map project and Britain’s Cape to Cairo line; one country had to yield, or they would face serious disputes, or even war.

To avoid conflict with France, Carlo rejected the Department of Transportation’s request immediately after it was proposed and made certain modifications to the Central and West Africa Railway Plan.

Although it was still called the Central and West Africa Railway Plan, the railway would primarily connect the Gold Coast, the Guinea colony, and the Congo Territory. Another section would connect the Gambia colony and the Sierra Leone colony. The two railways would not be connected, as a French colony lay between them.

Similarly, the colony of Southern Morocco and the Gambia colony would not be connected, also because of a French colony in between.

Although conflict between Spain and France over the colonization of West Africa was inevitable, for Spain, the later the conflict erupted, the more of an advantage it would have.

France was currently the world’s third-strongest nation, behind only Britain and Germany, and there was still a significant gap between Spain and France.

As the saying goes, a starved camel is bigger than a horse. Even though France had fallen behind Britain and Germany in industrial development and the Second Industrial Revolution, it was once the hegemon of Europe, and the afterglow of its hegemony could still easily crush a non-hegemonic nation.

The good news was that among the three West African colonies, only a French colony lay between Sierra Leone and the Gold Coast. Between the Gambia colony and the Sierra Leone colony was a Portuguese colony.

The Gold Coast colony would expand eastward, striving to connect with Spain’s Guinea colony. The Gambia and Sierra Leone colonies would expand south and north respectively, aiming to link up and form a larger colony.

As for the Portuguese colony in the middle, Carlo planned to acquire it through purchase and exchange.

There were still large swathes of uncolonized land to the south of the Congo Territory, which could be ceded to the Portuguese.

Of course, Carlo had his reasons for being willing to offer up this land: he was taking into account the Pink Map project that the Portuguese were about to propose.

If Spain took all the land south of the Congo Territory, Portugal’s Pink Map project would be cut short.

Without the Pink Map project, the relationship between Portugal and Britain would not be damaged. Compared to the lands south of the Congo Territory, Carlo would rather see the relationship between Portugal and Britain destroyed, creating more possibilities for Spain to annex Portugal.

If Carlo remembered correctly, one of the key reasons for the abolition of the Portuguese monarchy was that Portugal’s Pink Map project was directly thwarted by Britain.

The furious Portuguese public was deeply disappointed with their weak government and king, which became the fuse for the revolution that ultimately overthrew the kingdom.

Colonization was the trend of the era. Whether for great powers or small and medium-sized countries, the people were eager to see their government continuously expand its colonies.

This was true for Portugal, and it was also true for the Netherlands.

Only when Portugal’s domestic situation descended into chaos would Spain have a chance to fish in troubled waters. If Portugal’s situation remained stable, it would take Spain considerable effort to annex it.

The Spanish government placed great importance on the development of its West African colonies. This was not just lip service; the government had specifically proposed the West Africa Colony Development Plan and planned to invest at least one billion pesetas in developing the West African colonies.

An investment of one billion pesetas might seem extravagant, but this development plan was set to last ten years, meaning an annual investment of only one hundred million pesetas.

The Spanish government’s current fiscal revenue was already approaching one billion pesetas, which meant that it only needed to invest one-tenth of its fiscal revenue annually to successfully complete this colonial development plan.

In addition to the aforementioned construction of the Central and West Africa Railway, the Spanish government would go all out to create an agricultural production zone in Gambia, turning it into a major grain producer for Spain.

If the development of the Gambia colony went smoothly, the Sierra Leone colony would be merged into it within a few years. Therefore, the development of the Sierra Leone colony would not be a major undertaking; it would mostly be about maintaining the status quo.

The colonial development of the Gold Coast would focus primarily on the exploration and mining of gold. The importance of gold goes without saying, and for the most part, Spain had to keep the situation in the Gold Coast firmly in its own hands.

The Gold Coast was not far from the Spanish mainland. Gold mined there would be smelted on-site and transported to Spain.

To ensure the security of the Gold Coast, and to help the colonial government control the local gold supply, Spain would establish an African Squadron in the Gold Coast to protect its shores and those of several surrounding colonies.

The Ashanti Empire to the north of the Gold Coast was also on Spain’s list of conquests. Carlo would not tolerate a hostile native state to the north of his gold-producing region.

After annexing the Ashanti Empire, the size of the Gold Coast would more than double. Spain also hoped to discover more gold in the newly annexed lands. The more gold reserves Spain had, the more currency it could issue, which was crucial for the stability of the Spanish economy.

It is worth noting that a few dozen kilometers east of the Gold Coast, Portugal also had a small colony called Ouidah.

To call it a colony was perhaps an overstatement; it was more like a large colonial outpost. A large gold mine was once discovered here, attracting a considerable number of Portuguese gold prospectors.

It was the continuous influx of these gold prospectors that led Spain to establish this small colony.

Because this colony lay on the path connecting the Gold Coast and the Guinea colony, Spain would not relinquish its claim to it.

Portugal could either choose to conduct a colonial exchange with Spain or await the arrival of the Spanish army.

Carlo believed the Portuguese were sensible enough. After all, he did not wish for a war with Portugal at this point.

It would not only destroy the good relations painstakingly built between the Spaniards and the Portuguese but also affect Spain’s plan to annex Portugal.

To properly develop the three West African colonies, at least a million immigrants would be needed. The good news was that due to British colonial development, these three colonies already had substantial populations.

Spain only needed to bring in about five hundred thousand immigrants to ensure the smooth progress of the West African development plan.

Although five hundred thousand people was not a small number for Spain, Carlo did not intend to source these immigrants from the Spanish mainland.

Besides attracting some immigrants of Spanish and Portuguese descent from South America, Carlo also planned to spend a great deal to bring in a batch of immigrants from various European countries.

Of course, using the Lanfang Republic to attract some ethnic Chinese immigrants was also part of Carlo’s plan. In any case, as long as they were not Black, it was fine. People of the yellow race were within Carlo’s range of acceptance. After all, South America had a large mixed-race population of yellow and white people. If Spain wanted to bring in large numbers of immigrants of Spanish and Portuguese descent from South America, it would have to accept these mixed-race individuals.

For the development plan of the West African colonies, Carlo proposed a plan of “replacing Black with Yellow, and Yellow with White.”

The initial development of the colonies would require the participation of Black people. Once the preliminary development of the colonies was successfully completed, Spain would initiate the Black Elimination Plan.

Whether through manual extermination or by expelling them, Black people would not be allowed to exist in Spain’s colonies.

Carlo had no desire for the Spain of the future to become like the France of later generations. Although Carlo was not a racist, his dislike for Black people was very real.

The process of expelling Black people from Spanish colonies was bound to be lengthy and would lead to considerable conflict, and even war, with Black natives and native powers outside the colonies.

However, this was not bad news. Only war could temper an army’s growth, and the Spanish army also needed the experience of war.

Using these natives to train the Spanish army and maintain a high level of combat effectiveness in preparation for future large-scale wars on the European battlefield was also part of Carlo’s plan.

Regardless of whether fighting these natives could improve the Spanish army’s combat effectiveness, letting the army see some blood first could prevent their morale from wavering upon witnessing the brutal scenes of a real battlefield.

As for the impact of such a plan on the natives, who would care?

Chapter 268: Portugal’s Ambition

With the massive capital investment from the Spanish government, the West Africa Development Plan proceeded quite smoothly. Both railway construction and immigration efforts were unfolding in an orderly fashion.

In the last two or three months of the year, Spain relocated a total of over fifty thousand immigrants from the mainland and other regions to its three colonies in West Africa. This scale of immigration was unprecedented for Spain.

At a rate of fifty thousand immigrants every three months, the three West African colonies could receive a combined total of about two hundred thousand immigrants annually. This was already one-fifth of the entire population of the Cuba colony.

Calculated by population, Spain would only need five years to create another Cuba. With so many immigrants, the development of the three West African colonies was sure to be successful.

The transfer of over fifty thousand immigrants in less than three months was made possible by the efforts and cooperation of various parties.

First, there was Cuba. A few thousand Cubans were willing to move to Spain’s other colonies.

Although this was less than one percent of Cuba’s total population, the Spanish government would not turn its nose up at several thousand people.

Before handing over the Cuba colony, the colonial government moved these few thousand people to the colony of Southern Morocco, and from there, transferred them to the three colonies in West Africa.

Carlo was quite generous to these Cubans who voluntarily moved to Spain’s other colonies. For those who wanted to become plantation owners, Spain would provide them with land and low-rent local indigenous labor to help them clear the land and build their plantations.

As for those who were less inclined toward agricultural work, they could set up small workshops in the colony. The Royal Joint Bank and the national bank of Spain would establish branches in all of Spain’s colonies and offer support and incentive policies for immigrants who brought their families.

The population from Cuba was one source, and the other indigenous populations from Spain’s various colonies were another. As Spain’s work to assimilate the Moroccans progressed, a considerable portion of the population in the colony of Southern Morocco had gained a preliminary grasp of Spanish, and many had converted to Catholicism.

Whether their conversion to Catholicism was sincere or not, they had no power to refuse the decisions of the Spanish government.

The population of Southern Morocco had plummeted to less than five hundred thousand people. Aside from some extremist Muslims who died from forced labor, most of the population loss was due to Spain’s immigration policies.

From the establishment of the colony of Southern Morocco to the present, Spain had brought in at least three hundred thousand immigrants from the Moroccan region.

These immigrants were sent to a wide variety of places; some were moved to mainland Spain, while others went to Spain’s other colonies.

Of the fifty thousand immigrants sent to the three West African colonies, nearly twenty thousand were Moroccans.

Most of the remaining immigrants came from the Congo Territory and the Guinea colony, with mainland Spain also contributing several thousand.

As for why Spaniards were so eager to immigrate, it was not because they could no longer make a living in Spain, but because the government’s immigration policies were too attractive.

The combined area of the three West African colonies was quite large. The Gambia colony, in particular, was well-suited for agricultural development.

The Department of Colonial Affairs also issued various policies to encourage immigration based on the conditions in the West African colonies, including free land, agricultural tax reductions, free ship tickets, and low-interest loans.

The great nobles of Spain, in particular, were very interested in establishing plantations.

A characteristic of this era was that mechanized agriculture was only in its infancy in all countries, and most nations still relied on a small-peasant economy.

Coupled with immature fertilizer technology, grain production was not very high anywhere in the world. Few countries, apart from those with vast plains, could achieve self-sufficiency in food.

Even in countries with relatively high grain production, people still suffered from hunger and starvation.

Spain was in a relatively better position in this regard. Because various miscellaneous taxes had been abolished and land rents reduced, peasants could keep enough grain to feed themselves.

Across Europe, international grain prices remained relatively high because many countries had insufficient grain production.

After European nations entered a period of peace, their populations would also experience a burst of growth.

During this period, grain prices would only rise, which was why Spanish nobleman were so keen on farming.

Of course, they did not only grow grain. Vegetables, fruits, olives, grapes, and other crops were also cultivated on the plantations of the Spanish nobility.

In summary, the Spanish nobles planted whatever was profitable. If they were unsure what was profitable, they planted grain, as it was never hard to sell.

It is worth mentioning that Spain was a major exporter of agricultural products in Europe, and also a major importer of grain.

There was no conflict between these two facts. What made Spain a major exporter of agricultural products was its production of vegetables and fruits.

This included olives for oil and grapes for wine, both of which were considered fruits and were major agricultural products of Spain.

Spain was Europe’s largest olive producer and a major producer of grapes and wine. Every year, Spain exported a large quantity of agricultural products and used the proceeds to purchase large amounts of grain.

That’s right, Spain’s current grain production could no longer meet the needs of its more than twenty million people.

This was unavoidable. For a country where most of the land was mountainous, meeting the entire population’s food demand was exceedingly difficult.

This would only be possible if the country had a small population, but after more than a decade of growth, Spain’s population had reached twenty million, which was by no means a small number in Europe.

Although there was still a large gap compared to the great powers, there were not many countries in Europe with a population exceeding twenty million. Apart from the major powers, only the Ottoman Empire had a population of over twenty million.

However, the Ottoman Empire was not considered a European country. It even had a derisive title: the Sick Man of West Asia.

From this, one could see that Europeans did not consider the Ottoman Empire a European nation. This meant that in their eyes, only the great powers had populations exceeding twenty million.

Although the Gambia colony was suitable for agriculture, its current scale was not large, so Spain’s goal was merely to provide a portion of the food supply for the mainland.

A large influx of grain would affect Spain’s domestic grain prices and reduce the income of its vast peasant population. Therefore, Gambia’s grain production needed to be controlled.

In other words, apart from a small portion supplied to Spain, most of the grain produced in the Gambia colony had to be exported or further processed before being exported or sold domestically.

For the development of the Gambia colony, the Spanish government’s initial goal was to increase its grain production to around two hundred thousand tons, which was one-twentieth of the mainland’s grain production.

Although it was only two hundred thousand tons of grain, it was enough to feed about one million people. The grain produced in the Gambia colony would be supplied entirely to the colony of Southern Morocco, the Sierra Leone colony, the Gold Coast, and Guinea.

It is worth mentioning that because the Gambia colony was closer to the equator, in theory, its crop yield should be higher than that of mainland Spain.

Especially for rice cultivation, due to more abundant sunlight, the land in Gambia could support two or even three harvests a year.

In Spain, rice could only be harvested once a year, with only a few areas with sufficient sunlight managing two harvests.

Two to three harvests a year versus one harvest a year meant at least a twofold difference in grain production. This was why Carlo was optimistic that the Gambia colony would become one of Spain’s important grain-producing regions. This land possessed perfect timing and location; all it lacked was a large number of immigrants to achieve human harmony.

As the West Africa Development Plan progressed, the year finally turned from 1880 to 1881.

For the Spanish government, 1881 would bring new challenges. Spain’s goal in the new year was to acquire Portugal’s Portuguese Guinea, Portuguese Ziguinchor, Portuguese Ouidah, and Portuguese São Tomé and Príncipe.

These colonies were all small, but they were located around the colonies Spain already controlled. This was especially true for Portuguese Guinea and Portuguese Ziguinchor. If Spain’s Gambia colony wanted to expand, the Portuguese colonies were virtually the only option.

After all, to the north of the Gambia colony lay the French colony of Senegal. To avoid conflict with the French, Spain could only set its sights on the Portuguese.

Of course, the Gambia colony could also expand inland. The problem was that the British Gambia colony was built along the river, making the entire colony resemble a long rectangle.

If it continued to expand inland, the colony would be stretched infinitely from east to west, while its north-south width would remain only a few dozen kilometers.

This wouldn’t be a problem if there were no conflict with France. But if a conflict were to break out, the French army could march south from the Senegal colony at any time and sever the connection between the east and west at any point in the Gambia colony.

Preventative measures had to be taken in advance. Although the French were unlikely to take the initiative, the necessary precautions had to be in place.

If it could be unified with Portuguese Guinea, the Gambia colony would take on a more square-like shape, eliminating the risk of being cut off.

As for Portuguese São Tomé and Príncipe, which were not mentioned before, these two colonies were not on the African continent but were located in the Gulf of Guinea, facing Spain’s Guinea colony across the sea.

Although both were called Guinea colonies, Portugal’s Guinea was located on the westernmost bulge of Africa, while Spain’s Guinea was in the inner corner of Africa’s “7”-shaped bend. The two were separated by a distance of over two thousand kilometers.

If Spain could take São Tomé and Príncipe, it could also strengthen its influence in the Gulf of Guinea and protect the coasts of its various colonies there.

Although these colonies were not large, obtaining them from the Portuguese would undoubtedly be difficult.

As a former colonial empire, Portugal had its own pride. Spain could only acquire these colonies through an exchange of interests. If it tried to take them by force, it would only destroy its relationship with the Portuguese.

Carlo’s initial plan was to obtain these Portuguese colonies through a method similar to a Colonial Exchange.

If the Colonial Exchange failed, Carlo would consider other methods.

In any case, Portugal was a country on the Iberian Peninsula, right under Spain’s nose. For Spain, Portugal was like meat on the chopping block. It was only a matter of time how it would be devoured; Portugal could not escape.

After New Year’s Day, Spanish Prime Minister Canovas met with the Portuguese Ambassador to Spain to discuss the joint development of their colonies.

Because Portugal and Spain were jointly developing New Guinea Island, they had a relatively good relationship when it came to colonial expansion.

After talking for over half an hour, Prime Minister Canovas finally shifted the conversation to the topic of African colonies and directly revealed the Colonial Exchange agreement from the secret treaty between Spain and Britain.

When the Portuguese Ambassador heard that Spain had traded the Cuba colony for Britain’s three colonies in West Africa, he first showed a look of surprise, followed by some regret and remorse.

What did he regret? He regretted, of course, that Portugal had not known about this earlier and had missed the chance to acquire the Cuba colony from Spain.

Regardless of the Cuba colony’s flaws, it was still an extremely valuable colony at this time. Portugal had not expected Spain to give it up, much less that the British would acquire a complete Cuba with just three nearly worthless colonies in West Africa.

Only a country as large and wealthy as Spain, which had also opened up the Congo Territory in Africa, could afford to give up the Cuba colony.

It would be impossible for Portugal to do so. Firstly, Portugal did not have many colonies, and secondly, the Portuguese people would not accept their government voluntarily giving up a colony.

Although surprised by the Spanish government’s decision, the Portuguese Ambassador could only express his affirmation. He was no fool and naturally understood that voicing a different opinion would certainly offend the Spanish government.

Regardless of whether the Spanish government’s decision was right or wrong, Portugal certainly had no decision-making power in the matter. If the Portuguese ambassador spoke out of turn, wouldn’t he be asking for trouble for Portugal?

After chatting a while longer, the topic finally shifted to the Congo Territory and the lands to its south.

Canovas first stated that after acquiring the three West African colonies, Spain no longer had the capacity to launch a new round of colonization of the lands south of the Congo Territory.

Then, as if struck by a good idea, Canovas proposed to the Portuguese Ambassador that they reach a compromise regarding the colonization of the Congo Basin, similar to the one for New Guinea Island.

Spain would completely renounce colonization of the lands south of the Congo Territory and support Portugal’s colonization efforts there.

In return, Portugal would transfer its few colonies in the West Africa region to the Spanish government, helping them to better carry out their West Africa Development Plan.

Of course, to demonstrate Spain’s sincerity, Portugal could first expand its colonies into the lands south of the Congo Territory. Only after achieving some results would it then transfer its West African colonies to Spain.

For example, the Kingdom of Luanda to the east of Portuguese West Africa was the closest land to the Portuguese-controlled Congo region. The Portuguese government could colonize it first, and then transfer its West African territories to Spain.

The reason for proposing this “payment after delivery” offer was that Spain had no fear of Portugal breaking the agreement.

The Portuguese government should be self-aware enough to know that given the vast power disparity between Portugal and Spain, unilaterally tearing up a treaty would only lead to Portugal’s demise more quickly.

If a war broke out because Portugal unilaterally violated the treaty, Britain would have no good reason to help Portugal, or at least it would not be able to protect all of Portugal’s interests.

This was the source of the Spanish government’s confidence. As long as Portugal reached the relevant agreement with Spain, the Portuguese government could only comply; it had no other choice.

Hearing Prime Minister Canovas’s proposal, the Portuguese Ambassador was first stunned, then began to think carefully.

If Cuba and the Philippines were previously Spain’s two most important colonies, then for Portugal at this moment, the two most important colonies were Portuguese West Africa and Portuguese Mozambique.

The Portuguese West Africa mentioned here was not Portugal’s scattered colonies in West Africa, but the colony established after Portugal annexed the Kingdom of Kongo downstream of the Congo River.

The southern region of Spain’s Congo Territory was located right between Portuguese West Africa and Portuguese Mozambique. According to Spain’s proposal, although Portugal would give up its scattered colonies in West Africa, it would gain the hope of connecting the Congo region with Mozambique, creating a larger Portuguese African colony.

Chapter 269: A Second Colonial Exchange

The Pink Map project was not a sudden proposal by the Portuguese. Rather, it was a grand African colonization plan they formulated based on the state of their own African colonies after the great powers accelerated their colonization of the continent.

Portugal’s colonies in West Africa and Mozambique had been established for a long time, and the unification of these two territories had always been a clandestine agenda of the Portuguese government and royal family.

The Portuguese had also been exploring the geography of the Congo Basin, but unfortunately, Spain was far ahead of them, having established the Congo Territory before Portugal could act.

This had seriously disrupted the Portuguese plan, forcing them to settle for second best by developing colonies south of the Congo Basin, attempting to create a great Portuguese African colony between the Spanish and British territories.

The difficulty of this endeavor was immense. Spain’s Congo Territory was constantly expanding southward, while Britain’s Cape Colony was pushing ever northward.

Portugal’s target was situated between Spanish and British colonies, the most awkward position imaginable. The slightest misstep could offend both Spain and Britain simultaneously. This had kept Portugal’s colonial progress slow, and the proposal to unify their West African and Mozambican colonies had all but stagnated.

Upon hearing Prime Minister Canovas’s proposal, the Portuguese Ambassador was first taken aback, then felt a rush of pleasant surprise.

He had never expected the Spanish government to proactively bring up a plan that Portugal itself was on the verge of abandoning, and even offer to help them connect their two colonies.

Despite his inner joy, the Portuguese Ambassador did not let it show. Instead, he affected an air of refusal. “Forgive me, Mr. Prime Minister. Matters concerning the colonies are of grave importance. I must request instructions from my government.”

Prime Minister Canovas was in no hurry. He nodded and said, “But of course. This is merely an idea of mine. Whether it comes to fruition or not, it will not affect the relationship between our two governments.”

To prevent the Portuguese from discerning Spain’s true objective—acquiring their West African colonies—Prime Minister Canovas paused for a moment before following up with another proposal: a customs union between Spain and Portugal.

So-called customs duties were taxes on imports and exports between countries and regions. Due to the Iberian Peninsula’s relative isolation, Portugal relied on imports from Spain for most of its supplies, apart from what its colonies provided. Only a small portion of its imports came from other European nations.

Establishing a customs union between Portugal and Spain would have both advantages and disadvantages for both countries.

For Spain, its industrial and agricultural products could enter Portugal at lower prices, potentially even allowing it to achieve economic control over its neighbor.

Because Spain held an advantage in both industrial and agricultural output, the benefits of a customs union far outweighed the drawbacks for them.

For Portugal, a customs union would mean a continuous supply of cheaper industrial and agricultural products from Spain.

The disadvantages were also obvious: Portugal’s industrial and agricultural development would be constrained. The lower the price of Spanish imports, the greater the impact on Portugal’s domestic market.

Agriculture was less of a concern. Portugal’s grain production was not high, but neither was its population, so it didn’t need to import large quantities of grain.

What it did need to import were vegetables and fruits, areas where Portuguese production was low, so imports would not significantly affect the income of farmers and growers.

In industry, however, the impact of a customs union would be considerable. Once a flood of cheap Spanish industrial goods entered the Portuguese market, Portugal’s own industry would have no chance to rise.

More importantly, Portugal and Spain were neighboring countries, making such an economic shock even more potent. If Spanish industrial products completely saturated the Portuguese market, wouldn’t Spain have de facto control over Portugal’s economy?

For this very reason, when Prime Minister Canovas mentioned a customs union between the two nations, the Portuguese Ambassador showed a much clearer attitude of refusal.

Although a customs union had its benefits for Portugal, they did not want to be led by the nose by Spain. Portugal had numerous colonies and could import goods from other European countries; its resources were not as scarce as one might think.

This meant the benefits of a customs union with Spain were limited, while the drawbacks were significant and potentially limitless.

After the Portuguese Ambassador rejected Prime Minister Canovas’s proposal, the two discussed some less important topics before quickly concluding their meeting.

The Portuguese Ambassador’s face was impassive as he left, but the moment he was back in his carriage, his mood turned to one of excitement.

“Back to the embassy, quickly! I have important news to report to my government,” the Portuguese Ambassador ordered.

The attendant driving the carriage nodded respectfully. With a flick of his whip, the carriage set off.

On the Spanish side, after Prime Minister Canovas made his colonial exchange proposal, the Spanish government ceased to pay close attention to Portugal’s movements.

If the Portuguese government was interested in an exchange, they would naturally take the initiative to make a proposal. If Portugal had no such intentions for the time being, it was pointless for the Spanish government to be anxious.

As time moved into 1881, the Spanish government’s work, besides the West African development plan, was to continue large-scale construction within Spain itself.

Ever since the “Madrid, City that Never Sleeps” event, European nations had clearly begun to place greater importance on the electrical industry.

As the current leader in this field, Spain naturally could not afford to fall behind.

A year had passed since Madrid became the City that Never Sleeps. What achievements had Spain made in the electrical industry during this time?

First was the proliferation of electricity. To date, the electric companies in Madrid and Barcelona had expanded considerably.

The Madrid Power Company’s cumulative users exceeded seven thousand two hundred, with four thousand two hundred being corporate clients and around three thousand being residential customers.

In simple terms, about four thousand two hundred factories and businesses in Madrid had been connected to the power grid, along with three thousand households.

Purely in terms of numbers, the achievements of the Madrid Power Company were quite commendable. In reality, however, of the three thousand households with electricity, noblemen, capitalists, and dignitaries and nobles accounted for the vast majority. Fewer than three hundred households—that is, one-tenth—belonged to commoners who had actively sought a connection.

The situation in Barcelona was even worse. Although the Barcelona Power Company also had six thousand five hundred users, the vast majority were corporate clients—factories and related enterprises in the industrial district.

Fewer than one thousand households were connected to electricity, and of those, less than a tenth were actual commoners enjoying its benefits.

The good news was that the development of electricity in other European countries was not much different from Spain’s; some were even further behind.

Although this was Europe’s era, for most European commoners, it was a very difficult time.

The Industrial Revolution fueled the growth of capital, and the growth of capital intensified the exploitation of the common people. While national industries developed rapidly, workers and peasants were being exploited with increasing severity.

This led to a common phenomenon across European countries: ordinary people could not afford electricity. The only ones who could were factories and businesses, or rather, the capitalists behind them.

But not all capitalists were willing to use electricity extensively. After all, the cost of electricity was not insignificant at the time, let alone implementing it throughout a factory.

Besides Spain, perhaps only Germany, with its keen sense for electricity, was seeing the fastest adoption.

As early as the middle of last year, Germany had installed numerous streetlights in Berlin and declared that the city had entered the age of the City that Never Sleeps.

On the night the news was reported, one streetlight after another lit up the districts of Berlin, illuminating the proud faces of the Germans below.

Germany’s electrical development was advancing at a phenomenal pace. Had Spain not been prepared, Germany might have surpassed it in just one year.

Carlo was extremely serious about the development of electricity.

Half of the funds earned from the sale of technology by the electric company were used to expand electricity access in Spain, while the other half was invested in developing more advanced electrical technologies.

Currently, the main research focus of the Spanish Electricity Laboratory was on higher-power generators and electric motors. If successful, electric machinery could perhaps replace some steam machinery, ushering Spain formally into the age of electrical industry.

After a year of development, Spain’s rail transit system was also beginning to take shape.

Madrid and Barcelona had each built two tram tracks. It was worth noting that the first track built in both cities was the one connecting the city center to the industrial district.

This showed how much importance both cities placed on industry. In this era, the stronger a country’s industry, the stronger its overall power.

Though this statement was not absolute, the currently powerful nations of Britain, France, and Germany were also world leaders in industry.

The only exception was the United States, mainly because it did not prioritize military development.

Ultimately, America’s geographical location was too advantageous. Without formidable rivals nearby, it naturally neglected military advancement.

The European nations were different. Competition among them was constant, and many were sworn enemies.

Under such circumstances, for a European country to abandon military development was tantamount to abandoning its national security and independence.

About a week later, the Portuguese government finally contacted the Spanish government.

This brought a sigh of relief to Prime Minister Canovas. Spain had been on the verge of giving up the idea of a colonial exchange with Portugal. If Portugal hadn’t made contact soon, Spain might have resumed colonization of the lands south of the Congo Territory.

Although Spain already controlled enough land, one could never have too many colonies.

If Spain didn’t colonize that land, another country would sooner or later. Even if Spain didn’t need the territory, controlling it would still be a bargaining chip for future exchanges.

Upon contacting the Spanish government, the Portuguese government immediately expressed its interest in the proposed colonial exchange.

It was undeniable that the entire nation of Portugal was keenly interested in establishing a grand, transverse colony connecting West Africa and Mozambique.

If this plan succeeded, the total area of the new African colony would be several million square kilometers, comparable in size to the Brazilian colony Portugal once controlled.

As a declining colonial empire, Portugal yearned for a new, large colony and was willing to expend great effort to obtain one.

Spain’s proposal was an excellent opportunity. Even knowing the Spaniards were not acting out of pure goodwill, the Portuguese government and King Luís were unwilling to let such a chance slip by.

Portugal’s seriousness was evident from the diplomatic representative it sent.

This time, the representative was not the Ambassador, but Portugal’s cabinet minister for colonial affairs. As a former colonial empire, Portugal also had a cabinet minister similar to Spain’s Colonial Secretary.

Furthermore, this cabinet minister held a high position and significant power, ranking among the top three in the Portuguese Cabinet.

The Portuguese diplomatic delegation was led by the Colonial Minister, accompanied by the Foreign Secretary, the Ambassador, and a retinue of Portuguese officials.

It was worth mentioning that this was the second negotiation over a colonial exchange that Spain had conducted in less than six months.

However, in the last negotiation, it was the British who had proposed getting something for nothing—using permission for Spain to conquer Oman as a condition, a condition that cost Britain nothing.

Now, it was Spain’s turn to make a similar proposal. Spain would permit Portugal to colonize the land south of the Congo Territory, with Spain itself giving up nothing except the right to colonize that land.

Considering Spain had already established a territory of several million square kilometers in the Congo, giving up the land to its south was not a loss.

After all, the larger the colony, the more troops were needed to defend it. Before Spain had the population and financial resources to develop its colonies, a larger area meant greater expenses and smaller returns.

The main topic of discussion between the Portuguese and Spanish governments was the conditions each side would set for the exchange.

Although Portugal was very interested in the land south of the Congo Territory, they were unwilling to give up all their West African colonies.

After all, on paper, Portugal still possessed colonies in West Africa, including the colony of Portuguese Guinea, Portuguese Ziguinchor, Portuguese Cape Verde, Portuguese Ouidah, and Portuguese São Tomé and Príncipe.

Regardless of the area, population, or economic value of these colonies, merely having them in number was a matter of prestige, was it not?

The sovereignty over these colonies was not the Portuguese government’s primary concern. What they truly cared about was the land Spain was willing to let them colonize. They hoped to hand over the sovereignty of their West African colonies only after they had fully colonized these new lands.

But Spain would certainly not accept such terms. This would mean that for a long period of time, the Spanish government would gain nothing.

Although Spain was permitting Portugal to colonize the lands south of the Congo, Carlo and the Spanish government both knew that it would be very difficult for Portugal to fully colonize that territory.

Judging from Britain’s actions in South Africa, the British also had considerable ambitions for the lands north of South Africa.

The British would certainly not be willing to let Portugal stand in their way, blocking the northward expansion of the Cape Colony.

If Britain were to halt Portugal’s colonial expansion, wouldn’t that mean Portugal could never fully colonize the lands south of the Congo?

In that scenario, Portugal would acquire part of the land south of the Congo, Britain would get the rest, and Spain would be left with nothing. To whom could they complain then?

Spain’s position was also clear: Portugal could be allowed to colonize a portion of the land first, and then transfer the sovereignty of its West African colonies to Spain.

Spain could even provide support to Portugal, including weapons, equipment, and food supplies, to help it colonize the lands south of the Congo more quickly.

Chapter 270: The Tsar’s Death

After the Spanish government fully leveraged Portugal’s desire to unify its colonies in West Africa and Mozambique, Spain gained the upper hand in the negotiations.

It was worth mentioning that Luís, the current king of Portugal, also put in effort during the Colonial Exchange negotiations between the two Iberian nations.

As the king of Portugal, Luís could not resist the temptation to expand his territory and acquire a massive colony comparable in size to Brazil.

Even Carlo found the allure of territorial expansion irresistible. It would not only significantly enhance his reputation as king and secure his throne but also bring him tangible, practical benefits.

The fundamental reason European nations were so keen on colonial expansion was that the returns from their colonies were incredibly substantial.

For colonies that yielded little profit, governments would abandon their development and redirect their limited resources to more valuable lands.

Spain still had several colonies to choose from, but Portugal was left with only these two sizable ones. Its other colonies were small and held little value for development.

Under the subtle guidance of the Spanish government and with the strong push from King Luís of Portugal, Spain and Portugal reached an agreement on the Colonial Exchange.

Spain would halt its colonization of lands south of the Congo Basin for the next few years and fully support Portugal’s colonial development in the region.

The Congo Basin and the areas to its south were home to numerous native tribes and states of varying sizes. Once Portugal occupied any one of these native states, the Colonial Exchange with Spain would commence.

Overall, Spain would trade all its claims to the land south of the Congo Basin for Portugal’s several colonies in West Africa.

The territories Portugal would cede included Portuguese Ziguinchor, Portuguese Guinea, Portuguese Ouidah, and Portuguese São Tomé and Príncipe.

Essentially, with the exception of Cape Verde, Portugal was abandoning all its territories in West Africa, pinning all its hopes on the unification of its colonies in West Africa and Mozambique.

There were, in fact, reasons why Portugal was willing to give up so much land.

First, the territories Portugal was ceding were all small colonies surrounded by the colonies of other great powers, making expansion or in-depth development very difficult.

Second, Portugal’s land area and population were limited, and so was its capacity for colonial development.

Even Spain could not manage to develop several colonies simultaneously, let alone Portugal, which had only one-fifth of Spain’s population.

For Portugal, the priority was clearly the development of its colonies in West and Southern Africa. With this in mind, its willingness to give up several colonies in West Africa was not surprising.

It was only because of Cape Verde’s relatively important geographical location, combined with Portugal’s reluctance to abandon all its West African colonies at once, that Portuguese Cape Verde was retained.

For Spain, such a land exchange agreement was entirely acceptable. As soon as Portugal occupied any native state south of the Congo Basin, Spain could begin to take possession of Portugal’s West African colonies one by one.

In particular, Portugal’s Guinea and Ziguinchor colonies could be directly merged with Spain’s colony in Gambia. The combined area of the new Gambia colony would exceed seventy thousand square kilometers, which was more than enough to be developed into Spain’s breadbasket.

Considering that Spain’s major moves in West Africa might attract the attention or even apprehension of the French, Carlo specifically requested that the Portuguese government keep their agreement as confidential as possible until the colonial exchange was complete.

This happened to be exactly what King Luís of Portugal was thinking. Compared to Spain annexing Portugal’s West African colonies, Portugal’s colonization of the lands south of the Congo Basin was the more difficult task.

The Portuguese did not want any complications. If the agreement could be kept secret, it would naturally create more opportunities for Portugal to facilitate the unification of its two colonies.

The good news was that a major international event occurred, immediately capturing the attention of all European nations. The minor dealings between Portugal and Spain were naturally overlooked by the other European countries.

What was this major international event? It was, of course, the assassination of Tsar Alexander II, which took place in the chaotic Russian Empire.

Posterity’s evaluation of this Tsar is completely different from the contemporary one. Later generations hailed Alexander II as a reformer, praising his reforms for extending Russia’s lifespan by several decades.

But in the Russia of this era, because the country had not gained much from the Russo-Turkish War, Alexander II’s prestige had suffered invisible damage.

Those disaffected with the government redirected their hatred toward Alexander II and launched one assassination attempt after another against him with frenzied determination.

In the few years since the end of the Russo-Turkish War, the number of assassination attempts on Alexander II had already reached double digits.

Even with Alexander II’s various precautions, the assassins’ methods were constantly changing.

Sometimes they planted explosives under the railway tracks of his special train; other times they threw bombs at the Winter Palace where he resided; and sometimes they used firearms to ambush his motorcade.

As early as 1880, the Winter Palace, where Alexander II lived, had suffered severe damage. The St. Petersburg Police arrested seventeen suspects connected to the assassination attempt. All seventeen were sentenced to death by hanging, and their friends and families were permanently exiled to the remote land of Siberia.

This cruel punishment, far from deterring the assassins, only incited more and more acts of revenge.

Finally, Alexander II was assassinated. Although the St. Petersburg Police had strengthened security around the palace and the Tsar’s Royal Guards had stationed troops within the Winter Palace.

When disaster struck, it was always sudden. Alexander II was killed by an explosion in a way he had never imagined.

On March 13, 1881, Alexander II was traveling by carriage from the palace to a government building to attend a routine meeting.

But his itinerary had been leaked in advance. As the carriage reached a street corner, a bomb was suddenly thrown under Tsar Alexander II’s carriage.

The good news was that this bomb caused the Tsar no injuries. It didn’t even overturn the carriage. Aside from a slight delay, the assassination attempt seemed to have had no effect.

But Alexander II’s relief was short-lived. As he angrily walked toward the assassin, who had been captured by his guards, another bomb was thrown directly at him.

Without the protection of the carriage, Alexander II was not as lucky as before. The bomb quickly detonated, and Alexander II was caught in the blast, suffering grievous injuries.

Fortunately, Alexander II remained conscious; he was not killed instantly by the bomb.

Unfortunately, the injuries caused by the bomb were far beyond what the medical technology of the era could treat. In this situation, remaining conscious became a form of torture. He had to endure the agony of his wounds, feel his body gradually weaken, and finally, slowly lose consciousness.

By the time the news reached the other European nations, it was the day after the assassination, March 14.

For the people of Europe who believed in God, 13 was truly an unlucky number. Alexander II died on the 13th, a fact that could perhaps sometimes be attributed to fate.

As the monarch of a great European power, the death of Alexander II drew the attention of all European countries.

For Austria, the death of the reform-minded Alexander II was undoubtedly good news. Russia’s reforms were already incomplete, and with the death of the emperor who championed them, their effectiveness would naturally be even lower.

It should not be forgotten that Russia still had a large number of noblemen. The abolition of serfdom had already offended many of them. Would the new Tsar risk further offending the nobility to champion Alexander II’s reforms?

The Tsar’s funeral was held with great ceremony in St. Petersburg, and virtually every European nation sent an envoy to attend.

Russia was, after all, still one of the most powerful countries in the world. The death of the Russian Tsar was certainly big news that could shake Europe, especially a death by assassination.

Of course, compared to the deceased Tsar Alexander II, the European powers were more concerned about the attitude of the new Tsar, Alexander III.

Russia was an autocratic state where the Tsar held unparalleled power. With the change on the throne, would Russia’s foreign policy change?

The relationship between Russia, Germany, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire was already complex and uncertain. The nations of Europe were all speculating whether the League of the Three Emperors, formed by Germany, would fall apart.

Now, the change of monarch in Russia made the future of the League of the Three Emperors even more unpredictable. The existence of the league was crucial to whether Europe could achieve a relatively long period of peace.

While the other European nations could only guess, Carlo, as a transmigrator, naturally knew the changes Russia would undergo.

If Russia had been able to persist with Alexander II’s reforms, or even had the courage to deepen them and push for comprehensive reform, its military strength might have doubled.

But unfortunately, due to his father’s tragic and painful end, the successor, Tsar Alexander III, adopted an ambiguous attitude toward reform.

He still supported his father’s reforms, but he was afraid of being assassinated and dying just as his father had.

Even his coronation ceremony was postponed for two years, which was quite unusual among all the countries of Europe.

Generally, after succeeding to the throne, a coronation ceremony is held within a year. Although one is already the country’s king upon ascending the throne, the purpose of the coronation is to strengthen legitimacy and declare the legality of one’s rule.

The fact that Alexander III held his coronation two years later also showed how truly afraid he was of assassination.

The main issue was that these assassination attempts were impossible to defend against. The assassins would strike in all sorts of ways, and a person is bound to let their guard down one day.

Out of diplomatic courtesy, Spain sent its Foreign Secretary as a representative to attend Alexander II’s funeral. Since the Spanish royal family had no relations with the Russian royal family, Carlo naturally did not need to attend the funeral in person.

Besides attending the funeral, the Spanish Foreign Secretary was also sent to reaffirm previous cooperation with the Russian government, ensuring that the collaboration between the two countries would not be affected by the change of Tsar.

What cooperation did Spain and Russia have? It was, of course, cooperation regarding immigration.

Although Russia had stopped purchasing Spanish weapons and equipment after the Russo-Turkish War, Spain had not ceased its efforts to bring in immigrants from Russia.

Because Spain paid for these immigrants with hard currency or other valuable industrial products and technical data, Russia was also quite happy to continue the cooperation.

In the two years since the end of the Russo-Turkish War, Spain had brought in a total of over fifty thousand immigrants from Russia. Most of these Russians were transferred to Spain’s colonies to work in agriculture.

It had to be admitted that Russian peasants were excellent agricultural workers. They were highly resilient, easily satisfied, and not prone to rebellion, making them one of the easiest groups to govern in all of Europe.

With Spain itself unable to support large-scale emigration, bringing in Russian immigrants became Spain’s only choice, and also its most suitable one.

A few days after the diplomatic representative arrived in St. Petersburg, good news came back: the Russian government would not be changing its foreign policy in the short term. For the next few years, Spain could continue to bring in a steady stream of immigrants from Russia.

This was certainly good news. After all, Spain’s development of its West African colonies in the coming years would require a large number of immigrants. Not all jobs were suitable for the colonial natives; some tasks still required proper European immigrants.

The local natives of West Africa would just serve as cheap labor. Their primary purpose was to do heavy manual labor and high-mortality jobs, while other work was to be reserved for the immigrants.

Having confirmed that the Russian government’s foreign policy would not change significantly, Carlo grew more curious about the attitudes of Germany and Austria toward Russia.

Would the League of the Three Emperors continue? Or would Russia align itself with France, leading to the premature formation of the two major military blocs and a more intense confrontation?

To find out, Carlo ordered the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau to pay close attention to the movements of the German, Russian, and Austrian governments. If the three governments met secretly, it would mean that the League of the Three Emperors was very likely to continue, and that neither Germany nor Russia intended to leave it.

If there were no private meetings between the three governments, and not even any communication between the German and Russian governments, then the dissolution of the League of the Three Emperors was probably not far off.

Chapter [Number]: The Latest Colony Map Has Been Uploaded to the Book Review Section

The latest colony map has been uploaded to the book review section.

As the title says, you can see it in the book review sections of Qidian and QQ Reading, as well as in the fellow readers’ group.

Chapter 271: France’s Move

As it turned out, the death of Tsar Alexander II had an enormous impact on Russia.

In the same month as Alexander II’s death, several reform-related decrees were repealed. The Russian government launched an extremely strict censorship campaign, especially concerning the publication of literary works and newspapers, shutting down several major newspaper companies in a short period.

Newspaper companies dared not report the news, and the Russian populace remained tight-lipped, afraid that loose talk would lead to trouble. As a result, an extremely oppressive atmosphere descended upon Russia after Alexander II’s funeral.

It is worth mentioning that from March 1881, the number of Russian immigrants willing to come to Spain increased sharply.

Previously, it would take a full year to gather fifty thousand immigrants, with only twenty to thirty thousand remaining after a selective process. Yet this year, in just four months, the cumulative number of registered immigrants had already surpassed forty thousand and was still growing steadily.

This rapid increase in Russian immigrants was not entirely a good thing for Spain. The immigration department quickly reported the situation to the Cabinet government, asking how to handle the surplus of immigrants.

Carlo naturally learned of this development and inquired about the government’s approach. Overall, he was quite satisfied with the method Prime Minister Canovas chose.

While mainland Spain did not need many more immigrants, its colonies certainly did. This was especially true for the three West African colonies recently acquired from Britain. These colonies already had large immigrant populations, so adding more Russians would not cause any disruption.

It could even serve to reduce British influence in these regions by decreasing the number of local British immigrants, allowing the Spanish government to strengthen its control.

Gambia, in particular, was being developed as a key overseas breadbasket for Spain and required a large number of peasants to cultivate crops.

Russian peasants were clearly skilled in agriculture. Combined with their resilience and capacity for hard work, sending them to the colony of Gambia was a perfect fit.

The only concern was whether these Russians, accustomed to frigid regions, could adapt to life in an African colony. Spain’s African colonies were generally near the equator, where temperatures were considerably hot.

Moving suddenly from a cold region to a hot one would likely cause these Russian immigrants to have trouble acclimating. They would have to overcome these difficulties on their own, as Spain had no better solution.

To accelerate agricultural development in Gambia, these Russian immigrants would simply have to make do and adapt. Even if some fell ill from failing to acclimate, it was a perfectly acceptable price for Spain to pay.

While Spain was racking its brains over its West Africa development plan, a heated debate was raging in its northern neighbor, France.

The man who initiated the debate, Jules François Camille Ferry—the renowned Jules Ferry—proposed a controversial topic at a French Cabinet meeting: France should send troops to bring Tunisia under its colonial protection.

Tunisia was located in North Africa, just east of French-controlled Algeria and across the sea from Italy’s Sicily.

Jules Ferry was certainly aware that colonizing Tunisia would cause conflict with Italy. But for France at this time, it was imperative to seek some compensation for the defeat a decade earlier through colonization, so that the French government could regain the trust of its people.

The Franco-Prussian War a decade ago was like a harsh slap in the face to all French people from the Germans, one that they would never forget.

To what extent did the French hold this grudge? Any government official or Senator, regardless of rank, who dared to suggest not taking revenge on Germany would inevitably be attacked by the furious public.

Revenge against Germany had already become a form of political correctness in France. Regardless of what the politicians truly thought, they had to publicly support the people’s view.

Jules Ferry could be considered one of the representative French politicians of his era. As a statesman holding the office of Premier, he certainly understood Germany’s strength.

Although France’s overall strength was not weak, dreaming of revenge against Germany without the support of any allies would be courting disaster.

But the people’s hatred for Germany was real, something the French government could not afford to ignore. Therefore, the government had to find other ways to divert this hatred, or at least capture the public’s attention, to prevent dissatisfaction from arising due to its inaction.

In this great age of colonization, the surest way to capture the French public’s attention was, naturally, to expand the nation’s territory and establish new colonies.

The region of Tunisia was quite important. Not only did it border the already French-controlled Algeria, but it was also the northernmost region of Africa, which would be very helpful for France to exert its influence along the Mediterranean coast.

Of course, controlling Tunisia would also allow France to continue its eastward expansion in North Africa. To the southeast of Tunisia was Libya, and to the east of Libya was Egypt—the location of the Suez Canal.

The importance of the Suez Canal goes without saying. Even though Britain had used various means to acquire a majority of the shares in the Suez Canal, France had never given up its interest in it.

If Britain gained complete control of the Suez Canal, the French fleet in the Mediterranean would be trapped. The French naturally understood this, so they had always opposed Britain’s total control of the canal and would periodically challenge the status quo of Britain holding the majority of shares.

Returning to Tunisia. At present, Tunisia nominally belonged to the Ottoman Empire, but in reality, the Ottoman Empire’s authority no longer reached it.

The reason for this, of course, was that the Ottoman Empire’s true strength had been exposed after its defeat in the last Russo-Turkish War.

As a former super-empire that spanned three continents—Europe, Asia, and Africa—the Ottoman Empire was, to most countries, like a starved camel bigger than a horse; it was still a great power.

But to France, which had dominated Europe just a decade ago, this “starved camel” of an empire was like a choice cut of meat on a chopping block, ripe for the carving.

However, because Tunisia was closer to Italy, the Italians were also paying close attention to this land. Considering that an invasion of Tunisia would inevitably attract Italy’s attention and could even provoke its intervention, the current French Premier, Jules Ferry, consulted several important officials and high-ranking generals in the French Cabinet before instigating a war.

The first to be consulted was, naturally, an important member of the French Cabinet, the current Foreign Secretary, Gambetta.

As Foreign Secretary, Gambetta was well-versed in the European situation. Upon learning of the Premier’s intention to invade Tunisia, he immediately asked his first question: how would they deal with Italy?

Times had changed. Italy was no longer the Kingdom of Sardinia that France could manipulate at will. Although the unified Italy was not as monstrous as Germany, it was still a nation on the level of a great power.

Had it been France in its golden age, it certainly would not have given much thought to Italy’s opinion. But now, France was diplomatically isolated by Germany. Incurring Italy’s wrath would only make Germany’s policy of isolating France more aggressive.

Faced with Foreign Secretary Gambetta’s question, Jules Ferry pondered for a long time before stating his position: France would respond to any potential Italian interference with force.

Although the Franco-Prussian War had cost France Alsace and Lorraine, it was still the hegemon of Western Europe and one of the top three powers in the world.

A minor power like Italy could not stop France from expanding its colonial territory. Besides, it was unlikely that Italy had the courage to prevent a French invasion of Tunisia.

Italy lagged behind France in industry, economy, and population, and its army’s combat effectiveness was far inferior.

Even if it came to a real fight, France had absolutely no fear of Italy. In fact, if Italy refused to comply, France could easily march on Rome and restore the Papal States’ control over the city.

After hearing the Premier’s stance, Foreign Secretary Gambetta nodded, his questions resolved.

He and the Premier were from the same party, so on a matter of this magnitude, he was bound to stand with him. Besides, invading Tunisia was not a major undertaking for France, so there was no need to oppose the Premier.

In addition to consulting Foreign Secretary Gambetta, French Premier Jules Ferry also sought the opinion of the Minister of War.

There was little need to ask, however. The Minister of War would never refuse a simple invasion of a native state.

Not only would it grant the military plenty of easy credit, but it was also a war that could not be lost—a free handover of merits.

As for the attitudes of the other great powers, that was not the military’s concern. The army was only responsible for winning the war. Which countries might be angered was a matter for the government and the diplomatic service to consider.

With the backing of the Foreign Secretary and the Minister of War, Jules Ferry was brimming with confidence when he proposed the invasion of Tunisia at the French Cabinet meeting.

It should be noted that Ferry employed a small trick before making his proposal.

Politicians care most about their reputation. Before officially proposing the idea, Ferry had already arranged for several newspaper companies to report that he would push the nation into a war to help France gain a new colony.

While it wasn’t the recovery of Alsace and Lorraine, expanding the nation’s territory was also a great achievement.

More importantly, compared to Ferry, who was confidently launching a war shortly after taking office, his eleven predecessors had accomplished almost nothing during their time as Premier.

That’s right. In the decade or so since the republic was established after the Franco-Prussian War, France had gone through eleven premiers—an astonishingly rapid turnover.

Although France had both a president and a premier, under the French Third Republic, the premier’s actual power was greater than the president’s.

The Head of State was, of course, the French president, but the president was only responsible for foreign affairs and the military, while executive power was in the hands of the French premier.

With an average of one new premier per year, one can imagine how chaotic the French political scene was during this period.

At this time, the French president was elected by the people, while the French premier was appointed by the party that won the parliamentary election. The frequent change of premiers also signified one thing: the conflicts and disputes between French political parties ran extremely deep.

The reason the French Third Republic weakened the president’s power was as a lesson learned from the precedent of Napoleon III.

Before becoming Emperor of the French, Napoleon III was elected to the position of president, at a time when the French president held enormous power. This laid the foundation for his later military dictatorship and the re-establishment of the French Empire.

The French Third Republic weakened presidential power precisely to prevent events similar to Napoleon III’s restoration from happening again.

The fact that diplomatic and military powers were in the hands of the president was actually why Ferry had consulted the Foreign Secretary and the Minister of War.

As long as these two cabinet ministers supported him, Ferry had ways to deal with the situation even if the president objected.

After all, public opinion in France at the time was in favor of war. After the humiliating Franco-Prussian War, the French people needed many victories to wash away their shame.

If the current French president dared to directly reject Ferry’s proposal, the first to be dissatisfied would likely be the very French citizens who elected him.

Sure enough, because the news had already been reported by the press, not a single cabinet minister dared to refute Ferry’s proposal to invade Tunisia when he brought it up at the Cabinet meeting.

Public opinion in France was no laughing matter. In other countries, no matter how angry or dissatisfied the populace was, it usually just resulted in protests.

The French people did not mess around. If a war was rejected on day one, protests would erupt that very day. As for day two, it would naturally be followed by revolution and insurrection.

The French people, particularly the citizens of Paris, were already well-experienced in this. They were very familiar with the locations of the Paris city government and the French government, as well as the city’s armories.

Even a French king could be sent to the gallows, let alone a president who was merely elected by popular vote. As long as one was not a fool, one would never reject such a war proposal.

Unless, of course, the French public also opposed such a war, but at that point in time, this was virtually impossible.

The humiliation of the Franco-Prussian War was too intense for the French people; they desperately needed a thoroughly satisfying war to vent their frustrations.

The officials of the French government naturally understood this. Both the Cabinet government and the French parliament fully and enthusiastically approved.

Amidst unanimous approval, the French government immediately began preparations for war.

Jules Ferry was no fool. Although France did not fear Italy, it would be for the best if they could carry out the colonization without Italy knowing.

By the time France had completely occupied Tunisia, even if the Italians found out, there would be nothing they could do to change the situation.

Although Italy had unified relatively late, it is worth noting that the Italians had set their sights on Tunisia even before their country was unified.

As far back as the era of the Kingdom of Sardinia, a large amount of Italian capital and numerous individuals had traveled to Tunisia, just across the sea, to engage in colonization and business activities.

As the Kingdom of Sardinia’s industry and economy developed, its government also got directly involved, participating in the infiltration of Tunisia.

Although located in Africa, Tunisia was a relatively fertile land. Its area was a vast one hundred sixty thousand square kilometers, more than half the size of Italy.

This was why Italy had its eyes on Tunisia. The land was fertile, there was plenty of arable farmland, and it was very close to the mainland—wasn’t this a natural colony?

Chapter 272: A Reason for War

It was not without reason that Tunisia drew the attention of France and Italy.

Besides its location in North Africa, just across the sea from France and Italy, nearly ninety thousand of Tunisia’s one hundred sixty thousand square kilometers of land were arable. This was a rather astonishing scale.

Ninety thousand square kilometers is equivalent to nine million hectares, 22,239,500 acres, or 135 million mu of land.

Based on the crop yields of several hundred catties per mu in later eras, those 135 million mu of land could produce at least 70 to 100 billion catties of grain annually, which is between thirty-five million and fifty million tons.

In terms of later food consumption rates, this amount of grain would be enough to feed over one hundred million people. Even based on current global per capita food consumption, thirty-five million tons of grain alone would be enough to sustain at least 120 million people.

Of course, the reality could not be calculated so simply. Even if all ninety thousand square kilometers were converted into farmland, there would certainly be some losses.

The land between fields would require irrigation canals, roads, peasant housing, living facilities, and a series of other structures. The final amount of cultivated land would surely be less than ninety thousand square kilometers, and current crop yields were not as high as several hundred catties per mu.

What was certain, however, was that whichever nation—France or Italy—acquired Tunisia would gain complete possession of this natural treasure trove ripe for major development.

Tunisia’s land could not feed over one hundred million people at present, but with a little development, it could easily supply Europe with enough grain to feed several million.

More importantly, although Tunisia had belonged to the Ottoman Empire for a long time, it existed as a vassal, not an annexed territory.

The Tunisian people lived a semi-nomadic, semi-agricultural lifestyle. A Tunisian territory could serve not only as a source of grain but also as an overseas pasture, providing large quantities of food and meat products to either France or Italy.

Although there was no specific data on Tunisia’s population, it was certain that the entire population did not exceed one million, likely numbering between six hundred thousand and eight hundred thousand.

For France and Italy, annexing Tunisia would be very simple, and its integration could be completed with ease.

This was one of the reasons Italy had its eyes on Tunisia. For a country like Italy, which was not particularly populous, controlling a territory that could be integrated was far more appealing than a large colony thousands of miles away.

Besides, Tunisia was right on Italy’s doorstep.

The closest point between the Apennine Peninsula and Italy’s island of Sardinia was about two hundred kilometers, while the distance from Sicily to the Tunisian peninsula was less than one hundred fifty kilometers. It was practically next door.

As for why Italy had not managed to seize this neighboring land after all this time, a look at a map of the Mediterranean makes it clear.

The Mediterranean Sea stretches from the Strait of Gibraltar in the west to the western coast of the Arabian Peninsula in the east, an astonishing span of over 3,600 kilometers.

The sea is shaped like the number “7,” with Italy situated at its crook. If Italy were to acquire Tunisia, it would gain complete control over the corner of that “7” from north to south.

This meant that Italy, now unified and a great power, could potentially cleave the vast Mediterranean in two at any time.

Such a situation would not only disrupt Britain’s strategic positions at the eastern and western sea outlets of the Mediterranean but also place France’s connection to its African colonies in a precarious position.

This led to a rather unusual phenomenon: both Britain and France maintained an attitude of opposition to Italy’s colonization of Tunisia.

It was precisely the joint opposition from Britain and France that had prevented Italy, which had long coveted the territory, from acquiring it.

Because France understood Britain’s apprehension about Italy potentially cutting off the Mediterranean, it had reached a compromise with the British government several years prior.

France would voluntarily relinquish its claims in the Cyprus region in exchange for Britain maintaining a friendly neutrality during France’s colonization of Tunisia.

So-called friendly neutrality meant that Britain would not issue any statements during the French invasion of Tunisia, but neither would it take any hostile or uncooperative actions.

Jules Ferry dared to plot the invasion of Tunisia precisely because he was certain Britain would not interfere in France’s actions.

As long as Britain did not interfere, a French invasion of Tunisia would be guaranteed to succeed. As for France’s neighbor and mortal enemy, Germany, it was also highly unlikely to obstruct France’s colonial expansion at this time.

The reason was simple: Germany did not want to face another war.

In fact, significant divisions had appeared within the German government during negotiations with the French government after the Franco-Prussian War.

Prussian Prime Minister Bismarck’s original plan had been to demand one billion francs in reparations from the French government, a move meant to solidify Prussia’s advantage in its disputes with France.

But unexpectedly, the Junker nobility of the time were far more ambitious. It was their voracious demands that ultimately raised the French government’s reparations from one billion to five billion francs.

Although the German government secured more funds, the enmity between France and Germany intensified. This was why Bismarck worked so hard to build a system to isolate France; if the French ever found an opportunity, they would likely launch a retaliatory war.

For Germany at this moment, anything that could distract the French government was more than welcome.

As a neighboring country, Germany was well aware of French public opinion. If the French government was not allowed to vent its pent-up domestic emotions through a thoroughly satisfying colonial war, an extremist French leader might sooner or later rise to power and provoke a war with Germany.

This meant that before even launching this war, France had effectively secured the support of both Britain and Germany.

A few days later, Jules Ferry once again summoned the Minister of War to inquire about the military’s preparations for the war.

Considering the strong possibility that Italy might forcibly intervene, the French Ministry of War’s preparations were quite thorough.

The French Army would commit fifty thousand troops to the invasion of Tunisia. Thirty thousand would be deployed for combat operations in Tunisia, while twenty thousand would serve as a reserve force to guard against a surprise attack by the Italian army.

In addition to the fifty thousand army troops, Jules Ferry also planned to mobilize the French Navy during the invasion to guard against a potential naval incursion by Italy.

Although the Italians most likely lacked the courage to declare war on France, the necessary precautions were still essential.

If the Italians managed to succeed in a sneak attack, it would be a massive embarrassment. While the Italian army’s combat effectiveness was not strong, the Italian Navy was of a considerable size.

If the French Navy were caught off guard and lost some of its capital ships, whether it could win a subsequent naval battle against Italy would be a genuine question.

On the whole, Jules Ferry was quite satisfied with the offensive plan proposed by the Ministry of War. Deploying fifty thousand troops was not a major investment for France. If they could acquire all of Tunisia for a relatively small price, it would be a great political achievement for both the French government and the military.

Regardless of Tunisia’s future, for the current Premier, Jules Ferry, this was a tangible political achievement and a trump card to protect himself from impeachment.

After confirming that the Ministry of War was ready, Jules Ferry summoned the French Foreign Secretary, Gambetta, and instructed the diplomatic service to find a suitable reason to declare war on France’s behalf.

Although it was a war against a native state, for a Europe that had grown concerned with appearances, a suitable pretext for war was still very important.

It would not only prove the legitimacy of launching the war but also reduce the justifications for other great powers to interfere.

Italy, for example, would also need to find a suitable reason if it wanted to interfere in the war between France and Tunisia; otherwise, it would already be at a disadvantage in terms of the war’s legitimacy.

Foreign Secretary Gambetta did not rush to accept Ferry’s order. Instead, he posed a new question to Ferry: would Spain, which shared a common origin with the Italian royal family, help Italy interfere in the war between France and Tunisia?

The royal houses of Spain and Italy sprang from the same roots, which meant the two countries had a very close relationship. Even though Victor Emanuele II, the link in this close relationship, had been dead for three years, it did not affect the intimate cooperation between Spain and Italy.

France had no worries about facing opposition from Italy alone. But if Spain also joined the opposition, the threat to France would be much greater.

First, Spain’s international influence was still greater than Italy’s. Although their comprehensive national strengths were not far apart, Spain, as the world’s third-largest colonial empire, had always maintained a respectable position in Europe.

Historically, Spain had gone through a chaotic period from the Bourbon dynasty to a republic and back to the Bourbon dynasty. Coupled with the loss of its last two large colonies, Cuba and the Philippines, it eventually fell from its standing among the great powers, never to be a first-rate European nation again.

But the Spain of this era was different. Although it had lost the colony of Cuba, it had gained the even larger Congo, plus several territories in West Africa.

The colony in the Philippines had also expanded, and the overall size of Spain’s colonial holdings had multiplied several times over.

Furthermore, Spain had already built several ironclads, its navy had grown stronger, and its colonies had become more numerous, so its international influence naturally grew.

A united Spain and Italy would indeed be a problem for France. More importantly, Spain was also a factor in whether France could break Germany’s plan of isolation.

If, for the sake of Tunisia, France pushed both Spain and Italy into Germany’s camp, then France might face a joint blockade by Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russia, Italy, and Spain.

Faced with a blockade by five great powers, even the British Empire would be severely affected. For France at this time, this was potentially the worst possible outcome.

This was Foreign Secretary Gambetta’s concern. If Spain really did side with Italy, this war could very well push France into the abyss.

“This is also my concern,” Jules Ferry did not hide his worry about Spain’s attitude, but he had sufficient confidence in his carefully prepared plan. ”

But don’t forget, France is a first-rate great power, while Spain and Italy are only second-rate great powers. As long as we can achieve a rapid occupation of Tunisia and establish a Tunisian colony before Italy and Spain can react, we won’t have to worry about these problems that might never happen.”

Jules Ferry’s plan of action boiled down to four words: swift war, decisive victory.

After all, Tunisia’s population was only a few hundred thousand. With France deploying an army of thirty thousand, there was a high probability of capturing Tunisia’s key cities within days.

Once they controlled the situation in Tunisia, not even Spain and Italy could say anything about France’s war.

Because by then, to change the outcome of the war, they would have to be prepared for a full-scale war with France.

Although France’s development was somewhat slower compared to that of Britain and Germany, this still did not prevent France from being one of the most powerful countries in the world.

At present, France had a population of over thirty-eight million, while the combined population of Spain and Italy was only about eleven million more than France’s.

Was France afraid of Spain and Italy? Not at all. France was only afraid of Spain and Italy siding with Germany. In the end, it was still wary of Germany, its most powerful enemy.

French Foreign Secretary Gambetta nodded. With no better options available, a swift war was indeed the best solution.

As long as France controlled the situation in Tunisia, it would be the French who dictated how the war progressed.

Then, Gambetta nodded and said to Jules Ferry with a solemn expression, “I will prepare a reasonable pretext for war for the military. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs awaits your next orders at any time.”

Finding a reason to declare war was quite simple in this era; it all depended on whether a European nation wanted to wage war against a native populace.

Since the French government had already decided to invade Tunisia, the diplomatic service naturally acted with great speed.

The very next day, the French diplomatic service found a suitable reason for war.

Although Tunisia was a single region, it was home to different native tribes and peoples.

Conflicts could erupt between different tribes of the same people, let alone between different tribes of different peoples. Those conflicts would only be more intense.

The natives of Africa lived by hunting, which meant that neighboring tribes often had major conflicts over the ownership of prey and land.

What was different this time was that the two feuding Tunisian tribes were located in the border region near Algeria. As luck would have it, two white Europeans were caught in the conflict between the two tribes and ended up tragically killed.

Two Frenchmen massacred by natives—this was the best possible pretext for the French government. If a government could not even protect its own citizens, how could the people trust it to protect the nation’s land and all its people?

Faced with this excellent reason for war, the French government did not hesitate in the slightest. The diplomatic service immediately condemned the feuding tribes in the Tunisian region and demanded that Tunisia immediately hand over the culprits who killed the two Frenchmen, setting a deadline of twenty-four hours.

If Tunisia failed to hand over all the killers of the Frenchmen within twenty-four hours, then France would dispatch its army to personally avenge its own citizens.

Chapter 273: War and Response

When the Tunisian government received France’s ultimatum, they were stunned.

First, regarding the conflict between two large native tribes on the Tunisian border, even the Tunisian government had not yet received news of it. How did the French government know?

Second, Europeans were undoubtedly first-class citizens in Africa. Even large native states like Morocco and Egypt dared not provoke Europeans, let alone Tunisia.

In this era, wasn’t it always the case that Europeans killed Africans, and not the other way around? How could Frenchmen have been killed by Tunisians?

Although the Tunisian government had many questions, it was clear that the French government would not give them enough time to sort through the details.

The French government gave them only twenty-four hours. What could be done in twenty-four hours? It was not even enough time to notify the Ottoman Empire, Tunisia’s nominal suzerain state.

That’s right, there were no telegraph cables connecting Tunisia and the Ottoman Empire. Even the Ottoman government itself did not make extensive use of telegrams for communication, to say nothing of Tunisia, which was over 1,600 kilometers from the Ottoman capital.

There were only two ways to travel from Tunisia to Constantinople. One was by land, crossing Libya and Egypt, heading north along the Palestinian region into Anatolia, and then traversing the entire peninsula and crossing the straits to reach Constantinople.

The sea route was less troublesome. Departing from Tunisia’s largest city, Tunis, one could cross the Mediterranean and the Aegean Sea, then traverse the straits to arrive in Constantinople.

Although the journey was not that long, Tunisia’s own naval power was practically non-existent. This resulted in Tunisia being relatively isolated from other lands controlled by the Ottoman Empire, making its situation nearly hopeless.

Of course, even if the Tunisian government could contact the Ottoman government at this moment, the Ottomans would likely have declared righteously that Tunisia no longer had any connection to them.

Although Tsarist Russia had gained little from the Russo-Turkish War, it did not mean the Ottoman Empire’s losses were small.

Besides the loss of territory in the Balkan Peninsula, the most significant outcome was the complete exposure of the Ottoman Empire’s decline.

For the Ottoman Empire at this time, the most important thing was to recuperate and pursue reform, not to get into another conflict with the European great powers over a remote territory.

Besides, the Ottomans no longer had the capacity to wage war against the European great powers.

France’s comprehensive national strength was even greater than Russia’s. For the Ottoman Empire, it was natural to avoid conflict whenever possible.

The good news was that the Tunisian government didn’t have to worry about how to handle France’s ultimatum. Just over ten hours later, French troops, long poised for action in Algeria, advanced eastward in a great wave, splitting into two columns to attack Tunisia from the north and south.

The northern army consisted of about forty thousand French troops, including two newly formed infantry divisions, a cavalry division, and an artillery regiment.

The southern army, however, consisted of only one newly formed infantry division, totaling about ten thousand men.

The reason for the northern army’s larger scale was not only that nearly all of Tunisia’s important cities were in the north, but also that if the Italian Army were to intervene, they would most likely attack northern Tunisia.

The more important role of the southern army was to advance southeast from Rudeif to capture the important southern Tunisian city of Gabes, thereby completely cutting off any possibility of the Tunisians fleeing southeast to Libya.

Once the southern army captured Gabes, the Tunisian peninsula would be encircled by French forces. Unless the Tunisians could all swim across the Mediterranean to the Ottoman Empire, escape would be impossible.

As the northern Tunisian town closest to Algeria, El Kef became the first Tunisian city to fall victim to the French army.

For this town of just under twenty thousand people, the sight of a massive army of forty thousand bearing down on them was an absolute first.

After all, as a proper town, compared to scattered tribes, El Kef had a “regular army” of about two hundred men, which was also the main force for maintaining public order.

But what could two hundred men do in the face of France’s forty-thousand-strong army?

Forget resisting the French attack; the moment they saw the massive army approaching, these so-called defenders scattered in all directions.

Yes, they truly scattered in every direction imaginable.

The natives of Africa didn’t build city walls or fortresses. Countless dirt paths connected the town to the surrounding forests and rivers, and it was along these paths that the native soldiers fled.

As for the town’s residents, they were not a concern for these soldiers.

Natives who cared more for their families might rush home in a panic to flee with them.

Those who cared more for their own lives simply ran for the forests outside the town without a second thought. The forest was their ancestral hunting ground; if they could make it into the woods, the French would likely never find them.

While the defenders were able to flee at the first opportunity, the natives within El Kef could only huddle fearfully outside their “houses,” anxiously watching the approaching French army through the cracks in their wooden doors.

The good news was that the French did not linger in this small town for long. After confirming that there was no remaining resistance, the French army left behind a battalion-sized force to temporarily maintain order, awaiting the arrival of officials and police from Algeria to take over.

The rest of the main force continued its relentless eastward advance. A small town named Bou Arada lay a few dozen kilometers east of El Kef.

And the French army’s destination was less than 100 kilometers northeast of Bou Arada.

In order to occupy all of Tunisia before the Italian government could react, the French military high command had issued orders that the operation must be swift, saving as much time as possible at all costs.

Because the Ministry of War had given strict orders, the French general commanding this army did not dare to waste a single moment.

Along the way, aside from the little time spent occupying towns, the French army advanced rapidly in a massive, orderly formation.

Starting from the small town of El Kef, the forty-thousand-strong French army split into two.

One force headed north to capture the small towns of Beja, Mateur, and Camp Bourguiba before reaching their destination, Bizerte.

There, they would construct defensive lines to guard against a possible sneak attack by the Italians.

The remaining main force would continue east, moving to encircle Tunis at a rapid pace.

Once they captured Tunis, the capital of the region, the war would be as good as won.

France did not advance through Tunisia without encountering resistance.

As a vassal kingdom under the Ottoman Empire, Tunisia had its own ruler and government.

Like the Ottoman Empire, the Bey of Tunis, Muhammad III as-Sadiq, had also attempted Westernization, implementing a series of reforms that included improving infrastructure, building railways and roads, enhancing education, and focusing on economic development.

But if the Ottoman Empire could not succeed in its reforms, Tunisia had even less of a chance.

It was a small country with a population of less than one million, and with numerous tribes and a relatively corrupt political system, the annual tax revenue collected by the Tunisian government was pitifully small.

Most of the taxes were controlled by the tribal chiefs; only the cities under direct Tunisian control yielded any revenue.

This led to Tunisia’s reforms having almost no effect. Aside from the ruler establishing a new army of just over 2,000 men, post-reform Tunisia was no different from pre-reform Tunisia.

The only obstacle the French army encountered was this very new army, personally established by the Tunisian ruler.

Although they numbered just over 2,000, this new army was personally created by Muhammad III as-Sadiq. Furthermore, as this was a war to protect their own country, they were not scared out of their wits by the French army, which outnumbered them dozens of times over. Instead, they bravely launched wave after wave of attacks.

But reality soon shattered their dreams.

Besides their numerical superiority, the French army also had more cavalry and cannons, not to mention superior rifles.

Under such circumstances, the Tunisian army of just over 2,000 men had no way to resist.

The first charge cost the Tunisian army more than a third of its men. After two consecutive charges, the Tunisian army was almost completely combat-ineffective.

By the time the French army had dealt with the Tunisian new army, several days had passed since France had officially initiated the war.

No matter how slow the European nations were, they had all received the relevant news by now.

When the news of France’s invasion of Tunisia reached Italy, it immediately drew the highest level of attention from the Italian government.

Compared to France, Italy’s colonial investments in Tunisia were far greater. If Tunisia were occupied by France, it would mean that all of Italy’s colonial investments over the years would be for naught.

This was something Italy absolutely could not accept. Therefore, on the very day the news was received, Italian Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli convened an emergency Cabinet meeting and invited the current King of Italy, Umberto I, to attend.

At the Cabinet meeting, Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli explained to Umberto I the reason for the emergency meeting and stated that the French army was already not far from the city of Tunis.

“Your Majesty, gentlemen. The time has come to make a final decision. If Tunisia gives up its resistance, decades of our efforts in Tunisia will have been completely in vain,” Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli said with a grave expression.

Among the great powers, Italy and Germany were somewhat special. Neither had colonies, their comprehensive strength relying entirely on their domestic development.

Germany was in a slightly better position. Due to its impressive victory in the Franco-Prussian War and its active participation in the colonization of Africa and other regions, it had achieved more than Italy.

Italy currently had no colonies. The regions of Tunisia and Libya that Italy had set its sights on were also part of France’s colonial plans.

If Italy were to abandon Tunisia now, it would not only mean that all its previous colonial investments would be wasted, but it would also mean that Italy’s colonial ambitions would lose their target entirely, making it the only great power without a colony.

“Damn it, when did the French invade Tunisia?” Umberto I’s face was a mask of shock and astonishment. No one in Italy, from top to bottom, had expected France to invade Tunisia so suddenly.

“They were clearly prepared, Your Majesty.” Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli shook his head helplessly and sighed. “If we do not respond in time, Tunisia may truly be lost to us.”

“What is the position of Britain and Germany? Are the British and Germans willing to let France occupy Tunisia?” Umberto I continued to ask.

“Several days have passed since France initiated the war. So far, neither Britain nor Germany has expressed any opposition. We can probably surmise that even if Britain and Germany do not support France’s war, they are very likely to remain neutral and will not interfere with France’s military actions.” Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli shook his head again.

“Damn it! Have they not considered Italy’s position? We have invested so much in Tunisia; we absolutely will not allow France to occupy it just like that!” Umberto I stood up in anger. Having just become king, he was filled with great ambition. How could he accept the reality that Italy was about to lose its only promising colonial territory before his plans to strengthen the nation had even been implemented?

“Prime Minister, first, state Italy’s position to France. We can never accept France simply occupying Tunisia,” Umberto I commanded Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli after a few seconds of silence.

After seeing Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli nod, Umberto I turned his gaze to the Italian Minister of War and continued his orders, “The army needs to be mobilized. Until this matter is fully resolved, the military must be prepared for war with France.”

The Minister of War nodded as well. Regardless of whether the Italian Army could defeat the French, this was a matter of national honor. If he dared to refuse, he would face dismissal and be held accountable.

“Your Majesty, perhaps there is still some hope,” Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli spoke up, offering encouragement. “Although Britain and Germany are likely to remain neutral, we still have a chance of gaining Spain’s support. After Spain’s colonial exchange with Britain, they will be facing more intense colonial competition with France in West Africa. I believe Spain is also unwilling to see France occupy Tunisia. Once France occupies all of North Africa, the French will certainly not give up their designs on Morocco. As long as we can secure Spain’s support, our two nations united will not have to fear the French threat. What’s more, if the situation becomes deadlocked, the Germans might change their stance. Even if they remain neutral in this war for some reason, I believe they would be more than happy to see France suffer a setback.”

Umberto I nodded, looked at the Foreign Secretary, and commanded, “The task of contacting the Spanish government will be left to the diplomatic service. I expect you to do your utmost to persuade the Spanish government. I will use the royal family’s name to contact Carlo and seek the support of the Spanish royal family. Tunisia is of the utmost importance to Italy. The Cabinet must be fully prepared. If the French are unwilling to back down, we will need more measures to make them retreat.”

Chapter 274: Peace Negotiations

It was clear that the Italian government’s emphasis on Tunisia was unparalleled. After learning that the French government had invaded Tunisia, the Italian government, far from choosing to give up, urgently deployed a variety of measures to force the French to back down.

The Italian government fully mobilized public opinion.

The history of Italian unification is inextricably linked to the three continental powers: Germany, France, and Austria.

Germany’s unification indirectly facilitated Italy’s because Germany’s two greatest enemies, the Austrian Empire and France, were also the two main culprits obstructing Italian unification.

At the time, the Austrian Empire occupied the three regions of Veneto, Friuli-Venezia Giulia, and Trentino-Alto Adige, while the French government helped The Papal States control a large swathe of land around Rome.

The Kingdom of Sardinia had been unable to find an opportunity for Italian unification before Germany launched successive wars against Austria and France. The fundamental reason was that these two great powers were simply too strong compared to Sardinia.

This led to relations between Italy and France never being particularly good since unification. The Tunisia incident directly ignited public opinion in Italy. Many Italians spontaneously took to the streets, holding banners and staging demonstrations demanding the government militarily intervene in the war in Tunisia.

The Italian government also secured Garibaldi’s support. Even though Garibaldi was bedridden, he forced himself to write an article on the importance of defending Tunisia and had it published in The Sun.

The newspaper company, established by Carlo back when he was a Duke, had become the most important newspaper in northern Italy—bar none—after more than a decade of management by the Italian royal family.

Garibaldi would also occasionally publish articles in the paper concerning Italy’s development, which, after being reviewed by the royal family, were generally published.

It was precisely Garibaldi’s immense popularity that allowed The Sun to quickly become Italy’s largest newspaper. The Italian royal family also earned substantial revenue each year from the paper’s expansion, while simultaneously gaining the ability to directly influence public opinion in Italy.

If before it had only been spontaneous demonstrations by the Italian people, then when the photograph of Garibaldi’s manuscript was published in The Sun, the French invasion of Tunisia immediately captured the attention of the vast majority of Italians.

By this point, the Tunisia incident was no longer a minor affair. If the Italian government handled it poorly, the public anger they had stirred up could very well backfire on them.

While the government was busy stirring up public sentiment, Umberto I had already sent a telegram to his younger brother Carlo, who was far away serving as the king of Spain.

By the time Carlo received the telegram, Garibaldi’s manuscript had already been published in Italy’s The Sun.

Since Italy was now aware of France’s invasion of Tunisia, the matter was no longer a dispute between a European great power and a native state, but a dispute between great powers.

On the surface, Italy and France both had good cooperative relationships with Spain, and France provided Spain with more funding and related industrial support than Italy did.

But for Spain, it was also necessary to consider the situation in North Africa after a French occupation of Tunisia.

An Italian occupation of Tunisia would have little impact on Spain, but if France occupied Tunisia, the impact would be absolutely significant.

There were not many African countries along the Mediterranean coast; all told, there were only Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt.

France already occupied Algeria. If they were allowed to occupy Tunisia as well, the balance of power in North Africa would be shattered.

At that point, France would have only two directions for expansion: either west to occupy Morocco, which would offend Spain, or east to occupy Libya, which would offend Britain.

Although relations between Spain and France were still reasonably good at this time, Carlo, putting himself in their shoes, felt it would be better to offend Spain than Britain.

Judging by the current situation in Europe, for France, offending either Spain or Britain were both poison pills.

But from the perspective of choosing the lesser of two evils, offending Britain would certainly be more fatal than offending Spain.

Therefore, considering Spain’s own interests, Carlo would definitely lean towards Italy. What’s more, Carlo himself hailed from the Italian royal family and was the biological brother of Italy’s reigning king, Umberto I.

With Umberto I personally sending a telegram to ask for help, Carlo had to provide the assistance that was due.

Later that day, Carlo sent a telegram to his older brother Umberto I in a personal capacity.

Carlo first reaffirmed the blood ties between the two royal families and also mentioned the alliance treaty signed between the two countries during the reign of their father, Victor Emanuele II, stating that Spain would stand with Italy in the conflict.

Umberto I was overjoyed to receive Carlo’s clear support and immediately informed the government of the good news.

Carlo’s strong support was a great relief to the Italians, giving them more confidence for their subsequent actions.

As for why Carlo was willing to strongly support Italy, even at the risk of war with France, the reasons, aside from the aforementioned threat that a French-occupied Tunisia posed to Spain, also included consideration of the French government’s current predicament.

To put it bluntly, France certainly had the strength to take on both Spain and Italy in a war. The question was, what good would it do France to start a major war with two other great powers over Tunisia?

Thoroughly offending Spain and Italy would only worsen France’s diplomatic situation. As long as the French government was sensible, it would be impossible for them to go to war with Italy and Spain.

Of course, accidents could happen.

However, this war was destined not to be a total war. If necessary, it would also be good for the Spanish soldiers to see some blood.

Even if a war broke out, the great powers would certainly mediate at an appropriate time. After all, for the British, a victory for either France or Italy would affect their policy of regional balance in Europe.

Buoyed by Spain’s support, the Italian government became high-spirited. They decided to indulge the domestic public sentiment and allow the demonstrations in the country to develop.

On the streets of Rome, angry Italians gathered, shouting slogans like “French out of Tunisia!” while holding high banners that read “The government must stop this evil war!” as they marched grandly through the city.

At first, it was just a march, but when the procession passed the embassy district and saw the French National Flag fluttering in the wind atop a certain embassy, someone in the crowd urged them on, and the furious mob immediately rushed the French embassy.

If not for the guards protecting the embassy from within, the once-magnificent embassy would have been utterly destroyed by the angry Italians in the first moments.

Inside the embassy, the French ambassador’s face was a mixture of livid and pale. The French had never expected the Italians to react so strongly. Tunisia didn’t even belong to Italy, so where did all this rage come from?

Surprise was one thing, but as a true Frenchman, the French ambassador certainly understood how devastating a crowd of angry, assembled Italians could be.

If this incident was not handled well, setting aside the future of Franco-Italian relations, he, as the French ambassador, would certainly not be able to walk out of the embassy in one piece.

“Quick, send a telegram to the Italian government! How can they condone these people attacking the embassy district? Dammit, are the Italians trying to provoke a war?” The French ambassador first peeked tremblingly through a window at the situation outside. Seeing that the guards could hold out for a while longer, he quickly issued orders to his subordinate.

With a series of clicks, a string of telegraph messages was sent to the Italian government.

“Haha, the French are finally getting anxious.” After reading all the telegrams, Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli handed the original messages to Umberto I, then turned to the Cabinet members with a smile.

“Mr. Prime Minister, it seems our speculation was correct. The French likely don’t have the nerve for a fight to the death with us. They are also worried about the threat from the Germans.

“Since that’s the case, I believe we can ask Spain to act as a mediator and request that the French government negotiate with us.

“Unless France is willing to pay the price of war, I believe the Tunisia incident can be resolved favorably,” the Italian Foreign Secretary said to Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli with a smile.

Inciting the public to storm the French embassy was, in fact, a plot by the Italian government to test France’s attitude.

France certainly understood the extent of Italy’s interest in Tunisia. By daring to launch an invasion, they must have anticipated Italy’s reaction and made ample preparations.

If France was willing to risk war, the French ambassador to Italy would surely have received relevant instructions and would even be ready to deliver a declaration of war at a critical moment.

This would mean the French ambassador would be extremely firm and have no fear of a falling out with Italy.

Of course, to prevent their clever plan from going awry, the Italian government had also prepared a contingent of guards in advance. Should the French embassy’s guards be unable to hold, these guards would surge forward to ensure the embassy’s safety.

After all, to put it plainly, an embassy represents a nation’s dignity and face to the outside world and must not be violated. If the Italian government allowed its citizens to destroy the French embassy, and the French ambassador did not escape unharmed, then no matter how reluctant France was to start a war, it would have to answer to the French people.

From the telegrams the French ambassador sent to the Italian government, it was clear that the French government’s stance was not that firm.

This meant the French invasion of Tunisia was negotiable. If Italy took a slightly harder line, France would have to consider the cost of a complete falling out.

“Send more men to protect the embassy, and at the same time, use the police to disperse the demonstrating crowd as much as possible. Be careful not to use force. If the crowd cannot be dispersed peacefully, then let them stay there for now.

“It will also serve to show the French that it isn’t just the Italian government that is angry; the Italian people are even more furious about their unprovoked aggression in Tunisia,” Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli said, issuing his command after a moment of laughter.

The French embassy definitely had to be protected. If the embassy was damaged, it would be no different from slapping the French government in the face.

As long as the French government cared about its prestige, its international standing, and its authority, it could not remain indifferent to such an act.

But on the other hand, while the French embassy was important, not provoking the Italian people was just as important.

If the Italian government chose to use force to suppress the people’s actions, it would only incite greater public anger, which was completely unnecessary.

After all, the Italians were currently angry about France’s invasion of Tunisia and did not have major grievances with their own government.

If the Italian government were to initiate a violent crackdown, it would only draw all the public’s hatred onto itself. The Italian government had no intention of taking the heat for the French, at least not before the incident subsided.

After letting the French ambassador feel the wrath of the Italian people, the Italian government also contacted the Italian ambassador to France, instructing him to question the French about the purpose of their military actions and to declare the stance of the Italian government and people.

When questioned by the Italian ambassador to France, French Foreign Secretary Gambetta also felt an immense headache.

At this point, the development of events had clearly exceeded France’s expectations. The French army had failed to fully occupy Tunisia before the Italian government discovered their actions.

This meant that a fierce diplomatic dispute was about to unfold between France and Italy. Unless one side was willing to back down, this diplomatic confrontation was very likely to escalate into a war.

As the French Foreign Secretary, Gambetta was naturally aware of France’s diplomatic predicament in Europe. If this matter was not handled well, it would not just mean a war for France; it could even push France’s diplomatic situation to an extreme.

All told, there were only seven great powers on the European continent. Besides Britain, which remained neutral, and Russia, which maintained neutrality after being courted by France, only Spain and Italy had not yet clearly joined Germany’s diplomatic alliance to isolate France.

If they thoroughly offended Spain and Italy over the Tunisia incident, it would mean that besides Britain and Russia, France would no longer be able to achieve close cooperation with any other European great power.

As for the United States, far across the Atlantic Ocean, it was completely outside of France’s consideration. After all, the United States was too far from the European continent. Leaving aside America’s comprehensive national strength, the distance alone was enough to ensure that the United States was powerless to influence the European situation.

Sighing inwardly, French Foreign Secretary Gambetta put on a friendly smile and solemnly assured the Italian ambassador to France: France had no warlike ambitions toward Tunisia. France’s military action was merely retaliation against the Tunisian government, as well as a measure to ensure French citizens residing in Algeria were protected from attacks by bandits and natives along the Tunisian border.

When the ambassador to France relayed Foreign Secretary Gambetta’s exact words back to Italy, the Italian government breathed a collective sigh of relief.

Gambetta’s attitude was further proof that France did not want a war with Italy, which was of course good news.

As long as they could get to the negotiating table, Italy had no fear of France. After all, Italy had the support of Spain and outnumbered France.

Although France had, at some unknown cost, obtained the tacit approval of Britain and Germany for its invasion of Tunisia, in a negotiation setting, it was almost impossible for Britain and Germany to openly support France.

For Italy, getting France to the negotiating table meant France could not monopolize Tunisia.

The best outcome, naturally, would be for France to abandon its invasion of Tunisia, allowing Italy to increase its colonial investment and fully occupy the territory within the next few years.

A moderate outcome would be for Italy and France to partition Tunisia, which was the bottom line Italy could accept.

As for France exclusively occupying Tunisia, that was something the Italian government absolutely could not accept. Italian Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli had even reported to King Umberto I that if France was determined to take all of Tunisia, the Italian government would have no choice but to declare war. Otherwise, the furious populace would declare war on the government.

This was the double-edged sword of igniting public opinion. The Italian government would indeed receive immense support for a war against France, but the downside was that the government had to follow a path to the very end, regardless of the consequences, with no room for turning back.

Seeing that the situation had developed sufficiently, the Spanish government felt it was about time for them to make their entrance.

After the Italian government requested assistance from the Spanish government, Spanish Prime Minister Canovas summoned the Italian and French ambassadors to Spain and expressed Spain’s willingness to act as a mediator to help Italy and France negotiate peacefully.

The French ambassador certainly had to take Spain’s attitude seriously.

Times had changed. France was growing weaker, while Spain, through reform, was growing stronger.

Although Spain’s comprehensive national strength had not yet surpassed France’s, France could not afford to ignore Spain’s international status and influence either.

The combined strength of Spain and Italy, even if not a match for France, could still drag France into the abyss of war.

The French ambassador to Spain was quite respectful. He stated that he did not have the authority to decide on negotiations on behalf of his government and would need to consult the French government before making a decision.

Prime Minister Canovas nodded. His goal was merely to apply some pressure on the French government and make it clear that Spain did not support the French occupation of Tunisia.

As for the Italian ambassador, the moment Prime Minister Canovas proposed peace talks, he had agreed with a smile.

After all, peace negotiations were good news for Italy, something they could fully accept.

The French ambassador did not keep Prime Minister Canovas waiting long. The very next day, he conveyed the French government’s stance to Prime Minister Canovas: they were willing to enter into peace negotiations.

The French government, of course, understood that an Italy backed by Spain would not be easy to deal with. If the French government insisted on its own way, the Italians might just have the courage to actually start a war.

What role the French ambassador to Italy played in this is unknown, but through his descriptions, the French government personally felt the anger of the Italians at that time. This made the French government recall scenes of enraged Parisians, which was a truly terrifying prospect.

Chapter 275: Dividing Tunisia in Two

French Premier Jules Ferry was in a dilemma. Abandoning the invasion of Tunisia would end the dispute with Italy and Spain, but it would also mean that all of France’s investment in Tunisia would be for naught.

Although France had only committed about fifty thousand troops to this war, the expenses incurred so far were by no means small.

The French army had suffered few casualties, but the resistance from Tunisia’s new army had also caused the French a little trouble.

If France had launched a high-profile invasion of Tunisia only to gain nothing in the end, what would the French public think?

Italian citizens might angrily besiege the French Embassy, but wouldn’t the people of Paris angrily besiege the French government?

The Italian populace could only threaten the French Embassy, but the people of Paris could threaten the very safety of the French Cabinet.

More importantly, the development of this matter also concerned Premier Jules Ferry’s authority. Ferry had intended to use the invasion of Tunisia to build his political achievements and prepare for his re-election.

If this war were to be abandoned midway, setting aside the question of whether he would be impeached, his chances in the next premier election would be completely out of the question.

With his political career on the line, Jules Ferry wanted to struggle a little longer. Since Spain had proposed peace talks, France could very well negotiate with the Tunisian government.

Tunisia had its own ruler and government. Would a peace treaty reached between France and the Tunisian government not be legitimate?

As long as France could preemptively sign a relevant peace treaty with Tunisia, it could at least secure its foothold in the occupation of Tunisia.

As for what came after, he believed that once the matter was a foregone conclusion, the Italians would have no choice but to swallow their pride and accept it.

With this in mind, Jules Ferry ordered the French ambassador to Spain to delay the Spanish government as much as possible, while also issuing orders to the frontline army, demanding they continue their advance on Tunis. The goal was to facilitate peace negotiations between France and the Tunisian government before Spain could formally intervene.

Upon receiving their orders from the government, the French army immediately intensified its offensive and successfully laid siege to Tunisia’s capital, Tunis.

At this moment, inside the city of Tunis, the Tunisian government was already in complete chaos.

The ruler of Tunisia, Muhammad III as-Sadiq, gathered his officials, trying to find a way for the shattered nation to survive.

But looking at the ashen-faced officials, Muhammad III as-Sadiq knew that Tunisia’s hopes of survival were long gone.

Even if France had not invaded Tunisia, the country would only have faced aggression from other great powers.

“Bey, the French army has surrounded Tunis. We need to evacuate as soon as possible. If we delay any longer, we will be buried in this city.”

The ministers still loyal to Tunisia urged their ruler, Muhammad III as-Sadiq, to leave Tunis and form a government-in-exile in the Ottoman Empire or other non-French territories.

As long as a government-in-exile existed, they might one day be able to return to their homeland and rebuild Tunisia.

Muhammad III as-Sadiq shook his head, his face pale. He did not want to leave this land.

As a rather ambitious monarch, Muhammad III as-Sadiq had modeled reforms in Tunisia after those of the Ottoman Empire, and he had personally founded Tunisia’s new army.

He had once been ambitious, believing that under his leadership, Tunisia could become the most powerful nation in North Africa and achieve complete independence from the Ottoman Empire, becoming a truly sovereign state.

But the French invasion was a resounding slap in the face, making him understand the gap between African and European nations.

It wasn’t that Muhammad III as-Sadiq hadn’t tried; the disparity in strength between Tunisia and France was simply too vast.

Forget simple reforms; even a thorough and comprehensive overhaul could never allow Tunisia to grow into a super great power like France.

“Gentlemen, where can we go if we leave Tunisia? If even we abandon this land, who will be left to stop the French invasion?” Muhammad III as-Sadiq glanced at the still-persuading ministers, his eyes filled with tears born of his love for this land, and spoke in spite of himself.

Of course, Muhammad III as-Sadiq understood that Tunisia’s situation was hopeless. The Ottoman Empire would not risk offending France for Tunisia’s sake, and other great powers were even less likely to.

Since France was confident enough to invade Tunisia, they must have been fully prepared. Any of their ideas were futile; hoping to preserve Tunisia in the face of a French invasion was absolute wishful thinking.

As for where to go, the Tunisian officials began to debate heatedly.

Some officials suggested that Muhammad III as-Sadiq flee to Istanbul, while others advised him to escape to London or Rome.

Among these suggestions, aside from the proposal to go to Istanbul, the most supported was to flee to Rome.

The reason Rome was a popular choice was entirely due to Italy’s previous investments in Tunisia.

Because Britain and France had once prevented Italy from annexing Tunisia, Italy’s colonial efforts in the country had been primarily economic.

Once they influenced Tunisia’s economy, they could naturally infiltrate its government and cultivate Tunisian officials who were favorable to Italy.

The Ottoman Empire’s military reforms primarily used equipment purchased from Britain and France, whereas Tunisia’s reforms mostly utilized weapons bought from Italy.

Muhammad III as-Sadiq watched with a pale face as his ministers argued over where to flee, his heart filled with disappointment.

On the surface, it was merely a disagreement among ministers, but in reality, it represented the conflict between different factions within the Tunisian government.

Those suggesting Rome were the faction cultivated by Italy, while those proposing London were the势力 propped up by British infiltration.

As for those who suggested going to Istanbul or staying in Tunisia to submit to French rule, they were mostly local Tunisian noblemen and influential figures.

These men held lofty status and prestige in Tunisia, and only by staying could they continue to enjoy their power.

Although submitting to French rule meant having a new master, the French colonization of Algeria showed that as long as one did not resist French rule, the French wouldn’t exterminate the local populace.

This meant they did have a chance to retain their authority by surrendering. While there would be someone above them, they would still be enslaving hundreds of thousands of Tunisians below them.

At this moment, Muhammad III as-Sadiq’s mind was in utter turmoil. On one hand, he was genuinely terrified of the French and wanted to escape to Istanbul or another European city before they conquered Tunis, seeking an opportunity to form a government-in-exile and return.

On the other hand, Muhammad III as-Sadiq was unwilling to relinquish the power he held.

Though he was the ruler of a country with a population of only a few hundred thousand, as the Bey of Tunisia, Muhammad III as-Sadiq was still the supreme being in his nation.

Aside from nominally submitting to the rule of the Ottoman Sultan, his power in Tunisia was unopposed, and he was deeply attached to it.

To suddenly have to leave Tunisia and abandon the power he had enjoyed for most of his life was something Muhammad III as-Sadiq was reluctant to do.

Because of this, Muhammad III as-Sadiq was caught in an internal struggle, still unable to decide what to do at this critical juncture.

The good news was that Muhammad III as-Sadiq no longer had to agonize over his indecisiveness.

Within a few minutes, a guard from the Royal Palace brought news that made everyone present turn pale: the French army had breached the city of Tunis.

The reason Muhammad III as-Sadiq and the others still had time to hesitate in the Royal Palace was that Tunis was the largest city in Tunisia and had city walls, a genuine obstacle that could halt the French army’s advance.

But it was clear that Tunisia’s city walls were not destined to hold back the French army for long.

If it were just an ordinary French colonial army, they would have had to expend considerable effort against the walls of Tunis, and might even have failed to take them.

But this army, carefully assembled by France, included an entire artillery regiment.

This artillery regiment was specifically intended for breaching the walls of Tunis, and it played its due role during the siege.

Under the successive bombardments of French cannons, the walls of Tunis came crashing down.

The Tunisians had never witnessed such a spectacle. They had already scattered and fled when the French army began bombarding the walls.

By the time the guard reported, the city walls had collapsed, and the French army was already marching into Tunis.

Upon hearing this devastating news, Muhammad III as-Sadiq had only one thought: was it too late to surrender to France?

If Muhammad III as-Sadiq had many choices before the French army breached Tunis, then after they broke through, he was left with only one: surrender to France as soon as possible.

All other options led to death. It was better to live in disgrace; at least there was a chance he could retain his power.

Having thought it through, Muhammad III as-Sadiq no longer hesitated. He immediately looked at his many officials and said in a grave voice, “Gentlemen, I have decided to sue for peace with France. I will never leave Tunisia!

If you wish to leave, then go quickly! I will live or die with Tunisia. The Bey of Tunisia will never abandon his loyal country and subjects!”

Muhammad III as-Sadiq’s words were righteous and unequivocal, showing no trace of the fear of death and craving for power he had just displayed.

The numerous officials looked at Muhammad III as-Sadiq and were left speechless. The city was breached; where could they possibly run to now?

Trying to pack up their belongings and flee would only make them the primary targets for the French. It was better to stay with Muhammad III as-Sadiq. Perhaps the French, in order to pacify the Tunisians, would consider leaving the Tunisian government in place.

“Bey, we will also stay and live or die with Tunisia!”

“Yes, live or die with Tunisia!”

Seeing the ministers echoing his sentiment, Muhammad III as-Sadiq nodded in satisfaction. He then waved his hand and gave his command: “Open the palace gates! I will negotiate with the French in the Royal Palace.”

That being said, the current situation didn’t really require Muhammad III as-Sadiq’s orders. After storming into Tunis, the French soldiers’ eyes were quickly drawn to the magnificent building of the Tunisian Royal Palace.

Although Muhammad III as-Sadiq had not been a tyrannical ruler and had even reduced taxes through some reforms, the Beylik of Tunis had been established nearly two hundred years ago. The wealth accumulated by each successive Bey over these two centuries was enough to construct this splendid edifice, which housed a great number of treasures, gold, and silver.

Before the French could even enter this magnificent building to investigate, its main gates opened. A representative of the Bey of Tunis emerged timidly, his hands held high, clutching a makeshift flag made of white canvas.

At that time, the rule that raising a white flag signified surrender was not yet established, but the practice existed among European nations in warfare.

The white flag would only be formally recognized as the symbol of surrender at the Hague Peace Conference at the end of the nineteenth century, nearly twenty years from now.

Next door to Tunisia was French-colonized Algeria, so it was not difficult to find a Tunisian official who could speak some French.

This representative of the Bey, holding the white flag high, shouted in French, “I am the representative of the Bey of Tunis! We are willing to surrender and engage in peace negotiations with your esteemed army,” as he cautiously observed the French army’s attitude.

The good news was that the French were also eager to reach a peace agreement with the Tunisian government quickly.

Therefore, upon hearing the Tunisians shouting in French for peace talks, the French army graciously halted its advance. The soldiers stared curiously at the Tunisian holding the white flag, awaiting their commander’s next order.

Seeing a Frenchman who looked like a high-ranking officer step out from the ranks, the Bey’s representative hurriedly shouted, “Your Excellency, esteemed General, on behalf of the Bey, I declare our willingness to surrender to your army. I implore you to order your troops to cease their attack and spare the Tunisian commoners.”

The French officer slowly stepped forward, first sizing up the Tunisian representative before nodding and replying in French, “Until the peace talks are concluded, I will order my troops to halt their attack.

But I hope you will also show sincerity in these talks. If you have no intention of negotiating, or if you have other plans, I will not be able to restrain my army then.”

“Of course, of course,” the Tunisian representative nodded hastily, not daring to refute the French officer’s words in the slightest.

Subsequently, the French officer said something to his subordinates, and the French army officially ceased its attack. The two sides were now at a standstill.

The Tunisian representative then invited the French officer into the Royal Palace for peace negotiations, but the officer flatly refused.

Although the Tunisians had been thoroughly defeated, there was no guarantee they didn’t have other troops hidden within the Royal Palace.

If the so-called Bey of Tunis had a small contingent of soldiers hidden in the palace, wouldn’t entering it be walking into a trap?

The French commander stated that negotiations would either take place in the French military barracks outside the city or on an open ground prepared within the city.

Furthermore, the French gave the Tunisians only two hours to prepare. If Tunisia had not chosen a venue for the talks within two hours, it would be taken as a sign of their lack of sincerity.

Hearing the French officer’s demands, the Tunisian representative nodded quickly and relayed the French terms to Muhammad III as-Sadiq.

Although accepting the French demands was humiliating, Muhammad III as-Sadiq had no other choice at this point.

In the end, Muhammad III as-Sadiq and the French officer agreed to hold peace talks in an open space within Tunis, with both armies maintaining peace during the negotiations.

Though it was said that both armies would maintain peace, only the French army needed to.

The moment Tunis fell, the vast majority of the Tunisian army had already scattered and fled, leaving behind mostly soldiers who were too injured to move.

These men couldn’t even put up a fight, let alone remain conscious. They posed no threat to the French army.

The French government’s plan was to force the Tunisian government to sign a peace treaty as quickly as possible. To that end, they had already prepared a draft treaty; all the Tunisian side had to do was sign their name.

When the French officer produced the prepared peace treaty, Muhammad III as-Sadiq’s eyes widened after just a brief glance.

The French demands were not complex, but for Tunisia, they amounted to handing over complete control of the country to the French.

First, to ensure that the killing of Frenchmen would not happen again, France demanded the right to station troops in key areas of Tunisia to guarantee the safety of its citizens.

The total number of French troops to be stationed was not large, only about twenty thousand in all. The problem was that Tunisia itself was a country with a population of just over seven hundred thousand, and its original army numbered only a little over ten thousand.

With the French invasion, Tunisia’s army had long been scattered and broken. This meant that France, with just these twenty thousand troops, could completely control the situation in Tunisia.

Moreover, in addition to the demand for stationing troops, France also proposed to assist Tunisia in managing its finances, take over its foreign affairs, and help build a railway connecting it to Algeria, among other things.

If Muhammad III as-Sadiq agreed to this treaty, it would be tantamount to surrendering all of Tunisia’s power to France.

However, there was a glimmer of good news for Muhammad III as-Sadiq: France did not intend to completely abolish the Tunisian government.

This meant that Muhammad III as-Sadiq still had a chance to keep his throne as Bey, ruling as a powerless king under French dominion.

Knowing full well that he had no other options, Muhammad III as-Sadiq didn’t have much to hesitate about. After a brief moment of internal conflict, he signed his name on the peace treaty presented by the French.

After Muhammad III as-Sadiq signed his name, the French officer’s attitude towards him noticeably improved.

To demonstrate that the French were not brutal, after the treaty was signed, the French officer ordered his troops to withdraw from Tunis, leaving only a small contingent to help the Tunisian government maintain order in the city.

Just as peace was descending upon Tunisia, the diplomatic clash between France, Spain, and Italy was only just beginning.

The very next day, the French ambassador to Spain formally announced to the Spanish government that France had signed a peace treaty with the Tunisian government, and the Tunisian War was over.

Upon hearing that the war was over, Prime Minister Canovas was first stunned, then a hint of astonishment and anger crossed his face.

What Prime Minister Canovas hadn’t expected was that the French would actually defy the pressure from Spain and Italy to forcibly occupy Tunisia.

As for the peace treaty they mentioned signing with the Tunisian government, one could figure out with their toes that it must have been coerced.

“Mr. Ambassador, are you certain that your words represent the attitude of the French government?” Prime Minister Canovas was silent for a moment before asking, his face grim.

“Of course,” the French ambassador nodded. He showed no fear of the grim-faced Prime Minister Canovas, replying with a smile, “This is the latest news from my country. Since the war is over, there is naturally no need for us to hold peace talks.”

Prime Minister Canovas nodded, his expression returning to normal, but his voice was exceptionally cold. “Since your government has made its decision, I naturally cannot stop you.

I hope the Italian government will also accept your excuse. Spain will stand by Italy without hesitation.”

Although he was angry at the shamelessness of the French, Prime Minister Canovas would not take the initiative to damage relations with France.

Spain’s stance was clear: stand with Italy and support its decisions.

If Italy wanted to have a falling out with France, Spain would back Italy. But if Italy chose to back down, Spain would certainly not go to war with France alone.

So, the question was, what was the Italian government’s stance?

When the French ambassador relayed the same message to the Italian government, they too were extremely furious.

They had not expected the French to stand firm against the pressure from both nations, choosing instead to end the war by quickly occupying Tunisia.

This meant Italy now had only two choices: either confront the French head-on or pretend nothing had happened and play the coward.

If King Umberto I could remain composed, then Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli, who had actively stirred up public outrage, was now the least composed official in Italy.

It couldn’t be helped; the position of prime minister was always so awkward. Although it symbolized great power, in such unforeseen incidents, the prime minister could easily become the target of public anger.

In the monarchies of Europe, the prime minister served a rather unique purpose: to take the blame for the king and the entire government.

When the king and the government made a major blunder, the prime minister would usually resign to appease public fury.

After all, replacing a prime minister was far simpler than replacing a king, and it caused less disruption to the country.

“Your Majesty, is His Majesty Carlo still willing to support us?” Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli sought out King Umberto I to inquire about Spain’s position on the matter.

“Carlo sent a telegram just a short while ago. Spain is willing to stand with us and support all our decisions.” A smile appeared on Umberto I’s face. This was perhaps only the second piece of good news he had heard in days.

The other piece of good news had been Carlo’s initial expression of support for the Italian government.

In other words, Italy’s intervention in the French invasion of Tunisia had not received the backing of other European great powers, which was precisely the awkward situation Italy found itself in.

Carlo’s actions were like sending charcoal in a snowstorm, and it made Umberto I feel even more fondly towards his younger brother.

Hearing that Spain was still willing to support Italy, Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli finally breathed a sigh of relief.

This meant Italy had not been completely defeated in this diplomatic conflict. Although France had the upper hand, Italy still had a chance to turn the tables.

“Your Majesty, considering the public opinion in our country, I believe we absolutely cannot give up on Tunisia. We must at least reclaim some territory to recoup our losses from investing in Tunisia,” Benedetto Cairoli said after a moment of silence, looking at Umberto I with hopeful eyes.

Umberto I sighed but expressed his support for the Prime Minister. “I will entrust this matter entirely to you. As long as we can recover some of our losses, we can at least answer to the public.”

Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli nodded. His gaze then became resolute, and he respectfully withdrew from the Royal Palace.

Leaving the palace, Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli reconvened the Italian Cabinet and announced a bold decision: to dispatch troops to Tunisia to occupy the areas not yet held by the French, such as the major central town of Kairouan, Sfax, and the southern city of Zarzis.

As the closest European country to Tunisia, Italy was quite familiar with the situation there.

Italy had even invested in a road in Tunisia that ran directly from Tunis to Gabes, connecting Kairouan and Sfax along the way.

Since the French had already occupied Tunis, Italy could only set its sights on the central and southern regions of Tunisia.

The good news was that France, in its haste to reach a peace agreement with the Tunisian government, had not chosen to occupy all of Tunisia’s cities, instead prioritizing an eastward attack from El Kef towards Tunis.

It was worth noting that, to prevent the French from catching on, the Italian government outwardly did nothing more than protest, seemingly taking no further action, in an attempt to lull the French government into a false sense of security.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli secretly dispatched two armies. These two forces would head to the central and southern regions of Tunisia respectively, aiming to seize as much land and as many cities as possible.

In any case, with Tunisia’s population at only seven hundred thousand, how many people they could acquire was no longer a concern for the Italian government.

As long as they could gain some territory, it wouldn’t be a loss for the Italian government. Any gains would be enough to placate the angry Italian public and at least prevent the government from being toppled by their fury.

To save his position as Prime Minister, Benedetto Cairoli had made up his mind.

In addition to dispatching two armies totaling over thirty thousand men, he also mobilized the Italian fleet to provide escort for these troops.

Even if the Italians were discovered by the French during their landing, with the navy’s protection, they wouldn’t have to worry about the safety of their soldiers.

These army and navy forces combined were enough to confront the French army in Tunisia and buy more time for the Italian government.

In order to seize as many cities as possible before the French could react, the Italian government kept its operation completely secret, not even informing Spain.

Because of this, Carlo was very curious as to why the Italian government took no action after learning that France had signed a treaty with Tunisia, and he was on the verge of dispatching intelligence agents to investigate.

However, considering that Tunisia didn’t have much to do with Spain, Carlo dismissed the idea.

In any case, Carlo’s stance remained the same: to stand firmly behind Italy. If Italy wanted to contend with France, Spain would happily oblige.

But if Italy itself was unwilling to challenge France, Spain couldn’t very well force it into a confrontation.

Just as puzzled as Carlo was the French government. They had been prepared for a major uproar from the Italian government, but to their surprise, Italy’s reaction was incredibly quiet.

Although the Italian government issued various protests and even threatened a partial mobilization on the border, the French government knew that such threats were more like verbal warnings. Unless Italy was undergoing a full mobilization, the probability of war breaking out between them and France was extremely low.

After all, wars between great powers required thorough preparation. Unless one’s strength was overwhelming, the better-prepared side would have the advantage.

Italy’s overall strength was significantly weaker than France’s, so they would have to prepare even more meticulously to have a chance of launching a war against France.

Otherwise, if the Italian government were to rush into war, they would only be met with a one-sided result.

The French government’s confusion soon ended. The very next day, the French army in Tunisia sent a telegram back home, reporting that they had spotted Italians in the central Tunisian city of Kairouan.

This telegram immediately sent a chill down the spines of the French government, and they instantly understood the Italian government’s scheme.

The Italian government was clearly employing a diversionary tactic. On the surface, they used diplomatic protests and verbal threats to attract France’s attention, while in reality, they had long since dispatched troops to compete with France for Tunisia.

Since the two countries had not had a complete falling out, the French army did not dare to initiate an attack on the Italian army.

Upon discovering the presence of Italians in Kairouan, the French army could only shift its focus to the areas west of the city.

In a French Cabinet meeting, after careful consideration, Premier Jules Ferry issued his orders to the French forces in Tunisia: advance south with all speed and compete with the Italian army for Tunisian land.

Of course, in the process of seizing territory, they were to avoid conflict with the Italian army as much as possible.

The two countries’ competition over Tunisia could still be described as a diplomatic conflict, but if their armies were to clash, it could very well escalate into a sustained war.

France had no desire for a real war with Italy. How to avoid war was Premier Jules Ferry’s primary concern.

The good news was that the Italian side clearly didn’t want to start a war either.

After noticing the French army giving them a wide berth, the Italian army tactfully kept its distance as well.

The two sides, with a tacit understanding, engaged in a scramble across Tunisia, the prize of which was naturally Tunisia’s cities and other lands.

There was some good news for France. When they launched the war, they had already divided their forces into two routes. The southern army had advanced from the Algerian border city of Tebessa, along the road to the western Tunisian city of Gafsa, and then on to the central Tunisian port of Gabes.

The original objective of the southern army was to encircle the Tunisians and cut off their retreat route to Libya.

Now, in a twist of fate, this move had become a way to block the Italians’ southward expansion.

In any case, the southern army, now approaching Gabes, had become crucial. As long as they could capture Gabes, the Italian army’s path of southward expansion would be completely blocked.

This way, although Italy occupied many important cities, including Kairouan, the majority of Tunisian territory would remain in French hands, so it wouldn’t be too great a loss for France.

What’s more, the territory occupied by Italy would be surrounded by France on three sides. Whether this was a good thing or a bad thing remained to be seen.

The competition between France and Italy for Tunisian land was fierce, but Tunisia’s territory was finite.

The military operations of both sides lasted for about two and a half weeks, finally ending when all of Tunisia’s land was occupied.

Judging by the results, France was undoubtedly the biggest winner. Not only did they occupy Tunisia’s capital, Tunis, but they also captured the central port of Gabes, and the major western towns of Rudeif and Gafsa.

The territory acquired by Italy was forcibly divided into two parts by France. The northern part was centered around Kairouan and Sfax, and included the port city of Sousse and the coastal city of Moknine.

The southern part mainly included Djerba Island and some coastal areas near Libya, and they had advanced along the road to occupy Fort Bourguiba.

Further south from here was desert, which the Italian army had not yet had time to penetrate and had no immediate need to.

All Tunisian territories besides these were occupied by France, and France held the most valuable regions.

As mentioned before, Tunisia has 160,000 square kilometers of land, of which 90,000 square kilometers can be used for farming or pasture.

This arable and pastoral land is mainly concentrated in Tunisia’s northern and coastal areas, and France was the one that took the lion’s share.

However, the territory occupied by Italy was not small either, at least 50,000 square kilometers, with at least half of it suitable for farming or grazing. For Italy, this was a considerable addition.

After both sides completed their occupation of Tunisia, the next stage was negotiations between France and Italy.

Whether to maintain the status quo based on their actual territorial control, or for one side to force the other to concede and achieve sole occupation of Tunisia, would depend on the outcome of their talks.

Far away in Paris, French Premier Jules Ferry let out a sigh. He had not expected his meticulously planned strategy to end up at the negotiating table.

Although France had occupied most of the territory, failing to occupy Tunisia completely meant that France had not achieved its strategic objective.

Italy occupying at least a third of Tunisia meant that France and Italy would engage in rather fierce colonial competition in the region in the future.

Although Jules Ferry’s plan had not failed, a success that was not complete was not exactly a commendation for him personally. It was a blemish on his political record.

In contrast to Jules Ferry’s sigh, Italian Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli’s expression was noticeably better.

At least Italy had acquired some territory, which was enough to answer to the Italian public.

More importantly, he now faced negotiations with France. With Spain’s support, Italy would not necessarily be afraid of France at the negotiating table.

As long as they could hold onto the territory they already occupied and perhaps gain a little more from France, they could achieve a partition of Tunisia, a situation the Italian government could accept.

After all, compared to getting nothing, obtaining half of Tunisia was an excellent outcome.

Italy’s population wasn’t excessively large, so developing half of Tunisia was just right. Of course, this also depended on whether the French government was willing.

If the French were insistent, it would be rather difficult for Italy to get any of the land held by France.

Only after the two sides began their fierce struggle over Tunisian territory did Carlo understand the Italian government’s plan.

However, Carlo did not try to stop the Italian government’s actions. If the colonial competition over Tunisia could draw France’s attention, that would be for the best.

Without Italy to draw France’s animosity, the French would soon discover that Spain was their fiercest colonial competitor in Africa.

At that point, relations between France and Spain would surely take a sharp downturn, and they might even become hostile towards each other.

For Carlo, the reason he strongly supported Italy’s every move in this incident was precisely to secure Italy’s reciprocation in the future.

If Spain and France were to engage in fierce colonial competition in West Africa, Spain would need Italy to provide diplomatic or even military support.

After all, Spain alone was clearly not enough to intimidate France. But if Spain and Italy were to unite, even one of Europe’s powerful hegemons would have to consider the consequences of being dragged into the quagmire of war.

Chapter 276: The Madrid Peace Talks

The dispute between France and Italy over Tunisia had ultimately returned to the negotiating table. French Premier Jules Ferry never would have imagined that the Italians would actually withstand France’s pressure and secretly dispatch troops to seize a portion of Tunisian land.

Although France occupied most of Tunisia, judging by the terrain of the captured territories, the Italians had not necessarily come out worse off.

Kairouan, Sousse, and Sfax, all occupied by Italy, were coastal plains with immense potential for development.

While the southern lands occupied by Italy included mountainous and desert terrain, the area near the coast also possessed the vast Jifara Plain.

In contrast, the Tunisian regions occupied by France, though comprising nearly seventy percent of the country’s total area, were largely taken up by the Tunisian Range.

To the south, there was also the Chott el Djerid salt pan and some desert areas. The amount of land that could actually be developed into farmland or used for pasture was not much different from the amount of developable land in the territories occupied by Italy.

It was worth remembering that France was the one who had initiated the war. Compared to Italy, France had invested far more in this conflict but had not gained much of an advantage. This alone was enough to make the French public doubt Premier Jules Ferry’s competence.

“Your Excellency, the Premier, the Spanish Ambassador has again expressed Spain’s willingness to act as a neutral party to mediate the colonial conflict between us and Italy in Tunisia. They hope we can send a representative to Madrid for peace talks to ensure that no further conflict erupts between us and Italy.” Foreign Secretary Gambetta pushed the door open and entered, reporting respectfully to Jules Ferry.

Gambetta and Jules Ferry belonged to the same political party, which meant their objectives regarding the Tunisia issue were aligned.

Jules Ferry stared blankly at the map of the Tunisia campaign plan hanging in the Premier’s office before turning to face Foreign Secretary Gambetta. “Mr. Minister,” he replied, “who do you think we should send to attend this peace conference?”

“Your Excellency, the Premier, these peace negotiations are extremely important. An Ambassador cannot make the proper decisions. If you do not intend to go in person, I am willing to represent France in the negotiations with Italy,” Foreign Secretary Gambetta said, enunciating each word.

Jules Ferry nodded. The Foreign Secretary was indeed a suitable choice. Compared to a regular ambassador, the Foreign Secretary held greater authority and would demonstrate the importance France placed on these peace talks.

At the same time, the Foreign Secretary’s status was not as high as the Premier’s, which would prevent France from demeaning itself.

After all, a role like the Premier was on par with the Prime Ministers of Spain and Italy. As long as Italy did not send its Prime Minister to the negotiations, there was no need for France to send its Premier.

Rashly attending such a meeting would not grant Premier Jules Ferry any more decision-making power; on the contrary, it would lower his status and cause others to look down on him.

“Then you shall represent France at this conference. Minister Gambetta, at this meeting, you must at least ensure that the lands France has already occupied remain French. It would be best if you could reclaim more than half of the territory seized by the Italians.

“Tunisia is a vital part of our colonial expansion plan. Our colonial ambitions absolutely cannot run into problems here,” Jules Ferry said decisively, his gaze fixed on Gambetta.

“As you command, Your Excellency, the Premier.” Gambetta nodded, accepting the rather difficult task.

Meanwhile, the Italian government was also deciding on its representative for the peace talks.

It is worth mentioning that the Italian government also chose its Foreign Secretary as its representative, a choice that was perhaps a tacit understanding shared among European nations.

As for Spain, in its role as the neutral mediator, Prime Minister Canovas would personally preside over the conference.

After all, Spain was the host. If they also sent a mere Foreign Secretary to receive the two nations’ representatives, it might seem a bit too shabby.

The conference would be held in Madrid. Besides discussing the situation in Tunisia, it would also touch upon the colonial activities of Spain, France, and Italy in North Africa to avoid similar colonial conflicts among the three nations in the future.

A few days after Spain invited the two countries to the peace talks, their representatives arrived one after another in the Spanish capital, Madrid.

Upon arriving in Madrid, French Foreign Secretary Gambetta felt no particular emotion. Although Madrid had become quite prosperous after more than a decade of development, it still paled in comparison to the French capital, Paris.

Madrid had built trams and installed a great number of streetlights, making it the world’s first “City that Never Sleeps.”

But France had since followed up with its own tram and streetlight projects, so these were things Gambetta had long grown accustomed to.

For the Italian Foreign Secretary, however, everything he saw in Madrid was refreshingly new.

Italy was certainly involved in the field of electricity, but its finances were not as extravagant as those of Britain, France, or Germany.

This meant Italy had never built a “City that Never Sleeps” like Madrid. The Italian capital, Rome, along with the Austro-Hungarian capital, Vienna, and the capital of Tsarist Russia, St. Petersburg, were jokingly referred to by the European media as the “Three Dark Cities of Europe.”

Of course, this nickname was a playful jab from the European press, and the reason was precisely these three countries’ slow progress in electrical development.

Italy had, of course, participated in Spain’s Tram Exposition, but due to funding constraints, even the capital, Rome, had failed to achieve widespread power supply.

The only places qualified to use electricity were the Royal Palace and government office buildings. Beyond that, only well-established factories would cooperate with Italy’s electric company to build power stations near their facilities.

That’s right, if a factory in Italy wanted to connect to the power grid, its only option was to fund the construction of a power station itself.

The reason, of course, was that the Italian government had no money to build large-scale power stations. Power transmission at the time was plagued by various problems; electricity was generally not transmitted between cities, and even slightly longer distances resulted in massive losses.

The electricity from a single power station could only supply the city within a few kilometers. For areas farther away to get electricity, they either had to pay a much higher price or pool funds to build a new power station.

Because of this, the state of electricity usage in Italian cities was abysmal. Only a few northern cities had a handful of power stations; all cities south of Rome did not have a single one.

“It’s truly remarkable. Madrid has undergone a world-shaking transformation over the past decade. These changes are exactly what Italy needs right now,” the Italian Foreign Secretary, who had spent his first day experiencing Madrid, couldn’t help but remark during a conversation with the Italian Ambassador to Spain.

The Italian Ambassador to Spain nodded in agreement. He had been serving as ambassador in Spain for several years and could be said to have personally witnessed Madrid’s transformation.

Before Carlo became King of Spain, Madrid was already a major European city with a population of over four hundred thousand.

But at the time, Madrid was slightly backward compared to the capitals of the other great powers. There were some factories on the outskirts, but both their number and scale lagged far behind those in other great power cities.

Looking at Madrid now, apart from its urban scale being smaller than the capitals of Britain, France, and Germany due to population, it was already comparable to the capitals of Austria and Italy.

Which city, Vienna, the capital of Austria, or Rome, the capital of Italy, was not more famous than Spain’s capital, Madrid?

The Italian capital, Rome, had become a capital as far back as the Roman Empire and had been the most important city in the Italian region for over two thousand years.

Vienna’s history as a capital could be traced back to the Duchy of Austria. Since the House of Habsburg took control of the imperial throne of the Holy Roman Empire, Vienna had also been the capital of the Holy Roman Empire.

In contrast, Madrid had only been the capital of Spain for a little over three hundred years. Coupled with the surrounding mountainous woodlands and its distance from the plains, Madrid’s development had always been severely restricted.

Although there was still a certain population gap, Madrid’s urban infrastructure and industry were no worse than those of Rome and Vienna.

As an Italian, the Foreign Secretary was envious of Spain.

He was well aware that the current King of Spain, Carlo I, had been an Italian duke just over a decade ago, the youngest son of the King of Italy.

It was a pity that such an ambitious and talented monarch ended up becoming the King of Spain. And under Carlo’s leadership, Spain had once again become a powerful European great power, its comprehensive strength even surpassing that of Italy at present.

Although he was deeply moved by Spain’s development, the Italian representative’s reflection did not last long.

For Italy, the upcoming negotiations with France would be crucial. As long as they could hold onto the territories they had occupied, Italy would not be the loser in this colonial competition over Tunisia.

On the second day after the representatives of both sides arrived in Madrid, the peace talks between France and Italy officially began.

At the peace talks, Prime Minister Canovas was the first to speak as the Spanish representative. He emphasized the importance of the talks for peace and expressed his hope that both France and Italy would present their demands with the goal of achieving peace.

Following that was the session for the French and Italian representatives to present their demands and argue their cases.

If Italy was more inclined to partition Tunisia according to the current areas of actual occupation, then the French representative’s demand was for Italy to withdraw from Tunisia, or at least to give up half of the land it currently held.

But France’s proposal would certainly not be accepted by Italy. The territory Italy occupied constituted less than a third of Tunisia’s total land. If they were to give up another half, wouldn’t that mean the French would reap most of the benefits?

What was the goal of the Italians’ hard-won occupation of these two territories if not to snatch a piece of meat from the jaws of the French and put themselves in an invincible position?

Because both sides held firm to their demands and refused to back down, the first day of peace talks ended in a stalemate with no progress whatsoever.

French Foreign Minister Gambetta returned to his residence with a blank expression and instructed the French ambassador to report the current progress of the talks back home.

In fact, before attending the Madrid peace conference, France had also considered inviting other countries to participate as neutral parties or simply setting up another negotiation table and ignoring Spain’s request.

From Spain’s diplomatic stance in this contest, it was clear that Spain stood firmly on Italy’s side.

France, of course, understood the reason for this, which was why it had wanted to invite other neutral countries to join the negotiations.

If Spain were the sole mediator, it would certainly lean toward Italy at critical moments.

What was worse, with only France and Italy participating in the talks, France would be facing pressure from both Italy and Spain from the very beginning.

But unfortunately, France had invited numerous European great powers, including Germany, and every single country had expressed a lack of interest in the peace talks.

The reason Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Russia refused was simple: they were too far from North Africa and naturally saw no need to offend Italy and Spain for France’s sake.

And Britain’s reason for refusal was just as simple: Britain wanted to see conflict erupt between France, Italy, and Spain.

In fact, Britain’s purpose in swapping three colonies in West Africa was precisely to sow discord between Spain and France.

Now that such a good opportunity had presented itself, how could the British possibly ruin their own meticulous planning?

As for whether France would collapse under the immense pressure from both the League of the Three Emperors and an Italo-Spanish alliance, the British had their own solution.

First, the combined strength of an Italo-Spanish alliance was less than that of Germany or Russia alone from the League of the Three Emperors. While it posed a pressure to France, it was not fatal.

Second, the British were already working hard to dismantle the League of the Three Emperors. In their eyes, Russia was the greater threat, followed by France, and then Germany.

The British had always wanted to pull Russia out of the League of the Three Emperors while sowing as much discord as possible between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia, thereby turning Germany against Russia as well.

In this way, the European continent would reach a stalemate with four major military blocs confronting each other. Germany and Austria would confront Russia, while Italy and Spain would confront France. These two countries fighting alone happened to be Britain’s two greatest threats.

With Russia and France tied down, the British could expand wantonly in Africa and the Middle East. This was the best possible scenario for them.

It was precisely for this reason that, even though their shit-stirrer nature made them pay close attention to the situation in Tunisia, the British ultimately declined France’s invitation, stating that they would not interfere.

This resulted in France having to go it alone. Even knowing that Spain would side with Italy at critical moments, France had no choice but to attend these peace talks.

Because if they didn’t, France would have to accept the reality of Italy occupying a part of Tunisia.

As for using military force to expel the Italian army, that was something the French government had never even considered. Although Italy was not strong, it was still a great power and could not be defeated so easily.

Furthermore, with Spain’s help, France would very likely face the pressure of a two-front war. Once France became bogged down in a protracted war, the Germans would certainly not stand idly by.

If their plan backfired and it turned into France against all of Europe, that would be a catastrophe. No matter how ambitious Jules Ferry was, he would not be so brazen as to ignore France’s current diplomatic predicament.

He would avoid war if he could. At least until France could break Germany’s policy of diplomatic isolation, it could not afford to make mortal enemies of Italy and Spain.

Chapter 277: Naval Development Plan

Although France’s attitude in the negotiations was tough, it was clear that Italy, now back at the negotiating table, had gained a considerable advantage.

France had no intention of waging war on Italy, which meant the colonial dispute between France and Italy could only be resolved at the negotiating table.

Spain was also leaning towards Italy, so no matter what France did, it could only ensure it did not suffer too great a loss; it was impossible to gain any further advantage from Italy.

Although the negotiations had reached a stalemate, with Spain expressing its support for Italy, France ultimately chose to back down.

Both sides agreed to establish their respective Tunisian colonies based on the territories they currently occupied.

The French had initially proposed exchanging the central Tunisian region from Gafsa to Gabes for the coastal strip from Kairouan to Sfax, which Italy occupied.

If the two sides could exchange colonies, France would occupy northern Tunisia, and Italy would occupy southern Tunisia, avoiding the awkward situation of having two non-contiguous colonial territories.

But the Italian government quickly rejected the French government’s proposal. Although the Gafsa to Gabes line mentioned by the French was coastal, it also extended deep into the Tunisian interior.

Not only did this area contain the vast Chott el Djerid, but to the south lay a great desert, meaning the amount of developable land was extremely limited.

In contrast, the Kairouan to Sfax line currently occupied by Italy had much flatter terrain, consisting almost entirely of plains, which was very suitable for developing agriculture or animal husbandry.

Although consolidating the colonies into a single territory would be more beneficial for colonial development, the Italians were certainly more willing to hold onto the Kairouan region given the mismatch in land value.

This resulted in Italy’s Tunisian colony being divided into two parts. The northern and southern Tunisian colonies were not contiguous, relying on ports for the transport of goods.

With the formal signing of the treaty, the dispute between the two countries over Tunisia officially came to an end.

For France, they had secured most of the Tunisian territory, and these areas were connected to Algeria, which was a considerable gain.

For Italy, they had successfully seized two pieces of land in Tunisia and established Italy’s first colony, getting their future colonial endeavors off to a good start.

More importantly, the southern Tunisia controlled by Italy was contiguous with Libya, which meant Italy would have a significant advantage in its efforts to colonize Libya.

France had essentially withdrawn from the competition to colonize Libya. To colonize Libya, they would have to either bypass Italy’s colony or cross the desert in southern Tunisia, both of which would come at an enormous cost.

Of course, the reality was that the French had no intention of colonizing Libya either. Although Libya’s area was much larger than Tunisia’s, only one percent of its land was arable. The amount of land suitable for agriculture or animal husbandry was only about one-fifth of that in Tunisia.

This statistic was quite staggering. Tunisia’s total area is only 160,000 square kilometers, while Libya’s is a vast 1.76 million square kilometers, eleven times larger.

Eleven times the land area yielded only one-fifth the amount of arable land. This single fact is enough to imagine what kind of country Libya was.

It is said that the Middle East is a collection of countries built on deserts, but Libya’s situation was no less extreme, even more so than some Middle Eastern nations.

Because it was covered in desert, Libya had long been a sparsely populated frontier, which was why Tunisia, despite being a vassal of the Ottoman Empire, remained relatively independent.

After the peace conference ended, the French Foreign Secretary Gambetta left without saying goodbye, clearly dissatisfied with the outcome of the negotiations.

But dissatisfaction was one thing; France had no choice but to accept the result. After all, who could bear the consequences of waging war against both Italy and Spain?

Gambetta’s departure made it more convenient for Spain and Italy to hold friendly discussions.

Spain’s strong support played a crucial role in enabling Italy to snatch two colonies from the jaws of the French tiger.

Without Spain’s firm support, even if Italy had managed to occupy these two territories, they would have eventually been forced to return them under French pressure.

The Italians were naturally aware of the importance of Spain’s backing. Both Umberto I and Italian Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli had instructed the Italian Foreign Secretary before the peace conference to maintain good relations with the Spanish government, regardless of the outcome.

Although Italy had successfully held on to the lands it had occupied, maintaining control over them would still require Spain’s support.

Before Italy could establish a firm foothold in Tunisia, jointly resisting French colonial encroachment with Spain was the best option.

Unless Italy’s military strength expanded to the point where it could guarantee the security of both its homeland and its colonies, it would not abandon its good relationship with Spain.

Since both sides intended to cooperate, after a brief exchange with the Italian Foreign Secretary, Prime Minister Canovas signed an agreement with him regarding colonial cooperation between the two countries in North Africa.

This so-called colonial cooperation did not mean jointly developing a piece of land, but rather that their colonies would advance and retreat together in the face of external colonial competition to ensure their safety.

To put it bluntly, Spain supported Italy’s colonization of Tunisia in exchange for Italy’s support for Spain’s colonization of Morocco.

As for colonial conflicts outside of North Africa, such as a potential competition between Spain and France in West Africa, Italy would not be bound by this cooperation clause.

This was the flexible space the two governments left for themselves. Although both countries had various competitive relationships with France in terms of colonization, Spain currently had far more colonies in Africa than Italy did.

While Italy was willing to cooperate with Spain, it was clearly unwilling to completely and utterly offend the French for the sake of Spain’s West African colonies.

Limiting the scope of cooperation to North Africa ensured that the disparity in interests between Italy and Spain would not be too great. Although Morocco had a larger land area, Tunisia had more arable land, which more or less balanced things out.

Although he had formally signed the colonial cooperation agreement with Italy, Carlo had no intention of drafting plans to invade Morocco.

The reason was simple: France was not the only one eyeing Morocco. There was also Britain, which, while seemingly detached from the European continent, actually paid closer attention to European affairs than the continental nations themselves.

Spain and Italy combined could counter France because the French Navy could not crush their combined naval forces, and the French army would find it almost impossible to defeat Spain and Italy quickly.

But the British were different. The British Navy could easily crush the combined navies of Spain and Italy, meaning the British could blockade both countries within their coastlines without even deploying their army.

Until its naval power reached a point where it could threaten the British, or until the British were tied down by other wars, Spain could only temporarily abandon its colonization of Morocco and bow its head to the British for the time being.

However, temporarily forgoing the colonization of Morocco was not without its benefits for Spain. At the very least, Spain could concentrate its efforts on developing its West African colonies and hasten the Colonial Exchange with Portugal.

As mentioned before, to the north of the Gold Coast was a native state called the Ashanti Empire. This native state was the main indigenous power that the former British Gold Coast had fought against.

Now that Spain had taken over the Gold Coast colony, conquering this native tribe was essential for the colony’s security and stability.

The so-called Ashanti Empire was actually a loose native federation, established around the early eighteenth century.

This native federation was quite unique. It was governed by an organization called the Council of Chiefs. The nominal supreme leader was the chief of the Ashanti tribe, who also served as the nation’s political and spiritual leader.

But as head of state, the chief of the Ashanti tribe had no command authority over the other tribes; all native tribes were equal members.

However, for the stability of the federation, all participants in the Council of Chiefs had jointly established a code of conduct. All native tribes had to swear allegiance to the Council, pay annual taxes, abide by the trade rules set by the Council, and relinquish command of a military unit for external warfare during times of war.

It was this provision that allowed this seemingly loose federation to resist colonization by the British Empire to this day.

The British had sturdy ships and powerful cannons, but the natives were extremely familiar with the local terrain and used it to inflict considerable casualties on the British army.

After their encounters with these natives, the British shifted from simple military conquest to a plan of sowing discord between the various states and the most powerful Ashanti tribe.

This proved to be very effective. Although on the surface the Ashanti chief had no command or other authority over the other tribes, the Ashanti chief was still the head of the entire federation and could always find loopholes to exercise his power.

Over a long period, the other tribes in the federation had, to varying degrees, grown resentful of the dominant Ashanti tribe. This allowed the British plan to sow discord to achieve some success.

However, it was clear that after Spain took over the Gold Coast colony, all the preparatory work the British had done had paved the way for Spain.

After learning about the situation with the tribes near the Gold Coast from the Department of Colonial Affairs, Carlo decided to imitate the British policy of sowing discord and continue to drive a wedge between the various states of the Ashanti federation, undermining their unity in the face of a powerful enemy.

The goal was to make them break out in internal strife first, after which Spain would crush the entire federation in one fell swoop.

Compared to Britain’s “divide and rule” approach, Carlo had no intention of incorporating these natives into Spain’s colonial rule.

Extensive colonization of Africa had a downside: the risk of the nation being “blackened.” France in history was a case in point. As a continuous stream of black people entered mainland France, France transformed from a white nation into a mixed-race country of whites and blacks.

It was a well-known fact that a child born to a black person and a person of any other race would be black. This meant that in the future, France could very well become a European country where black people constituted a majority, or even a vast majority, of the population.

Spain had to be highly vigilant about this. In truth, every race had its flaws, more or less. This was true for the self-proclaimed noble white people of the present day, as well as the oppressed yellow people. It was only human nature.

But compared to these two races, black people had numerous flaws, many of which were quite fatal. This was why Carlo was averse to black people.

First, black people were generally lazy and crude. Compared to the down-to-earth method of farming to fill their stomachs, they preferred simpler, more brutish ways to gain income, such as robbery and theft.

When they were the lowest race in the country, the harm they caused was not that great. But once the world began to value human rights and nations were forced to grant them these rights, the danger posed by black people would immediately become apparent.

When large-scale robberies and thefts occurred, it would cause panic and unrest throughout society, and could even lead to racial antagonism, increasing the risk of national division.

Furthermore, black people carried all sorts of germs. This was not discrimination against black people, but the actual reality of the situation.

Sanitary conditions in Africa, both now and in later eras, were extremely poor. Black people simply did not pay attention to hygiene, which created all sorts of possibilities for the spread of diseases.

At the same time, infectious diseases that made people’s faces turn pale at the mere mention, like AIDS, also originated in Africa.

It was said that the earliest AIDS virus was discovered in gorillas. As for how such a virus spread from gorillas to humans, one would have to ask what the Africans of that time were thinking.

The consequences of AIDS were already severe enough, but it was not the only disease Africa had spread to the world.

This included the extremely serious Ebola virus of later eras; these were all fatal viruses originating from Africa.

Carlo would not only refuse to consider incorporating Africans into Spanish colonial rule, but he would even consider effectively clearing out the black population in Spain’s existing colonies to prevent the terrible event of African germs spreading to Spanish colonies through contact with black people.

Although frequent wars with these African natives would increase Spain’s military expenditure, on the bright side, the combat effectiveness of the Spanish army would also increase.

Wars with African natives were certainly not as effective as formal wars against European countries, but they could still let the Spanish soldiers see some blood and experience the cruelty of the battlefield.

Currently, the only colony that required a large-scale war against natives was the Gold Coast. The Congo Territory did not need large-scale external expansion for the time being.

The reason was simple. The Congo Territory’s path for southward expansion was blocked by Carlo’s colonial exchange plan with Portugal, so it could only expand northward or northwestward for now.

However, blind expansion was not necessarily a good thing. The Congo Territory was already vast and difficult to manage.

The number of immigrants in the Congo Territory had just surpassed fifty thousand, so there was no need for further large-scale expansion.

It would be better to settle down for the time being and focus limited energy on other colonies.

At the Cabinet meeting following the end of the Madrid peace talks, a vote was held, and the members passed the Ashanti Conquest Plan proposed by William, the Minister of Colonial Affairs.

According to this conquest plan, in addition to the two colonial garrison regiments in the Gold Coast, Spain would need to draw one colonial garrison regiment each from the colony of Southern Morocco, the Congo Territory, and the Guinea colony, assembling a total of five colonial garrison regiments to wage war on the Ashanti federation.

Five colonial garrison regiments amounted to a force of about twelve thousand men. Conquering the small Ashanti federation would certainly be no problem.

Of course, preliminary work, such as accelerating the efforts to sow discord among the tribes of the Ashanti federation, was also necessary. After destabilizing the Ashanti federation from within, the Spanish army’s attack would be easier, avoiding more casualties and military expenditure.

Since only colonial troops would be used, and the total force was only twelve thousand men, the military expenditure for this operation would be quite low, estimated to be between fifteen million and twenty-five million pesetas.

This military investment was not large, but if the plan went smoothly, the area of Spain’s Gold Coast colony could double, reaching a total area of over one hundred thousand square kilometers.

This was, in fact, why European nations were so keen on colonization. They could acquire vast tracts of developable land with very little expense.

After all, the land area of most European countries ranged from only tens of thousands to a few hundred thousand square kilometers. There was only one country with an area exceeding one million square kilometers: the Russian Empire, whose territory extended to the easternmost edge of Asia.

Even Tsarist Russia was extremely enthusiastic about territorial expansion, to say nothing of the other European countries with areas of only a few hundred thousand or even tens of thousands of square kilometers.

Besides passing the proposal for the Ashanti Conquest Plan, the Cabinet meeting also approved a new application from the Ministry of Defense: a plan for the construction of a new type of warship.

Several years had passed since the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard last presented the design blueprints for the Revival-class ironclad. Since then, Spain’s major shipyards had failed to produce a warship design that satisfied the Navy.

Spain also had shipbuilding collaborations with France and Italy, but these generally focused on the construction of armored cruisers, not true ironclads.

The so-called armored cruiser, like the battlecruiser that would appear in the future, was a rather special type of warship design.

Armored cruisers possessed firepower rivaling that of ironclads, putting them at the level of capital ships in terms of offensive capability. But the biggest difference between a cruiser and an ironclad was the construction cost per ship.

Compared to ironclads, armored cruisers were cheaper to build. This meant that during the design process, their protection had to be reduced to ensure they could carry firepower comparable to an ironclad.

To put it bluntly, an armored cruiser was just a cruiser fitted with capital ship guns. Its armor protection was only slightly better than that of an ordinary cruiser, falling far behind the heavily invested ironclads of various nations.

This type of warship was first funded and built by Russia, intended only as an auxiliary vessel to provide additional firepower for the main battle fleet.

However, as Russia declined, by the time of the Russo-Japanese War, these clearly flawed warships had become the mainstay of the Russian fleet. Because their armor was relatively weak, many armored cruisers suffered heavy blows from the enemy during the war.

Under Carlo’s influence, Spain’s attitude towards the navy was that it was acceptable not to build capital ships, but if they were to be built, they had to be the best.

After years of painstaking work, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had finally produced a warship design that satisfied the naval command, which was why the military had proposed the new naval construction plan.

The new warship design was less a completely new design and more a product of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard improving upon the foundation of the Revival-class ironclad.

Of course, the improvements were significant. This would ensure the new warship design remained world-class and could effectively strengthen the Spanish navy.

In terms of propulsion, the new warship would use two sets of two-cylinder inverted compound expansion steam engines, with a total of twelve cylindrical boilers. It would feature twin-screw propulsion and could generate about 7,000 horsepower under natural draft.

If switched to forced draft mode, it could provide the warship with about 9,600 horsepower, a vast improvement over the propulsion of the Revival-class ironclad.

With the enhanced power, the shipyard could then be more ambitious with the warship’s armor and armament.

For its main battery, the warship would still use 12-inch (305mm) breech-loading naval guns. This cannon was a product of a collaboration between Spanish and Austrian military industries, and its range and power were greatly enhanced.

Although the caliber was the same as the main guns of the Revival-class ironclad, its overall firepower had increased by at least twenty percent.

Then there was armor protection. Due to the collaboration with Germany, which had effectively improved Spain’s steelmaking capabilities, this ironclad’s armor would use Spain’s latest special steel plates, offering at least thirty percent more protection than the previous ordinary steel armor.

Spain’s current steel production was more than sufficient to provide enough steel plates to armor one warship. This allowed the steel armor thickness in this warship’s design to be even more substantial than that of the previous Revival-class ironclad.

The armor protection of an ironclad made it clear why Spain was not interested in armored cruisers. While their firepower was similar, an ironclad could withstand several hits from main battery guns as long as its weak points were not struck.

An armored cruiser could not. Once hit by an enemy capital ship’s naval guns, an armored cruiser would be crippled if not sunk, severely affecting its combat capability.

Returning to the Spanish warship design. Due to the increased armor thickness, the total tonnage of the warship would reach a staggering figure.

Its standard displacement alone reached 9,552 tons. When fully loaded, the warship’s displacement would instantly exceed ten thousand tons, making it Spain’s first true ten-thousand-ton behemoth.

However, due to the increased power, even though this new ironclad design reached the ten-thousand-ton class, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard estimated its top speed could still reach around seventeen knots.

Overall, this warship’s design not only had powerful armament and excellent armor protection but was also extremely fast.

When fully loaded, the warship could travel 7,000 nautical miles at a speed of ten knots. Converted to kilometers, this was nearly 13,000 kilometers, roughly the total distance from Spain to the Philippine colony.

What the Navy was most satisfied with in this new warship design was the increase in speed. While the Revival-class ironclad had excellent performance in all other aspects, its top speed was only about thirteen knots, which still lagged behind other European capital ships.

This newest warship, however, had closed that speed gap. Even when fighting against capital ships from powerful nations like Britain and France, there would be no fear of being outpaced.

If Spain could mass-produce this new type of warship, it might even have a chance to challenge the British Navy’s supremacy.

However, the British would certainly not remain indifferent to Spain mass-producing capital ships. If Spain insisted on building a large number of warships, it would undoubtedly provoke a naval arms race with Britain, and perhaps even all of Europe.

Because it had been a long time since any capital ships were built, the proposal submitted to the Cabinet by the naval department included the construction of four capital ships.

Unlike the Revival-class ironclad, which cost no more than 500,000 pounds, the estimated cost of this new warship was as high as 530,000 pounds. Adding the shipyard’s construction costs, the selling price of each warship could not be less than 700,000 pounds.

And this was the internal price for the Spanish government. If sold to other countries, a significant profit would have to be added on top of the 700,000-pound price tag.

The fact that there were no buyers for the Revival-class ironclad made it clear that selling ironclads abroad was still very difficult.

Ironclads were too expensive to build. The great powers had their own construction capabilities and naturally did not need to buy from abroad.

Smaller nations were financially strained and could not possibly afford several hundred thousand pounds to build a single warship.

After all, besides the cost of construction, one had to consider the expenses of forming a navy and subsequent maintenance.

The total cost for a single warship would start at a million pounds at least. To build a fleet, the cost would start in the millions of pounds.

To put it bluntly, only nations of a significant scale could afford to play the modern fleet game.

The real reason Spain’s naval strength remained in the world’s top eight even during its period of extreme decline was that, apart from the great powers, most European countries had no decent naval fleets to speak of.

At a cost of 700,000 pounds per warship, Spain would need to spend 18.2 million pesetas for each of the latest ironclads it built.

The naval department requested the construction of four ironclads. The construction cost alone would amount to 72.8 million pesetas. Adding the training of sailors and subsequent maintenance costs, the plan proposed by the Navy would require the Spanish government to pay nearly one hundred million pesetas.

And this was just for the four capital ships. Equipping them with the various auxiliary warships needed to form a complete fleet would require an additional investment of at least fifty million pesetas.

Even though Spain’s finances had improved significantly, this investment, which easily surpassed one hundred million, was still a major headache.

Chapter 278: Umberto’s Ambition

Although the new warship design submitted by the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard looked powerful, the proposal to build four capital ships at once sparked a fierce debate within the Cabinet government.

Investing over one hundred million pesetas in the Navy meant that the financial budgets of other government departments would be cut by a total of over one hundred million pesetas.

This was precisely the reason for the intense arguments among the various departments; no one wanted their budget slashed so drastically that it would affect their development plans.

In the end, it was Carlo who made the final decision, approving the Ministry of Defense’s construction plan for the four ironclads.

Building the four ironclads would require 72.8 million pesetas. The Cabinet government would provide 55 million pesetas, and the Ministry of Defense would find the remaining 17.8 million pesetas itself.

Because Spain was planning to launch a war against the Ashanti Federation, the Ministry of Defense’s military budget had increased by nearly twenty percent compared to usual.

Squeezing out 17.8 million pesetas was not a problem, especially since the payment was not due all at once.

After so many years of development, Spain’s shipyards had long since overcome the embarrassing situation from when Carlo first became king, when no shipyard possessed the capability to build ironclads.

Besides the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, currently the largest in Spain, there were three other shipyards capable of constructing ironclads: the Valencia United Shipyard, the El Ferrol Royal Naval Shipyard, and the Cartagena Shipyard.

However, these three shipyards were all managed and operated by the government. Apart from the Valencia United Shipyard, in which the royal family held nearly half the shares, the royal family did not have significant stakes in the other two.

This included the El Ferrol Royal Naval Shipyard. Although its name contained “Royal Navy,” it actually had little to do with either the royal family or the Navy.

The largest shareholder of the El Ferrol Royal Naval Shipyard was the Spanish government, followed by the El Ferrol municipal government. The Spanish Royal Navy held less than ten percent of the shares.

The reason it was named a Royal Naval Shipyard was that El Ferrol’s rise began entirely with Spain establishing a naval base there. The original shipyard belonged to the Navy, but as the Navy declined, most of the shipyard’s shares had long been sold off.

All of Spain’s ironclad-capable shipyards were state-owned; private shipyards did not yet have the ability to build them.

Ironclads were the most advanced warships of the era, and it was not so easy for a private shipyard to build one.

Currently, the largest private shipyards in Spain could only construct vessels like light cruisers, with tonnage generally not exceeding 3,000 tons, classifying them as small to medium-sized warships.

Besides taking on small-scale orders from the military, these private shipyards primarily earned money from orders for civilian vessels.

Although civilian ships generally had low tonnage, building small ones did not take much time. As long as they had enough orders, these private shipyards could still turn a profit.

As Spain’s colonies grew in number and size, the maritime transport industry flourished.

This led to a golden age for the development of Spanish shipyards. Especially with government support, Spain’s shipbuilding industry had achieved considerable success and was ranked among the top in Europe.

Along with the confirmation of the shipbuilding plan, the class name for this brand-new warship design was also decided.

The previous generation of ironclads was named the Revival-class, while this generation was named the Matador-class by the Spanish government.

The four Matador-class ironclads were designated the Matador, the Warrior, the Courage, and the Indomitable.

The naming of the ironclads revealed how hard the Spanish government was working to shape the national spirit.

Carlo’s expectations for Spain’s army and navy were just like the names of these ironclads. The combined combat effectiveness of the Spanish army and navy could be weaker than that of the super great powers, but they must possess the courage to face death unflinchingly.

Sometimes, courage is more important than equipment. If the equipment is the same, then the side with more tenacious courage will be able to exert greater combat power.

As the saying goes, when adversaries meet, the braver one prevails. Carlo certainly did not want the army he had painstakingly trained at great expense to turn into cowardly surrenderers.

Spain’s population was inferior to that of the European great powers, so it could only rely on such methods to enhance the combat strength of its army and navy and close the gap with other great powers.

The Spanish government had no intention of keeping the construction plan for these four ironclads a secret.

Even with these four ironclads, the Spanish fleet’s strength would still not be enough to challenge the British. In fact, it was not even close to challenging them; the gap with the British Royal Fleet was still immense.

Britain controlled India, which brought a massive amount of fiscal revenue to the British government every year. This led to an astronomical investment in the navy; in the last two years alone, they had built three entire ironclads.

While building three ironclads in two years might not seem like a huge investment, the problem was that the British construction pace hardly ever stopped.

So far, Spain had a total of only five ironclads. The British could build the equivalent of Spain’s entire ironclad fleet in just four years.

This was why Carlo did not intend to maintain secrecy. Even if the British knew that the four ironclads Spain was building were first-rate combatants, they would not worry that the Spanish Navy posed a threat to the Royal Fleet.

That is, unless Spain were to build more than ten ironclads at once, but even the British Empire would find such an investment unbearable, let alone Spain with its fewer colonies.

Although Spain had four shipyards capable of building ironclads, the government did not plan to construct all four ships simultaneously.

Once the funds were available, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard would be the first to build two ironclads. As Spain’s largest shipyard, it could accommodate the simultaneous construction of up to three ironclads.

However, the number of shipyard workers was limited, and with other related constraints, the more warships were under construction at the same time, the longer the construction time required for each ship would be.

If only one ironclad was being built, it could be launched in as little as a year and would take no more than two years at the slowest, with an average speed of about a year and a half.

But if three ironclads were built at the same time, the launch time for each would be delayed to over two years, and could very well reach the slower pace of two and a half years.

Even building just two ironclads simultaneously made it impossible to achieve the average speed of a year and a half. This meant that Spain’s new warships would not be launched until the second half of 1883 at the earliest.

The sea trials for the warships would also take a long time. By the time the Matador-class ironclads were formally commissioned into the Spanish naval fleet, it would be around 1885 at the earliest.

To save as much time as possible, the first two ironclads would be built at the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, while the latter two would be constructed at the Valencia United Shipyard and the El Ferrol Royal Naval Shipyard, respectively.

Although these two shipyards were much smaller than the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, because they were each building only one ship, their progress could roughly keep up with Royal Guarnizo’s.

It was expected that between 1885 and 1886, Spain would see four ironclads enter service at once.

This meant Spain could maintain its naval status until the pre-dreadnought era. Then, during the pre-dreadnought period, it would rapidly climb the technology tree, seeking to surpass the naval powers ranked ahead of it.

Just as the advent of the dreadnought rendered all pre-dreadnoughts obsolete, the arrival of the pre-dreadnought instantly turned all ironclads into flawed relics.

As long as Spain could seize the crucial moment when pre-dreadnoughts replaced ironclads, it could not only maintain its position as the world’s fourth naval power after Britain, France, and Germany, but also strive to surpass France and Germany, even if it couldn’t overtake the British Empire’s Royal Fleet.

Germany’s emphasis on its navy would continue to grow, but at this time, they were not yet ready to challenge the British Empire’s naval supremacy.

This meant that Germany did not yet have plans for a major naval expansion; its goal was merely to build a navy befitting Germany’s status.

As for France, there was even less to say. France had the industrial and research capabilities, but due to its modest investment in military expenditure, its navy would eventually be surpassed by Germany’s. Spain also had a chance to surpass the French Navy in the pre-dreadnought era.

Of course, even if it couldn’t surpass France with pre-dreadnoughts, Spain would still have another chance in the dreadnought era.

It was precisely because of this focus on pre-dreadnoughts that Spain did not plan to build any more ironclads after the Matador-class.

These four Matador-class ironclads would be sufficient to ensure Spain’s naval power remained in the world’s top five. The pre-dreadnoughts that came after would be the capital ships Spain would build in large numbers.

This was another reason why the Spanish government planned to publicize this shipbuilding plan. If they didn’t, Spain’s next large-scale construction of capital ships would have to wait until the pre-dreadnought era.

Revealing plans to build capital ships could effectively boost national confidence, which was quite necessary for Spain at this time.

Sure enough, when the Spanish government released the news that it would build four ironclads in the next few years, it immediately caused a sensation among the Spanish people.

The former Spanish “empire on which the sun never set” had been built on a powerful navy and vast colonies. Now that Spain had already established sizable colonies, if it could also build a powerful navy, wouldn’t that be a revival, in a way, of the old empire?

When you thought about it, Spain’s current colonies were spread across the Americas, Africa, and Asia, so calling it an empire on which the sun never set wasn’t exactly wrong.

It was just that most of Spain’s colonies were relatively small, making this so-called “empire on which the sun never set” seem somewhat unworthy of the name.

Although it was somewhat unworthy, Spain’s colonial situation was already much better than that of many European countries.

Even the powerful German Empire currently had no decent colonies. Not to mention weaker great powers like Austria and Italy, which had practically no colonies at all.

What Carlo did not expect was that the official news released by Spain not only caused a stir among the Spaniards but also created a sensation within the Italian government.

As Spain’s ally, the Italian government was of course aware of the specifications of Spain’s Revival-class ironclads.

The Revival-class had been a first-rate European warship design in its time. While not the most powerful, its overall combat effectiveness was definitely among the top.

Although the Spanish government had not released the specifications for the newest class of ironclads, considering Spain’s excellent performance with the Revival-class, this new design was bound to be a product of even greater performance.

Seeing that the Spain controlled by his younger brother Carlo was already strengthening its navy, Umberto I was green with envy.

After its unification, Italy had merged the navies of the former Kingdom of Sardinia and other Italian states to establish the Italian Royal Navy, becoming one of the world’s top eight naval powers in one fell swoop.

At that time, the Italian Navy even ranked in the top five globally in terms of total tonnage; its on-paper statistics were quite impressive.

But Umberto I, as the Crown Prince at the time and now the king, certainly understood that Italy’s current naval strength was bloated.

Before unification, Italy was divided into several states. Although these states were all developed, what small state had the ability to build advanced ironclads?

Even if they had the technology to build one, they wouldn’t have enough funds to maintain it. Besides, a single ironclad couldn’t protect its own coastline; it would require a large fleet of several ironclads to ensure its coastal security.

This resulted in most of the Italian Navy’s tonnage being composed of small and medium-sized warships. A considerable portion of these were coastal defense ships—in other words, warships incapable of high-seas operations.

More importantly, most of the ships that made up the Italian Navy were built ten or twenty years ago. Their designs were long outdated, and the naval guns they carried were obsolete muzzle-loaders, which lagged far behind the mainstream breech-loaders of other nations in terms of loading speed, range, and power.

Watching his younger brother’s vigorous efforts to build up Spain ignited Umberto I’s own ambition.

He felt no jealousy toward Carlo, but the desire to build a powerful army and navy for Italy, just as Carlo had done, was a genuine one.

Originally, Umberto I’s plan was to rely on Italy’s own efforts to build a powerful ironclad and then use it to arm the Italian fleet.

Now that Spain had the latest ironclad design, Umberto I changed his mind. He hoped to purchase one or two ironclads from Spain to expand Italy’s naval strength in a more effective way.

Chapter 279: Warship Purchase Order

When the Italian ambassador expressed the Italian government’s request to purchase Spain’s new ironclads to Carlo, Carlo was momentarily surprised before decisively agreeing.

Whatever the Italian government’s reasons for buying Spanish warships, Spain would not lose money on the deal.

Warships sold to foreign countries came with a higher price tag, which was where the shipyards truly made their profit on warship orders.

After all, sales to their own government were at a “friendship price,” making it impossible to earn a massive fortune; at most, they could ensure they didn’t operate at a loss.

Although Carlo agreed in principle to sell warships to Italy, the specific negotiations would have to be conducted between the Italians and the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

The Matador-class ironclad was, in theory, a product of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard. Other shipyards in Spain were only able to build this warship with authorization from the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

After all, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard was backed by the Spanish royal family. In a monarchy like Spain, no one could afford to ignore the status of the royal family, not even the government.

When the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard learned that Italy wanted to purchase their warships, they were all smiles.

After all, the shipyard’s income determined the available funding for design experts, which greatly influenced whether the shipyard could develop the warships the military needed.

However, considering the good relations between Italy and Spain, the shipyard did not plan to be exorbitant. They had to offer Italy some sort of discount to reflect the friendship between the two nations.

The Italian government acted quickly. Upon confirming that Spain was willing to sell its latest warships, the Italian government immediately formed a purchasing delegation to travel to Spain and begin negotiations with the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

The purchasing delegation was primarily composed of Italian naval commanders. The Italian Navy’s eagerness stemmed from the fact that Italy’s current shipbuilding capabilities lagged far behind those of the other European great powers.

All of the Italian Navy’s warships were outdated products. Even their most recently built ships from the past few years were flawed and substandard.

The most representative examples were the Duilio and the Enrico Dandolo.

Designed as the Italian Navy’s departure from sailing warships, these two vessels were powered by vertical compound steam engines and could reach a maximum speed of 14.8 knots, which was considered excellent for the time.

In terms of firepower, the two warships were armed with 450mm 20-caliber muzzle-loading naval guns, a caliber large enough to rival any warship in Europe.

The problem was, being muzzle-loaders with such a large caliber severely limited the firepower these cannons could actually deliver.

The 450mm main guns looked impressive, but once the Italian Navy got their hands on them, they discovered the main guns had a pitiful rate of fire of only one round every five minutes. On the battlefield, they would be nothing more than sitting ducks.

What was worse, in their excessive pursuit of gun caliber, the Italian shipyards had overlooked the issue of integrating such large cannons into the warship’s design.

The Duilio had three exhaust funnels, and the two main gun turrets were situated between two of them. The absurdity of this arrangement was hard to imagine.

The naval officers and men operating the guns had to be careful not to aim at their own funnels, or they would become the creators of a grand joke.

It was precisely because of these design flaws in Italy’s shipyards that the Italian Navy was so eager to acquire foreign warships.

Of course, the Italian government was not just looking forward to Spain’s warships.

They hoped to learn from Spain’s superior experience in ironclad design, to imitate and improve upon it to create Italy’s own ironclads.

The only way to acquire the data for Spain’s latest ironclads was to purchase the ships themselves.

Dispatching special agents to steal intelligence might have been an option, but it would have severely damaged relations between Italy and Spain, which was not worth the risk for the Italian government.

The arrival of the Italian purchasing delegation was met with a grand reception by the Spanish government. Afterward, the group went directly to the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard to inspect the warship construction site.

As a military-industrial enterprise built with the full backing of the royal family, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard was undoubtedly among the top tier in Europe.

When the Italian purchasing delegation arrived at the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard for a tour, they were stunned by its level of development.

Before coming to Spain, many Italians still held the belief that Italy was more developed than Spain. They thought Italy’s current backwardness in shipbuilding was merely a temporary technological lag due to the nation’s recent unification, and that in terms of industrial and shipbuilding capacity, they were by no means inferior to Spain.

But when they arrived at the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard and saw this enterprise, which had become a mega-shipyard thanks to massive investment from the royal family, they began to take Spain’s recent progress seriously and earnestly re-evaluate the gap between Italian and Spanish shipyards.

The Italian delegation’s sobered attitude made the subsequent tour proceed much more smoothly.

After the Spanish government announced its naval construction plan, it had already paid a deposit for two warships to the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, which had long since begun construction of the two ironclads at full capacity.

Although less than half a month had passed, the keel for the first Matador-class ironclad, the Matador, was already halfway laid. The Italian purchasing delegation was there to witness this very keel-laying stage.

Whether in the age of ironclads or the age of sail, building a large vessel was never easy.

As warship technology entered the ironclad era, the costs and time required to build one continuously increased due to more complex technology and the need for vast quantities of steel.

The keel-laying stage for a Matador-class ironclad alone required at least a month and a half, a timeframe that hinted at the sheer size of the vessel.

When the Italian purchasing delegation personally saw the workers laying the keel of the Matador-class ironclad, they couldn’t help but gasp in awe, even though they had already prepared themselves for Spain’s formidable shipbuilding capabilities.

“My heavens, what a colossal warship this will be!” The leader of the Italian purchasing delegation, a Lieutenant General in the Italian Navy, exclaimed, his face a picture of amazement as he gazed at the more than half-completed keel in the dry dock. His excitement was palpable.

“Mr., may I ask what the displacement of this warship your country is building will be?” a general from the Italian delegation asked, turning his curious gaze to the Spanish diplomatic official responsible for hosting them.

“Of course, Your Excellency,” the official replied. The Italian government had already expressed its desire to purchase warships from Spain, so the basic data of these vessels naturally had to be shown to the Italians.

Therefore, upon hearing the Italian naval general’s inquiry, the official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs immediately gave the pre-prepared answer: “According to the design estimates, the Matador-class ironclad has a standard displacement of approximately 9,552 tons and a full load displacement of around 10,700 tons. It is, in the truest sense, a ten-thousand-ton behemoth.”

Hearing that the Spanish-developed Matador-class ironclad could reach a full load displacement of over ten thousand tons, the naval commanders in the purchasing delegation exchanged glances, excitement visible in each other’s eyes.

As for the other officials from the Italian government, especially those from the financial departments, their expressions instantly soured.

The larger the displacement of an ironclad, the more expensive it was. After all, besides the thickness and surface area of the steel plates, the factors influencing an ironclad’s weight included the caliber of its naval guns and the size of its turrets.

Spain’s previous generation of ironclads, the Revival-class, sold abroad for as much as 600,000 pounds. A Matador-class ironclad, being more powerful than the Revival-class, would surely cost over 700,000 pounds, wouldn’t it?

If Italy were to order two ironclads, it would mean spending over 1.4 million pounds, or 35 million lira.

Italy’s financial situation had been relatively stable since its unification. But Umberto I’s ambitions for military expansion clearly went beyond this, leaving some Italian government officials torn between joy and worry. After all, as military expenditure increased, cuts to other departments’ financial budgets were inevitable.

After touring the keel-laying of the Matador with great anticipation, the naval commanders in the Italian purchasing delegation eagerly began negotiations with the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

They wanted to finalize the details of the warship purchase with the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard as soon as possible, so the Italian Navy could possess such powerful ironclads without delay.

Compared to these naval commanders, the Italian government officials were in no such hurry. When they learned that a single Matador-class ironclad cost a staggering 800,000 pounds, they were even tempted to return to Italy immediately.

A price of 800,000 pounds was simply too expensive. That amount of money was enough for Italy’s own shipyards to build an ironclad with money to spare.

Even if Spain’s warships were better designed than Italy’s, there was no reason for such an exorbitant price.

After some wrangling, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard finally offered Italy a ‘friendship price’: a five percent discount on the 800,000-pound price, selling them for 760,000 pounds per ironclad—a price close to what they offered internally.

If Italy ordered two ironclads at once, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard would also include some shells and torpedoes, further reducing a portion of Italy’s expenses.

Although the price of 760,000 pounds was still a bit more expensive than the internal price for the Spanish government, for the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, it was a clear demonstration of their sincerity.

After all, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had to make a profit. Restraining themselves from making a huge fortune on the Italian order was already a significant gesture of respect to the Italian government.

The purchasing delegation had the authority to make decisions regarding the warship purchase, which meant they only needed to discuss it internally and did not require the approval of the Italian government back home.

After several days of continuous meetings within the Italian purchasing delegation, and with the impassioned arguments of the Italian naval generals, the delegation finally agreed to the price of 760,000 pounds offered by the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard and purchased two ironclads in one go.

The total purchase price of 1.52 million pounds would be paid in three installments. The first payment of a 300,000-pound deposit was to be made to the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard immediately after the contract was signed. Spain, in turn, would have to begin construction on Italy’s two warships within three months of receiving the payment.

The second and third payments would be made when the two warships were launched and delivered, respectively. Upon completion of the three payments, the warship purchase would be officially finalized, and the ships would formally belong to the Italian Navy, having no further connection to Spain.

After representatives from the Italian purchasing delegation and the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard signed the order documents and posed for a commemorative photograph, the deal was officially concluded.

The news that Italy was purchasing two ironclads from Spain immediately became a hot topic across Europe, and Spain’s newly developed Matador-class ironclad instantly drew the attention of the European powers.

When they learned that Spain’s new ironclad was a true ten-thousand-ton behemoth, the British did not hastily alter their own shipbuilding plans, but they did order their shipyards to accelerate the construction of their warships.

After all, the British had their own ten-thousand-ton behemoths. As long as the overall performance of Spain’s ironclads did not far exceed that of Britain’s, or as long as the number of Spain’s capital ships did not pose a threat to the British fleet, Britain’s reaction would not be so intense.

While Britain’s reaction was not overly dramatic, the French response was far more intense.

France had already been through a colonial conflict with Spain and Italy, and relations had not yet been fully repaired.

With both Spain and Italy announcing naval expansions one after the other, the French could no longer sit still and announced their own shipbuilding plan for the next five years.

Spain and Italy were planning to build a total of six ironclads over the next five years, so the French government immediately decided to respond by building six of their own in the same period.

This was not just to save face, but also to diminish the influence of Spain and Italy in the western Mediterranean.

France’s naval power was formidable, stronger than that of both Italy and Spain. The problem, however, was that France faced the same issue as the United States: it was bordered by two seas, with its two coastlines separated by a considerable distance.

Of course, France’s situation was much better than America’s. To connect its east and west coasts, the United States had to circumnavigate the entire continent of South America, a journey of nearly twenty thousand kilometers.

In contrast, France’s west and south coasts were only separated by the Iberian Peninsula, a distance of roughly three thousand kilometers.

Because of its two non-adjacent coastlines, France had to establish two separate fleets to protect its shores.

France deployed the Channel Fleet in the English Channel and the Mediterranean Fleet in the Mediterranean. While this effectively protected both of France’s coasts, it also dispersed its naval strength.

Overall, France’s navy was far superior to those of Spain and Italy. But if the comparison was limited to the Mediterranean, neither the Spanish nor the Italian navy was significantly weaker than the French.

Especially if the two nations joined forces, even France’s Mediterranean Fleet would be unable to withstand their combined fleet.

This was why France decided to build six ironclads: to strengthen its Mediterranean Fleet and protect its North African colonies.

Of course, there was another important reason: to regain the pride lost during the Tunisian War when they failed to occupy Tunisia completely.

By building six ironclads at once over the next five years, Premier Jules Ferry’s message was clear. He wanted to tell all French people that France was still the same powerful France, a nation with the strength of a European hegemon. No country should dare to provoke them, and France had the capability to respond to any provocation.

Chapter 280: The Ashanti War

The warship construction by Spain and Italy did not trigger a European naval arms race, but when the French also announced with great fanfare that they would build six ironclads in the next five years, a small-scale naval arms race in Europe did indeed erupt.

The reason for this naval arms race was simple: France’s high-profile naval expansion aroused the apprehension of other nations.

Perhaps even France had not anticipated this. Their original intention was merely to counter the Spanish-Italian alliance in the Mediterranean, but they unexpectedly drew the attention of Britain and Germany in the North Sea region.

The French already possessed the second-largest fleet in the world, yet they were still bent on expanding their navy with such fanfare. Wasn’t this a clear challenge to Britain’s naval supremacy?

The British were not one to be polite. A few days after France announced its shipbuilding plan, they announced their own.

Since the French declared their intention to build six ironclads in the next five years, the British naturally chose to follow suit, likewise announcing the construction of six ironclads within the same timeframe.

Germany was next. When it came to apprehension of France, Germany’s was perhaps even more severe than Britain’s.

The very reason Prime Minister Bismarck had devised a policy of isolating France was because of the deep-seated fear of France within Germany, a fear that had even reached the point of “dread.”

Of course, this wasn’t to say Germany feared the France of the present. The so-called dread was actually a fear of French retaliation against Germany after its recovery.

It was for this very reason that the German government was determined to do everything in its power to prevent France’s revival, to contain the French threat within certain limits, and, when prevention was no longer possible, to launch a timely war to destroy France.

Of course, Germany’s pace of building ironclads was certainly not as extravagant as Britain’s or France’s. After all, Germany still had a massive army to maintain, and with no colonies to generate revenue, it was not as wealthy as Britain or France.

Like Spain, Germany also announced it would build four ironclads in the next five years to strengthen its High Seas Fleet.

Following Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire also announced its own shipbuilding plan. The Austrian government intended to build two ironclads in the next five years to match the strength of the Italian Navy.

If one were to name the country with the worst geopolitical environment among the great powers, besides Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would likely be on the list.

To Germany’s east and west were the European steamroller, the Russian Empire, and the former hegemon of Europe, France. Its northern coast faced Britain across the sea, and to its south were the Austro-Hungarian Empire and, separated by Switzerland, Italy. It was, in a sense, surrounded by several great powers.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire’s situation was not much better. To its north was the powerful German Empire, and to its east was its formidable rival, Russia. It, too, was a battleground state.

Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire had an outlet to the sea, its position was even worse than that of Italy, a Mediterranean nation. For the Italian Navy to reach the ocean, it only needed to pass through the Strait of Gibraltar or the Suez Canal from the Mediterranean. However, for the Austro-Hungarian Navy to reach the ocean, it first had to travel from the Adriatic Sea on its doorstep into the Mediterranean, and then pass through a strait or canal.

Even more critically, the Adriatic Sea was a long, narrow gulf, wider north to south than east to west, flanked by the Apennine Peninsula to the west and the Balkan Peninsula to the east.

This meant the Austro-Hungarian Navy could be blockaded not only by the British at the Mediterranean’s two outlets but also potentially by Italy at the mouth of the Adriatic Sea.

The reason Austria-Hungary followed Italy in building up its navy was precisely to prevent an Italian blockade. Although relations between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy were not particularly bad, they were not particularly good either.

If not for the marriage alliance between the Spanish royal family and the Austro-Hungarian imperial family, which had somewhat eased tensions between Italy and Austria-Hungary, the latter’s vigilance against Italy would likely be even greater.

Although most of the European great powers participated in this small-scale naval arms race, there was one nation that remained indifferent to the others’ naval expansion: the Russian Empire.

After the assassination of Alexander II, Russia had adopted a low profile in Europe. Tsar Alexander III, terrified of suffering the same fate as his father, rarely participated in government decisions. He especially refrained from offering suggestions regarding the reforms promoted by Alexander II, acting as nothing more than a heartless signing machine.

While this did indeed prevent extremist anarchists from assassinating Alexander III, it also caused Russia’s reforms to deviate from the path envisioned by Alexander II.

In the short time since Alexander II’s assassination, the Russian government had already repealed several reform-related decrees, stopping just short of declaring Alexander II’s reforms illegal outright.

In such a chaotic situation, the Russian government naturally had no interest in joining the European naval arms race. For the noblemen who controlled the Russian court, the government’s precious finances could not be squandered on the navy. Maintaining Russia’s existing naval strength was sufficient.

Even Carlo had not expected that a mere order for two ironclads signed between Spain and Italy would trigger a naval arms race across all of Europe.

However, this was good news for Spain. According to the course of history, the next few years would be the final glory days of the ironclad.

In the final year of the 1880s, 1889, the battleship would be born, and the ironclad would be swept into the dustbin of history.

Although 1889 was still eight years away, it would pass in the blink of an eye. Building a warship was a time-consuming process; it was impossible for a ship to be commissioned into the navy without taking two or three years.

For a country like France, which was building six ironclads with such fanfare, it was possible that not all six would be integrated into the fleet by the time the age of the battleship arrived.

And the funds France invested in these ironclads were real. This meant they could not abandon their construction.

When the age of the battleship arrived, Spain could vigorously build its own battleships and could appropriately abandon its investments in ironclads.

Although it had unwittingly triggered a European naval arms race, the Spanish government’s focus was not overly fixed on the race itself.

After seeing off the Italian naval procurement delegation, the Spanish government decided to launch a war against the Ashanti Federation.

During this period, Spain’s efforts to sow discord among the various tribes of the Ashanti Federation had been quite effective. At the very least, the attitudes of the other tribes toward the most powerful Ashanti tribe had grown much colder, even leading to a fierce argument within the Ashanti’s Council of Chiefs.

The cause of the argument was the Ashanti chief’s long-term encroachment upon the interests of the various tribes. Although the Ashanti chief officially had no authority to interfere in the affairs of other tribes, as the ruler of the entire federation, his implicit power was far greater than his official authority.

This led to considerable resentment from the other tribes toward the Ashanti chief and the Ashanti tribe. Goaded by Spain, this almost triggered internal strife within the entire federation.

Although it did not lead to a civil war within the Ashanti, such a situation was sufficient for Spain’s purposes.

Once all five colonial garrison regiments were ready, the government of the Spanish Gold Coast colony, using the pretext that Ashanti natives had trespassed onto Gold Coast territory while hunting, issued an ultimatum to the Ashanti tribe. It demanded that the Ashanti tribe hand over the trespassing natives within twenty-four hours and pay a sum of compensation to the Gold Coast colonial government.

When the Gold Coast colony’s original words were translated into the native language and relayed to the chief of the Ashanti tribe, it immediately caused panic throughout the tribe.

It is worth mentioning that the Gold Coast colonial government stated it had only detected natives from the Ashanti tribe trespassing on its territory and had not found natives from any other tribes of the Ashanti Federation invading Spanish lands. Therefore, the diplomatic ultimatum was directed solely at the Ashanti tribe; the other tribes were not targeted by Spain’s actions.

It was precisely because of this additional statement from the Gold Coast that the Ashanti Federation’s Council of Chiefs split into two factions.

One faction, led by the Ashanti chief and some of the weaker tribal chiefs, believed they should vehemently deny Spain’s diplomatic ultimatum. After all, the natives did everything they could to avoid the Europeans; how could they possibly wander onto Spanish territory?

They believed that Spain’s claim of a territorial invasion was just a pretext. Their real goal was to annex the Ashanti Federation and eliminate all the native tribes under it.

The other faction, composed of some of the larger native tribes, argued that the primary fault in this incident lay entirely with the Ashanti tribe and had nothing to do with the other tribes.

Since it was the Ashanti tribe’s fault, the responsibility should be borne by the Ashanti chief and his tribe. Unless the Spaniards openly invaded the territories of other tribes, they were unwilling to pay the price for the Ashanti tribe’s mistake. After all, it would be their soldiers and people who would die in a war.

The Ashanti chief was astonished to find that the number of native tribes supporting the second opinion was actually greater than those supporting the first.

If not for the lingering prestige of the Ashanti tribe, perhaps even the smaller tribes would have chosen the second option.

This scene of isolation threw the Ashanti chief into a great panic. He tried to explain that the territorial invasion the Spaniards spoke of had never happened, but by now, the other tribal chiefs no longer believed him.

The discussion in the Council of Chiefs reached a stalemate. Because the Ashanti chief was the supreme chief of the entire federation, a majority of chiefs supported the second opinion, but they still couldn’t force the Council of Chiefs to make a final decision.

However, this stalemate was not a good thing for the Ashanti tribe. Spain’s diplomatic ultimatum had a twenty-four-hour time limit. If the Ashanti tribe failed to hand over the perpetrators who had invaded Spanish territory and pay the compensation within twenty-four hours, the Spanish army would mercilessly invade the Ashanti tribe’s territory in retaliation.

Amidst the Ashanti chief’s anger and terror, twenty-four hours passed quickly.

The Spanish army did not hesitate in the slightest. At around the twenty-hour mark, they had already openly invaded the territory of the Ashanti tribe.

As the largest native tribe in the federation, the Ashanti tribe was located along the Volta River, occupying the most fertile lands and forests nearby.

The other tribes, large and small, that were part of the federation were scattered along more distant riverbanks or around the Ashanti tribe’s periphery.

Some smaller tribes were pushed further inland by larger ones. They could only trade the gold dust and ore mined from their lands with the European colonizers on the coast for food, barely sustaining their tribes’ existence.

The name “Gold Coast” was not for nothing. To the local natives, the gold here was not of great value; a handful of gold dust was worth less than a full meal.

European colonizers used various means to seize vast amounts of gold dust and ore from the hands of the natives, smelting them into gold before transporting it back to Europe.

Of course, compared to seizing ore, the European colonizers much preferred to seize the gold mines directly.

This resulted in fewer and fewer gold mines in the native territories, and consequently, they had less and less gold dust and ore to trade for food.

After assembling, the Spanish army advanced northward in a mighty contingent along the riverbank. To avoid provoking resistance from the entire Ashanti Federation, the Spanish army’s offensive actions were directed only at the Ashanti tribe; they had no plans to attack other tribes for the time being.

Of course, this did not mean Spain would spare the other tribes of the federation. Once the largest Ashanti tribe was eliminated, the others would be next on the chopping block.

Clearly, these natives did not possess such clear insight. Initially, they were worried about whether the Spanish army would occupy their lands along the way. But when many tribal chiefs learned that the Spanish army only attacked the villages of the Ashanti tribe, leaving their own villages and territories completely untouched, they ultimately chose to betray the federation.

Since the Ashanti chief chose to use his authority to oppress the other native tribes, he had to be prepared for the other tribes to betray him.

Sometimes, war isn’t the most terrifying thing; peace is. When the entire federation had a common enemy, no matter how deep the hatred between tribes, they would unite against the external threat, relying on collective strength to ensure their own safety.

But when these tribes lacked a common enemy, the conflicts between them would be magnified, which was why they ultimately chose to betray the Ashanti chief.

This was exactly what the British had done in history; Spain was merely doing it a bit earlier.

Without the help of the other tribes in the federation, a small Ashanti tribe would naturally not be taken seriously by the Spanish army.

Spain had mobilized over ten thousand soldiers from five colonial garrison regiments this time. Conquering a small native tribe was naturally an easy task.

Upon learning that the Spanish army had launched an attack on the Ashanti tribe, the other tribes scattered like frightened birds and beasts, fleeing back to their own territories.

The Ashanti chief, finding himself alone in the blink of an eye, had a look of terror and regret on his face. He regretted having exploited the other native tribes too harshly, causing them to betray him when an external enemy arrived.

But there was no medicine for regret in this world. With no other tribes willing to help the Ashanti tribe, its annihilation was only a matter of time.

As for the small native tribes that had chosen to support the Ashanti tribe in the council meeting, it was utterly impossible for them to resist the Spanish attack.

More importantly, the living space of these small tribes had been squeezed into the inland areas, making them the farthest from the Ashanti tribe, which was located near the riverbank.

The question was, would these small tribes, for the sake of the so-called federation rules, take their small populations to help the Ashanti tribe repel the Spanish army’s attack?

The answer, of course, was no. Let’s not forget, it was the European colonizers and the large tribes within the federation that had forced these small tribes to retreat inland.

When the largest tribe was in trouble, how could these small tribes disregard their own safety to support them?

The reason they had chosen to support the Ashanti tribe in the council meeting was purely because the Ashanti chief’s prestige still lingered.

Once they had fled back to their own tribes, it was truly a case of “the mountains are high, and the emperor is far away.” The Ashanti chief could no longer control them.

Moreover, the Ashanti chief was currently struggling to save himself. Unable to repel the Spanish army’s attack, the annihilation of the Ashanti tribe was only a matter of time.

These small tribes naturally had no need to fear the Ashanti chief’s revenge. Who would worry about being resented by a man on the verge of death?

Despite his terror, the Ashanti chief decided to organize his forces and make a desperate stand. They had once repelled a British invasion, and although it was with the strength of the federation, the Ashanti tribe had contributed the most.

Now, although they were facing the Spanish colonizers alone, at least the Spanish colonizers were far less powerful than the British Empire.

If he could defeat the Spanish colonizers on his own, not only could he change his isolated position in the council, but he could also rapidly boost his prestige and regain control of the situation.

During the zenith of the Ashanti Federation, this nation composed of multiple tribes had a population of over four million people.

But with the continuous invasion of European colonizers, the living space of the local natives was severely squeezed. Coupled with incessant wars, the population of the Ashanti Federation rapidly declined to just over three million.

As the largest tribe in the federation, the Ashanti tribe currently had a population of over one million, which was the source of the Ashanti chief’s confidence in making a final stand.

African native tribes were different from European nations. European countries had a limited number of troops they could mobilize because many people were needed for various industrial production, commercial activities, and other tasks.

African natives were different. Besides hunting, the main roles for men were procreation and warfare.

In a war for the tribe’s survival, almost half of the male population could be sent to the battlefield, and even many women could join the war effort.

Although the Ashanti tribe had a population of only over one million, if the chief worked hard, he could gather an army of several hundred thousand.

Of course, this could hardly be called an army; it was just a collection of natives wielding various backward weapons.

Naturally, the Ashanti chief did not have that much time. Spain’s diplomatic ultimatum had given them only twenty-four hours, and with Spain launching the war ahead of schedule, the Ashanti chief simply did not have enough time to gather his forces. Mobilizing an army of several hundred thousand was even more impossible.

Before the Spanish army reached the Ashanti tribe’s power base, the Ashanti chief had organized about sixty thousand men to defend it.

These men held a variety of weapons. There were firearms purchased with gold from European colonizers, knives bought from European colonies, and even wooden spears and stone axes made within the tribe itself.

In stark contrast to the motley collection of weapons on the Ashanti side, the equipment of the Spanish colonial army was remarkably uniform.

All were standard-issue Vetterli M1872 rifles. Due to the war, each man was also equipped with fifty rounds of ammunition. The supply of munitions could be said to be quite ample.

The colonies in the rear were continuously transporting ammunition to the front lines to ensure every soldier had enough bullets.

Consumption on the battlefield was inherently enormous; it could take hundreds or even thousands of bullets to kill a single person. Fortunately, the Ashanti tribe had no decent firearms. The few they possessed were not only obsolete products in Europe, but some even had a higher chance of misfiring than hitting their target.

Fighting such an enemy, Spanish soldiers had ample time to aim, which could effectively increase the hit rate of their bullets.

Of course, the same principle applied to cannons. The five colonial garrison regiments had a total of fifteen cannons, all of which were brought to the front lines.

Although the Ashanti tribe’s weaponry was diverse and mostly consisted of cold weapons, considering the large scale of this tribe with over a million people, it was necessary to use cannons to quickly capture the Ashanti power base.

Although the natives did not have fortresses built of steel and concrete, they did have simple barriers constructed from wood and mud.

Without cannons, these barriers would also become obstacles to the Spanish army’s advance. For the Spanish army, they needed to occupy the entire Ashanti tribe in a shorter period to prevent the other tribes in the federation from reacting and coming to the Ashanti’s aid.

Once the Ashanti tribe was completely occupied, the Gold Coast colony would dispatch officials to take full control of these lands.

By then, it would be too late for the other native tribes of the Ashanti Federation to react. Because the Ashanti tribe was located in the heartland of the entire federation, if the Spanish army occupied the Ashanti tribe, it would mean that all the native tribes in the federation would be devoured one by one by the Spanish army.

As for the possibility of these natives reacting and surrounding the Spanish army in the central region, this was something the colonial government had already considered before launching the war.

Equipping the soldiers with sufficient ammunition was precisely to prevent such a scenario. If these natives dared to surround the Spanish army, they would face the full force of a Spanish attack.

There was no need for courtesy with these natives; the Spanish army would certainly not be stingy with its ammunition. As long as they could kill these natives, even if it took several hundred bullets to kill one, it would be absolutely worth it.

Chapter 281: The Fruits of Discord

Clearly, the Spanish government was thoroughly prepared for this war. No matter how desperately the Ashanti Chief struggled in his last throes, his tribe was destined for only one fate: annexation.

The reason was simple: the technological gap between the two sides was far too great. The effect of cold weapons versus firearms was completely different, not to mention that the Ashanti tribe’s own cold weapons were of inconsistent quality, as they lacked a mature ironworking industry.

To expect the native tribesmen, armed with wooden spears and stone axes, to fend off the Spanish colonial army was less realistic than hoping the poisonous insects and viruses of the African primeval forest could stop the Spaniards.

In the Ashanti Chief’s imagination, his people would take up arms and bravely resist the attack of the Spanish colonizers. In reality, however, the Ashanti natives were thrown into utter chaos by the sound of the Spanish army’s gunfire and artillery. Some even dropped their weapons and ran for home.

The sixty-thousand-man army that the Ashanti Chief had painstakingly assembled dissipated into thin air in just a few hours. Only a little over ten thousand soldiers remained willing to obey the chief’s commands.

However, these ten thousand-odd men no longer posed any threat to the Spanish army. Under the terrified and hateful gazes of the Ashanti natives, the Spanish army quickly broke through the tribe’s outermost perimeter and marched imposingly toward the central area where the chief resided.

The Ashanti Chief finally came to his senses. He knew that his tribe alone could no longer stop the Spanish offensive. To drive the Spaniards out of the Ashanti Federation, he needed the full support of the other tribes.

After ordering his remaining men to resist the Spanish army’s advance for as long as possible, the Ashanti Chief fled toward a large neighboring tribe with his last few hundred loyalists, along with some food and supplies.

If the remaining ten thousand men could just barely hold back the Spanish army, if they could buy him even a little time, he would have a chance to reach the neighboring tribes. He could use food, supplies, and promises of future power to entice them to help him.

Although his tribe was on the verge of being occupied, the other large tribes, united, could still muster an army of hundreds of thousands to resist the Spanish attack.

This was how the Ashanti Federation had previously dealt with Britain’s colonial aggression. Although they had lost a great deal of territory, they had at least managed to survive and avoid being completely annexed by the British.

While the Ashanti Chief and his small retinue of loyalists were rushing to a nearby native tribe, the Spanish army had already penetrated deep into the Ashanti settlement.

As the chief of the federation’s largest tribe, the Ashanti Chief’s residence was quite different from those of the other natives.

The other natives’ dwellings were built primarily from wooden planks, thatch, mud, and stakes. They were small, and things like beds were nonexistent.

As chief, however, his house was built of stone and cement. The exterior was enclosed by a circle of wooden stakes that served as a fence.

Of course, the roof was still made of thatch. But the chief’s house was much larger, and even the entrance was covered with a straw mat.

On either side of the chief’s residence stood two slightly smaller buildings, which appeared to be the tribe’s council hall and the living quarters for his loyalist soldiers.

Apart from the chief’s residence, where some cement and stone walls could be seen, there were no other cement structures in the entire Ashanti tribe.

This was why the Spanish army had been able to breach the tribe’s interior so quickly. Walls made of mud could not stop a professional army, unless they were dozens of meters thick.

But it was clear that these natives did not possess the technology to build such high, thick walls. The Europeans were even less likely to leak reinforced concrete technology to them—and whether they could learn it was another question entirely.

It was precisely because of its distinctive appearance that the Spanish army spotted the Ashanti Chief’s unique residence immediately.

The ten thousand or so soldiers whom the Ashanti Chief had ordered to stay behind and impede the Spanish army ultimately fled as well when the invaders broke into the tribe’s interior.

They had no choice but to run. If they didn’t, the Spanish army would show no mercy. When they witnessed their friends erupt in a spray of crimson blood under the enemy’s guns, and when some unfortunate souls hit by cannonballs were blown to pieces with no large parts of their bodies to be found, these natives who had once obeyed their chief’s commands quickly abandoned their allegiance.

It couldn’t be helped; their lives were more important. There were some who disregarded their own safety to follow the chief’s orders, but they had been eliminated the moment the Spanish army arrived, never even getting a chance to resist.

With these men no longer obstructing their advance, the Spanish army quickly captured the Ashanti Chief’s residence.

But this was only the first step. Spain had only one policy toward the Ashanti Federation, composed of the Ashanti and other tribes: drive them further north into the primeval forest, and eliminate any who were unwilling to leave.

Of course, a portion of the native population would be kept as free labor. This portion did not include local native women, a measure taken to prevent these African natives from reproducing on land controlled by Spain.

The reproductive power of black people was astonishing. If the growth of the black population could be prevented, then every possible means would be employed to achieve that end.

Once the central area where the chief’s residence was located was captured by the Spanish army, the Ashanti tribe essentially gave up all resistance.

The Spanish army thus took control of the entire Ashanti tribe and implemented Spanish-style military management over the settlement.

To prevent the Ashanti natives from finding opportunities to rebel, their elderly and children would be executed. The male and female natives would be managed separately.

A portion of the male natives would be transported to other Spanish colonies. Dispersing them not only facilitated management but also aided in land development in the other colonies.

The remaining male natives would stay on the Gold Coast, becoming glorious miners in service of Spain. Their fate was sealed: they would either be worked to death in the gold mines or die of illness there. There were no other possibilities.

The remaining female natives would also be divided into two groups. A portion, those in poorer condition, would remain on the Gold Coast as rewards for the native laborers, giving them more motivation to excavate gold mines for Spain.

The rest of the female natives would be sold to other black Africans, including those who had already immigrated to the Americas.

These black immigrants in the Americas had no human rights, but they too had the need and desire to reproduce. However, because the demand for male labor had been greater than for female labor during the earlier slave trade, the number of black men in the Americas was much higher than the number of women.

This gender imbalance meant that a significant portion of black men in the Americas could not find women.

White women were a noble existence beyond their reach. In such circumstances, disposing of these black women through indirect sale would not only maximize their value but also help Spain solve the problem of an excessive black population.

By the time the Spanish army had officially implemented military-style management and begun sorting the Ashanti population into the elderly and young, adult men, and adult women, the Ashanti Chief had finally arrived at a large neighboring tribe.

When the chief of this tribe learned from the Ashanti Chief that the Spanish army had already broken into the Ashanti settlement, he showed extreme panic.

He wasn’t panicking about how quickly the Ashanti tribe had fallen, but rather that the Ashanti Chief seeking refuge in his village would implicate his own tribe.

After all, before launching the war, Spain had already declared that it would only target the Ashanti tribe and would not involve any other tribes in the federation.

Under the Ashanti Chief’s horrified gaze, the chief of this large tribe made a decision that would directly destroy the entire federation: he would escort the Ashanti Chief to the Spanish army to prevent his own tribe from being implicated.

By the time the Ashanti Chief returned to his own tribe in such a farcical manner, the Spanish army had already roughly completed its population classification of the Ashanti people.

When the commander leading the troops saw the Ashanti Chief being escorted back by another tribe’s chief, a rare, meaningful smile appeared on his face.

He hadn’t expected the colonial government’s plan to sow discord to be so effective. With the Ashanti tribe facing a crisis of annihilation, the other tribes had no intention of desperately resisting the Spaniards.

This certainly simplified the Spanish army’s operations. Confronting the entire federation, even if they could eliminate these natives, would have come at a much greater cost.

An army of ten thousand would definitely not have been enough. The Ashanti Federation was, after all, a nation with a population of several million, one that could easily muster an army of over one hundred thousand.

It wasn’t that the Spanish army couldn’t defeat a native army of over one hundred thousand. The problem was, even managing a hundred thousand pigs would be quite a hassle.

Let alone a hundred thousand natives—they would be even more troublesome to manage, and there was the added concern that they might take advantage of the chaos to attack the Spanish army, creating even greater turmoil.

Under the current circumstances of discord, the Spanish army could easily pick them off one by one. As long as they eliminated the largest tribe in the federation, any alliance of the remaining tribes would be nothing more than a futile resistance against Spain.

The Spanish commander praised the chief of the large tribe for his decision to escort the Ashanti Chief back and rewarded him with some food on the spot.

This caused the native chief to beam with joy. He became even more certain that his choice was the correct one and believed his tribe would no longer be affected by the war.

Sent off by the cheering Spanish troops, the chief of the large tribe returned to his own village happily with a large quantity of grain.

The story of his reward from the Spanish army immediately spread throughout the entire federation, solidifying the convictions of the other large tribes. They resolved that, no matter what happened, they would not help the Ashanti tribe. Ensuring the safety of their own tribes was paramount.

As for the future development of the federation, it no longer had anything to do with the Ashanti tribe.

At worst, the remaining large tribes could unite to continue resisting Spanish colonial rule and move a little further into the African interior.

After all, under the federation’s previous rule, their tribes hadn’t occupied the best lands anyway. The truly good land had all been taken by the largest tribe, the Ashanti. Since they couldn’t have the best land with or without the Ashanti, why should they allow the Ashanti tribe, the one that lorded over all of them, to continue to exist?

In the days that followed, Spain completely occupied the lands controlled by the Ashanti tribe and carried out a thorough sorting of the tribe’s population of over one million.

The number of elderly and children secretly executed was as high as over two hundred thousand, which was nearly all the elderly and children in the entire Ashanti tribe.

After all, the medical conditions in African native tribes were abysmal, with an average life expectancy even shorter than in Europe. Under such circumstances, it was difficult for anyone in the tribe to live to old age.

Even if someone did, the tribe would not support an old man who could no longer provide labor value. Among those two hundred thousand elderly and children, the number of children was actually the highest.

The value of children, after all, was far greater than that of the elderly. The continuation of the tribe depended on these children, which was why there was a large number of them in the Ashanti tribe.

The secret execution of these natives inevitably provoked some resistance.

Fortunately, without the involvement of other tribes, the small-scale resistance from the Ashanti natives was easily suppressed.

Their resistance didn’t cause the Spanish army much trouble. Apart from wasting a few more bullets, there was no real cost.

The Ashanti tribe, on the other hand, saw its population plummet from over one million to less than one million in just a few days.

The war a few days prior, when the Spanish army occupied the settlement, had already cost the Ashanti tribe nearly one hundred thousand casualties.

If the natives hadn’t lost their nerve and chosen to surrender so quickly in the face of Spain’s guns and cannons, the death toll would likely have been even higher.

Meanwhile, casualties on the Spanish side were negligible, with most resulting from accidents like spraining an ankle or being bitten by a snake or other venomous creature.

After dealing with the tribe’s elderly and children, it was time to process the remaining adult men and women.

According to the plan, the Spanish army drove most of the male natives to the port of the Gold Coast colony. There, they would be loaded onto ships and transported to other Spanish colonies.

It wasn’t that Spain’s other colonies lacked natives. The main reason was that there were no immediate plans to use large-scale military force against natives in those other colonies. The natives within those colonial territories had already been devastated by the British, and their numbers were insufficient to support the development of the colonies.

The labor these natives performed was grueling work, and it came with a very high casualty rate. Mining, for instance, was anything but easy, and the probability of a mine collapse was not low.

This kind of high-casualty work was all done by the natives, which meant that if the native populations in the various colonies were not controlled, they would be drastically reduced in a short period.

The colonies Spain had taken over from Britain were all small. Unless they launched large-scale wars against the natives to acquire labor, they would be severely short of people.

A golden opportunity like the war on the Gold Coast against the Ashanti Federation was certainly a chance to allocate some labor to the other colonies, ensuring that all of them had enough manpower to develop their lands and mineral resources.

Chapter 282: The League of the Three Emperors Renewed

The Spanish colony of Gambia naturally received the largest number of Ashanti natives.

As the focal point for agricultural development in Spain’s West African development plan, the Gambia colony required a massive labor force to cultivate land and maintain plantations.

The land cultivated by this native labor would be used to attract more European immigrants. Only by increasing the number of European immigrants in the colony could its stability be maintained.

Of course, some European immigrants engaged in farming, but they were a very small minority. Most could obtain a loan from Spain’s two major official banks and use the money to hire cheap native labor. Starting a farm or plantation was certainly more profitable than toiling in the fields themselves.

Of course, agriculture wasn’t the only path for European immigrants. Those with more substantial capital could prospect for minerals. If they discovered a valuable mine, their wealth could multiply several times over, even turning them into millionaires overnight.

There were also commercial activities and so on. These more lucrative and less strenuous jobs were what European immigrants, especially Spanish immigrants, were expected to do.

As more and more Ashanti natives were shipped away, the other tribes of the Federation finally sensed that something was amiss.

Although the Spanish army had not attacked them, Spain’s ruling strategy in the Ashanti lands was clearly not one of leniency.

Several of the larger tribes gathered again. They attempted to re-establish the Council of Chiefs and discuss how the Federation should be maintained without the Ashanti tribe, and how to avoid war with Spain as much as possible.

The actions of these larger tribes drew the close attention of the Gold Coast colony. To dispel the natives’ doubts, the Gold Coast colonial government made a momentous decision: to launch a war directly against them.

Finding a reason for war was easy; in fact, having a reason wasn’t even that important.

A few days later, using the pretext that the Ashanti Federation had harbored a large number of Ashanti soldiers during Spain’s war against the Ashanti tribe, the Gold Coast colony declared war on the Ashanti Federation.

The unprepared tribes of the Federation experienced the same panic and terror that the Ashanti Chief had felt half a month earlier. They feared they would suffer the same fate: not only would their families be massacred by the Spaniards, but their tribes, which had been passed down for hundreds of years, would also be annihilated.

The Spanish army’s strategy was the same as when they attacked the Ashanti tribe: speed was of the essence, aiming to deal with these native tribes in the shortest time possible.

In such a short period, the native tribes couldn’t gather many men. Information took time to travel, and mobilizing their forces also took time.

This window was the golden opportunity for the Spanish attack. Since the various tribes had not yet reacted, the Spanish army could defeat them one by one, without worrying about them forming a federal army to resist the Spanish offensive.

By controlling the chiefs of these tribes, they essentially controlled the native tribes themselves. The native chiefs feared death, and as long as they didn’t want to lose their lives immediately, they had no choice but to cooperate with the Spanish colonial government.

It is worth mentioning that the first target of the Spanish army’s attack was the very tribe that had escorted the Ashanti Chief to the Spanish-controlled zone half a month ago.

At the time, Spain had rewarded that tribal chief with a large amount of food, which had put the other chiefs of the Federation at ease, making them believe that they and their tribes had been spared.

They never expected this to be merely a delaying tactic by the Spanish. After Spain had completely secured the situation with the Ashanti tribe, the executioner’s blade was turned on the remaining tribes.

The frantic tribal chiefs immediately gathered the natives of their tribes, intending to form a federal army once again to resist the Spanish colonial invasion.

But they had forgotten one important thing: when they had faced the British colonial invasion before, they had simply handed their troops over to the Federation’s ruler, the Ashanti Chief, and by managing their own tribes, they could ensure the safety of the entire Federation.

But now, the ruler of the Federation was gone, and the major tribes had been unable to decide on a new paramount chief for the Federation.

Without unified and effective leadership, even if these tribes were willing to send troops to resist the Spanish colonial invasion, their efforts were doomed to be in vain.

The ultimate result of lacking a leader was that each tribe fought on its own. Without a unified command, the first priority of the soldiers sent by each tribe was to protect their own tribe. After all, the families of these native soldiers lived in their respective tribes, and they could not remain indifferent to their families’ safety.

This gave Spain the opportunity to defeat them one by one. The largest of the remaining tribes in the Ashanti Federation had a population of only a few hundred thousand, while the smaller tribes had only a hundred thousand or even less than that.

Under these circumstances, the tribes, fighting individually, could not possibly resist the Spanish army’s offensive on their own.

In less than a day, the large tribe closest to the Ashanti tribe’s former territory was successfully occupied by Spain.

This was like toppling the first domino. Over the next week, several more tribes were conquered by the Spanish army, including two with populations in the hundreds of thousands.

In just one week, more than half of the large tribes of the Ashanti Federation had been conquered by Spain. The combined population of all the remaining tribes was less than that of the original Ashanti tribe.

This meant one thing: Spain’s complete occupation of the Ashanti Federation’s lands was now a near-future certainty.

For the remaining tribes, staying in this land meant that their annihilation was only a matter of time.

Not all of these natives were fools. Some tribes, seeing the Federation’s continuous defeats, chose to flee directly into the mountain forests further north to escape the Spanish army’s advance.

This was a difficult choice for these natives. The Ashanti Federation was already in the interior of the Gold Coast, and their tribes were in the northernmost part of the Federation, which was why the Spanish army had not yet reached their lands.

If they fled further north, there would not be much habitable land left. Beyond them lay the vast Sahara Desert, a desolate and sparsely populated wasteland covering over nine million square kilometers.

But they had no choice but to flee. The Spanish army would not give them more time. Other than continuing to flee north, these tribes could only wait where they were to die.

As for fleeing east or west, those directions were also out of the question for the native tribes. There were other native powers in both directions, and leading their tribes there rashly could very well result in their own tribes being annexed by others.

Although the European colonizers were a common enemy of all African natives, it did not mean that different African ethnic groups would join forces to fight them.

In fact, let alone different ethnic groups, even different native tribes within the same ethnic group were highly unlikely to unite against a foreign invasion.

It had to be admitted that the choice of these tribes to flee north was indeed successful. Although there were native powers north of the Ashanti Federation, they were not as powerful as those to the east and west.

The Spanish army also knew when to stop. After completely occupying the lands that originally belonged to the Ashanti Federation, they had no intention of attacking the Gonja Kingdom further north.

Although the Gonja Kingdom was weaker than the Ashanti Federation, Spain’s continuous warfare would certainly cause panic among the neighboring native states.

Under normal circumstances, they would not be able to unite, but under the pressure of a powerful enemy like Spain, it was possible that these native states might actually join together to resist the Spanish colonial invasion.

For Spain, the gain would not outweigh the loss. In addition, dealing with the several million people of the Ashanti Federation would still take some time, so the Spanish army did not plan to set foot on lands beyond the Federation, at least not for the time being.

This annexation of the Ashanti Federation had nearly doubled the size of Spain’s Gold Coast colony. The next period would require proper digestion of this new territory.

Of course, extensive mineral prospecting on the lands of the Ashanti Federation was also necessary. Whether it was gold mines or other mineral resources, Spain would let nothing slip through its fingers.

Discovering one or two large gold mines would be even better. After all, besides its extremely high value, gold also represented the stability of the Spanish currency.

Regarding the handling of the populations of the other Federation tribes, the Gold Coast colonial government stuck to its old methods. The elderly and children of the entire Federation numbered in the hundreds of thousands, and Spain would show no mercy to these natives who could not generate economic value.

As for the remaining adult natives, they still held considerable economic value. As long as they didn’t do something reckless, the Gold Coast colonial government was happy to keep this labor force and have them create greater value elsewhere.

Not long after the Spanish government annexed the Ashanti Federation, two major events occurred on the international stage.

The first was the renewal of the League of the Three Emperors.

As mentioned before, relations between Germany and Russia had dropped to a freezing point after the Russo-Turkish War. Alexander II had even come close to tearing up the League of the Three Emperors treaty, choosing to ally with France against Germany.

With the assassination of Alexander II, the Russian government became more low-key in its diplomacy. This presented an opportunity for German Prime Minister Bismarck. If possible, he still wanted to repair relations with Russia and maintain the League of the Three Emperors.

Shortly after Alexander II’s assassination, Bismarck summoned the Russian Ambassador to Germany and expressed Germany’s desire to maintain friendly relations with Russia.

The Russian government, needing a stable environment at that time, immediately seized the olive branch offered by Bismarck. The Russian government did not want to tear up the League of the Three Emperors treaty; remaining in the League was the only way for Russia to maintain long-term stability.

With Germany willing and Russia interested, relations between the two countries quickly warmed.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire also saw the mending of relations between Germany and Russia. Furthermore, having already acquired Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Russo-Turkish War, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was also willing to repair its relationship with Russia, especially since Germany had shown a clear intention of courting Russia.

And so, the League of the Three Emperors was formed once again.

The ambassadors of the Russian Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire held a cordial meeting with German Prime Minister Bismarck in Berlin and re-signed an alliance agreement.

This agreement revised the previous one concerning the three countries, and on the whole, it was satisfactory to all three governments.

The treaty stipulated that if any of the signatory countries went to war with a fourth country, the other two contracting countries should maintain benevolent neutrality and do their utmost to localize the conflict.

Localizing the conflict was easy to understand: it meant avoiding the outbreak of a large-scale, multi-national war.

This was, in fact, a lesson the three countries had learned from France’s war in Tunisia. Even though France had made thorough preparations, the Italians had ultimately gained a considerable advantage.

The real reason the Italians were able to gain an advantage was the support from the Spaniards. The intervention of great powers would play an extremely important role in war.

Localizing the conflict would ensure that Germany, Russia, and Austria-Hungary would not have to worry about the interference of other great powers in a war. After all, their allies were not for show. When a war was interfered with by other great powers, their own allies could also stick their oar in, ensuring they would not be isolated in peace talks.

The second article stipulated that any change concerning the Ottoman Empire’s territory in Europe would only be permitted with the common agreement of all signatory countries.

The main purpose of this provision was to ease the conflict between Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The Ottoman Empire’s only territory in Europe was the Balkan Peninsula, which was coveted by both Russia and Austria-Hungary.

Since the League of the Three Emperors was to be maintained, Germany certainly could not side with the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the conflict between Russia and Austria-Hungary.

The Russian government added this clause mainly to prevent the Austro-Hungarian Empire from controlling the Balkan Peninsula with German support, thereby blocking Russia’s path southward.

The third and final major article of the treaty stipulated that the Straits of Constantinople should not be surrendered by the Ottoman Empire to any belligerent nation for military operations.

This point was also easy to understand; it was mainly for Russia to prevent Britain from blockading its Black Sea Fleet.

Neither the German nor the Austro-Hungarian fleets would pass through the Straits of Constantinople, so the beneficiary of this clause was essentially Russia alone.

From the three main articles of the treaty, it was clear that Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire had sacrificed certain interests to keep Russia in the League of the Three Emperors.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire promised not to expand further in the Balkan Peninsula without Russia’s permission, while Germany guaranteed that Russia would not have the Straits of Constantinople blockaded by Britain in a war with them.

The付出 of Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire was exchanged for Russia’s reciprocation: Russia would remain in the League of the Three Emperors, making a Franco-Russian Alliance an impossible conjecture.

It was unknown what Britain and France thought of the re-signing of the League of the Three Emperors treaty, but in any case, the continuation of the League was definitely a good thing for Carlo and Spain.

The reason was simple. The League of the Three Emperors was primarily directed against France, which meant France would absolutely not dare to fall out with Spain and Italy.

After the signing of the treaty, Russia would certainly have to slow its rapprochement with France.

If France were to completely alienate Spain and Italy as well, then apart from Britain, virtually all of Europe would be France’s enemy.

And let’s not forget, the animosity between Britain and France was also deep. Such a situation would mean France being besieged by all of Europe. Not to mention the current France, even if Napoleon were alive, he could not have led France to maintain its position as the hegemon of Europe in such a diplomatic environment.

Since France would not fall out with Spain and Italy, it meant that Spain could continue to deepen the development of its West African colonies and expand its existing ones.

These few years were the best opportunity for Spain to develop its West African colonies. If history followed its course, in a few years, when the League of the Three Emperors broke down and the Franco-Russian Alliance was formed, France would not be so polite to Spain and Italy.

With a powerful ally, France would no longer fear a war with Spain, and Spain would have to seriously consider the consequences of offending two superpowers at the same time.

The signing of the League of the Three Emperors treaty was only one of the major international events of this period. The other was the news of the assassination of the current US President, Garfield.

Although the United States was not held in high regard in Europe, it was still one of the great powers, and the assassination of its president was not minor news.

More importantly, with Tsar Alexander II having just been assassinated a few months earlier, the subsequent assassination of President Garfield made the monarchs of Europe begin to worry about their own safety.

With the development of weapons, assassinating rulers had become easier and easier. The rifles of various countries had now all evolved into breech-loading rifles, which were not only more powerful but also had a longer range.

A shot to the torso with a rifle, regardless of one’s status, would result in death.

Only those with exceptional luck could survive, but even then, it was a close brush with death.

The power of a rifle was not as simple as in a video game. A high-powered rifle, in particular, would send a bullet clean through the body, creating a massive wound upon exit.

Although the entry wound might only have a diameter of a few centimeters, the exit wound was often over ten centimeters.

Even if it didn’t hit the head, a shot to the torso could cause severe internal organ damage.

Such an injury would pose a high risk of death even with the medical technology of later generations if not treated promptly, let alone in the current medical environment.

The news of two rulers of great powers being assassinated in quick succession made the rulers of many European countries start to worry about their own safety, and they all increased their investment in personal security.

Carlo was naturally among them. As the saying goes, a large group will have all sorts of people. Carlo could not guarantee that Spain would not produce a few extremists with radical ideas.

If he were attacked with a gun by such an individual, it would be a disaster. The medical technology of this era was so poor that Carlo would not entrust his life to it.

The best solution was to strengthen his personal security and avoid public appearances as much as possible.

Fortunately, the vehicles Carlo used were specially modified. Speed was not a requirement, but safety had to be top-notch.

To ensure the safety of himself and the royal family, Carlo allocated a new budget to the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, ordering its Director, Kadir, to increase intelligence penetration within the country to prevent any assassination attempts.

Speaking of the assassinated US President Garfield, he was an extremely unlucky victim of backward medical technology.

As the second American president to be assassinated after Lincoln, Garfield’s assassination caused widespread discussion in the United States.

Although only fifty years old, Garfield was not inexperienced. He had participated in the American Civil War in his early years, rising to the rank of major general.

He had also served in The Church and became the first president in American history to have been an ordained minister.

However, this American president with a talent for mathematics and a clerical background was not very lucky.

He was assassinated at the Washington train station in his nation’s capital by an unemployed lawyer. From a distance of less than two meters, the lawyer pulled out a revolver and fired two quick shots. One went through the president’s arm, and the other hit his torso, causing massive bleeding.

It is worth noting that Garfield was travelling without any guards. It was the train station’s security personnel who subdued the assassin, which was why the assassin was able to get within two meters of the president before firing.

This close range effectively increased the handgun’s accuracy. Although the assassin only fired two bullets, both hit the president’s body.

For President Garfield, the good news was that neither shot hit a vital organ. The one in his arm was, of course, not life-threatening as long as the wound was disinfected and bandaged in time.

The shot that hit his torso looked dangerous, but it had actually missed all vital organs and was theoretically not fatal.

If the bullet could be found and the wound treated in time, the president’s life would not be in danger.

Unfortunately, X-ray technology did not exist in this era; it would only be invented fourteen years after Garfield’s assassination.

The American doctors knew, of course, that they needed to find the bullet before they could treat the wound. So how did they search for the bullet lodged in the president’s body? The answer: with their hands.

Yes, they probed the wound with unsterilized fingers.

This not only worsened the president’s injury but also exposed Garfield’s wound to the risk of infection.

Historically, this was how President Garfield met his untimely end. He did not die from the assassin’s bullets; he died from the treatment he received from his doctors.

It is worth mentioning that in their effort to find the bullet in the president’s body, the presidential medical team even sought help from Bell, the inventor of the telephone, hoping he could invent a metal detector.

Bell did indeed create such a metal detector, but the president’s medical team did not fully follow Bell’s instructions. When using the detector, they failed to prevent it from coming into contact with other metal, which resulted in the detector failing to find the bullet in the president’s body.

Of course, none of this had happened yet.

When the news of President Garfield’s assassination reached Europe, it immediately became a hot topic of discussion in various countries.

The kings of every nation were strengthening their personal security while ridiculing the American president for travelling without any guards.

Besides strengthening his own security, Carlo also increased investment in medical technology. As the saying goes, even the most careful plan can have an oversight, and Carlo couldn’t be certain he would never face an assassination attempt in his lifetime.

How to survive an assassination attempt was something Carlo had to consider and strive to achieve.

Chapter 283: The Carlo Prize

To effectively promote the improvement of Spain’s medical environment, Carlo decided to increase support for medical development and establish a related award as a means of encouragement.

As mentioned before, Carlo had also established innovation awards in the industrial sector, but they had always been minor awards, intended only to support innovation in small and medium-sized enterprises.

This time, for the award aimed at promoting medical development, Carlo decided to model it completely after the Nobel Prize of later generations, establishing a prestigious award that would cause a sensation throughout Europe, and even the world, when it was presented.

For this newly established award to make a splash in Europe, a generous prize was essential.

This forthcoming award would have six categories: Literature, Physics, Chemistry, Mathematics, Medicine, and Technology.

Winning any one of these awards would come with a cash prize of 800,000 pesetas and other rewards, with the total value of all prizes reaching as high as one million pesetas.

Based on the exchange rate between the peseta and the pound, winning any one of these awards would grant the recipient over 50,000 pounds in cash alone.

This was no small sum; it was enough to impress any research organization, company, or individual in the world.

The total prize money for all six awards amounted to 4.8 million pesetas, equivalent to 300,000 pounds. This sum alone was enough to create a stir across Europe.

Consider the world-renowned Nobel Prize of later times; its initial prize money was merely the interest generated from Nobel’s 9.2 million US dollar estate.

The prize money for the first Nobel Prize ceremony was about 200,000 US dollars, which was only 40,000 pounds. Compared to the 300,000-pound prize established by Carlo, the Nobel Prize would have to take a backseat.

This generous prize money alone was enough to make the award famous throughout Europe in a short time.

But the handsome prize was only the first step in Carlo’s plan. The second step was to continuously promote this newly established award, making it an honor for every researcher and professional in related fields worldwide to win it.

The new award was named the Carlo Prize by Carlo himself, a move also intended to quickly boost the award’s fame.

Of course, Carlo had his own personal motives. Once the Carlo Prize successfully became one of the world’s foremost academic awards, the name “Carlo” would also become widely known and remembered for hundreds of years.

It was just like the Nobel Prize of later generations, through which Alfred Nobel became a household name. Naming an award after a person is an honor, and many famous awards, including the Nobel Prize and the Turing Award, were named this way.

When future generations talked about the Carlo Prize, they would also remember that centuries ago, there was a Spanish king named Carlo. It was he who spent a great deal to establish the Carlo Prize, thereby driving the progress of human science and technology.

This immense boost in prestige would also benefit the royal family. As the first king of the House of Savoy in Spain, Carlo’s reputation was linked to the very survival of the dynasty.

As long as Carlo enjoyed great prestige among the common people, the House of Savoy would have extremely high support in Spain. Even if the throne were to be overthrown by some accident in the future, they could regain the Spanish throne by seeking help from the royalist faction.

Besides promoting medical advancement, Carlo’s purpose in establishing this award was to create a continuous stream of elite talent from all walks of life for Spain over the coming decades and even centuries.

Therefore, the efforts to recruit these award winners had to be emphasized heavily.

If a Spanish citizen won the Carlo Prize, in addition to the 800,000 pesetas prize money, they would also receive a personal audience with Carlo, a property in a Spanish city of their choice, fifty acres of land, and a medal.

Winners of science-related awards would also get free access to Spain’s top laboratories and eligibility to enter the Royal Academy of Sciences.

If a foreigner won the Carlo Prize, they could directly apply for Spanish citizenship. Upon obtaining citizenship, they would enjoy the same treatment as Spanish winners.

Of course, even if these foreign winners were unwilling to take up Spanish citizenship, as long as they were willing to take on part-time positions at various universities in Spain, they could still use Spain’s top laboratories and related resources.

If these winners were willing to join the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences, their research funding would be increased by several levels.

All in all, whether in terms of material rewards or research support, the Carlo Prize was as perfect as it could be.

Using this award to attract talent to Spain, even if it couldn’t recruit all the winners, at least more than half would likely choose to embrace Spain.

Of course, some scientists prioritize their country above all else and might remain indifferent to Spain’s recruitment efforts.

But such people were a minority. As long as the majority of Carlo Prize winners could be brought into the fold, Carlo’s plan for the award would be considered a success.

To ensure the Carlo Prize could operate for the long term like the Nobel Prize of the future, rather than relying on his own funding each year, Carlo decided to establish a Carlo Prize Review Committee and a prize management company, specifically responsible for the annual awarding of the prize and the disbursement of the prize money.

To maintain the award’s prestige, Carlo had no intention of reducing the prize money in the short term. This meant that at least 4.8 million pesetas would be needed just for prize money each year, which was not a small expense.

Carlo planned to invest 25 million pesetas into the prize’s management company all at once. The company would use these funds for investments, and the income earned would be used to pay out the annual prize money.

After deducting the first year’s prize money and some advertising expenses, the management company would have nearly 20 million pesetas at its disposal.

With such a vast amount of capital for investment in industry and finance, in the current environment of rapid development in Spain, earning a few million pesetas a year would be easy.

Especially by investing in some high-potential industries, it was highly possible to multiply the invested capital several times over in just a few years.

After a few years of such operations, the management company would have sufficient funds to distribute the annual prize money, and the remaining funds could be used to sustain the award’s operations.

Even if the currency devalued in the future, the management company could maintain the award’s appeal by increasing the prize money.

Within a few years, the Carlo Prize could easily become a world-renowned scientific award, with each ceremony attracting the attention of numerous countries and scientific professionals.

Any scientist who won the award would instantly become a hot commodity, eagerly sought after by countries and large corporations.

To build the reputation of the Carlo Prize, the media controlled by the Spanish royal family had been vigorously promoting the newly established award ever since the end of the Ashanti War.

If not for the League of the Three Emperors and the assassination of the US president drawing away some of the public’s attention, the Carlo Prize would probably be well-known to many Europeans by now.

Even so, in the countries neighboring Spain, the Carlo Prize had already become a hot topic of discussion, receiving much attention from researchers.

To build the award’s fame quickly, the prize money for all six categories was made public. While the general public might just marvel at the generosity of the Spanish royal family, in the scientific community, many scientists were already eager to participate.

Winning the final prize meant receiving that sum of money, a crucial source of income for scientists in dire need of research funding or those from humble backgrounds.

Since Spain launched its publicity campaign, in less than a month, over one thousand scientists had applied for the Carlo Prize selection.

It is worth noting that the category with the most applicants was, contrary to expectations, the Literature Prize. This was related to the large number of humanities-focused universities in Spain.

Before Carlo became the king of Spain, most universities in the country focused on cultural disciplines. Science-focused universities related to mathematics, physics, and chemistry were so few they could be counted on one hand.

Although much had changed since then, the literary figures cultivated by those universities had not simply vanished.

After learning how generous the Carlo Prize was, these individuals eagerly submitted their works for consideration, their sights set on the Literature Prize.

Relatively speaking, winning the Literature Prize might seem easier. But considering the sheer number of applicants, the process of sifting through them all actually increased the difficulty of winning the award.

Given that many of these applicants were distinguished figures in the literary world, winning the first-ever Carlo Prize for Literature would be no less difficult than the other awards, and perhaps even much harder.

After all, judging cultural works is inherently subjective. With such intense competition, anyone could potentially win the final prize.

Conversely, for the Physics and Chemistry Prizes, which had fewer applicants, the final difficulty of winning might not be as great.

Currently, the main applicants were scholars and scientists from Spain and its neighboring countries, as only these nearby nations could deliver their letters within a month.

In this era, there was no internet. The only way to apply was by mailing a letter, introducing one’s work and research achievements, and then waiting for further review by the committee.

Precisely because the application and review process required a long time, even though the award was established at the start of the year, Carlo set the final award ceremony for the end of the year.

The annual Carlo Prize ceremony would be held on the last day of December, and applications for the following year’s prize would open on the day after the ceremony, which is the first day of each year.

Using a full year for applications and review would ensure that the winning works were genuinely deserving.

The Carlo Prize was Spain’s tool to attract a large number of talented individuals, and Carlo would not allow any cheating in the selection process.

At least on the surface, the selection had to be fair and just, with no unfair treatment for anyone.

Of course, due to distance, only people within Europe could apply for now.

Although the United States also had many writers and researchers, their applications would take longer to arrive, clearly missing the deadline for the first Carlo Prize ceremony.

However, since applications for the second Carlo Prize would open on the first day of the new year, Americans would be able to apply for the second round.

Since the establishment of the Carlo Prize, a large number of letters were being mailed daily to the address of the review committee.

The committee members had almost no leisure time. Their work was arduous; they not only had to verify the authenticity of the works and research achievements in these letters but also had to evaluate them to select the most outstanding one to receive the final prize.

The verification process alone would take a very long time; in contrast, selecting the best work and research achievement would not take as long.

From the moment the prize was officially announced, Spain began building hype for the year-end award ceremony.

Only by making the winners the center of attention, even capturing the focus of the entire European public, could they experience a supreme sense of honor and accomplishment, and truly feel privileged to have won.

This would also spark the interest of more scholars and scientists in applying, allowing Spain to continuously select from among them.

Although only six people would win the prize each year, this did not mean the Spanish government could only interact with these six winners.

The Spanish government would also reach out to other scientists whose research, while not winning, still had some merit.

Talent is something no country can have too much of. Gaining a talented individual not only benefits oneself but also means one’s enemy has one less.

Through continuous accumulation of talent, Spain could gain an advantage in scientific research, thereby promoting progress across all industries.

Carlo’s main focus was on the review progress in the fields of mathematics, physics, chemistry, and medicine. The importance of medicine went without saying, as it was the foundation for improving the quality of his own healthcare.

Mathematics, physics, and chemistry were linked to countless industries and projects, including the key sectors Spain was developing, such as the electrical and automotive industries.

It is no exaggeration to say that the number of talents in mathematics, physics, and chemistry a country possessed could, to some extent, determine its strength.

By stockpiling enough talent in these fields, progress could be driven in related industries. The military industry, light and heavy industries, and the chemical industry were all connected to mathematics, physics, and chemistry, making talent in these areas the foundation for industrial advancement.

So far, Spain’s promotion of the Carlo Prize had been quite successful.

Although most applicants were from the literary field, there was no shortage of scientists. Many had submitted their life’s best research for consideration in the science categories, and these achievements included foundational theories and experiments in their respective fields.

For the review committee, choosing the best among these far-reaching research achievements was no less difficult than selecting the best literary work.

Carlo was also paying close attention to the committee’s review progress and had issued his own directive.

Regardless of whether the final winning literary works and research projects were the absolute best, they first had to gain the recognition of the European public.

If the final selected works and projects could not win public approval, it would prove that the award had failed from the very beginning.

Only by gaining public recognition and establishing credibility could the award operate successfully.

Otherwise, no matter how high the prize money for the Carlo Prize was, the public would lose interest in an award that lacked credibility.

How to select the most widely recognized works and research projects from all the applications was another difficult problem for the review committee.

Chapter 284: The Automobile Industry

Among the projects submitted for the Technology Prize, one in particular caught Carlo’s attention: the automobile project developed by Benz and his team.

Come to think of it, it had been several years since Carlo had last visited the car factory to check on the vehicle’s development.

It wasn’t that Carlo didn’t value the development of the automobile; it was mainly due to the technological limitations of the era, which made car engines highly unstable.

The last time Carlo had toured the factory, Benz had told him plainly that the existing cars required an inspection after about two hundred kilometers of driving. Otherwise, unpredictable problems could occur—the least of which would be a damaged engine, while a severe failure could wreck the entire vehicle.

Although the car’s speed had been increased to over thirty kilometers per hour, the drawback of only being able to travel two hundred kilometers continuously severely limited its commercial potential.

More importantly, the automobile industry was immature at the time. The factory’s production rate of a few hundred vehicles per year was simply insufficient for full-scale commercialization.

Several years had passed since Carlo’s last visit. He finally remembered the automobile Benz was developing and decided to go to the factory himself to see what stage the research had reached.

Logically, the rapid development of the automobile industry was marked by the birth of the Model T. However, the technologies related to the Model T had already appeared by the end of the 19th century, and various countries had relatively stable automotive technologies and corresponding engineering capabilities.

What limited the growth of the car market was not technology, but the scale of the automotive industry in various countries and the speed of vehicle construction.

Before the advent of the Ford Company’s assembly line production, all automobile manufacturing was done by hand. This not only relied heavily on the experience of auto workers but also drastically slowed down the production rate.

Prior to the Model T, even the largest car factory produced only a few hundred vehicles a year.

Most car factories had an annual output in the double digits, and some, even if they could produce cars, went bankrupt because they couldn’t sell them.

Because cars were built purely by hand, they were incredibly expensive at the time. Even noblemen and capitalists couldn’t necessarily afford them, which meant the car market was extremely limited. The total annual production of cars in all of Europe and the United States combined was less than ten thousand units.

The appearance of the Model T greatly increased the speed of automobile production, which was the reason for the expansion of the industry’s scale.

Carlo was full of expectations for Benz’s car factory, hoping they could develop a relatively stable automobile. Then, relying on assembly line production, they could rapidly expand the car market.

In this era, the automotive industries of other countries were still immature. Spain was already at the forefront of the field.

As long as Spain’s automobiles could capture half of the global market before other countries developed their own mature industries, coupled with good management thereafter, car sales would bring immense revenue to Spain.

Although the Automobile Company’s shares belonged to Carlo, the annual tax revenue would also provide a substantial income for the Spanish government.

The Model T was born in 1908. Before that, the total number of cars in the world was only a few tens of thousands. After the Model T was introduced, it sold fifteen million units in just nineteen years.

This, in fact, demonstrated that as long as the price of a car could be kept within a reasonable range, the market was enormous.

If Spain could sell fifteen million cars, even with a profit of just one hundred pesetas per car, it would amount to a net income of 1.5 billion pesetas.

The tax revenue for the government would be equally substantial. The development of the automobile industry was a matter of all benefits and no drawbacks for both Carlo and the Spanish government.

On August 18, 1881, in a large industrial district on the outskirts of Madrid.

On a main road in the industrial area, a rather large factory appeared somewhat quiet.

The factory gates were wide open, but the workers were not at their stations. Instead, they were holding brooms and other tools, diligently sweeping the road bit by bit.

Their cleaning area wasn’t limited to the factory grounds; the main road outside the factory was also a target of the major cleanup. The appearance of such a strange scene in the industrial district signified that the factory was about to welcome a distinguished guest.

This distinguished guest was, of course, Carlo. Upon learning that Carlo was about to arrive for an inspection, Benz had summoned all the factory workers and instructed them to thoroughly clean the entire premises to welcome His Majesty the king into a more sanitary and tidy environment.

Upon hearing that the king was coming to inspect the factory, the workers were full of energy, and the task of cleaning became quite a pleasant one.

“Everyone, pick up the pace! His Majesty will be here soon. If His Majesty sees this messy state, he might lose confidence in our car factory,” said Benz, the factory director, who was also holding a broom and cleaning alongside his workers.

With their director setting an example, the workers were filled with motivation, and the factory roads were quickly swept clean.

A straight road branched off from the main thoroughfare of the industrial district, leading directly into the factory. It curved near the right side and headed straight north, connecting to a large square behind the factory, which also served as the vehicle testing area.

In this open square, several cars produced by the factory were parked. They sported vibrant colors, looking as if they had just been manufactured.

After finishing the cleaning, everyone at the car factory stood straight at the entrance, quietly awaiting the arrival of His Majesty the king.

Carlo did not keep them waiting long.

About ten minutes later, a motorcade slowly approached. In the lead were two modified cars. They had no roofs, allowing the soldiers inside to observe their surroundings and protect Carlo.

Three identical cars brought up the rear of the convoy, with the five vehicles protecting the car in the middle from both front and back.

The car Carlo was riding in was in the center of the motorcade. It was a specially modified vehicle, a full size larger than the ordinary cars the soldiers rode in.

The motorcade slowly approached the factory gate and then came to a stop.

Guards emerged from the five vehicles at the front and back. The captain first ordered the guards to fall into formation, then respectfully stepped forward to open the car door for Carlo.

Carlo slowly stepped out of the car, his curious gaze sweeping over this car factory he had never seen before.

The last time Carlo had inspected the progress of the automobile development, he had gone to the experimental zone on the outskirts of Madrid.

Besides Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory, the engine laboratory was also located there. At that time, car manufacturing and testing were conducted there, and that small experimental area was hailed by Carlo as the industrial brain of Spain.

It was worth mentioning that both the Electricity Laboratory and the engine laboratory had achieved excellent results.

The electric company and the Automobile Company, founded on the basis of these two laboratories, had long since moved to a larger industrial district.

“Your Majesty!” Benz strode forward and spoke to Carlo with a look of reverence.

“Mr. Benz, it’s been a while. Let the workers go and rest. Isn’t it tiring to stand here like this? You and a few technical experts can show me around the factory. Speaking of which, I haven’t had a tour of this factory yet,” Carlo said with a smile.

“It is my honor, Your Majesty,” Benz replied, nodding respectfully. He brought a few technical experts and followed Carlo into the car factory.

Ever since the royal family’s assets had begun to expand continuously, Carlo had paid less attention to some of his industries.

The reason was simple: the royal family controlled too many enterprises, so many that Carlo could no longer keep track of them all.

He only occasionally checked in on capital-intensive industries like the car factory. There was no other way; there were many such large-investment industries, and if he were to pay close attention to each one, he wouldn’t have any time to worry about affairs of state.

Fortunately, Steward Loren was indeed very capable and had always managed the royal family’s assets well. Steward Loren would also report to Carlo annually on the development of the royal industries. Although their growth couldn’t compare to the Spanish government’s fiscal revenue, there was steady progress, earning more each year than the last.

The reason Carlo could single-handedly provide twenty-five million pesetas for the creation of the Carlo Prize was precisely that the royal family’s funds were now innumerable.

Never mind twenty-five million pesetas; even taking out one hundred million pesetas at once would be effortless for the current Carlo.

This had long made him lose his sense of the value of money. Various investments started in the millions, and sometimes, expenditures of a million pesetas didn’t even require his approval; Steward Loren could make the decision himself.

Of course, Benz knew that Carlo had never been to this factory, which had only been established a few years ago, so his introductions along the way were quite detailed.

“Your Majesty, our car factory has been established for six years. We have produced a total of over six hundred cars, and our maximum annual production can reach about five hundred vehicles.

All the workers in the factory are now senior technical experts. If the factory needs to expand, they can train a large number of auto workers for us.

As per your instructions, the factory has already prepared a workshop for assembly line production. We just need to wait for the car to pass its tests and be certified before we can switch to the assembly line model.

Currently, most of our cars are built by hand. If we can fully adopt the assembly line production model, our output may experience a massive surge in a short period of time,” Benz explained to Carlo with a smile.

Before coming to Spain, he had never imagined that his company could develop to such an extent.

Although he only held two percent of the company’s total shares, that two percent stake was now worth a considerable amount.

Benz was, of course, aware of the development potential of a vehicle like the automobile. As the car market continued to expand in the future, the value of this Automobile Company would also continue to rise.

This filled Benz with anticipation for the future of the car and the company. With his two percent share in the Automobile Company alone, Benz had the hope of becoming a millionaire in the future.

Hearing Benz’s introduction, Carlo nodded.

Assembly line production was the most crucial method for increasing the speed of automobile manufacturing, and Carlo had long ago told Benz the secret of it.

In truth, there was no secret. It was simply a matter of breaking down the car manufacturing process into multiple steps and having each workshop responsible for only one of those steps.

The benefits of doing so were obvious. Previously, a single team had to build an entire car. While this increased the workers’ familiarity with the vehicle, it also meant that every car had subtle differences.

A worker could make two parts with the same appearance and structure, but it was impossible to make two entire cars with the same appearance and structure.

Handcrafting was destined to have a certain degree of variation, and these differences led to high repair costs for handmade cars, and sometimes made repairs very difficult.

By adopting an assembly line approach, where one worker is responsible for producing only one type of part, the variation between different cars can be reduced, thereby lowering repair costs.

Having one person responsible for only one part also effectively improved worker efficiency. With increased worker efficiency, the time required to produce a car naturally decreased.

Benz was extremely excited about the assembly line production method Carlo had proposed. If they produced cars this way, the company’s output could be multiplied several times over at any moment, perhaps even more than tenfold within a year.

Based on the current annual production of five hundred cars, a tenfold increase would mean the Automobile Company could produce five thousand cars a year.

Such an annual output was already sufficient for the initial expansion of the automobile market. If the car’s performance could meet Carlo’s requirements, it meant that the automobile was about to be commercialized, and the Automobile Company was about to enter its golden age.

After the relatively brief tour of the factory concluded, Carlo, Benz, and the others arrived at the square behind the factory to inspect the several new cars that had been built.

Benz continued his introduction: “Your Majesty, please take a look. This is the latest car we’ve built. We used the new EG-3 engine developed by the Engine Laboratory. This engine can provide the car with about thirty-five horsepower, propelling it forward at a higher speed.

We’ve also made some modifications to the tires. Compared to previous car tires, the width of the new ones has reached six inches, providing superior grip.

We’ve added spring suspension to each tire, effectively reducing the bumps when the car is traveling at full speed. According to our preliminary tests, the car’s maximum speed can now reach forty kilometers per hour, and it can travel stably for at least five hundred kilometers.”

Carlo nodded again, quite satisfied with the car’s current specifications.

A speed of forty kilometers per hour was a vast improvement over horse-drawn carriages. And it could travel stably for five hundred kilometers, which was roughly the distance from Madrid to Barcelona.

At a maximum speed of forty kilometers per hour, it would take thirteen hours to travel five hundred kilometers. Who could drive a car continuously for thirteen hours?

Cars back then didn’t have power steering; turning the car relied entirely on one’s own arm strength. In other words, nobody could endure driving a car for thirteen hours straight, not even a superman.

This meant that as long as an auto repair station was built every few hundred kilometers within Spain, the automobile could be commercialized.

Of course, gas stations were also essential. After all, a car couldn’t run without fuel, and a car without fuel was worse than useless.

“What’s the cost of a car like this?” Carlo inquired.

Cost was also an extremely critical factor that would determine whether the car would be favored by the market.

If the cost of the car was too high, it meant its selling price could not be low. An excessively high price would influence people’s choices; sometimes people would rather accept a cheaper horse-drawn carriage than enjoy a faster but more expensive car.

“The cost of the few cars we’ve built so far is 12,600 pesetas. If we can increase production speed with an assembly line, the cost can be reduced to under 10,000 pesetas at least,” Benz replied.

Carlo shook his head, dissatisfied with the current cost. 12,600 pesetas was no small sum, equivalent to 484.6 pounds or 2,423 US dollars.

Such a figure was simply unaffordable for an ordinary family, which meant the car’s users would be limited to the two groups of noblemen and capitalists, out of reach even for the middle class.

“We must find a way to limit the cost of the car to under 6,000 pesetas. Only then can we attract more people to buy our cars.

Of course, this isn’t a short-term goal. In the short term, just reducing the cost to under 10,000 pesetas would be enough to commercialize a car like this,” Carlo commented.

Only when the cost was reduced to 6,000 pesetas would the middle class have the ability to buy a car.

Before then, the automobile would remain a luxury for the nobility and the wealthy. However, the number of nobles and capitalists worldwide was quite large, which was more than enough for the initial expansion of the car market.

It wouldn’t be too late to consider selling cars to the middle class and commoners after assembly line production had effectively reduced the cost.

Historically, the Ford Company, relying on its assembly line production technology and the cost reduction brought about by mass production, lowered the cost of a car to $260, or fifty-two pounds.

Such a cost was quite astounding, and at least for now, Spain’s Automobile Company was far from reaching it.

Based on the Ford Company’s production cost of $260 for a Model T, it would be equivalent to only 1,352 pesetas, which was roughly one-tenth of the current production cost of a Spanish automobile.

Let alone 1,352 pesetas, even reducing the cost to below 10,000 pesetas would take some time.

This meant that, in the short term, the Automobile Company could not replicate the Ford Company’s rise to fortune. Achieving a decent scale in the automobile market would already be quite an accomplishment.

Benz nodded. He was also well aware of the current car’s shortcomings in terms of cost. No matter how excellent the car was, its cost and selling price had to be brought down.

Only when it became a mode of transport that ordinary people could afford could the automobile truly enter every household and become an important means of transportation, rather than just a luxury item circulating among the rich.

After the introduction was complete, the next phase was the actual testing.

Carlo was very interested in the new car’s top speed of forty kilometers per hour; such a speed was already sufficient for daily needs.

After all, the most popular mode of transport at the time, the train, had a speed of less than sixty kilometers per hour.

And that was only achievable on flat plains where the train’s speed was unrestricted.

Due to Spain’s mountainous terrain, the speed of trains in Spain was generally kept between thirty and forty kilometers per hour, with very few trains exceeding forty kilometers per hour.

This meant that driving one of the new cars produced by the Automobile Company between two cities in Spain might take less time than taking a direct train.

After all, a train had to stop at stations to let passengers on and off. These stops wasted a lot of time, whereas a car could travel directly to the destination without stopping midway.

Unless it was short on fuel or had a problem, a car was more efficient than a train for journeys within five hundred kilometers.

Of course, this efficiency was only in terms of carrying people. If a car were used to transport goods, its speed would certainly not reach forty kilometers per hour.

Currently, the speed of freight trains in Spain was generally between twenty and thirty kilometers per hour, mostly below twenty-five kilometers per hour.

If a car were used to transport goods, its speed would likely be in the same range, possibly hovering around twenty kilometers per hour.

The reason was the same: Spain was mountainous, and the roads were not that smooth.

Hauling heavy cargo was also a burden on the car’s engine. Whether it could carry a heavy load for over five hundred kilometers was a question Carlo was rather curious about.

Traveling five hundred kilometers while carrying passengers was not a particularly impressive achievement, but if it could still travel stably for over five hundred kilometers while fully loaded with cargo, that would definitely be considered an excellent performance for the current state of automotive technology.

If the car could reach such a level, then it could be said that it was capable of replacing the horse-drawn carriage.

Only when the automobile could completely replace the horse-drawn carriage would the golden age of the automobile truly arrive.

And for this reason, Carlo was more concerned with the car’s performance in hauling cargo.

This new type of car had a total of five seats, two more than the original car, which effectively increased its passenger capacity.

Of course, all the seats except for the driver’s could also be removed to turn the car into a cargo vehicle.

Benz and his team proceeded to test the car’s passenger and cargo capacities. With a full load of five people, it could indeed reach a maximum speed of forty kilometers per hour.

However, maintaining this maximum speed was a bit of a strain on the engine. Most of the time, it traveled at a speed of thirty-six kilometers per hour.

Only when carrying a single person could the car maintain a speed of forty kilometers per hour for an extended period. But there wasn’t a huge difference between thirty-six and forty kilometers per hour, which was acceptable to Carlo.

In terms of cargo capacity, the car also showed excellent performance.

Including the driver, the entire vehicle could carry 420kg, which was 70kg more than the previous generation.

This represented an effective improvement in the car’s cargo-carrying ability. Whether one bought a car to carry passengers or to haul goods, it was a better choice than a horse-drawn carriage.

In terms of speed, when fully loaded with 420kg of cargo, the new car could barely reach a maximum speed of thirty kilometers per hour.

However, just as with carrying passengers, this maximum speed could not be maintained for long. For extended travel, the speed had to be reduced to around twenty-seven kilometers per hour.

When fully loaded, the stable cruising speeds for the passenger car and cargo car were thirty-six kilometers per hour and twenty-seven kilometers per hour, respectively. This was already an excellent level of performance.

Due to a lack of time, Carlo could not personally witness how long these cars could run continuously.

However, the car factory would not dare to conceal anything on this point. Since they said the car could travel stably for over five hundred kilometers, Carlo trusted the data they provided.

Based on the actual test results, aside from the high cost, the current car was practically flawless.

Compared to a horse-drawn carriage, the car was faster, had a greater capacity for passengers or cargo, and did not require meticulous care.

If it could be ensured that the car would not break down frequently, then compared to a horse-drawn carriage, Carlo would absolutely choose the more efficient mode of transport that was the automobile.

Chapter 285: Drought and Disaster Relief

Carlo was quite satisfied with the test results of the new car and decided to officially begin its commercialization.

Although the current car still had its flaws, all things considered, it could already replace horse-drawn carriages in certain situations and was more efficient.

Furthermore, with the push for assembly line production, the cost of the car would be compressed step by step. The current car was not something a commoner could afford, but in a dozen or so years, who could guarantee that the car’s price wouldn’t drop to a level acceptable to the common folk?

After all, there was a world of difference between car prices before and after the Model T went on sale. The fact that it could sell over fifteen million units was proof that the Model T was not a vehicle only the nobility and capitalists could afford to drive.

While it was out of reach for most commoners, some people with higher incomes could still save up to buy one.

This was especially true for those in the transportation business. Using a car to ferry passengers and haul goods would, in theory, earn more money than using a horse-drawn carriage.

While a car consumed fuel, a horse-drawn carriage consumed fodder. Moreover, oil prices were not high in this era; the main source of lighting for the public was the kerosene lamp, which used kerosene refined from petroleum.

However, before launching the car, the Automobile Company still needed to make more thorough preparations.

Carlo’s goal was to launch simultaneous sales in the capitals or major cities of Europe’s great powers, which meant the Automobile Company’s production output had to keep up.

Based on the current production cost of 12,600 pesetas per car, the final selling price would be at least 15,000 pesetas.

Even if assembly line production brought the cost down to below 10,000 pesetas, the final selling price would not be lower than 12,000 pesetas.

This pricing calculation only considered the domestic Spanish market and did not account for the shipping and tariff costs associated with international transport.

A car priced at 15,000 pesetas in Spain could cost as much as 18,000 or even 20,000 pesetas abroad.

After all, the car factory needed to make a profit. The increased costs from various transportation and tariffs could only be spread across each car, to be borne by every customer.

In any case, the customers who could afford cars at this time were either rich or noble. For these people, an extra few thousand pesetas per car was nothing and completely acceptable.

As long as Spain’s cars could demonstrate their superiority in speed, safety, and stability, they could easily capture half of the current automobile market.

Other car companies without government support, relying on handcrafted cars, could not compare to the Spanish Automobile Company. Not to mention, Spain’s Engine Laboratory was developing newer engines every year to improve their stability and efficiency.

Based on the current price and profit margins, as long as ten thousand cars were sold, Benz’s Automobile Company could reap a net profit of tens of millions of pesetas.

As the largest shareholder of the Automobile Company, Carlo could also receive a return of tens of millions of pesetas.

To date, Carlo had invested less than fifteen million pesetas into the company. The average annual R&D funds for the Automobile Company and the Engine Laboratory were just over one million pesetas.

As long as ten thousand cars were sold, Carlo was guaranteed to recoup his entire investment in the car and engine ventures and make a small profit.

On top of that, the more cars sold, the more money Carlo would make.

This was why it was said that making money in this era was too easy. There were many industries similar to the automobile industry that required only some capital investment to yield huge returns. As long as one had sufficient capital, such investments were basically guaranteed not to lose money.

As a transmigrator, Carlo naturally knew which industries were suitable for investment. Coupled with the immense power he wielded as king, his investments became very simple, with each one bringing huge returns for the royal family.

Although the Spanish royal family’s wealth could not yet compare to those royal families that had accumulated wealth for centuries, considering Carlo had only been king of Spain for about a decade, possessing such vast assets was already quite astonishing.

Give Carlo another ten years to develop, and the Spanish royal family might well become the wealthiest royal family in Europe, perhaps even the wealthiest family in the world.

Having watched the entire car testing process, a very satisfied Carlo walked out of the car factory. Before leaving, he did not forget to remind Benz to guarantee quality and quantity while implementing assembly line production, emphasizing that the car’s quality and stability were key.

To increase the car’s visibility and let the public know that there was a mode of transport called the automobile that had already surpassed the horse-drawn carriage in efficiency and speed, Carlo decided to hold an Automobile Exposition in Spain. Just like the previous Tram Exposition, it would be a way to market the car as a product.

Of course, how to best present their product at the Automobile Exposition was a matter for Benz to consider.

Carlo would generally not involve himself in the car’s subsequent sales, only checking the sales reports submitted by the Automobile Company periodically to see how much money his company was making.

Carlo had barely enjoyed a few days of leisure back at the Royal Palace when Prime Minister Canovas came to make an urgent report. A rather severe drought had occurred in inland Spain, which might even affect the agricultural harvest in some parts of the interior.

Inland Spain is mountainous, generally used for growing grapes and other crops rather than staple grains.

Such a drought would not excessively affect Spain’s grain harvest, but it would have a relatively severe impact on Spain’s main agricultural products for export, especially things like grapes.

Upon learning of the severe drought in the interior, Carlo did not hesitate for a moment. He ordered the government to do everything in its power to save the disaster-stricken areas. Now was the time for the water conservancy facilities Spain had previously built to come into play.

Due to its geographical location and environment, Spain is one of the countries with the least rainfall on the European continent.

Droughts were quite common for Spain; it was just that this year’s was unusually severe.

This was especially true for inland Spain, which became as arid as a desert every summer—the greatest weakness and limitation of Spain’s geography.

It was precisely because Carlo understood Spain’s characteristic lack of rainfall that he had ordered the government years ago to vigorously build relevant water conservancy facilities.

In areas with particularly low rainfall, large-scale water conservancy facilities had to be built to ensure water for the public’s livelihood and agricultural use during droughts.

The good news was that these arid regions were not densely populated. Typically, several towns shared a single water facility, which was generally sufficient to guarantee the local water supply.

The agricultural harvest in the arid regions was linked to the local peasants’ income, so it had to be saved if possible. Even if the government had to pay a greater price, it was better than letting these people suffer heavy losses and go bankrupt.

Under Carlo’s command, the government quickly took action, and a series of decrees were issued to the regions most severely affected by the drought.

The late summer morning carried a hint of coolness, but Anthony felt no joy at this moment.

He and his wife had finished breakfast early and walked out the door. A few hundred meters east of their home were the farmlands their family had tended for generations, now planted with grapevines that covered the hillside, a truly spectacular sight.

Looking at the grapes hanging from the vines, there was not a trace of joy on Anthony’s face; instead, he looked somewhat heavy-hearted.

For a grape grower like him, these endless vineyards were more important than his own life. Looking at the sun gradually climbing overhead and feeling the warm breeze on his face, a sense of despair arose in Anthony’s heart.

“When will these dry days end? It hasn’t rained in over three months. How are my grapevines supposed to survive?” Anthony muttered to himself, holding a yellowing, nearly withered grape leaf in his hand, a glint of tears in his eyes.

“Let’s water the vines first, Anthony. We need to ensure this year’s harvest, at least so we won’t go hungry,” Anthony’s wife promptly reminded the despairing Anthony.

Numbly, Anthony stood up and nodded, belatedly shouldering his carrying pole and heading with his wife to the water source a kilometer away.

The so-called water source had once been a lake. Though not large, because the rainfall had been adequate, it could guarantee the water supply for the surrounding farm households.

But since the drought began, the lake’s area had shrunk continuously, eventually becoming the small oval it was now, less than twenty meters long and ten meters wide.

While it might still seem quite large, one had to remember that there were at least a hundred farming households within a few kilometers, and the water needed for each family’s daily life was an astronomical figure.

Not to mention, all these residents were peasants. The water required for irrigation was not something this small lake could provide.

As Anthony walked with his head down toward the lake, his wife suddenly grabbed his hand. He looked up and saw the terrified look in her eyes.

“What is it, Sandy?” Anthony looked at his wife.

“Look! There are two groups of people over there! My god, they’re fighting!” As Sandy cried out, the two groups gathered by the lake erupted into a brawl, one person wielding a sickle, another a hoe. It was a chaotic scene.

“Damn it, how am I supposed to get water now?” Anthony didn’t care about the people fighting; he was more concerned with how he could fetch water amidst the chaos. It was a matter of whether his grapes could be harvested and whether his vines could survive the drought.

There were many peasants who shared Anthony’s thoughts. A crowd gradually gathered around the lake. Some joined the brawl, some watched the spectacle from a hundred or two hundred meters away, but most were anxiously clutching their buckets, desperate to fetch water.

As more and more people gathered, the unusual situation soon caught the attention of patrolling police.

Carlo had very high standards for public order in Spain. Even in remote rural areas like this, there were police from town patrolling on horseback.

Of course, to ensure their safety, all police officers were equipped with firearms, though they were only low-power handguns.

Bang! Bang!

Two consecutive gunshots instantly silenced the crowd. The two brawling groups simultaneously stopped and looked toward the source of the sound.

“What’s going on? Damn it, can someone tell me what happened here? Are you dammed fools trying to start a war? Do you want me to lose my job? Bastards!” Patrolman Blake walked forward angrily, heading straight for the leaders of the two fighting groups.

As a veteran patrolman in the town, Blake was quite familiar with the people from the surrounding villages. The two fighting groups were from two different villages, and the reason for their fight was the struggle for water.

This lake was the public water source for the entire town, but as the water level continued to drop, some people wanted to claim the lake for themselves, allowing only people from their own village to draw water.

This had obviously provoked public outrage and was the reason for the mass brawl.

Thanks to Carlo’s deliberate promotion of bullfighting, Spaniards had more or less acquired a pugnacious character.

Especially in such sweltering weather, the violent side of human nature was infinitely magnified.

Sergeant Blake looked at the two groups who had stopped fighting. Most had cuts and bruises on their faces. A few of the more seriously injured were only just beginning to feel the pain; they might even have broken bones.

“Damn you, you idiots!” This was not the civilized age of the future; a patrolman’s temper was naturally not going to be too good.

Sergeant Blake was well-known in the surrounding towns. Not only was he skilled in combat, but his marksmanship was also exquisite.

Over a decade ago, a gang of bandits had come to town, specializing in robbing remote farmhouses.

Sergeant Blake had chased this gang for days, ultimately executing all the bandits at the cost of being severely wounded himself.

This had led to him being promoted to Sergeant by the municipal government, responsible for managing the town’s security and public order.

Upon learning that the two groups were fighting over water, Sergeant Blake was furious, but he still explained to all the onlookers, “From today on, you don’t have to worry about the water problem anymore.”

“His Majesty the King has learned of the drought and ordered the government to handle the dry conditions across the country at all costs. The municipal government has already approved the proposal to open the sluice gates. The town’s irrigation canals will have water tomorrow.”

“Sergeant Blake, is that true? Will there really be water in the canals tomorrow?” Hearing Sergeant Blake say the sluice gates would be opened tomorrow, the onlookers could no longer be bothered with gossip. They excitedly stepped forward, surrounding Sergeant Blake.

“Damn it, would I lie to you? This is a direct order from His Majesty the King, relayed by the Cabinet government to the regional governments, and then from the regional governments to the municipal governments.”

“Who would dare to fake an order at such a critical time? Friends, His Majesty the King cares about us, so we should also try to lessen His Majesty’s worries, shouldn’t we?”

“From now on, I don’t want to see any more fighting over water. Everyone must queue up to get water according to their needs. If there’s any line-cutting or fighting, then I’ll have to consider whether to revoke that person’s right to draw water.”

“His Majesty the King will not abandon us, on the premise that we are good, law-abiding citizens, right?” Sergeant Blake looked at the crowd gradually closing in, first taking a step back to get out of the encirclement before slowly explaining.

Although he knew these people were all local residents, he couldn’t be sure if someone with ill intentions might take advantage of the chaos to snatch his handgun.

While Spain did not ban firearms, their circulation was not widespread. The rifles generally available to civilians, besides small-caliber handguns, were hunting rifles approved for use only in the wilderness.

Entering a city required surrendering one’s firearms. After all, the Spanish government had no desire to see its citizens engaged in all-out brawls within its cities.

Small-caliber handguns or hunting rifles could generally be purchased at officially sanctioned weapon shops, as long as one had legal Spanish citizenship and no criminal record.

However, when buying ammunition, there were not only quantity restrictions, but each purchase also required reporting the use of the previously bought ammunition.

The purpose of this was precisely to reduce the incidence of shootings. Normal hunting or self-defense was permitted, but if someone maliciously used a firearm to attack others, under such arms control, the shop that sold the weapon could be quickly identified.

Apart from the officially sanctioned weapon shops, all private weapon shops were banned, at least not openly permitted to exist.

This was linked to the political achievements of officials in each region and municipality. If a shooting occurred in a certain city or region, and it was found that the firearm was purchased from a non-official weapon shop, then the officials of that region would be severely punished.

This also effectively reduced the circulation of weapons and lowered the incidence of shootings in Spain.

Returning to the scene, upon confirming that there would be enough water by tomorrow, the people present all erupted in cheers.

The reason they had fought was the dwindling water resources. Now that a sufficient supply was guaranteed, they naturally would not fight anymore.

“Long live His Majesty the King!”

Because the order to guarantee water for the drought-stricken areas at all costs was issued by Carlo, after a short while of cheering, the crowd immediately began shouting slogans like “Long live His Majesty the King!”

These peasants’ gratitude toward Carlo was genuine. It was because of Carlo’s order that their year of hard work would not be in vain.

Sufficient water would ensure the grapes could ripen and the vines would not die. The grape harvest concerned their income for the year, and the survival of the vines concerned their painstaking effort of many years.

It was Carlo who had ensured their income would not suffer too great a loss. How could they not be grateful to him?

After letting everyone cheer for a while and vent the emotions built up over the past few months of drought, Sergeant Blake pressed his hands down and began to resolve the conflict.

“Since the water issue has been resolved, this mass brawl is not a big deal.”

“Since it was a fight between two groups, just take care of your own injured. Fortunately, your injuries aren’t serious, so I can protect you.”

“If someone had died in the brawl, I wouldn’t have been able to protect you then.”

“Alright, let’s just disperse. We’re all neighbors in the same town, there’s no need for such a big fuss.”

“If you’re really that angry, why don’t you join the army and take it out on others? What’s so glorious about throwing punches at your own countrymen? We should be throwing punches at our nation’s enemies. That’s how we can repay His Majesty’s grace.”

“It’s just that I’m too old, otherwise I’d join the army too. I hear the pay in the army is even higher than a patrolman’s. If any of your young lads at home want to enlist, none of you better stop them.” Sergeant Blake first assigned responsibility to the two fighting groups, then smilingly mediated their conflict.

In reality, there wasn’t much of a conflict anymore. Since there was no longer a clash of interests, the two groups could naturally shake hands and make peace.

With a few words from Sergeant Blake, the anger from the brawl transformed into gratitude towards Carlo, and even some aspiration for military life.

On one hand, they genuinely wanted to join the army to repay Carlo’s kindness. On the other hand, the benefits and pay in the Spanish army were indeed very high.

Carlo was well aware that “political power grows out of the barrel of a gun.” Since becoming king of Spain, he had repeatedly raised the income and various benefits of the Spanish army.

Why was Prime Minister Primo’s revolution successful? Besides Queen Isabella and her government being too corrupt and chaotic, it was also because the vast wealth extracted from the colonies and the homeland flowed into the pockets of the nobility and clergy, having nothing to do with the commoners.

The middle and high ranks in the army were firmly controlled by the nobility, who then embezzled the soldiers’ pay in various ways.

Under such circumstances, it was all too normal for the army to turn towards the revolutionary army. This was why Queen Isabella’s government collapsed so quickly and was ultimately driven out of Spain by Prime Minister Primo.

This served as a lesson, making Carlo understand how important it was to guarantee soldiers’ income.

Needless to say, the Royal Guards, as the army directly under the royal family, had always had the highest benefits of all Spanish troops, and their loyalty was extremely high.

It was no exaggeration to say that they would carry out any order from Carlo without hesitation. Even if they were asked to perform a suicide mission, they would not waver in the slightest.

After so many years of Carlo’s efforts, the Royal Guards had long become an army completely loyal to the royal family, an army that Carlo could fully trust.

Although Carlo’s direct troops were only the Royal Guards, because the military academies had trained a large number of officers over the years, Carlo also had considerable influence over the Royal Italian Army.

The reason soldiers’ income had continuously grown was partly due to the rise in Spain’s per capita income, and partly because Carlo had repeatedly demanded that the government and parliament increase soldiers’ pay.

This fact had long been publicized nationwide through newspaper media, and the soldiers of the Royal Italian Army were well aware of it.

Although Carlo had not yet gained control of the army, with his influence within the military, it would not be a problem for him to directly issue orders to the Royal Italian Army in special circumstances.

Because of the high income and good benefits in the Spanish army, most Spaniards were not averse to enlisting; they even hoped to join the army and have more opportunities to serve their country.

Upon hearing Sergeant Blake tell them not to stop their sons from enlisting, a large group of peasants smiled and said, “How could we, Sergeant Blake? If the boy is willing to join the army, we’d be overjoyed.”

Seeing that he had successfully stirred the crowd’s emotions, Sergeant Blake nodded in satisfaction and finally said, “Alright, you lot, queue up for water.”

“Once the sluice gates are formally opened tomorrow, you won’t all have to come and line up for water anymore. Remember what I said; I don’t want to see another brawl happen.”

“After all, I need my political achievements, don’t I?”

Amidst the crowd’s laughter, Sergeant Blake and another officer rode away on their horses. The people, following Sergeant Blake’s instructions, began to queue up in an orderly fashion to draw water.

“Anthony, what do you think about letting Little Anthony join the army in a few years?” Anthony’s wife, Sandy, had naturally heard what Sergeant Blake said earlier. It was clear that Sandy was very willing to have her son join the army.

“No, Sandy,” Anthony shook his head, then said, “I’d rather he get into a military academy and become a glorious officer.”

“His Majesty values us so much, how can we not do everything we can to repay his kindness?”

“I don’t have the chance to join the army anymore, but Little Anthony still has hope. If he can get into a military academy, he can become an officer in the future and escape the fate of being peasants for generations.”

“I hear that graduates from the military academy start as a company commander, in charge of dozens of men. Little Anthony inherited my intelligence; I believe he can definitely get into a military academy and become a great officer in the future.”

The couple talked and laughed, the earlier despair swept away, seemingly full of hope for life.

===TRANSLation ENDS===

{“characters”:{“桑迪”:“Sandy”,“布莱克”:“Blake”,“布莱克警长”:“Sergeant Blake”,“小安东尼”:“Little Anthony”},“locations”:{},“organizations”:{“市政府”:“municipal government”},“terms_and_jargon”:{“旱情”:“drought”,“水利设施”:“water conservancy facilities”,“汽车博览会”:“Automobile Exposition”,“警长”:“Sergeant”,“巡警”:“patrolman”,“军校”:“military academy”}}

Chapter 286: Inspection

Carlo did not have the newspapers extensively publicize his order to release the water; after all, too much publicity was not always a good thing.

All that was needed was for the various government bodies to mention it in their announcements, and a steady stream of people would naturally remember Carlo’s benevolence.

If it were publicized too heavily, some people would inevitably grow weary or even resentful of such displays of grace.

True gratitude had to be inspired from within, not manufactured by a couple of news articles. Carlo’s goal was for the Spanish people to love his rule from their hearts, and achieving that would require decades of subtle influence.

So far, Carlo’s plan was quite successful. Although some of his actions were calculated, the people of Spain had undeniably reaped tangible benefits from them.

After all, to put it bluntly, a lifetime of feigned benevolence could, to some extent, be considered true benevolence.

It was merely benevolence with less-than-pure motives. But for the people of Spain, wasn’t a monarch who could increase their income and improve their lives a wise monarch?

What Carlo had not expected was that the lack of publicity yielded the best results. The drought had pushed a large number of farmers to the brink of despair. Just as they were about to lose all hope, news arrived of Carlo’s order to secure water for them at any cost.

As the saying goes, providing timely assistance is better than adding flowers to a brocade. Carlo’s actions were no different from this.

What surprised Carlo even more was that while he had not intended to publicize his relief efforts, the very farmers he had saved stepped forward one by one to recount his deeds.

Through their word-of-mouth, Carlo’s declaration to complete the disaster relief at any cost earned him the adoration of the Spanish people. They hailed him as a once-in-a-century benevolent monarch, the savior of a chaotic Spain.

This was an outcome Carlo had not anticipated, but he certainly would not let such a golden opportunity go to waste.

The very next day, some of the more severely affected regions strictly implemented the Cabinet government’s order to release water.

The previously constructed water conservancy facilities were finally proving their worth. While they could not completely negate the negative impacts of the drought, they could salvage the income of some farmers.

Areas where the drought was less severe could hold on for a while longer with surrounding water sources. But in the hardest-hit regions, if the sluice gates were not opened soon, all that would be left in a short time would be vast tracts of wasteland.

Of course, in the more severely drought-stricken regions, the peasants’ incomes were certain to be affected.

To address this, Carlo specifically convened a Cabinet meeting to discuss various strategies for coping with the drought.

First, they would implement tax cuts for all drought-affected areas. The scale of the tax reduction would vary according to the severity of the drought, with the most affected areas eligible for up to a two-year tax exemption.

Second, they would intensify efforts to save crops in the drought-stricken regions, aiming to minimize the peasants’ losses.

Take Anthony, for example. He was purely a grape grower, and the grape harvest was right around this time.

If a water supply for the vineyards could be guaranteed for one month, Anthony could secure his entire income for the year.

Afterward, the water supply to his vineyards could be reduced and redirected to other crops that needed it more.

Of course, this was a water allocation strategy for only the most severely affected areas. In regions where the drought was less severe, local water sources and existing water conservancy facilities were still sufficient to meet the demand.

For the regions hit hardest by the drought, the Cabinet meeting decided to allocate fifty million pesetas in relief funds to aid the most severely affected populace.

In addition, Carlo planned to construct more water conservancy facilities in the drier inland areas of Spain to prevent similar droughts in the future.

As one of the driest countries in Europe, droughts were a common occurrence in Spain. They affected the peasants’ grain harvests and actual income. Preparing for drought was not just about preventing them from happening; it was also about adding a line of defense for Spain’s grain production and agricultural output.

Of course, this also sparked more discussions within the Cabinet government about Spain’s domestic environment and the urgent need to develop the colonies in West Africa.

Compared to inland Spain, the colonies Spain controlled in West Africa had far superior geographical conditions.

The Gambia colony, in particular, was not only near the coast for easy transport but was also in the tropics, allowing for two or even three grain harvests a year.

More importantly, it was a vast, rainy plain, with no need to worry about droughts.

If Spain were to grow large quantities of grain there, they would not have to worry about natural or man-made disasters affecting the harvest.

Of course, things like earthquakes and tsunamis were unavoidable. However, the West African colonies were not located on any major seismic belt, so the only real concern was the slim chance of a tsunami.

Compared to the scarce rainfall in mainland Spain, the Gambia colony could truly be called fertile land.

Besides discussing plans to relieve the drought-stricken areas, the Cabinet was also exploring the development of the Gambia and other colonies.

If they could quickly clear and cultivate the farmland in the Gambia colony, Spain could reduce its reliance on its own fragile agricultural environment by decreasing the proportion of farmland on the mainland.

Carlo would naturally not reject the government’s proposal to accelerate the development of the West African colonies. The Gambia colony controlled by Spain was larger than the modern-day Gambia, meaning there was more land available for cultivation.

In the future, after annexing Portugal’s colonies of Guinea and Ziguinchor, the total colonial area would exceed seventy thousand square kilometers, almost the size of Portugal itself.

Portugal had vast plains, and the Gambia colony was no different. The Gambia River flowed through most of the territory, making the land suitable not only for agricultural development but also for river transport.

Grain grown throughout the colony could be transported by railway or river to the colonial capital, Banjul, and then shipped to mainland Spain on large transport vessels.

The straight-line distance to mainland Spain was only a little over two thousand seven hundred kilometers. Furthermore, with the route passing by Spain’s Canary Islands and the colony of Southern Morocco, the safety of grain transport could be guaranteed.

Developing the West African colonies was certainly a good thing, but it required substantial financial investment.

Fifty million pesetas had already been allocated for drought relief. For the Spanish government, deciding how much capital to commit to developing the West African colonies was a matter for careful consideration.

The good news was that the drought had shown many noblemen the shortcomings of Spain’s domestic land. While the Cabinet government was discussing the development of the West African colonies, the nobles were also planning to pool their resources for agricultural development in Spain’s colonies and establish new grain companies there.

Carlo certainly welcomed the Spanish nobility’s penchant for farming. For Spain to become a great power, it had to guarantee its domestic grain self-sufficiency rate.

Grain supply could not depend on imports from other countries, as trade relationships could be severed by war.

Only by having sufficient domestic grain production could the country ensure that, when war came, it would not face economic chaos due to food shortages, which could lead to even more intense conflicts.

A lack of grain was no laughing matter. As the saying goes, food is the first necessity of the people. For the common folk, they could do without many things, but not food.

Since the Gambia colony was so suitable as a major agricultural region for Spain, Carlo naturally would not let this opportunity slip by.

At the end of August, the Spanish government first announced the fifty-million-peseta drought relief plan, then declared it would increase imports of grain and agricultural products to cope with the drought crisis.

The drought would certainly lead to a decrease in Spain’s grain and agricultural production. To prevent food prices from soaring too high, it was essential to import more grain promptly.

Fortunately, the severe drought was currently confined to the Iberian Peninsula, primarily concentrated in the inland regions occupied by Spain.

Although Portugal also had some areas experiencing drought, it was not severe overall.

After all, Portugal’s annual rainfall was quite abundant. Combined with its long, narrow shape and the fact that most of its territory was coastal, it naturally did not have to worry about droughts.

The fact that only Spain was suffering from a severe drought was a silver lining.

Spain could purchase sufficient grain from other European countries to alleviate the domestic food crisis caused by the drought.

Of course, the current drought had not yet escalated into a full-blown food crisis. Europe had many major grain-producing nations, and purchasing grain was still very easy.

Once the government announced the detailed relief plan, the people in the disaster-stricken areas were finally able to set their minds at ease.

To soothe the public’s mood in these areas, on the same day the Cabinet government announced the relief plan, it issued orders to the governments of the affected regions.

Prime Minister Canovas personally gave the order, requiring the regional governments to promptly communicate the Cabinet’s relief decisions, do their best to calm the public, and prevent emotional outbursts caused by heavy losses.

Although the government would do its utmost to help the people in the disaster areas, there would inevitably be some unfortunate souls who had already suffered heavy losses before aid could arrive.

The government could do little about this; it could not make an exception and offer them more compensation, could it?

Such a precedent would only make future relief work more difficult. In the future, when people were ruined by natural or man-made disasters, they would make even greater demands on the government.

To prevent these unfortunate individuals from growing resentful of society or even causing retaliatory chaos, it was necessary to strengthen security forces in the affected areas during the drought.

The regional governments took the Cabinet government’s instructions very seriously, issuing specific documents to their respective municipal governments the moment they received the order.

Because of Spain’s performance evaluation system for officials, government officials at all levels attached great importance to orders from their superiors.

The Cabinet government only needed to oversee the regional governments, which in turn would oversee the municipal governments under them.

The municipal governments would then supervise the town and village administrations within their territories, completing a top-down system of political oversight originating from the Cabinet government.

If a problem arose at any level of government, accountability could be traced directly to the level above it.

For example, if a serious issue occurred in a particular municipal government, the Spanish Cabinet government would not hold the municipal government directly responsible but would instead call the superordinate regional government to account.

If the regional governments did not want to bear responsibility for their subordinate municipal governments, they had to supervise them more strictly.

In this way, the Cabinet government could extend its influence to the most grassroots levels of towns and villages without expending too much effort.

Additionally, the parliaments of the regions and cities also played a supervisory and regulatory role.

The parliaments also had a direct chain of command. Spain’s lower house led the regional parliaments, and the regional parliaments led the municipal parliaments.

This ensured that problems would not arise at any level of government, as each level had a corresponding supervisory body, guaranteeing that the central powers—the Cabinet government and the lower house—could exercise their authority swiftly.

To demonstrate his concern for the people, after the government announced the relief measures, Carlo, accompanied by some Guards and officials, took a train to the mountainous region north of Madrid to personally inspect the peasants’ situation.

As mentioned before, Madrid was situated in a valley between two mountain ranges to the north and south, making it a relatively flat, open area.

Although it was in the heart of the Iberian Peninsula’s interior, as Spain’s capital, the Madrid municipal government had the most extensive water conservancy facilities in the country.

As a result, Madrid, despite its inland location, had not suffered too severely from the drought.

In contrast, the mountainous terrain north of Madrid, beyond the mountains, was experiencing a more severe drought due to insufficient water facilities.

Carlo’s inspection destination was the region of Castile and León, north of the Madrid Region. The regional capital was Valladolid, a small city with a population of less than one hundred thousand.

Why did Carlo choose this small city for his inspection? The reason was simple: it was at the epicenter of the drought. Valladolid and the mountainous areas to its south were among the driest places, having gone without rain for several months.

Carlo’s personal arrival was taken very seriously by the Valladolid municipal government, and even officials from the regional government had been eagerly awaiting him.

However, Carlo did not converse much with these officials. After arriving in Valladolid, he headed further north toward Palencia.

For this trip, Carlo had also brought along several specially modified cars. Besides making travel more convenient, he also intended to test their stability on mountainous terrain.

Palencia was a small town on the Spanish Meseta Plateau and one of the towns most severely affected by the drought.

According to reports from the Valladolid municipal government, it had not rained there for nearly six months, and nearby rivers and water sources had almost dried up.

If not for a large water conservancy facility north of Valladolid, the people of this town might have already been considering relocation.

Putting aside whether crops could survive without water, the people of the town certainly could not.

Although the large water conservancy facility played a crucial role, it belonged to Valladolid and had to maintain the normal water supply for Valladolid’s citizens.

Under these circumstances, the originally sizable facility was suddenly insufficient. Carlo’s purpose in visiting was not only to see the severity of the drought with his own eyes but also to solve Palencia’s severe water shortage.

Chapter 287: The Automobile Exposition

While Carlo was inspecting the drought, the Automobile Company was urgently expanding its workforce in preparation for the Automobile Exposition.

Spain’s Automobile Exposition was scheduled to take place three months later, at the beginning of December 1881.

Before then, the Automobile Company needed to produce at least one thousand cars to keep in reserve for delivery when orders came in.

Without assembly line production techniques, producing one thousand cars in just three months would have been utterly impossible.

But with the help of assembly line production, it was not an insurmountable challenge for the Automobile Company.

Meanwhile, the major newspaper companies were vigorously promoting news about the upcoming Automobile Exhibition.

Thanks to the fame generated by Madrid’s “City that Never Sleeps” and the Tram Exposition, Spain’s announcement of an automobile exhibition at the end of the year immediately attracted the attention of much foreign capital.

The automobile industry, like the electrical industry, was a sector that various countries were exploring but had yet to achieve significant results in.

Spain had already established its position as a powerhouse in the electrical industry through its “City that Never Sleeps” and the Tram Exposition. If it also made impressive strides in the automobile industry, wouldn’t that mean the great powers of Europe were lagging behind Spain in both these major industrial fields?

Regardless of what other countries thought, Spain proceeded with its preparations for the automobile exhibition in an orderly fashion.

No major events occurred during this period, aside from the death of the assassinated US President Garfield, who succumbed to his grievous injuries due to incompetent medical treatment, leading to Vice President Chester Alan Arthur taking over the presidency.

As December 1881 arrived, the Spanish Automobile Exhibition held in Madrid began as scheduled.

The exhibition was held on a large open plot of land on the outskirts of Madrid. After some simple renovations, the site could accommodate tens of thousands of visitors.

Of course, to ensure the exhibition ran smoothly, not too many visitors were allowed in at any one time during the event.

Aside from the more renowned newspaper media from various countries, entry was limited to invited distinguished guests and a small number of public members who had purchased tickets.

In the very center of the exposition grounds, five cars of different colors were parked. Notably, both the front and back of the cars featured a very conspicuous and unique emblem.

The emblem belonged to the manufacturer, the Spanish Royal Benz Automobile Company. On Carlo’s suggestion, the Benz automobile’s logo adopted the famous three-pointed star of later eras, though its meaning at this time was completely different.

In later times, the Mercedes-Benz three-pointed star represented the development of mechanization on land, sea, and in the air. But now, the Benz company’s three-pointed star emblem stood for the company’s principles: Quality, Integrity, and Service.

Carlo held high expectations for the Benz company. In the future, the Benz company would also create more sub-brands, striving to cover all types of automobiles.

At the automobile exhibition, the cameras of the major newspaper companies hardly stopped. Flashbulbs went off one after another, and the plumes of smoke they emitted gathered in the air, unable to dissipate quickly.

This was a testament to just how novel the cars displayed by Spain were to everyone else. It wasn’t that prototypes of automobiles hadn’t appeared in other European countries, but those prototypes were worlds apart from the finished products that Spain was now presenting.

But this was not the climax of the exhibition. A straight road, over a kilometer long, had been temporarily built on the grounds, specifically for demonstrating the automobile’s speed.

When two Benz automobiles drove over from a distance, side by side, and sped past like the wind at nearly 36 kilometers per hour, the media representatives in attendance went into a frenzy.

They couldn’t believe that this thing they had never seen before could reach speeds comparable to a train.

More importantly, this mode of transport required no tracks whatsoever; it could travel on any relatively flat road.

Seeing the amazed expressions on the faces of the crowd, Benz and a few technical experts stepped out of the cars with smiles and began to introduce the Benz company’s automobile to the onlookers.

When they heard that these cars could reach speeds of over 36 kilometers per hour, the crowd erupted.

The flashbulbs flashed even more incessantly. Some newspaper companies were already thinking about tomorrow’s headlines and articles, while others began to ask questions.

“Mr. Benz, as I understand it, some companies in the German Empire are also researching engines. The engines they’ve developed can’t run for long periods, let alone provide enough horsepower to keep a mechanical device moving at 36 kilometers per hour.

Are you certain the data you’ve presented is accurate? If what you say is true, this vehicle here could well replace the horse-drawn carriage. It would be another invention, after the train, to change the course of human history.” A German reporter stood up and posed his question.

As a superpower and one of the five great powers, Germany had been surpassed by Spain first in the electrical industry and now in the automobile industry, which this German reporter found hard to believe.

Germany was also conducting research on engines and automobiles, but the progress made so far had been negligible.

If what Benz said was true, then Spain’s automobile industry wasn’t just ahead of Germany’s—it was completely crushing it, with a massive gap between them.

“Words can be deceiving, but experimental results are not,” Benz said with a smile. “Regarding the various data points for this car, we have ample experimental documentation. If anyone is interested, you can pick up a copy to review.”

“Of course, we have also prepared simple experiments for everyone to observe. We have the utmost confidence in this epoch-making automobile.”

“You are correct. This is indeed a vehicle that can completely replace the horse-drawn carriage. Ladies and gentlemen, a new era of transportation is upon us.”

“By riding in this car, we can reduce our travel time by at least half. This will profoundly change our lives, which is one of the founding purposes of the Benz company.”

Upon hearing that there was experimental data and related demonstrations to watch, most of the crowd came to believe the figures Benz had stated.

After all, Benz had no reason to lie. While exaggerating the data could certainly generate a lot of buzz, the so-called Benz company’s reputation would crumble in an instant once the cars were sold and buyers discovered their vehicles weren’t as marvelous as Benz had claimed.

The tests for the automobile began shortly after. To allow the crowd to experience the car’s speed and stability firsthand, those who were interested could apply for a test ride.

Of course, the number of such spots was bound to be limited. Aside from reporters from the more renowned newspaper companies, only a small number of distinguished guests could enjoy such an experience.

As for the majority of the common people, they could only watch from the sidelines.

Most people were very much looking forward to personally experiencing a ride in such a contraption.

Fortunately, the exhibition grounds were spacious enough that having several cars driving at once did not feel crowded.

To directly showcase the car’s speed, all the cars participating in the test drove at their maximum velocity.

When these reporters got into the cars and experienced the speed of 36 kilometers per hour, their expressions were ones of pure astonishment.

Although riding in these cars was not as comfortable as in the automobiles of later eras, in terms of speed alone, they far surpassed the horse-drawn carriages people were used to.

Even the trams that had only recently become popular in Europe could not hold a candle to the speed of a carriage.

Taking Spain as an example, the speed of its trams generally did not exceed 20 kilometers per hour, a measure to ensure safety on city roads.

Apart from a train at full speed, no other mode of transportation could reach 36 kilometers per hour.

This was why the reporters were so amazed; in terms of speed alone, this so-called automobile had already surpassed the vast majority of existing vehicles.

Because so many people wanted to experience the car, the few vehicles used for the tests barely had their engines turned off. Aside from picking up and dropping off passengers, they were almost constantly moving at full speed.

Thanks to the stability of the engine, the cars showed no problems during the extended period of operation, only stopping when they ran out of fuel.

Of course, before they stopped, Benz had already given a detailed introduction to the fuel source these engines used and the maximum distance each car could travel on a full tank.

Under the watchful eyes of the reporters, the cars were refueled and quickly started up again.

This led the reporters to believe what Benz had said: the automobile before them was truly an epoch-making mode of transport, its utility indeed surpassing that of the horse-drawn carriage.

Putting other things aside, just the ability to travel continuously for hundreds of kilometers was something a horse-drawn carriage could never do.

Horses were animals, after all, and they had needs like eating, drinking, and relieving themselves. The automobile was different. The fuel it carried was its food, and the exhaust pipe expelled the waste gases from combustion as it ran, wasting no extra time.

“Mr. Benz, is your company considering selling this automobile technology?” While a large group of reporters was lining up to test the cars, some foreign capitalists had already found Benz, hoping to purchase the Benz company’s automotive technology.

The car technology demonstrated at the exhibition was on a level that automobile companies in other countries were far from reaching.

Just as with the previous electrical and tram technologies, these foreign capitalists had ideas of an acquisition. If they could acquire the Benz company’s automobile technology, they too could sell such cars in their own countries and make a huge profit.

“I’m very sorry, but we are not considering selling our automobile-related technology at this time.” Benz shook his head, his tone slightly apologetic.

Before the man could respond, Benz continued, “But in the future, we will consider establishing branch factories in more countries, and we are willing to cooperate with more foreign capital.”

Although Carlo’s goal was to sell Benz automobiles all over the world, such a goal could not be achieved by a single Benz company headquarters.

The European market alone would require several car companies to develop it jointly. Not to mention the United States market; it would be impossible to control a significant market share without establishing several branch factories.

Establishing branch factories in other countries would inevitably require cooperation with the capital of those nations.

It was impossible for Spanish capital to control the majority of the automobile market on its own. Doing so would arouse the vigilance of other countries and create hostility among numerous foreign capitalists.

Only by cooperating with local capital could they be accepted by them. At the same time, they could leverage the influence of local capital to make the Automobile Company’s expansion even more rapid.

In any case, the Royal Benz Company would hold a considerable portion of the shares in the branch factories, meaning the parent company would also get a cut of their profits.

Profit for the parent company was equivalent to profit for Carlo. Although half or even more of the branch companies’ profits would be divided among the local nobility, considering the benefits that collaboration brought to the branches, the shared profits would be more or less offset.

When the questioner heard Benz state that the company would not be selling its automobile technology for the time being, his disappointment was palpable.

But when Benz mentioned establishing branch factories in various European countries and being willing to cooperate with other foreign capital, a smile returned to the man’s face.

Their conversation was overheard by many others, and a great deal of capital was interested in such a collaboration.

For capitalists, whoever could make them money was their friend. The utility demonstrated by the automobile was superior to that of the horse-drawn carriage, which meant the automobile market held enormous business opportunities.

Capitalists have a keen sense of smell, and they naturally detected this opportunity. While it wasn’t a guarantee that cooperating with the Benz company would be profitable, the chances of making money from such a partnership were definitely high.

These capitalists were naturally willing to take a gamble. Even just based on the performance the automobile had shown so far, it was worth investing some funds to get a piece of the action.

Of course, before collaborating with the Royal Benz Automobile Company, they didn’t mind buying a few cars to try them out.

Looking at the long line of people waiting to experience the cars, some went directly to Benz to express their desire to make a purchase.

The Royal Benz Automobile Company had come prepared. The one thousand cars produced in advance were for those who wanted to buy them.

In the three months of preparation for the Automobile Exhibition, the Royal Benz Automobile Company had completed the construction of its assembly line and successfully produced one thousand cars.

Besides increasing production speed, another benefit of the assembly line was the effective reduction of the car’s cost.

The cost of 12,600 pesetas per car that Benz had previously reported to Carlo was clearly an extremely high figure.

After mass-producing cars using the assembly line method, although not many had been made yet, according to the Automobile Company’s current statistics, the average cost of the one thousand cars produced had already dropped to around 12,000 pesetas. The cost reduction per vehicle was quite significant.

Because of this, after discussing it with Carlo, Benz decided to set the price of each Benz automobile at 15,000 pesetas, ensuring a profit of over 3,000 pesetas per car.

A price of 15,000 pesetas was quite expensive, but for most capitalists and nobles, it was just a small sum.

The gap between rich and poor has existed in every era. An expense that was an astronomical figure for the lower classes might be nothing more than the cost of a single breakfast for the upper class.

Although the price of a Benz automobile wasn’t that exaggerated, 15,000 pesetas was truly not a major expenditure for most nobles and capitalists.

Of course, there were certainly many ordinary people who were interested in the car but were ultimately deterred by the price.

As the current mainstream mode of transportation, the horse-drawn carriage, while expensive, was still affordable for many common people.

After all, a carriage was, to put it simply, just one or several horses plus a wooden cabin. With its costs laid bare, how expensive could it really be?

The automobile was different. From the engine to the other components, everything was a novelty.

And novelty meant higher costs, which destined the price of the automobile to be a rather staggering figure.

This was indeed the case. The price of a horse-drawn carriage ranged from a few hundred to a thousand pesetas. A single Benz automobile could buy at least fifteen ordinary carriages.

Although the high price of 15,000 pesetas deterred a considerable number of ordinary citizens, many capitalists and nobles still placed orders.

The Benz company’s name was prefixed with the word “Royal,” and this Automobile Exposition was also hosted by the royal family.

Although the royal family did not make an appearance, the Spanish nobles all understood that the biggest shareholder behind the Benz Automobile Company was Carlo.

Whether they were genuinely interested in the car or just wanted to show their support, the nobles of Spain felt they needed to purchase a few cars.

Thanks to the support of the nobility, combined with the genuine interest from many capitalists, on the very first day of the Automobile Exhibition, over one hundred people signed orders to purchase cars from the Benz Automobile Company.

Most people bought a single car. They were simply curious and wanted to experience such a vehicle for themselves.

Others, however, truly saw a business opportunity and purchased several cars in one go, apparently intending to form a transport company.

Of course, the transport companies here did not refer to car factories, but rather companies that used automobiles to transport passengers or goods.

The sheer size of the crowd queuing for a test ride on the day of the exhibition showed that a great many people were interested in this new mode of transport.

While the price of a car was very high, the cost of a short ride would not be too expensive.

Whether people genuinely needed a ride or just wanted to experience a novel vehicle, starting a car transport company now could certainly be profitable.

Selling over a hundred cars on the first day was definitely good news for Benz and the Automobile Company.

Although one hundred cars might not seem like many, considering the net profit of 3,000 pesetas per car, the money earned from these one hundred cars amounted to a staggering 300,000 pesetas.

At this rate of sales, it would only take a few days to fully recoup Carlo’s investment in the automobile industry.

Chapter 288: Manual Telephone Exchange

The Automobile Exhibition was a resounding success. On the first day alone, over one hundred cars were sold, earning the Royal Benz Automobile Company a net income of over three hundred thousand pesetas.

And that wasn’t all. The exhibition lasted for a total of three days, with average daily sales exceeding one hundred vehicles.

Although car sales experienced a precipitous drop after the exhibition ended, they still maintained a rate of about ten cars per day.

As 1881 drew to a close, Benz sent Carlo a report on the automobile company’s performance for the entire year.

In reality, it was a sales report for the month following the Automobile Exhibition. Though it was only one month, the Royal Benz Automobile Company still managed to sell over six hundred cars in that single month.

Calculating a net profit of three thousand pesetas per car, the net profit from over six hundred cars was at least 1.8 million pesetas.

At a selling price of fifteen thousand pesetas per car, the Royal Benz Automobile Company had amassed over nine million pesetas in funds in just one short month.

Although half of this success was attributable to the Automobile Exhibition, there was no denying that Benz’s automobile company had achieved tremendous success.

Even if subsequent daily sales dropped to just a few cars, the company’s net income could still reach tens of thousands of pesetas.

With three hundred sixty-five days in a year, the annual net income could reach the enormous figure of three to four million pesetas.

As for whether the Benz Automobile Company could maintain sales of several cars a day, Spain alone might not be enough, but considering the entire European market, achieving this level would be effortless.

While an annual baseline income of several million for the Royal Benz Automobile Company seemed substantial, to Carlo at this point, this amount of money was no longer a significant sum.

Unless car sales saw a massive surge, or the Benz Automobile Company could develop a new generation of superior automobiles, Carlo had little energy to pay much more attention to the company’s situation.

As time moved into 1882, a new technology caught Carlo’s attention: the wired telephone.

Like the automobile, wired telephone technology was an invention that could change the world. Although the technology of this era was still cumbersome, relying on manual telephone exchanges for calls, it was undeniable that the step-by-step exploration of these cumbersome technologies was what allowed for the advanced telephone technology of later generations.

Without the efforts of these pioneers, the technology of the future could not have stood on the shoulders of giants to advance further.

It was worth mentioning that the so-called wired telephone was not the fruit of Spanish scientists’ labor, but the research and development of Alexander Graham Bell.

This famous Mr. Bell was the very scientist who developed the metal detector for the assassinated United States President Garfield.

In later generations, there were various claims about who truly invented the telephone. In this era, however, Bell, as the first person to apply for a telephone patent, was naturally considered its undisputed inventor.

After he patented the telephone, wired telephone technology quickly swept across the United States and crossed the Atlantic Ocean to Europe.

Carlo, of course, knew the changes wired telephone technology would bring to human life. Long after Bell applied for his telephone patent, Spain’s Royal Academy of Sciences had contacted Bell, hoping to import his wired telephone technology.

Admittedly, the wired telephone technology of the time had significant flaws. Connections between telephones relied entirely on wires. To call different people, one had to go through a manual telephone exchange to be connected to different lines.

This meant that, for the time being, the telephone was something only a select few could use. If too many people used telephones, the manual telephone exchanges would become overly busy, leading to frequent problems.

Furthermore, the current telephone technology had distance limitations. While inter-city calls were possible, the long distance would affect the sound quality. The words could certainly be transmitted, but whether the person on the other end could hear them clearly was another matter entirely.

Despite these and other flaws, for people who relied solely on wired telegrams for communication, this technology was an absolute milestone.

After all, telegrams required spoken words to be converted into code, which was then received by other stations via cable.

A telephone, however, only needed a line for the other party to hear the spoken content in real-time, without any need for decoding.

After acquiring Bell’s wired telephone patent, Spain decided to establish a manual telephone exchange in Madrid, first installing telephones within the government.

Telephones would be installed in the residences and offices of cabinet ministers, the offices of several key government departments, the Upper and Lower Houses, the Royal Palace, and other such locations.

Because the number of users was limited, Madrid’s manual telephone exchange was not under significant efficiency pressure.

Basically, a staff of just over ten employees could ensure telephone communication for important places like the Cabinet government, the Royal Palace, and parliament.

The most noticeable effect of connecting telephones in key government departments was that communication between them became much faster, and the Cabinet government could process information more quickly.

It was precisely because they saw such benefits that various countries strongly supported the development of the telephone.

On January 2, 1882, Spain’s first manual telephone exchange was formally completed in Madrid and was quickly put into operation.

Curious, Carlo became the first user of a Spanish telephone, holding a brief conversation with Prime Minister Canovas.

The Madrid Royal Palace was located on Bailén Street in the city center, while the Government Building was on Castilian Avenue, north of the city center. The straight-line distance between the two was over eight kilometers.

If they were to communicate by telegram, even if the sending and receiving points were only a few kilometers apart, the entire process of sending and receiving would still take one, or even two or three minutes.

But for a wired telephone, the delay in communication over such a short distance was almost negligible.

Carlo’s and Prime Minister Canovas’s watches were both calibrated, with even the second hands synchronized. It was through the time on their watches that Carlo confirmed that the delay for short-distance wired telephone calls was less than one second.

Such a minimal delay was quite astounding, indicating that in short-distance communication, the telephone had a broader role and greater influence than the telegram.

Of course, over longer distances, the advantages of the telegram were also quite apparent.

A telephone call required both parties to be on the line simultaneously, whereas a telegram did not. Additionally, telegrams could be used for secret communication through encrypted codes, something a telephone was basically incapable of doing.

Since Madrid’s telephone system had just been established, detailed testing of communications to various locations was still necessary.

After several days of testing, the data reported to the government by the Madrid Telephone Company confirmed Carlo’s suspicions.

The current wired telephone technology showed no significant delay in short-distance calls, that is, calls within twenty kilometers.

The maximum delay within this range was only one second, which was already remarkably short compared to a telegram.

Because other cities had not yet established manual telephone exchanges, medium and long-distance delay tests could only be conducted by temporarily using telegraph lines.

According to the Madrid Telephone Company’s test results, when the call distance exceeded twenty kilometers, the delay began to increase gradually.

When the distance exceeded fifty kilometers, the delay would increase to three to five seconds, and the call would become extremely unstable.

As for long-distance calls of several hundred kilometers, they were very difficult to achieve with current technology. Even if they could be achieved, the quality of the call would be severely affected, and the delay would be difficult to control.

This meant that current wired telephone technology was limited to intra-city communication and could not easily achieve long-distance, inter-city communication.

The difficulty in long-distance communication was the telephone’s biggest drawback at present and a problem that urgently needed to be solved.

After confirming that the current wired telephone had its uses, Carlo increased his investment in the Madrid Telephone Company. He also established a research and development team for the wired telephone project at the Royal Academy of Sciences, appointing several experts in related fields to conduct further research.

Carlo gave this R&D team several directives. First, Spain’s wired telephones must achieve inter-city communication within the next few years.

If inter-city communication could be achieved, the telephone’s utility would be greatly enhanced, whether for improving communication efficiency between different levels of government or for military purposes.

Second, they were to find an automatic telephone exchange to replace the manual method. If connections could only be made manually, it would severely test the efficiency of the telephone exchanges.

At present, there were not many telephone users, so a manual system was acceptable for communication between cities.

But when a convenient technology like the telephone became available to the public, relying solely on manual operations would no longer meet a city’s communication needs.

It was imperative to explore a machine that could perform telephone switching automatically. This would not only save labor but also allow wired telephone technology to develop more rapidly.

Carlo’s requests were not made blindly but were based on his memory of the telephone’s development.

Neither long-distance telephone communication nor automatic telephone exchanges were particularly complex technologies.

In Carlo’s memory, both of these technologies would gradually mature within the next decade. By investing a large amount of capital in R&D now, Carlo was very likely to bring about their debut ahead of schedule.

As the nation in control of these two technologies, Spain could also achieve more long-term development in the telephone industry.

In addition to stating his requirements, Carlo allocated two million pesetas to the telephone research team and promised to provide at least one million pesetas in R&D funds annually so the team could focus on their research without worry.

This amount of R&D funding was already substantial; even Bell had not spent so much when he developed the telephone.

The reason Carlo was willing to invest so much in the telephone research team was his hope that, with sufficient financial support, they could more quickly discover more mature telephone technologies.

Besides funding the research and development of telephone technology, Carlo also planned to establish a manual telephone exchange in Barcelona, allowing Spain’s two largest cities to possess telephone communication technology.

In the future, when wired telephone technology could achieve inter-city communication, the first thing Carlo would do was merge the telephone systems of Madrid and Barcelona and connect the system to the major cities in every region.

If Madrid and all the cities on the Spanish mainland could achieve communication with delays of mere seconds, it would also allow government decrees to reach the regions and municipal governments much faster.

At the same time, any unforeseen incidents in the regions and municipal governments could be reported to the Cabinet government more quickly, allowing for earlier formulation of responses and solutions.

Spain’s Madrid Telephone Company and manual telephone exchange did not attract the attention of other European countries. After all, wired telephone technology was nothing new to them.

As early as two years ago, in 1880, Britain, France, and Germany had already established telephone offices and laid telephone lines in some of their major cities.

Spain was actually lagging behind some European nations in this respect, but the main reason for this was that Carlo had higher standards for Spain’s wired telephone technology.

Although it was all wired telephone technology, other European countries had implemented it two years earlier, which meant their telephones were magneto telephones, requiring users to provide their own power source.

Whether powered by batteries or an electrical wire, these telephones needed to be connected to a power source to be used.

Spain’s telephones, on the other hand, used the latest technology: the common-battery telephone, which did not require users to provide an external power source, as the telephone line itself carried the power.

Although there was not a huge difference between the two types of telephones, not needing a separate power source was obviously more convenient in certain restricted usage scenarios.

After all, Europe’s electricity industry was still in its earliest stages of development, and not many cities had electricity. Even in cities that did, there were many areas not covered by the electrical grid.

Even in Madrid, Europe’s famed “City that Never Sleeps,” electricity was limited to the industrial areas in the suburbs and only a few bustling streets in the city center.

The homes of most citizens were not electrified, and without a power source, they naturally couldn’t use magneto telephones.

The greatest advantage of the common-battery telephone was that it eliminated the need for a power source; otherwise, there was no significant improvement in call quality or distance.

After establishing telephone communication in key government departments, reports submitted by various departments after a period of use showed that they were quite pleased with the wired telephones.

With wired telephones, communication between government departments became more convenient. Carlo, as the ruler of the nation, could also contact the Cabinet government or important cabinet departments more quickly. Prime Minister Canovas could contact all cabinet ministers, drastically reducing the time needed for communication.

Sometimes, officials could even discuss matters that would have originally required a face-to-face meeting just by making a phone call.

This was something a telegram could not do, as telegrams needed to be encoded, and their contents would be seen by more people.

Chapter 289: One Million Tons of Grain Production

The commercialization of the automobile and the introduction of the wired telephone were undoubtedly two pieces of good news, but they only held Carlo’s attention for a short while.

After the popularity faded, Carlo’s focus shifted back to the situation in Europe.

Carlo’s intense focus on Europe was primarily due to the shifts in the political landscape following the Russo-Turkish War.

Although Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Tsarist Russia had renewed the League of the Three Emperors treaty, any discerning observer could see that the relationship between Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia had already fractured.

The treaty seemed more like a compromise to avoid disrupting the European situation. Beneath the surface of the League of the Three Emperors, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia were all searching for new solutions.

Sure enough, as February 1882 arrived, Kadir, Director of the Spanish Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, reported a significant piece of news to Carlo: Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the Italian government were engaged in secret negotiations. It was possible the three nations would conclude a military treaty after the talks ended.

For Spain, even if Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy did form a military alliance, it would not have a significant impact on the country.

Spain even maintained alliances with both Austria-Hungary and Italy. This alliance formed by three great powers posed no threat to Spain.

Why, then, did Carlo order Kadir, the Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, to closely monitor the European situation, especially the developments between Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy?

It was mainly to verify whether the European situation in this world would unfold as it had in history.

For now, while there were some variations in minor events, the overall direction remained largely unchanged.

The League of the Three Emperors treaty was destined to collapse one day. Germany and Austria-Hungary clearly had new plans. One of the two major military blocs that would trigger the First World War, the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy, was about to emerge.

Although the German-Austro-Hungarian-Italian military alliance didn’t seem as formidable as the German-Austro-Hungarian-Russian League of the Three Emperors, the three nations were much closer to France, which could pose an even greater crisis for the French.

Russia, a member of the original League of the Three Emperors, was nearly a thousand kilometers away from France. One was in Eastern Europe, the other in Western Europe; it was impossible for the Russians to launch a long-distance expedition against France.

But Italy was different. It shared a direct border with France, and the two nations had both new and old grievances.

If a more intense conflict were to break out between France and Germany, France would face a joint attack from three great powers: Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy.

For this very reason, once the French learned of the formation of the Triple Alliance, they would undoubtedly redouble their efforts to win over the Russians.

After the formation of the Triple Alliance, the League of the Three Emperors lost much of its purpose. It would be difficult for Russia to guarantee that it wouldn’t be pressured by the new Triple Alliance to withdraw from the competition in the Balkan Peninsula.

Consequently, after the formation of the triple military alliance, the Franco-Russian Alliance would also soon be established.

Once these two major military blocs were formed, the situation in Europe would become exceptionally tense. At that time, the only European great powers remaining outside the two blocs would be the British Empire and Spain. These two nations would inevitably become the targets of intense courting by both alliances.

The British Navy was the world’s number one, and its army was also quite respectable. It was foreseeable that once the two military blocs began their fierce competition, Britain would become the most sought-after prize, and both France and Germany would do everything in their power to pull Britain into their own camp.

Although Spain was not as powerful as Britain, its geographical location meant that France and Germany would also try to win it over.

Spain’s position could not only serve as a major rear base for France but could also open another front against France.

This meant that Spain would play a significant role whether it joined the Central Powers or the Entente, and both Germany and France would surely put forth considerable effort to woo Spain.

Of course, the dangers also had to be considered.

Because Spain’s geographical location was so crucial, the two military blocs might resort to more extreme measures if their attempts at persuasion failed.

After all, Britain was also outside the two blocs. If Britain used joining a camp as a bargaining chip to have one of the blocs attack Spain, would that bloc choose to sacrifice Spain? This was a question worth pondering.

The negotiations among Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy continued for a long time, and this unusual situation attracted the attention of the other European great powers.

However, the three nations kept the content of their negotiations highly secret. Even the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, which Carlo had painstakingly built, could not discover what the diplomatic representatives were discussing.

Apart from the three governments themselves, perhaps only Carlo knew what they were negotiating.

As March 1882 arrived, Spain’s planting season began in full swing.

Grain cultivation in mainland Spain was diverse, including corn, potatoes, wheat, rice, and barley.

As for agricultural development in the West African colonies, especially the Gambia colony, the focus was mainly on planting corn and rice.

In the Gambia colony, rice could be harvested three times a year. The early rice was planted in March, could be harvested as early as June, and at the latest would be harvested in early July, after which the middle rice would be planted.

The middle rice was generally planted between June and July. It could be harvested as early as September, or as late as October.

After the middle rice was harvested, the late rice would be planted immediately and harvested before the early winter.

Some areas could not manage three harvests a year, but two were certainly possible.

It was because tropical regions could achieve two or more harvests a year that their grain production was generally higher than in temperate regions.

Although Spain’s Gambia colony currently covered just over thirty thousand square kilometers, if the existing colony were fully developed, its grain production might rival that of Portugal.

In late March, a telegram from the Gambia colony was reported to the Spanish government and was subsequently passed on to Carlo by the Minister of Colonial Affairs.

This telegram detailed the land development situation in the Gambia colony, as well as its current total area of farmland and crop planting status.

It had been nearly two years since the Spanish government proposed the West Africa Development Plan.

In these two years, the development of the West African colonies had shown some results. The Gambia colony, as a key area for agricultural development, had pulled far ahead of the other West African colonies in agriculture.

The Gambia colony currently had over fifty thousand immigrants, nearly thirty thousand of whom were brought over by Spain from various places, while twenty thousand were immigrants who had already resided there during the British colonial period.

In addition to these fifty thousand officially recognized immigrants, the region also had approximately three hundred thousand natives.

The actual native population was not this high; the number reached three hundred thousand mainly because Spain had transported a large amount of native labor from Ashanti after the Ashanti War.

Through the combined efforts of these three hundred and fifty thousand people, the Gambia colony had now developed over one million acres of land. If this land were divided equally among the immigrants, each person would possess a staggering twenty acres, which is 121.4 mu, or about eight hectares of land.

Of course, the actual situation was not so exaggerated. The West Africa Development Plan involved many noblemen and capitalists, and a large portion of the developed land belonged to them.

The fifty thousand immigrants in West Africa had at most ten acres of land per person on average, and very few exceeded that amount.

However, compared to the situation in mainland Spain, the average land area per person in the Gambia colony was already much larger.

After all, with only fifty thousand people on this land of over thirty thousand square kilometers, there was more than enough land to go around; the concern was rather a shortage of population.

Based on the historical crop yield of the Gambia colony, the over one million acres of land could produce at least four hundred thousand tons of grain per harvest.

Even if some areas could only manage two harvests a year, the entire Gambia colony could easily produce over one million tons of grain annually.

How astonishing was a grain output of a million tons? Based on the current per capita grain consumption in Europe, one million tons of grain would be enough to feed at least six million people for a year.

Europe’s per capita grain consumption was the highest among all continents in the world. If calculated based on the consumption rates of other continents, one million tons of grain could support an even larger population.

It was worth noting that as of this year, Spain’s population was just over twenty-one million.

This meant that if the grain from the Gambia colony could be successfully harvested this year, the grain from this colony alone would be enough to feed more than a quarter of Spain’s population.

With the grain production from the Gambia colony, even if the drought in inland Spain continued, the mainland would not have to worry about any food crisis.

More importantly, one million acres of land was actually just over four thousand square kilometers, which was only about one-tenth of the total area of the Gambia colony.

As the Gambia colony continued to develop, its total area of farmland would increase, and so would its grain production.

Feeding the entire population of Spain might be an exaggeration, but providing Spain with over two million tons of grain was well within the Gambia colony’s capabilities.

For Spain’s overall grain production, the expansion of farmland in the Gambia colony was definitely a good thing.

However, considering that excessive grain production from Gambia could affect the income of peasants in mainland Spain, some restrictions needed to be placed on the increase in its grain output.

For Spain at this time, the tens of millions of peasants were still the foundation of the country. If a huge increase in grain production led to heavy losses for these tens of millions of peasants, the gain would not outweigh the loss.

Blindly increasing grain production without considering the attitude of tens of millions of peasants would only trigger a greater crisis within Spain.

Therefore, for Spain at this moment, maintaining the Gambia colony’s grain production at around one million tons was the best outcome.

The Gambia colony could both provide the Spanish mainland with sufficient grain, ensuring there would be no food crisis, and also, by limiting its output, protect the income of mainland peasants, ensuring the stability of Spain’s foundation.

In any case, the Gambia colony was in Spain’s hands. If there was a need to increase grain production in the future, it could be achieved by rapidly reclaiming land.

After all, the Gambia colony was in a tropical region, where corn and rice could basically be harvested every three months.

After reviewing the grain planting report from the Gambia colony, Carlo nodded with considerable satisfaction and openly expressed his approval of William, the Minister of Colonial Affairs, and Harrison, the Governor-General of the Gambia colony.

Upon receiving Carlo’s praise, William stood up quite excitedly, his objective clearly achieved.

It was important to remember that five years had passed since the election of Spain’s third Cabinet government.

This meant that the election for the fourth Cabinet government would be held this year.

As one of the cabinet ministers, William naturally wanted to remain in the Cabinet. More importantly, this year’s Cabinet election would see even greater changes.

Previously, for the sake of stability, when Count Canovas was elected as the new Prime Minister of the Spanish government, he did not replace a large number of Cabinet members.

Many officials who had served as cabinet ministers during Prime Minister Primo’s time had safely survived the terms of the Provisional Cabinet and the third Cabinet government.

In the new Cabinet election, Prime Minister Canovas would certainly not hold back. Once he was elected as the new Prime Minister, he would surely carry out a large-scale replacement of the existing Cabinet.

After all, Prime Minister Canovas now possessed sufficient prestige. He could, of course, replace Cabinet officials at will within his authority, without worrying about opposition from other parties or cabinet ministers.

The main reason William was trying to win Carlo’s favor, rather than Prime Minister Canovas’s, was that the Minister of Colonial Affairs was elected by the Upper House.

As a cabinet minister, William had a relatively clear view of Spain’s political situation.

Although Prime Minister Canovas appeared to have sufficient prestige, the Spanish government was still, in reality, controlled by Carlo.

This was especially true for the Spanish Upper House, which, after the addition of many noblemen as Senators, had practically become Carlo’s one-man show.

If Minister William wanted to continue serving as the Minister of Colonial Affairs, he had to gain Carlo’s trust to have any chance of winning the election in the Upper House.

Although Prime Minister Count Canovas had the authority to appoint more cabinet ministers, the important departments in the Cabinet were a case of every spot being taken. It was impossible for him to create a position specifically for William.

Chapter 290: A Hero’s Twilight

Since the beginning of 1882, many cabinet ministers had begun reporting their work to Carlo with increasing frequency.

Carlo had become a presence the Spanish government could no longer ignore. Gaining his support would be beneficial for their re-election.

Of course, Carlo understood the ministers’ purpose in reporting to him so often; in fact, this was an outcome he had intentionally fostered.

The reason was simple: to prevent the prime minister from dominating the Cabinet government, which could lead to a situation where the royal authority was undermined.

Although the prime minister could appoint nine cabinet ministers, the King of Spain could also control five cabinet positions—the Deputy Prime Minister, the Archbishop, the Minister of Justice, the Minister of Royal Affairs, and the Minister of Colonial Affairs—through direct appointment or elections in the Upper House.

Adding the Minister of Defense, who was elected by the Military Committee, the political power wielded by the King of Spain was more than enough to counterbalance the prime minister. This was also a measure to ensure that future Spanish kings would not be reduced to mere figureheads.

Starting in March, the atmosphere surrounding the cabinet elections in Spain intensified. Although the so-called cabinet elections were not decided by popular vote, the Spanish people still paid close attention to each one.

After all, the prime minister was elected by the lower house, and its members were elected by the Zone Parliaments of each region.

The members of the Zone Parliaments were elected by the people of their respective regions, giving the populace a direct say in who would represent them.

Any citizen over the age of eighteen who had resided in Spain for more than ten years and held Spanish citizenship could participate in the Zone Parliament elections and was also eligible to be elected.

This approach was far more democratic than the direct appointment system of Queen Isabella’s era. The Spanish people actively participated in every Zone Parliament election and paid close attention to each rotation of power in the Cabinet government.

According to public opinion polls in major newspapers, there was still a great deal of support for Prime Minister Canovas’s re-election.

Although Spain had lost the colony of Cuba during his term of office, the West African colonies gained in exchange were not without value.

More importantly, Spain’s Congo Territory had now grown into a colony spanning millions of square kilometers. The sheer scale of the Congo Territory alone was enough to compensate for the loss of Cuba.

This was also a testament to the stability of Spanish politics. The Conservative Party had become Spain’s largest political party, and as its leader, Canovas’s chances of re-election were much higher than anyone else’s.

Carlo’s stance was also clear: he supported Prime Minister Canovas’s bid for re-election.

After becoming Prime Minister, Canovas had not forgotten Carlo’s support. In all major decisions of the Spanish Cabinet, Prime Minister Canovas always gave full consideration to Carlo’s opinions and attitude, showing sufficient respect for the royal authority.

This was why Carlo was willing to let him serve another term.

With the choice of prime minister being more or less a foregone conclusion, Carlo did not intend to pay too much attention to Spain’s cabinet elections.

There was a more important matter that warranted his attention: Duke Primo, the former Prime Minister of Spain and the greatest hero of the House of Savoy’s rule in Spain, was critically ill.

Ever since the assassination attempt in 1875, Prime Minister Primo had been gradually withdrawing from the political scene.

On one hand, he had willingly relinquished all his power to Carlo, believing that Carlo could lead Spain to greatness.

On the other hand, Prime Minister Primo’s health had been in a terrible state since the assassination attempt.

Although the attack had not been life-threatening, the medical technology of the era was not very reliable.

Since then, Prime Minister Primo’s health had deteriorated drastically, making him seem as if he had aged more than ten years.

As the Kingdom of Spain’s greatest hero, after Prime Minister Primo announced the end of his political career, Carlo gifted him a substantial amount of assets in the name of the royal family, including a castle and several thousand acres of land.

These assets were more than enough for Prime Minister Primo to live well after his political career. The rental income from the land alone was sufficient to support his lifestyle.

In addition, Carlo assigned a small guard detail to Prime Minister Primo. This was not to monitor him; Carlo’s only purpose was to protect his safety.

Prime Minister Primo’s reforms were certainly beneficial for Spain’s development, but for the previous vested interests, it was like being sliced by a knife, piece by piece.

Primo had faced an assassination attempt even when he was Prime Minister. Now that he had retired from politics and held no political power, who could guarantee he would not be targeted again?

The guards Carlo dispatched were precisely to protect Primo’s safety. Carlo was quite grateful to Prime Minister Primo. Without his support, Carlo would never have become the king of Spain and so smoothly grasped the majority of political power.

Had it been any other prime minister who coveted power, they would likely have become even more guarded against Carlo after he demonstrated his capabilities, and certainly would not have granted him a degree of power and influence.

Speaking of which, thirteen years had passed since Carlo became the king of Spain. The old guard who had once pushed for the Spanish revolution, like Prime Minister Primo, were now in their twilight years.

Prime Minister Primo was born in 1814, making him sixty-eight years old this year, which was definitely a ripe old age for this era. If not for the assassination attempt that caused his health to plummet, Prime Minister Primo might have lived to be seventy or eighty, a stark contrast to his historical fate of being assassinated in 1870 at the young age of fifty-six. At least in this timeline, he had lived twelve years longer.

Prime Minister Serrano, who was four years older than Primo, was already seventy-two this year. Carlo had spoken with Prime Minister Serrano, who formally requested to be relieved of all duties, intending to retire with honor and enjoy his later years.

In truth, people are similar in every era. Regardless of how long one lives, old age is always accompanied by various illnesses and afflictions.

Grand Duke Serrano was in relatively good health, but after turning seventy, his condition had gradually worsened.

Fortunately, Prime Minister Canovas was competent enough. As Deputy Prime Minister, Grand Duke Serrano did not have to bear too many affairs of state. He essentially served as a figurehead, boosting the influence of Count Canovas, the Prime Minister.

Now that Prime Minister Canovas had amassed sufficient political influence, it was naturally time for Grand Duke Serrano to retire.

Carlo, of course, had no objection to Grand Duke Serrano’s request for retirement.

Since Grand Duke Serrano had already reached the pinnacle of the Spanish nobility, the rewards Carlo gave him were mostly monetary, allowing him to live out his final years in wealth. This also served as a statement to all officials loyal to the royal family, letting them know that loyalty not only ensured a peaceful end but also brought noble titles and property, guaranteeing prosperity and honor for their descendants.

Compared to Prime Minister Primo, Grand Duke Serrano’s health was much better. While Prime Minister Primo was on his deathbed, Grand Duke Serrano was still in a relatively healthy state.

Carlo had also consulted Prime Minister Primo’s doctors about his health. They could do nothing more for his condition; it was now a matter of how long he could hold on.

According to the doctors’ estimates, Prime Minister Primo had at most six months left. This prompted Carlo to increase the frequency of his visits. To Carlo, Prime Minister Primo was truly a good teacher and a dear friend. It was his protection that had allowed Carlo to weather the most vulnerable first few years of his reign.

A significant reason why Carlo’s brother, the historical King Amedeo I of Spain, had so quickly abdicated the Spanish throne was that Prime Minister Primo had been assassinated before he even arrived in Spain.

A king with no supporters at his back was destined to have an unstable throne.

What Carlo hadn’t expected was that before Prime Minister Primo passed, another noteworthy figure quietly departed from the world.

When the news of Garibaldi’s death arrived from Italy, Carlo was in the Royal Palace with his young son Martin and his daughter Sofia.

Martin was not yet three years old, an age when a child is at their most adorable. Carlo was enjoying a leisurely moment, holding six-year-old Sofia in his left arm and Martin in his right, while also checking on the studies of seven-year-old Prince Juan Fernando.

Upon hearing the news of Garibaldi’s death, Carlo immediately put the two little ones down. His eyes fixed on the reporting guard as he asked in disbelief, “What did you say? Mr. Garibaldi is dead?”

“Yes, Your Majesty. Word has just arrived from Italy. Mr. Garibaldi passed away this morning at his residence on the island of Caprera. The Italian government is currently preparing for his funeral,” the guard explained respectfully, handing Carlo a telegram.

Carlo took the original telegram and, after reading it carefully, sighed and said, “This is truly bad news. Have Ricciotti and Menotti been notified?”

“Not yet. As soon as I learned the contents of the telegram, I hurried to report to you,” the guard replied.

“Go and inform Ricciotti first, then send a telegram to Lanfang to recall Menotti,” Carlo commanded after a moment’s thought.

“As you command, Your Majesty,” the guard nodded and left to carry out Carlo’s orders.

After the guard departed, Carlo sat in the Royal Palace, gazing toward Rome, his thoughts a mystery.

“Father,” Prince Juan Fernando came forward, looking at Carlo with concern.

“Don’t worry, little Juan. A hero like Garibaldi will surely enter heaven. He will no longer be tormented by illness,” Carlo set aside his complex emotions and looked at his eldest son with a gratified expression.

For Carlo, nothing brought him more joy than seeing his eldest son shaping up so well.

Since beginning the strict, elite noble education designed by Carlo, Juan Fernando had not uttered a single complaint, meticulously completing all the studies Carlo had assigned him.

The teachers Carlo had specially hired for him from all over Europe were also quite pleased with little Juan’s efforts, having praised his diligence to Carlo on multiple occasions.

So far, Prince Juan Fernando’s performance had been very satisfactory to Carlo. Once he completed his studies and underwent some training in political affairs, even if he didn’t grow into a wise and powerful, trailblazing monarch, he would have no problem being a mediocre but capable steward of the throne.

Considering the future trajectory of history, Spain would indeed need a steward monarch after Carlo to consolidate the territories he had established.

If Carlo’s plan to annex Portugal and establish the Iberian Empire could be realized, then the future Spain would need decades to assimilate the entire nation.

Once Portugal and Morocco were swallowed and fully digested, Spain’s potential would be infinitely expanded, and it would truly become a power capable of going head-to-head with the super great powers.

Now that he knew of Garibaldi’s death, Carlo would naturally not remain indifferent. At the very least, he had to send a loyalist to attend the funeral, as Garibaldi had been very supportive of Carlo back then.

Both of his sons had traveled from Italy to Spain to serve Carlo. One was currently the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards, and the other was the regimental commander of the Spanish military advisory group in Lanfang. Both were deeply trusted by Carlo.

Carlo had considered attending Garibaldi’s funeral in person but ultimately decided against it.

Carlo was, after all, the King of Spain, while Garibaldi was an Italian national hero. The two were not directly connected.

Even though Carlo and Garibaldi had a good relationship, it wasn’t to the point where a king would personally condescend to attend a funeral.

Those whose funerals Carlo might personally attend were perhaps only the kings and emperors of other nations. Even the kings of smaller countries were not worthy; only the rulers of great powers had the standing to warrant Carlo’s personal presence.

If Carlo insisted on going, it would only damage the prestige of the Spanish royal family. If a king did not value his own authority, who else would?

Of course, considering that both Ricciotti and Menotti were in his service, it was necessary for Carlo to send someone of sufficient status who could represent him to attend Garibaldi’s funeral.

In fact, for Carlo, there was only one such candidate: the grand steward of the Spanish Royal Palace, Loren.

As the steward of the palace, Loren represented Carlo and the Spanish royal family in external affairs. Attending Garibaldi’s funeral was naturally no problem.

Soon, Ricciotti, the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards, also learned of his father’s death. He immediately came to seek an audience with Carlo, wishing to request leave to return to Italy for his father’s funeral.

Carlo, of course, did not refuse. Not only did he immediately grant Ricciotti’s request, but he also arranged for Ricciotti to travel to Italy with Steward Loren aboard a warship.

To ensure they reached Italy for Garibaldi’s funeral as quickly as possible, Carlo decided to dispatch a warship.

This would not only show the importance Carlo placed on Garibaldi but also take the opportunity to improve the Italian people’s perception of him.

After all, Garibaldi was a widely recognized Italian national hero, one of the three great contributors to Italian unification.

In terms of popular support, Garibaldi even far surpassed the “Father of the Fatherland,” Vittorio Emanuele II.

This was why the Italian royal family was highly wary of Garibaldi. If he had wished, he could have launched a revolution at any time with the support of the people and placed himself on the throne of Italy.

When Ricciotti learned that Carlo intended to send Steward Loren to his father’s funeral, he was deeply grateful to the king.

After all, Garibaldi had made no contribution to Spain, and there was no need for Carlo to attach such importance to him.

In Italy, when King Umberto I learned of Garibaldi’s death, an almost imperceptible smile crossed his lips, followed by a flicker of regret.

Garibaldi’s death was good news for the Italian royal family. The person who posed the greatest threat to the monarchy was dead, and the position of the royal family would become more secure.

But his death was also bad news for Umberto I. Umberto I was a nationalist, and to promote Italy’s military enhancement, he needed Garibaldi’s support.

Previously, during the colonial competition in Tunisia, it was Garibaldi’s strong support that had successfully stirred up public outrage in Italy.

Without the backing of this widely trusted national hero, Italy’s future path of nationalism and militarism would become much more difficult.

Most people wanted to live peaceful and stable lives. For the common person, war brought only pain, and those who went to the battlefield were mostly ordinary people.

Although the Italian royal family had been wary of Garibaldi while he was alive, when Umberto I heard of his death, he did not hesitate for a moment. He immediately decided to hold a state funeral for Garibaldi and allow all of Italy to mourn him.

The Italian government made no effort to conceal the news of the national hero Garibaldi’s death.

This led many Italians to spontaneously travel to Garibaldi’s former residence on the island of Caprera, each commemorating the national hero in their own way.

To maintain order, the Italian government had to send over a hundred police officers to the island of Caprera and persuade the citizens to remain calm.

The Italian government announced that Garibaldi’s funeral would be held in Rome, and the public could go there to pay their respects.

It was only through the government’s repeated announcements that the Italian people’s desire to travel to the island of Caprera to commemorate Garibaldi was assuaged.

For Umberto I, his previous wariness of Garibaldi was no longer important. The priority now was how to make the best use of Garibaldi’s funeral to score some popularity points for the royal family.

The more importance the Italian royal family placed on Garibaldi’s funeral, the more the public’s favor toward them would increase.

For this reason, on the very day Garibaldi’s death was announced, Umberto I ostentatiously proclaimed a donation of five hundred thousand lira for a state funeral and, in accordance with Garibaldi’s final wishes, to have him buried in the family cemetery on the island of Caprera.

Chapter 291: The Death of Prime Minister Primo

It turned out that Umberto I had indeed made a good move regarding Garibaldi’s funeral.

As a national hero renowned throughout Europe and the Americas, the news of Garibaldi’s death shocked all of Europe and also drew the attention of many nations in the Americas.

Due to the distance, the American nations could only have their ambassadors in Rome represent them at Garibaldi’s funeral, to commemorate this famous classical hero of Europe and the Americas.

Nations that were closer all sent their own representatives, with no exceptions for great powers like France and Germany.

It was not common in Europe for a funeral to draw the attention of so many countries. Besides the long-established great nobles and the rulers of various nations, very few people’s funerals could attract such widespread attention.

Thanks to the generous donation from the Italian royal family, Garibaldi’s funeral became even more grand and lavish.

Although Garibaldi’s last wish was to be buried in his family cemetery on the island of Caprera, this did not mean the entire funeral service had to take place there.

In fact, the funeral was held at the Genoa Cathedral. Garibaldi’s body would be kept here for a few days for the public to pay their respects and offer condolences.

On June 3rd, 1882, Italy dispatched naval warships to transport Garibaldi’s body from the island of Caprera to Genoa.

Behind the warships, a spontaneous following of civilian boats, both large and small, formed an exceptionally magnificent funeral flotilla.

Italians spontaneously stopped work and school, rushing to Genoa to pay their respects to the national hero. The Italian government simply announced a nationwide stoppage of work and school, earning another wave of public goodwill.

The funeral proceedings were not much different from those of European noblemen. Garibaldi’s body was carried first past the port of Genoa and the dry dock where he had worked in his youth, before arriving at the Genoa Cathedral.

After lying in state for three days, Garibaldi’s body was immediately transported back to the island of Caprera. Following the funeral service, he was buried in the family cemetery.

Even after the entire series of funeral rites had concluded, many Italians were still unwilling to leave. The island of Caprera, with an area of only sixteen square kilometers, almost instantly became a famous attraction in Italy, with dozens to hundreds of people landing on the island every day to commemorate Garibaldi.

If not for the island’s small size and its relatively small port, the number of Italians coming to Caprera each day would likely have been even greater.

By the time Steward Loren returned to Spain, several days had already passed.

Ricciotti, however, remained in Italy. He planned to spend more time with his mother before returning to Spain.

Originally, Ricciotti had intended to invite his mother and his sister’s family to live in Spain. Being in Spain would allow them to look after one another, and his position as Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards was more than sufficient to support the entire family.

But Ricciotti’s suggestion was quickly rejected by his mother. She and Garibaldi had lived in seclusion on the island for over a decade, and she had no desire to move to Spain.

Moreover, Garibaldi was already buried on the island of Caprera, and she had no intention of leaving her husband.

Ricciotti was helpless. He could only spend as much time as possible with his mother and sister, leaving them a sum of money to secure their livelihoods.

In reality, Garibaldi’s later years were not as difficult as they were in history. Because he had been publishing articles in newspapers for over a decade, he had earned a great deal in royalties over those years.

The royalties Garibaldi received amounted to at least over a million lira, which was no small sum.

This money alone was enough for Ricciotti’s mother and sister to live very well. Ricciotti knew they were not short of money, but he still left a large sum.

This was also a matter of Ricciotti’s guilt and compensation. After taking up his post in Spain, Ricciotti had almost no opportunity to be with his family.

After the one time Ricciotti had seen Garibaldi when Carlo first moved to Spain, Garibaldi never saw his two sons again before he died.

For Carlo, Garibaldi’s funeral was already in the past and no longer important.

Because on the very day Steward Loren returned, former Prime Minister Primo’s doctor reported to Carlo that the Prime Minister was critically ill and could pass away from his illness at any moment.

Although Carlo had long been prepared, he couldn’t help but sigh when he learned of Prime Minister Primo’s critical condition.

In recent years, figures familiar to Carlo had been departing from his life one after another.

Victor Emanuele II was the first, Garibaldi was the second, and now it was Prime Minister Primo’s turn.

Then again, to have lived so many years in an era with such terrible medical conditions was fortunate for them.

Even the youngest among them, Victor Emanuele II, was nearly fifty-eight years old when he died. While not a ripe old age, it couldn’t be considered a premature death either.

Bad news arrived suddenly.

On the third day after the doctor notified Carlo that Prime Minister Primo was critically ill—that is, on June 13th, 1882—Prime Minister Primo stopped breathing.

Upon hearing the news of Prime Minister Primo’s death, Carlo immediately rushed to the hospital where the former prime minister was. The death also alarmed the Spanish government, and most officials from the Cabinet government went to offer their condolences.

Looking at Prime Minister Primo, who had already stopped breathing on the hospital bed, Carlo sighed helplessly once more. He then began discussing the details of Prime Minister Primo’s funeral with Prime Minister Canovas.

As a former Prime Minister of Spain, Primo’s funeral certainly had to be held with great ceremony. Like Garibaldi, Prime Minister Primo was a national hero of Spain, and he was, of course, entitled to the highest level of funeral honors.

Carlo specifically instructed Prime Minister Canovas not to worry about the expense of holding Prime Minister Primo’s funeral.

Carlo planned to donate five hundred thousand pesetas for the funeral expenses; the government only needed to cover the remaining deficit.

Prime Minister Canovas naturally had no objections. For reasons of both sentiment and duty, he had to strongly support a grand funeral for Prime Minister Primo.

More than a decade had passed since Carlo’s ascension to the throne, and in that time Spain had only had three prime ministers.

Grand Duke Serrano, who served as prime minister during the Provisional Cabinet, was a special case; he had served as prime minister merely to transition between Prime Minister Primo and Prime Minister Canovas.

This also meant that the power Prime Minister Canovas held had been inherited from Prime Minister Primo.

Back when Prime Minister Primo was in power, Count Canovas had successively served as Minister of Agriculture and Minister of Industry. At that time, Prime Minister Primo had taught Canovas a great deal.

It was precisely because of Prime Minister Primo’s guidance that Canovas had honed his abilities sufficiently, ultimately allowing him to smoothly take over the premiership and become second only to the king and above all others in Spain.

For Prime Minister Canovas, holding a grand funeral for Prime Minister Primo was also for his own good.

The level of respect Spain showed a former prime minister would set the precedent for how the future Spanish government would treat him after his retirement.

Although Prime Minister Canovas currently enjoyed Carlo’s deep trust, who could guarantee they would remain on the prime minister’s seat forever?

For Prime Minister Canovas, ensuring he would be well-cared for after retirement was just as important as re-election.

Once Carlo and Canovas reached an agreement, the funding for Prime Minister Primo’s funeral was no longer in question.

The funeral would be held to the highest possible standard, and Prime Minister Primo would become the first person to be entombed in the Iberian Cathedral.

The Iberian Cathedral was a church commissioned by Carlo and was under the direct authority of the Archbishop of Spain.

In Carlo’s plan, future coronation ceremonies for Spanish kings, as well as the weddings and funerals of royal family members, would all be held at the Iberian Cathedral. This alone showed the high regard in which Carlo held Prime Minister Primo.

The Iberian Cathedral would be the final resting place for great contributors who had made outstanding contributions to Spain. After Prime Minister Primo, many more would be entombed in the Iberian Cathedral.

Of course, to highlight the achievements of those buried in the cathedral, the total number of people interred would not be very large—at most, only about a hundred.

To plan for the future, during his own reign, Carlo would only select a dozen or so great contributors with outstanding achievements to be buried in the Iberian Cathedral.

This meant that whoever ultimately received this honor would be firmly remembered by history, becoming the most outstanding statesman or general of Spain during Carlo’s reign.

Upon learning that Prime Minister Primo would be buried in the Iberian Cathedral, neither Grand Duke Serrano nor Prime Minister Canovas showed any surprise.

By all rights, Prime Minister Primo was the most qualified person to be buried in the Iberian Cathedral.

It was precisely because Prime Minister Primo passed away first that the order of interment in the Iberian Cathedral became reasonable.

Throughout Spain’s political and military spheres, there was no one whose contributions could compare to Prime Minister Primo’s.

The reforms pushed by Prime Minister Primo deserve the highest credit for Spain’s ability to achieve its revival. This also placed his contributions far above those of Grand Duke Serrano, making him truly the foremost among Spain’s civil and military figures.

According to the Spanish government’s plan, Prime Minister Primo’s funeral would be held on June 17th, 1882.

This left three days to notify various countries. Prime Minister Primo was, after all, a former prime minister of Spain, and nations with diplomatic ties to Spain would certainly be expected to send representatives to attend his funeral.

These three days were also for Spain to prepare for the funeral. The scale of Prime Minister Primo’s funeral was destined to be enormous. Without sufficient time for preparation, it would become a joke if the funeral were to be anticlimactic.

Whether out of respect for Prime Minister Primo or to uphold national prestige, no problems would be tolerated in any part of the funeral, and public order during the ceremony would be strictly controlled.

When Spain announced the news of Prime Minister Primo’s death to the world, the Spanish government immediately received telegrams in reply from various European countries.

Although both were national heroes, there was a difference between Prime Minister Primo and Garibaldi. Garibaldi enjoyed immense prestige in Europe and the Americas, which was why those American nations had proactively sent representatives to his funeral.

Prime Minister Primo’s contributions, on the other hand, were almost entirely dedicated to Spain, which meant his international renown was not as high as Garibaldi’s.

However, Prime Minister Primo was, after all, the statesman who drove Spain’s reforms, so the European great powers would naturally not be absent from his funeral.

On the same day Spain announced Prime Minister Primo’s death, Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire sent telegrams to the Spanish government, stating they would dispatch envoys to attend the funeral.

Over the following three days, virtually all European nations pledged to attend Prime Minister Primo’s funeral.

At this time, Spain had, after all, returned to its position as a great power, and ordinary countries truly did not dare to ignore its major actions.

Even great powers like Britain, France, and Germany would normally have to show Spain some respect. After all, they were all European nations, and there was no need to have a falling out when no conflict of interest was at stake.

Within Spain, when the Spanish people learned of Prime Minister Primo’s death, their reaction was no less intense than that of the Italian people.

Many Spaniards spontaneously took to the streets, commemorating Prime Minister Primo in various ways.

It had only been ten years since Prime Minister Primo’s reforms, and most Spaniards knew what Spain was like a decade ago.

It could be said that it was Prime Minister Primo’s reforms that brought Spain the hope of returning to the ranks of the great powers. Without the foundation of national strength laid by those reforms, Spain would not have been able to reclaim its status as a great power through two Five-Year Plans.

For such an exceptionally accomplished prime minister, the Spanish people felt nothing but gratitude and remembrance.

Many Spaniards, as if by one accord, offered their best wishes to Prime Minister Primo, hoping he would enter paradise.

Three days later, Prime Minister Primo’s funeral officially began.

Carlo attended Prime Minister Primo’s funeral and gave a short speech at the site, recounting Primo’s accomplishments and praising him as Spain’s most outstanding statesman and the greatest hero of Spain’s revival.

After a series of complex funeral rites, Prime Minister Primo was transported to the Iberian Cathedral under the reluctant gazes of the public. He would be eternally entombed in the Iberian Cathedral, to be remembered and honored by every Spaniard who visited.

Prime Minister Primo had already been ennobled as a Duke by Carlo, so there was no need to bestow another noble title.

To recognize Prime Minister Primo’s contributions to Spain, Carlo decided to donate one million pesetas to his family and to resolve any of their future concerns.

His children would be specially cultivated by the royal family and, if all went well, could also enter politics in the future.

Prime Minister Primo’s wife would also receive a stipend from the government every year, ensuring their entire family could enjoy an affluent life.

Chapter 292: The Expansion of the Automobile Industry

Several days after Prime Minister Primo’s funeral, Carlo finally composed himself and refocused his energy on Spain’s affairs of state and the development of the royal family’s assets.

First, let’s discuss the development of the automobile.

Since the successful Automobile Exposition at the end of last December, the Spanish Royal Benz Automobile Company had become a household name throughout Europe.

Through reports in various countries’ newspapers, a significant portion of the European populace learned that Spain had invented a mode of transport more efficient than the horse-drawn carriage, and that this vehicle was rapidly being introduced across Europe.

Benz, not one to miss such a lucrative opportunity, had already begun planning the construction of branch factories at the beginning of the year.

Considering the complex situation in Europe, Benz, after consulting with Carlo, changed the original plan of building a few branch factories to building one in each of the great powers.

First was the issue of transport. Shipping cars internationally involved expensive tariffs, and relations between certain countries were not always amicable, adding further difficulties to cross-border sales.

Second was the issue of production volume. Judging by the current sales rate, the European automobile market was still vast.

Only by building more branch factories could they keep up with the pace of sales, and only by selling more cars could the car factory earn more money.

In January, the Royal Benz Automobile Company’s first branch factory was established in Italy.

Thanks to the excellent relations between Spain and Italy, Benz chose Italy as the Automobile Company’s first partner.

Subsequently, the company’s branch factories in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the German Empire, and France were established one after another, with production lines being rapidly assembled.

The only European great power without a car branch factory was the Russian Empire. This was because Spain and Russia had a trade agreement, resulting in relatively low tariffs between the two nations.

Furthermore, since the Spanish car market would eventually have a ceiling, Benz decided that the head office in Spain would develop the Russian market.

Although Russia had the largest population in Europe, the only people who could truly afford cars were the nobility and a small number of capitalists.

This was why Benz was confident he could tap into the Russian market on his own—the number of people in Russia who could afford a car was limited.

By April of this year, the earliest established branch factories in Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire had already assembled their production lines and begun to churn out brand-new automobiles.

By June, the same month that Garibaldi and Prime Minister Primo passed away, all branch factory production lines had been completed and were continuously producing cars every day.

Although different branch factories had varying levels of foreign capital involvement, the Royal Benz Automobile Company’s fifty percent stake remained constant.

The cost of producing a car at these newly established factories was slightly higher, and labor costs varied from country to country.

However, it was certain that in places other than Spain and Russia, for every car sold, the Royal Benz Automobile Company would earn a net income of at least 1,000 pesetas.

So, the question was, how were car sales in the various European countries?

Because the factories were established at different times, car sales varied from country to country.

The British branch, which was established later, was still in the process of stockpiling and had only sold a small number of cars to British noblemen and capitalists.

In contrast, the Italian branch, established earlier, had already been selling cars for over a month.

It is worth mentioning that due to the relationship between the Spanish and Italian royal families, the Italian royal family chose to invest in the branch factory, becoming the largest shareholder of the Italian Mercedes-Benz branch.

Events proved that Umberto I had indeed made the right choice.

Car sales in Italy had been underway for a month and a half, with over one thousand cars sold so far, averaging more than twenty-two vehicles per day.

The Italian branch factory was located in Northern Italy, the country’s most prosperous industrial region. Because of this industrial prosperity, the per capita income in Northern Italy was higher than in Southern Italy.

Consequently, the wages for employees hired by the branch factory were also higher, naturally increasing labor costs.

Based on the actual situation at the Italian branch, the cost to produce one car was approximately 13,800 pesetas.

This was 1,200 pesetas higher than the cost at the main factory in Spain, resulting in nearly half the profit.

Because of this, the selling price of cars in Italy was higher than in Spain. Given the production cost of 13,800 pesetas, the final retail price of an Italian car was as high as 17,000 pesetas, a full 2,000 pesetas more than in Spain.

However, it was clear that the 2,000-peseta price increase had little impact on sales in Italy.

The automobile was not a mode of transport that ordinary people could afford in the first place. For noblemen and capitalists, the extra 2,000 pesetas was of little consequence.

Long before the Italian branch factory was built, Carlo had gifted the Italian royal family ten cars as a gesture of friendship.

After personally experiencing the convenience and comfort of the automobile, Umberto I fell in love with this new mode of transport.

He chose to travel by car for every outing, which was ultimately why he decided to partner with Spain to build the branch factory—because Umberto I had genuinely experienced the convenience that cars brought.

It was precisely because of Umberto I’s personal endorsement that this novel vehicle became fashionable among the Italian nobility.

While the nobility wouldn’t necessarily use cars to flaunt their wealth or engage in competitive comparisons, any nobleman who didn’t even own a car would inevitably be looked upon differently by others.

In the first month of sales, these noblemen contributed to more than half of the total sales volume.

Of the over one thousand cars sold in Italy to date, at least seven hundred were purchased by the nobility.

When noblemen bought cars, they didn’t just buy one or two; they purchased at least three or four, or even more than ten at a time.

Most noblemen had large families and vast estates, with numerous family members as well as loyalists and attendants.

A few cars would be completely insufficient when needed. For the nobility, they didn’t mind stockpiling a few extra cars.

Based on the production cost and final selling price at the Italian branch, each car sold generated a net income of 3,200 pesetas.

Of course, since it was an Italian branch, transactions were settled in Italy’s official currency, the lira.

However, the exchange rate between the lira and the peseta was not significantly different; one pound could be exchanged for twenty-five lira or twenty-six pesetas.

The Italian branch sold over a thousand cars in total, earning a net profit of 3.1 million lira.

According to their share agreement, the Spanish Royal Benz Automobile Company would receive half of that, which was 1.55 million lira, or approximately 1.61 million pesetas.

Judging by the current sales trend in Italy, the Italian branch alone could provide the Royal Benz Automobile Company with a net income of tens of millions of pesetas annually.

And this was with the car’s popularity still being relatively low. Once the automobile market expanded to a certain scale, the factory’s income would continue to grow steadily.

For Umberto I, who had invested in the branch factory, this investment was a massive success.

The construction of the branch factory had only cost a few million lira, and nearly half of that had already been recouped in just a month and a half.

Such a high-return investment was extremely successful, and the car factory was poised to become a cash cow for the Italian royal family, providing them with a substantial income each year.

More importantly, the car factory also spurred the development of other Italian industries.

Establishing the branch involved more than just a single car factory; it also included machinery manufacturing, the rubber industry, the petroleum industry, and the chemical industry.

Of course, the steel required to produce cars also accelerated the development of Italy’s heavy industry. For Italy, this small car factory drove growth across many sectors.

Although the stimulus was limited, as long as car sales did not experience a drastic drop, this promotion of other industries would persist.

In the long run, Italy’s industry would see effective improvement. For Umberto I, this was the best possible deal—making money while promoting national development.

The growth in other industries spurred by the automobile sector was also why Benz had reserved the Russian market for his own development.

Besides cultivating their domestic markets, these branch factories would also penetrate the markets of neighboring non-great powers.

Countries like the Netherlands and Belgium, while not powerful in terms of overall national strength, had relatively robust industries and economies.

A considerable number of cars could be sold in these countries, which meant real cash income.

It was foreseeable that the British, French, and German car branches would engage in fierce competition in the Low Countries.

Although the Netherlands and Belgium were not particularly large individually, together they represented a population of nearly ten million people.

This was by no means a small market. Car sales in the Low Countries could easily reach tens of thousands of units, which translated to a net income of millions of pounds.

Millions of pounds might not sound like much, but it was enough to build two ironclads.

Two ironclads were a significant temptation for Britain, France, or Germany, meaning that future competition for the Low Countries market was destined to be intense.

Similar competition would arise for the markets in Denmark, the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway, and Romania.

These small countries could contribute sales of at least a thousand cars each, which was a tangible achievement for any branch factory.

The good news was that since Spain was Portugal’s only land neighbor, the Portuguese car market had virtually no competitors for Spain.

The only potential competitor was the British car branch, as relations between Portugal and Britain were quite good at the time.

This was also why the British branch factory was the last to be established. To prevent the British from seizing the market after their factory was built, Carlo had ordered the development of the Portuguese car market as early as the beginning of the year.

Fortunately, the development of the Portuguese market was very successful.

Thanks to the railway connecting the two countries, Spain transported over a thousand cars to Portugal, which sold out after several months.

As in Italy, cars became fashionable among the Portuguese nobility. Owning a car was not something to boast about, but a Portuguese nobleman who didn’t own one would surely be mocked within their circles.

Furthermore, cars were indeed faster and more comfortable than horse-drawn carriages. This led to their quick acceptance by the European nobility, and they rapidly replaced carriages as the most popular mode of transport.

With the Spanish, Portuguese, and Russian markets under its control, and being the birthplace of the automobile, Spain’s main car factory was in a league of its own, far ahead of the other branch factories in terms of sales.

By late June 1882, the Spanish main factory had sold over five thousand cars, with total sales revenue exceeding sixty million pesetas and a net profit of fifteen million pesetas.

If not for production limitations, the number of cars sold would have been even higher.

These sales figures showed that the Royal Benz Automobile Company had officially become a cash cow for the Spanish royal family, with its profit-generating speed being no less than that of the Royal Joint Bank or the National Bank.

After more than a decade of development, the Royal Bank now earned the royal family an income of only a few tens of millions of pesetas per year.

And that was due to investments in a large number of enterprises. The income generated by the bank itself was less than what the Royal Benz Automobile Company made, as Spain’s own financial market was limited.

This limited financial market was dominated not only by the behemoth that was the Royal Joint Bank, but also by the National Bank, second only to it.

The two large official banks monopolized Spain’s banking industry, leaving other private banks to pick up the scraps.

Of the fifteen million pesetas in profit earned by the Royal Benz Automobile Company, five million was reinvested into research and development for the automobile industry.

The remaining ten million pesetas was transferred to the Royal Joint Bank for investment.

As global car ownership increased, the prices of rubber and petroleum would continue to rise.

Even before the automobile was released for sale, the Royal Joint Bank had made certain investments in the rubber and petroleum industries, precisely to seize the initiative and make a fortune in these sectors.

Speaking of oil fields, it reminded Carlo of the privilege to colonize Oman that he had acquired during the Colonial Exchange with Britain.

As one of the countries in the Middle East, the land of Oman certainly contained oil fields.

The bad news, however, was that if oil were discovered in the Oman region, it would likely attract intense scrutiny from the British. If the British discovered vast oil fields in the Middle East, it would not be easy for Spain to hold on to Oman.

For this reason, even though Spain had Britain’s permission to wage a colonial war against Oman, Carlo had no such plans.

Conquering Oman was necessary, but even after conquering it, Carlo would not conduct large-scale oil prospecting there.

In any case, the price of petroleum was not expensive at present, and demand was not particularly high. Spain could simply prospect for smaller oil fields in its existing colonies or import petroleum from other European countries; either way, the cost was not exorbitant.

Only when Spain possessed sufficient military strength to ensure it could defend Oman even against British intervention would Carlo consider prospecting and extracting Oman’s oil.

Before then, if opportunities to expand into Middle Eastern lands arose, Carlo would take certain actions.

Before the discovery of oil in the Middle East, and before the price of petroleum rose, this land of deserts was actually of little value.

The economic value of the entire Middle Eastern peninsula south of the Mesopotamian Plain was less than that of Cuba.

This was no exaggeration. The land was entirely desert, with its development potential being virtually zero.

It was only the land’s strategically important location that piqued British interest.

However, the British had not penetrated deep into the Middle Eastern peninsula. Their main areas of development were along the coast, concentrated in the south of the peninsula and along the Persian Gulf.

It was easy to understand why the British chose to colonize these two locations.

The southern part of the Middle Eastern peninsula faced the African continent across the sea, which was also the outlet of the Red Sea.

By controlling both sides of the Red Sea outlet, the British could form a second line of defense. Even if European nations entered the Red Sea from the Mediterranean through the Suez Canal, they could be blockaded by Britain at the sea’s outlet.

To the north of the Persian Gulf coast lay Persia, a key area where the British sought to prevent Russian expansion southward.

The reason the British chose to colonize these two areas was not for their economic value, but purely for their geographical location and strategic importance.

Chapter 293: The Establishment of the West African Colony

While the Royal Benz Automobile Company was entering the Portuguese market, Portugal was also carrying out its own colonial activities.

As mentioned before, according to an agreement between the Spanish and Portuguese governments, the two sides had reached a preliminary accord for a colonial exchange in Africa.

As long as Portugal could conquer the southern region of the Congo with Spain’s help, Portugal was willing to give up all its West African colonies, with the exception of Cape Verde.

A year and a half had passed since this agreement was made. The Portuguese, after careful preparation, launched a massive colonial campaign against the various native states in the southern Congo.

In the southern Congo, there were nearly ten native states of varying sizes. Among the more powerful were the Kingdom of Luanda, the Kingdom of Buonda, the Kingdom of Barotseland, and the Kingdom of Mwata Kazembe.

After meticulous planning, the Portuguese government chose the Kingdom of Luanda as the first country for its colonial invasion.

The reason the Portuguese chose it as their first target was simple: it was located in the northern part of the Congo Basin, which would conveniently separate it from Spain’s Congo Territory.

Clearly, the Portuguese government was worried that Spain would not keep its word, fearing that the Spanish government would forcibly take over the lands Portugal colonized after its invasion.

It was a painstaking effort to develop one’s own land, but seizing another country’s colonies was far less troublesome.

They could simply occupy it with their army. Given the significant power disparity between the two nations, even if Spain occupied Portugal’s colonies, the Portuguese government would most likely not dare to say a thing.

This once again proved the old adage: “The weak have no diplomacy, and the small have no sovereignty.”

Although the Kingdom of Luanda was a relatively powerful native state in the southern Congo, to Portugal, this so-called ‘state’ seemed rather laughable.

Unlike the Ashanti Federation, which had long troubled the British, the native states and powers here, being located deep within the Congo Basin on the African continent, had not been exposed to advanced technology. They were still in a most primitive and backward era.

Portugal’s steel guns and cannons completely overwhelmed these natives, who were utterly powerless to resist the colonial invasion.

Portugal mobilized an army of about five thousand men, marching eastward from its West African colonies in a grand procession. It took them nearly three months to completely occupy the Kingdom of Luanda.

Why three months? The answer lies in the geography of the Kingdom of Luanda.

Because this land was on the edge of the Congo Basin, it was covered in dense primeval forest, filled with all sorts of unimaginable dangers, treacherous terrain, and disease.

It took the Portuguese army less than a week to capture the major tribes of the Kingdom of Luanda; the rest of the time was spent traversing the primeval forest and searching for native trails.

If not for traitors among the Congolese in the West African colony, some of whom guided the Portuguese army, they probably wouldn’t have even been able to cross the primeval forest.

In any case, the Portuguese army did indeed completely occupy the Kingdom of Luanda and incorporated it into its West African colony.

After conquering the Kingdom of Luanda, the shortest distance between Portugal’s West African and Mozambican colonies was now less than 600 kilometers.

This thrilled the Portuguese, who confidently believed that the time for the unification of the two colonies had arrived. Portugal was on the verge of establishing another super-colony, second only to Brazil.

The Portuguese government was even discussing a name for this massive colony. King Luís of Portugal intended to name this vast colony Portuguese Africa and, like Carlo, widely publicize his contributions before its establishment.

Carlo had thoroughly secured his throne with the Congo Territory, something King Luís, also a monarch, deeply envied.

The prestige gained from developing the Congo Territory alone was enough to ensure the continuation of the House of Savoy’s rule in Spain.

Portugal’s political situation was currently chaotic, and Luís had similar ambitions. He too wanted to stabilize Portugal’s political landscape and ensure a smooth succession of the throne to his son.

However, before Portugal could continue its colonial campaign, there was a promise to fulfill: the colonial exchange with Spain.

When the colonial exchange agreement was reached with Spain, both sides had stipulated that once Portugal completely occupied any native state or territory in the southern Congo, it must transfer all its West African colonies, except Cape Verde, to Spain.

Only then would Spain permit Portugal to continue its colonization of the southern Congo.

Spain was not afraid of Portugal going back on its word. If the Portuguese government dared to tear up the previous agreement, Spain could at any moment launch a war to reclaim the lands in the southern Congo, and could even forcibly occupy Portugal’s colonies in West Africa.

Although the colonial exchange agreement between the two countries was signed in secret, there were documents and evidence bearing the signatures of officials from both nations at the time.

If Portugal, a small country, dared to break the treaty, it would be handing the Spanish government a pretext for war.

The Portuguese government naturally understood this and had no intention of breaking the agreement.

First, the Portuguese government lacked the power to break the agreement; forcibly tearing it up would only cause their preparations to fall short at the last moment.

Second, this colonial exchange was not a loss for Portugal. If they could acquire a single, consolidated super-colony, the rewards would far exceed those from their several small colonies in West Africa.

Although Portugal had numerous colonies in West Africa, they all shared a common characteristic: they were small in area and sparsely populated.

The largest was the Portuguese Guinea colony, with an area of just over thirty thousand square kilometers and a pitiful population of less than one hundred thousand.

The economic value these colonies could provide to the Portuguese government was extremely limited, far less than the gains that would come from unifying their East and West African colonies.

Portugal’s only fear was whether Spain would tear up the treaty, taking both Portugal’s West African colonies and the southern Congo territory it had just occupied.

However, they lacked the courage to refuse the transfer of the colonies and could only try to delay the transition of sovereignty.

In response to the Portuguese government’s proposal to transfer the colonies sequentially, the Spanish government did not refuse.

Portugal’s colonies were scattered along the West African coast, and receiving them all at once would indeed be troublesome. Spain was also aware of the Portuguese government’s concerns, and since Carlo had no intention of tearing up the treaty, he didn’t mind waiting a little longer to receive the colonies.

Of course, just as the Portuguese government had the right to propose conditions, so too did the Spanish government.

After the Portuguese government proposed transferring its West African colonies sequentially, the Spanish government made a new demand: the Portuguese Guinea colony must be the first one transferred.

The Guinea colony was Portugal’s largest in West Africa, and more importantly, this land was contiguous with Spain’s Gambia colony.

The sooner they acquired the Guinea colony, the sooner the two colonies could be unified, accelerating the agricultural development plan for the Gambia colony.

The Gambia colony originally had an area of just over thirty thousand square kilometers, limiting the scale of agricultural development.

But if it were unified with Portugal’s Guinea colony, the total area of the two would be nearly seventy thousand square kilometers, which was by no means a small area.

Of course, the Ziguinchor colony, which was adjacent to the Guinea colony, also had to be transferred to Spain at the same time.

As for the remaining Ouidah colony and the São Tomé and Príncipe colony, their transfer of sovereignty could be delayed for a period, as the Portuguese government had proposed.

These two remaining colonies were small, and the timing of their transfer would have little impact on Spain.

Faced with Spain’s demands, the Portuguese government had no reason to refuse. Under these circumstances, the two governments quickly began the process of transferring colonial sovereignty.

In July 1882, the Spanish government formally acquired the Portuguese Ziguinchor and Portuguese Guinea colonies and immediately announced their unification with the Gambia colony to establish the Spanish West African Colony.

Among the Spanish officials, the happiest was probably Harrison, the former Governor-General of the Gambia colony.

The Gambia colony had already been in the spotlight due to Spain’s West African development plan. After its unification with the two Portuguese colonies to form the West African Colony, the new colony became a key focus of Spain’s development efforts.

As the former Governor-General of the Gambia colony, Harrison naturally and logically became the Governor-General of the new West African Colony.

Judging by the importance the Spanish government placed on it, the West African Colony was arguably the third-largest colony, second only to the Congo and Philippine colonies. The position of Governor-General was therefore quite prestigious.

It’s worth noting that the name ‘West African Colony’ was not chosen randomly. In the future, Spain’s Sierra Leone colony and Gold Coast colony could potentially be unified with the West African Colony, with the latter naturally being the core entity.

As Governor-General of the West African Colony, Harrison had the potential to become a figure comparable to the Governor-General of the Congo Territory.

After serving for a few years as the Governor-General of the West African Colony, Harrison had a high chance of being transferred back to Spain to serve as Minister of Colonial Affairs or Minister of Agriculture.

After all, his main tasks in the West African Colony were colonization and agricultural work, which directly corresponded to the roles of the Minister of Colonial Affairs and the Minister of Agriculture.

After taking over the Guinea and Ziguinchor colonies from Portugal, the Spanish government increased its support for Portugal’s colonization of the southern Congo.

For Carlo, the sooner the Portuguese government occupied the southern Congo, the sooner the British would intervene in their colonial efforts.

Once the British chose to intervene, shattering the dream of a grand African colony that the entire Portuguese nation so eagerly anticipated, a rift would naturally form in the relationship between Portugal and Britain.

While it might not be enough to cause a complete break, it would severely damage the relationship between the two countries, making it more likely for Portugal to lean towards Spain.

Despite the widespread anticipation in Portugal, from King Luís down to every government official and many citizens, for the unification of their East and West African colonies, Carlo knew quite well that there was no possibility of Portugal unifying these two colonies.

Unless the British lost Egypt or the Cape Colony, Portugal’s colonial plan was in direct conflict with Britain’s.

For Portugal at this moment, the greater the expectation, the greater the disappointment would be when their hopes were crushed by the British.

They would not only fly into a rage at the British for destroying their dream but would also become disillusioned with their own weak Portuguese government and royal family.

Disappointed with their government and royal family, the Portuguese people would inevitably compare themselves to their neighbor, Spain. This was where Carlo’s display of strength would pay off.

The conflict between Italy and France over the Tunisian colony alone was enough to show the Portuguese the difference in diplomatic stances between Spain and Portugal.

Spain’s support was indispensable for Italy to snatch two pieces of land from France’s grasp.

In contrast to the Portuguese government’s act of abandoning a colony under British pressure, Spain’s fearlessness in the face of great powers seemed all the more valuable.

With the addition of some media propaganda, it was hard to say how the situation in Portugal would develop.

As long as he could steer Portuguese public opinion towards hostility against Britain, the scheme would be worthwhile for Carlo.

It would be even better if the Portuguese people could become completely disillusioned with their government and royal family, leading them to overthrow them in a revolution and select a new monarch, just as Spain had done.

If Carlo could not become the king of Portugal through royal selection, he would have no choice but to rely on war or other means to forcibly annex the country.

However, this was ultimately a worst-case scenario. As long as Portugal could be annexed peacefully, Carlo would absolutely not consider using force.

After all, a forceful annexation would only damage relations between the Portuguese and the Spanish, thereby making it more difficult to assimilate the Portuguese people.

After annexing the Kingdom of Luanda, Portugal did not choose the Kingdom of Mwata Kazembe, which connected Luanda with the Mozambique colony, but instead chose the Kingdom of Buonda, south of Luanda.

Although conquering the Kingdom of Mwata Kazembe would directly link Portugal’s West African and Mozambican colonies, such a connection would not be secure.

The Kingdom of Mwata Kazembe was located in the eastern part of the entire Congo region, surrounded not only by Portugal’s Mozambique colony but also by many other native states and powers of various sizes.

Occupying it would indeed allow Portugal to forcibly link its East and West African colonies, but it would also cause several neighboring native states to unite against Portugal’s colonial actions.

Portugal was not like Spain. Spain had a population of over twenty million and could raise an army of over one million from its homeland alone.

This gave Spain the confidence to confront other great powers, or at least not be so afraid of breaking ties with them.

But Portugal was different. Its homeland population still hadn’t exceeded five million, and the limit of its military mobilization was around two hundred to three hundred thousand men.

More importantly, Portugal’s colonies were not densely populated either. The combined population of its West African and Mozambican colonies was less than that of Portugal’s homeland.

This meant Portugal couldn’t form large-scale colonial armies like Spain, and the local Congolese and Mozambicans were not as subservient to Portuguese rule.

If Portugal were to blindly form large colonial armies, it would only incite mutiny among these native troops, making Portugal’s colonies even more perilous.

Since they couldn’t heavily utilize native manpower, Portugal had to rely on armies formed by their own people to conquer territory.

But Portugal’s homeland population was small, creating a vicious cycle. Although these natives didn’t pose a major threat to Portugal’s colonial plans, if the surrounding native powers united, Portugal would surely suffer considerable casualties to conquer these lands.

For a country with a population of less than five million, avoidable casualties must be avoided; in some cases, this was more important than expanding territory.

The army Portugal could mobilize was limited. If they were to lose tens of thousands of soldiers colonizing the southern Congo, how would they defend their homeland from the covetous eyes of the great powers?

Although Portugal and Spain had achieved their respective goals through the colonial exchange, this did not mean the relationship between the two Iberian neighbors had become friendly and harmonious.

The idea of re-annexing Portugal had never faded in Spain, and Portugal was constantly on guard against its powerful neighbor’s ambitions.

For Portugal now, the question of how to conquer the southern Congo without losing too much manpower was a matter for careful consideration.

Any military action that could potentially cause heavy losses had to be avoided as much as possible. After all, there are no permanent good relations between nations, and one’s own military strength is paramount.

For all these reasons, Portugal ultimately abandoned its plan to colonize the Kingdom of Mwata Kazembe and chose the Kingdom of Buonda, which was closer to its West African colony.

When Carlo learned that the Portuguese had chosen the Kingdom of Buonda for their colonial plan, he shook his head with some regret.

If the Portuguese had chosen to conquer the Kingdom of Mwata Kazembe to link their two colonies, the British would certainly have intervened forcefully soon after.

But since the Portuguese chose the Kingdom of Buonda, even if it caught the attention of the British government, they would not necessarily intervene forcefully at this time.

After all, there was still a large swathe of uncolonized land between the Kingdom of Buonda and the Mozambique colony.

Before Portugal’s colonial plan came into direct conflict with Britain’s, the British would not forcibly intervene in Portugal’s colonization.

After all, such an action, detrimental to a nation’s interests, would inadvertently push Portugal towards Spain.

If the Portuguese government tilted towards the Spanish government as a result and formed an Iberian Union, that would be no laughing matter.

Chapter 294: Colonizing Oman

After the Portuguese government transferred sovereignty over the colonies of Guinea and Ziguinchor to Spain, they poured all their energy into the plan to colonize the Kingdom of Buonda.

As for Spain, aside from continuing to advance the domestic Five-Year Development Plan, all remaining energy was devoted to the West Africa Colony Development Plan.

Speaking of Spain’s Five-Year Development Plan, it had currently reached the midway point of the Third Five-Year Development Plan.

Because a Provisional Cabinet was formed after Prime Minister Primo’s assassination, there was now a slight misalignment between the term of office of the Spanish Cabinet government and the timeline of the Five-Year Plan.

However, this was not a major issue. After all, besides the Prime Minister, Carlo was also a primary driver of the plan.

Regardless of whether Spain’s Prime Minister changed, the Spanish government would always push the Five-Year Plan forward.

On August 18, 1882, Carlo summoned the newly appointed Prime Minister, Canovas, to the Royal Palace in Madrid, congratulating him on his successful re-election as the Prime Minister of the fourth Cabinet government of Spain’s House of Savoy.

Prime Minister Canovas certainly understood why he had been able to rise above so many other Spanish officials. Loyalty to the royal family was his foremost duty.

Prime Minister Canovas once again expressed his reverence for Carlo, stating that the Spanish government, under the leadership of the royal family, would deepen its promotion of the Five-Year Development Plan, prioritize the West Africa Colony Development Plan, and realize the goal proposed by Carlo to “Make Spain Great Again.”

The meeting between the two was not long. After all, with neither the king nor the Prime Minister having changed, the various policies of the Cabinet government would not deviate significantly.

It is worth mentioning that because Grand Duke Serrano had chosen to retire, the position of Minister of State, also the Deputy Prime Minister, had a new appointee.

Carlo did not choose the Deputy Prime Minister from the Conservative Party, but instead selected Ewald, the former Minister of Finance who had joined the Progressive Party during Prime Minister Primo’s tenure.

Ewald Bartel had served Spain with great distinction. As early as the first Cabinet government, he held the post of Minister of Finance and made immense contributions to Spain’s economic development.

At the time, he and Ruiz were known as Prime Minister Primo’s right and left hands. These three were the titans of the Progressive Party, the reason it stood as Spain’s largest political party.

Unfortunately, after Prime Minister Primo’s assassination, Ruiz chose a path of betrayal against the royal family. In the end, not only did his efforts fall short, but he himself was executed.

Ewald was not implicated, but with Grand Duke Serrano becoming Prime Minister and Count Canovas appointed as Deputy Prime Minister, the Progressive Party’s control over the Spanish political scene was completely dismantled.

If Carlo had not appointed him Deputy Prime Minister, it would have been difficult for Ewald to continue serving as a cabinet minister.

This was because Prime Minister Canovas now wielded enough influence to replace officials in these positions with Conservative Party members, thereby securing his control over the government.

Considering that Spain could not be dominated by a single party, Carlo ultimately chose to make Ewald, currently the most influential figure in the Progressive Party, the Deputy Prime Minister to serve as a check on the Prime Minister.

Of course, this was not a matter of distrusting Prime Minister Canovas. It was simply that, from a perspective of checks and balances, Spain needed a Deputy Prime Minister from another party for political equilibrium.

Carlo envisioned a Spanish government that operated on a rotating three-party system. The current Liberal Party was also undergoing constant change. Carlo specifically instructed Prime Minister Canovas to retain Gerard in his post as Minister of Education, a move intended to protect the Liberal Party and prevent Spain’s third-largest party from being reduced to a minor, fringe party.

While Spain was vigorously developing its domestic industry and economy, the international situation was not so peaceful.

Jules Ferry, the French Premier who had previously provoked the Tunisian War, ultimately lost his premiership because France had spent vast sums of money without occupying the entirety of Tunisia.

However, he did not abandon his political platform because of this. Instead, he vigorously publicized the benefits that colonial expansion brought to France.

With all European nations engaged in colonial activities, France was also ceaselessly searching for its own colonial targets across the globe.

Besides possessing vast colonies in Africa, France also had sizable colonies in Asia.

Because Britain occupied all of India, France could only seek opportunities in the more distant regions of East Asia and Southeast Asia, eventually establishing colonies in places like Vietnam and Cambodia.

But the scale of the French colonies was not that large, and local countries, including Vietnam, continued to resist French colonial rule relentlessly.

Back when Jules Ferry was still the Premier of France, he had passed a military budget of 2.4 million francs, money specifically designated for the conquest of the Vietnam region.

Even though Ferry was no longer Premier, France’s colonization of Vietnam never ceased; in fact, related colonial operations grew increasingly aggressive.

As 1882 drew to a close, Jules Ferry, in his bid to be re-elected as Premier, loudly propagated his theory of colonial expansion in major French cities, declaring that if he could become Premier again, he would expand France’s colonies by at least several hundred thousand square kilometers.

In truth, based on his performance in the Tunisian War, it would have been difficult for him to become Premier of France again.

The problem, however, was that everything is relative. The situation in France during this period was anything but calm. France had changed its premier multiple times in just a few short years; at its most frequent, there were three different premiers in just over a year.

This made it difficult for the French government’s decrees to be implemented in the regions. Even if decrees reached the regions, before they could be properly executed, the French Cabinet at the top would issue new ones.

In such a chaotic political landscape, Ferry’s strong advocacy for external colonial expansion to mitigate the effects of internal political turmoil did indeed win him a degree of support.

Time moved to 1883, and changes in the French political scene presented Ferry with an opportunity.

Jérôme Napoléon Bonaparte, the famed nephew of the French Emperor Napoleon and eldest son of the former King of Westphalia, declared his intention to become the king of France, causing quite a commotion.

As Napoleon’s direct nephew, Jérôme Napoléon Bonaparte’s claim to the French throne attracted the attention of a portion of the royalist faction, which did, after all, include a Bonapartist wing.

The reason Napoleon III was able to establish his autocratic rule and rebuild the French Empire was in large part due to the significant efforts of the royalists, particularly the Bonapartist faction.

The French government could not afford to remain indifferent to Jérôme Napoléon Bonaparte’s claim.

France’s domestic royalist factions were powerful. However, because too many royal families had once ruled France, the country’s royalists were split into the Legitimists, the Orléanists, and the Bonapartists. The so-called Legitimists were the faction that supported the House of Bourbon.

Since indifference was not an option, the French government had to make a choice. It could either tacitly accept Jérôme Napoléon Bonaparte’s claim, which could very well lead to a repeat of Napoleon III’s autocratic rule and potentially turn France back into a monarchy.

Or, before any of that could happen, it could push through an expulsion bill to forcibly exile Jérôme Napoléon Bonaparte and stabilize France’s fragile republic.

Under normal circumstances, it would be easy for a French Premier to pass an expulsion bill. The Premier was, after all, the head of government elected by parliament, so why would parliament oppose the Premier’s proposal?

The problem was that the current French Premier, Armand Fallières, was gravely ill, and his position was only temporary.

This led to the expulsion bill proposed by the French government to the Senate being flatly rejected by its opponents. The ailing Premier Armand Fallières understood that the situation was beyond his control and thus decisively announced his resignation after the Senate rejected his bill.

With Premier Armand Fallières’ resignation, a golden opportunity immediately fell into Jules Ferry’s lap.

He won the election and successfully ascended to the position of French Premier once more.

Upon becoming Premier again, Jules Ferry did not hesitate for a moment. He immediately escalated France’s colonial invasion of the Vietnam region and declared his willingness to deploy more troops to conquer Vietnam.

France’s designs on Vietnam had been decades in the making, during which time there had been countless skirmishes between French and Vietnamese forces.

This time, the French were clearly much better prepared for the attack on Vietnam. The military appropriation alone amounted to over ten million francs, and they even dispatched two warships from their European fleet to Southeast Asia, a testament to the importance the French government placed on this war.

In fact, long before the outbreak of the Tunisian War, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau had reported France’s colonial invasion plans to Carlo.

However, the Tunisian War had caused France to temporarily postpone its attack on Vietnam. The final outcome of the war did not meet the French government’s expectations, leading to over a year of chaos within the government, making a war against Vietnam even more impossible.

Now that Jules Ferry was Premier again, it seemed France’s war against Vietnam was a certainty.

However, as France’s rival, Carlo would not sit idly by and watch France launch a war against Vietnam.

For Carlo, allowing France to become mired in the Vietnam War was the absolute best course for this conflict to take.

Carlo did not care who won or lost the war; the only thing that mattered to him was the extent of France’s casualties.

In other words, the French could win the war, but they had to suffer massive casualties and invest a huge amount of military expenditure to do so.

Only then would the French be forced to recuperate for a period, temporarily abandoning their colonial expansion in Africa.

In truth, for Carlo, a transmigrator, the outcome of this war and the identity of France’s true adversary were crystal clear.

If the goal was to entangle France in a military quagmire, then the best method was to help France’s enemy, to prevent them from winning the war too easily.

The moment the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau confirmed that France was about to launch a larger offensive, Carlo had the relevant sales personnel from the Royal Arsenal contact Vietnam and the country behind it, seeking ways to sell them Spanish arms and equipment.

Everything from Spain’s standard-issue Vetterli M1872 rifle to the steel cannons currently being mass-produced could be sold to Vietnam and its backer.

As long as they weren’t too far behind in terms of weaponry, he believed the Vietnamese army could resist for some time.

After all, the army mobilized by the French was not composed entirely of French soldiers; many native troops were mixed in.

If Vietnam and the country behind it were willing, Spain could even sell them warships.

Everything from Spain’s two models of ironclads down to various cruisers and coastal defense ships could be sold.

To ensure the warships arrived in time for the conflict, Spain could even sell active-duty warships from its current navy. In any case, Spain’s shipbuilding program was continuously producing ironclads and other warships. Selling old warships to build new ones was actually a gain for the Spanish Navy.

Following Carlo’s orders, the sales personnel from the Royal Arsenal journeyed across the seas to Southeast Asia. They carried not only partial information on the arms and equipment Spain could sell externally but also several pictures of Spain’s active-duty warships.

After all, only by fully demonstrating the power of Spanish weaponry to Vietnam and its backer could they generate any interest in purchasing them.

Because Spain and Southeast Asia were separated by over ten thousand kilometers, it would take the Royal Arsenal’s sales team at least a month to reach their destination.

Before then, Carlo could only have the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau closely monitor the French government’s movements to assess the state of the war.

Carlo himself was not idle. Since France was preoccupied, Spain would certainly have to launch a colonial war to expand its own territory.

Spain’s next target for expansion was also obvious: the region of Oman, which the British had agreed Spain could colonize in the previous Colonial Exchange.

For Spain, Oman’s importance lay not only in its petroleum reserves but also in its strategic geographical location.

Spain possessed the Philippine colony in Southeast Asia, which was currently Spain’s second-largest colony by area.

The distance between mainland Spain and the Philippine colony was over ten thousand kilometers, and along this vast stretch, there were no Spanish colonies that could serve as a waypoint.

In other words, on the ten-thousand-kilometer journey from mainland Spain to the Philippine colony, Spanish merchant ships and warships could only dock at the ports of other countries, subjecting them to the restrictions of those nations.

Although the tonnage of modern warships was increasing, leading to a continuous increase in their long-range sailing capabilities, the warships of this era were far from capable of traveling ten thousand kilometers without stopping at a coast. Besides needing to replenish coal, they also needed to restock the crew’s living supplies.

A look at the map shows that although Oman is slightly off the main shipping route, it is roughly halfway between mainland Spain and the Philippines.

As long as Spain could occupy Oman, it could be used as a transfer station, allowing ships traveling between the mainland and the Philippine colony to dock on the Omani coast to resupply and rest for a period.

Of course, occupying Oman was not without its downsides.

After all, it was close to British India. More than a decade ago, Britain had invaded Oman and forced the local natives to sign various unequal treaties.

Although Spain had obtained the right to colonize Oman through the Colonial Exchange, the surrounding native states had long been infiltrated by the British.

Even on the land of Oman itself, traces of the British could be found. As Spain grew stronger, the British would certainly become more wary of Spanish-held Oman and might even look for an opportunity to reclaim it.

Occupying Oman meant that the relationship between Spain and Britain would be further damaged.

But this territory had to be taken. Aside from its strategic location, the land held vast oil fields. In the future, when the value of petroleum soared, its economic worth would be immense.

If Spain could even preemptively annex the Trucial States while Britain was mired in a war, the future income from oil sales alone would be enough to fund all sorts of military operations for Spain.

The so-called Trucial States were the modern-day UAE region. Although it was a desert now, it would become incredibly famous in later times.

Relying on petroleum, the native states there became exceedingly wealthy, even giving birth to Dubai, the world’s city of aspirations.

Of course, in the present, with Middle Eastern petroleum yet to be discovered, this place was still just an ordinary desert.

There were various local states, but these small-scale native states were utterly insignificant in the face of Britain or Spain.

Compared to the Vietnamese that France sought to conquer, the enemy Spain faced in Oman was clearly weaker, which was why Carlo decided to launch a colonial war without much hesitation.

This was still the great age of colonialism, and European nations were constantly engaged in colonial exploration.

As a great power, if Spain did not actively pursue colonial expansion, it would certainly fall behind in this aspect.

The native forces in the Oman region were not strong, which was why the lower house quickly approved the government’s proposal after Carlo presented the war plan.

Due to the previous agreement, the British would not interfere in Spain’s colonization of Oman. France was also launching its war in Vietnam, which meant that no other country would interfere with Spain’s actions.

Since no great powers would intervene, Spain naturally did not need to undertake a massive operation.

According to the Ministry of Defense’s estimates, conquering Oman would only require four colonial garrison regiments, a force of less than ten thousand men, along with a small fleet detachment.

The military expenditure required for this small-scale war was estimated to be less than five million pesetas. For the Spanish government’s current finances, this expense was a drop in the ocean.

On March 12, 1883, the Spanish government officially launched its colonial campaign against Oman. A transport fleet carrying over eight thousand soldiers, protected by a fleet detachment, set sail in a grand procession for the Oman region.

Chapter 295: Expansion of the Central Powers

The region of Oman, formally known as the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman, was once a country that spanned two continents.

During the reign of the previous Sultan, Sayyid bin Sultan, the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman occupied vast territories. Its domain not only included modern-day Oman but also parts of the UAE and Gwadar in Pakistan.

Of course, this also included Oman’s East African territories, which is why the former Oman was described as a country spanning two continents.

However, after the old Sultan’s passing, his two sons inherited mainland Oman and the East African territories respectively, leading to a rift between them.

The current Sultanate of Muscat and Oman only controlled the Omani mainland of later generations; all other lands now belonged to other countries.

Spain’s colonial ambitions were limited to mainland Oman. Even if Oman still controlled its East African territories at this time, Carlo would not have entertained any extraneous ideas.

After all, Oman’s East African territories were located on the east coast of Africa, just north of Portugal’s Mozambique colony.

This area lay directly on Britain’s vertical axis connecting Cairo to the Cape Colony. Any nation establishing a colony here would undoubtedly incur the resentment and retaliation of the British.

Carlo paid little attention to Spain’s colonial war, as it was a conflict with a foregone conclusion for Spain.

Compared to most African natives, the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman was somewhat more civilized, but that was the extent of it.

Facing European colonizers, they could hardly mount a strong resistance. Coupled with the lack of interference from other European powers, Spain’s colonial war was impossible to lose.

And indeed, that was the case. Upon arriving on the Arabian Peninsula, the Spanish army immediately launched an offensive against the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman.

This maritime power, which had once defied European nations and even defeated Portuguese colonial aggression, had now weakened into an ordinary small country with no distinguishing features.

Back when the Sultanate still controlled its East African territories, they provided a substantial fiscal revenue for mainland Oman, allowing it to build a reasonably powerful navy.

When Oman lost its East African territories, it not only lost a treasure trove that provided significant fiscal revenue but also most of the navy stationed there.

This led to the current Sultanate of Muscat and Oman being in a dismal state both militarily and economically. Facing the Spanish army’s offensive, the reigning Sultan, Turki bin Said, tried every means possible to halt the Spanish advance, but all his efforts were futile against Spain’s steel rifles and cannons.

On April 22, 1883, just a month and a half after the Spanish army set out, they had already occupied nearly one-third of Oman’s territory.

Spain’s attack on Oman proceeded from north to south, with the first target being Muscat, the capital of the Sultanate of Muscat.

The Middle East is a land covered in desert, which has resulted in a common phenomenon among its countries: vast lands with sparse populations, which tend to be concentrated in areas with less desert.

Although Oman was a medium-sized country about one thousand kilometers from north to south, the vast majority of its population was concentrated in the two northern regions, especially the Muscat region where the capital was located, which held over sixty percent of the entire Sultanate’s population.

This meant that even though Spain had only occupied a third of Oman’s territory, it had effectively taken control of the vast majority of its population.

Of course, Oman’s population was not large. The entire Arabian Peninsula had a population of only three to four million, and Oman accounted for just a tenth of that.

After occupying northern Oman, there was no rush to conquer the central and southern regions.

Most of the land to the south was desert anyway, with very few Omanis living there, so it posed no threat to Spanish colonial rule.

Other European great powers wouldn’t be interested in this desert either. The British would even be thrilled to see Spain occupy the great southern desert of Oman, while they themselves seized the most valuable region in the Middle East, the Mesopotamian Plain.

At the same time as Spain’s colonial offensive against Oman, sales representatives from the Royal Arsenal were making contact with the dynasty behind Vietnam.

It is worth mentioning that when the Spanish salesmen identified themselves and offered to sell them weapons and equipment, the other party not only showed no eagerness to purchase them but instead hoped to use Spain’s connections to mediate in their war with France.

After much effort, the salesmen learned that opinion within the country regarding the war with France was split into two factions. One faction advocated for resisting France to the end, arguing that losing Vietnam would expose their southern border to the risk of French invasion.

The other faction advocated for seeking peace with France, believing that since the country had never won a war against a European great power, there was no need to go to war with a power like France over Vietnam.

Because the representatives of the peace faction controlled foreign and military affairs, it was difficult to sell Spanish weapons and equipment for the time being.

Carlo hadn’t expected them to refuse equipment that was delivered to their doorstep, preferring to cling to a faint hope of peace rather than take up arms to defend themselves.

There was no other way; the plan to slow down the French advance by selling weapons had to be temporarily shelved. When the party involved chose a peaceful approach, what could Spain do?

Returning our focus to Spain, after occupying more than a third of Oman, Carlo formally announced the establishment of the Oman colony. He also ordered the construction of a larger naval base in Muscat, the colonial capital, to serve as a supply point for the Spanish Navy and civilian vessels.

The news of a new colony did capture the attention of the Spaniards for a day, but the popularity quickly faded.

After all, most of Oman was desert. Although the total land area was about half the size of Spain, the only arable land was in the northern mountains and coastal areas, making its economic value quite pitiful.

A few other events in 1883 are worth mentioning.

First was the earthquake in Ischia, Italy, on July 28, which killed over two thousand people and injured nearly ten thousand.

This was a disaster of rare magnitude. Upon learning of the earthquake, both Carlo and the Spanish government sent telegrams of condolence to Italy and donated some supplies.

Carlo was, after all, from the Italian royal family; by blood, he was an Italian. He certainly couldn’t stand idly by while Italy suffered. A donation of one million pesetas would also help strengthen the relationship between Carlo and the Italian people.

The Spanish government also made a friendly donation of supplies to help the Italian government restore order and rebuild the affected areas.

In late September 1883, German Emperor Wilhelm I survived an unsuccessful assassination attempt.

Notably, at the time, Wilhelm I was riding in a custom-made car produced by the Royal Benz Automobile Company, which had been fitted with steel plates on its windows.

This reinforcement caused the assassination attempt to fail. Aside from a bit of a shock, Wilhelm I was completely unharmed.

This successful defense against an assassination drew the attention of royal families across Europe to the special custom-edition cars offered by the Royal Benz Automobile Company.

These so-called special custom-edition cars were essentially modified vehicles that sacrificed some speed for protection. Steel plates were added to the car doors, windows, and front and rear windshields to ensure the maximum safety of the occupants.

Of course, because these steel plates significantly increased the car’s weight, a modified vehicle like this could only reach a top speed of 25 kilometers per hour and typically maintained a speed of around 18 to 20 kilometers per hour.

Although this speed was not fast, for the sake of their own safety, the royal families of Europe began purchasing these custom cars in large numbers.

Moreover, compared to the speed of horse-drawn carriages, even a speed of 20 kilometers per hour was still faster.

Following the lead of the royal families, European noblemen began purchasing automobiles in large quantities. This led to a massive surge in car sales in the second half of 1883, and the branch factories in various countries made a hefty profit.

In late October, another piece of news once again drew Carlo’s attention to the European situation.

Since the formation of the German-Austro-Italian alliance, the European situation had remained unchanged. The French focused on overseas immigration and expansion, while the British were busy both developing their colonies and suppressing rebellions. Europe had thus enjoyed a period of calm.

But on October 30, 1883, Romania, which had just been renamed the Kingdom of Romania, secretly joined the military alliance formed by Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy. This allowed Carlo to see the impending collapse of the League of the Three Emperors.

The reason Romania was willing to join the Triple Alliance was simple: its geographical location.

As the northernmost of the Balkan nations, Romania was on the front line of the Balkan states’ resistance against Russia.

However, due to its own lack of strength, Romania needed external factors to ensure its security.

With a common enemy, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Romania hit it off at once, signing a mutual defense treaty.

The treaty stipulated that if Romania’s borders were attacked, the Austro-Hungarian Empire must immediately join Romania’s side and help in its defense.

Similarly, if the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s eastern border was attacked, Romania must dispatch a force of at least one hundred thousand men to aid in its defense.

Although not explicitly stated, the common enemy the two countries were guarding against was obvious. Only Russia could make both the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Romania so wary; the Balkan states were not worthy of such consideration.

At this time, the Russians were still unaware that their allies, Germany and Austria-Hungary, were secretly taking extensive precautions against them, to the point of nearly launching a preemptive strike to eliminate the threat.

Under the leadership of the new Tsar, Alexander III, Russia had consistently maintained a relatively low profile on both the international stage and in Balkan affairs during this period.

However, due to Russia’s vast territory and large population, the other European countries never relaxed their guard against it.

Even the mighty British Empire considered Russia the most threatening country in Europe at the time.

Just as in history, the Central Powers were forming faster than the Entente.

The alliance treaty between Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy had already been concluded, and even a country like Romania had joined the Central Powers.

But on the Entente side, there was still no sign of the Franco-Russian Alliance, and it was even more unlikely for the British to side with France and Russia given the current European situation.

The current trajectory of European affairs revealed Germany’s great ambition. By winning over Austria-Hungary and Italy, Germany was treating both France and Russia as enemies.

If Germany could defeat France again, it would become the undisputed hegemon of Europe, capable of challenging even the British Empire.

After all, though the British were strong, they were isolated from the European continent. The British Isles were separated from mainland Europe by the English Channel, making it difficult for them to intervene in continental affairs, except during extremely chaotic situations like a World War.

After Romania joined the Triple Alliance, Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire successively invited Spain to join the alliance as well.

However, they did not disclose the full details of the Triple Alliance, but rather tentatively invited Spain to join a defensive alliance aimed at France.

In fact, given the current European situation, it might not have been a bad choice for Spain to join the Triple Alliance.

First, with Spain, the Triple Alliance would become even stronger. The German Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Italy, and Spain were all great powers, and an alliance of four great powers was something no nation could afford to underestimate.

Second, an alliance of four great powers could also attract more small and medium-sized European countries.

Countries like Romania needed to pick a side; not every nation could remain neutral and not be coveted by the great powers.

The Central Powers, with four great powers, was the best choice. After all, there were only eight great powers in the world, and one of them, the United States, was far across the Atlantic Ocean and unlikely to get involved in European affairs.

But this did not mean that there were no downsides for Spain in joining the Central Powers.

An alliance of four great powers would certainly alarm France, Russia, and even Britain, leading to the rapid formation of the Triple Entente.

At this time, an alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Spain was clearly no match for the three great powers of Britain, France, and Russia. Apart from Germany, whose national strength could rival theirs, the other three great powers were not on the same level as Britain, France, and Russia.

Furthermore, Carlo did not want to be in complete opposition to France just yet. Even with the current competition, Spain could still obtain some capital from France for its own development.

If Spain were to stand completely against France, access to French capital would be out of the question. Neither Germany nor the Austro-Hungarian Empire could provide Spain with sufficient funds for development, which meant that after joining the Central Powers, Spain’s development would have to rely solely on its own efforts.

For these reasons, Carlo declined the invitation from Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, stating that Spain had no intention of joining a defensive alliance against France.

Of course, Carlo also instructed the Spanish government to reaffirm its stance on jointly developing North Africa with Italy.

At least in North Africa, Spain and Italy would advance and retreat together, jointly guarding against their greatest rival, France.

After receiving the Spanish government’s promise, the Italian government no longer insisted on inviting Spain to join the defensive alliance. After all, Spain’s attitude had made it clear that it would not side with France and would lean as close to Italy as possible while remaining neutral.

Chapter 296: 1884

On the second day of the new year, January 2nd, 1884, Carlo received good news: the birth of his third son, Alexander.

It had been over four years since Martin’s birth.

In those four-plus years, Carlo had insisted that Queen Sophie fully recuperate before they considered having another child.

At this time, Carlo was not yet thirty-three years old, and Queen Sophie was just shy of twenty-nine. Both were still in their prime childbearing years.

Once Queen Sophie turned thirty, Carlo would be more cautious about having children. After all, the older the mother, the higher the risks during childbirth.

Time flew by. Carlo’s eldest son, Prince Juan Fernando, was almost nine. Even the younger children, Princess Sofia and Prince Martin, were seven and four respectively, a mischievous and adorable age.

It was because of these little ones that the vast Royal Palace in Madrid seemed more lively and bustling than before.

The three older children were all delightfully surprised by the arrival of their youngest brother, Alexander.

If not for their busy studies, they would probably spend all day trying to stay by their baby brother’s side. Children have an innate charm; even Carlo would find time amidst his busy schedule to be with his youngest son before diving back into his work.

Compared to the previous years, 1884 was a particularly special year for Spain.

The First Five-Year Development Plan, proposed in 1869 and concluded in 1874, marked Spain’s official return to the ranks of Europe’s great powers through reform.

The Second Five-Year Development Plan was proposed immediately after in 1874 and should have ended along with the Cabinet government’s term in 1879.

However, due to the assassination attempt on Prime Minister Primo, Spain experienced the unfortunate situation of having three different governments during the Second Five-Year Development Plan.

Fortunately, after the assassination attempt, Prime Minister Primo willingly relinquished all power. Under Carlo’s central guidance, the three subsequent Cabinet governments continuously pushed forward with the Second Five-Year Development Plan.

During the third Cabinet government, which was the third year of Count Canovas’s premiership, the Spanish government officially proposed the Third Five-Year Development Plan, with very ambitious goals.

Now, five years later, it was time to assess the results of the Third Five-Year Development Plan.

The three Five-Year Development Plans spanned a total of fifteen years, and each one played a crucial role.

The First Five-Year Development Plan laid the groundwork, the second served as a bridge between the past and future, and with the third, it was time for the fruits to ripen.

On February 3rd, 1884, after his youngest son Alexander’s first-month celebration, Carlo decided to formally throw himself back into his work. He convened a session of the lower house at the Parliament Building to hear the government’s report on the Third Five-Year Development Plan.

As was customary, Prime Minister Canovas began with a summary report on behalf of the government, followed by more detailed reports from the various Cabinet departments.

Between 1879 and 1884, Spain’s development was quite rapid. In terms of population, by the end of 1883, Spain’s total population had exceeded 22.3 million, bringing it one step closer to Carlo’s goal of thirty million.

Although the populations of other European countries were also growing during this period, many people were also emigrating to other continents.

Compared to other European nations, Spain had a relatively low rate of emigration. After all, there were still many development opportunities within Spain itself. As long as they could make a decent living, Spaniards were not inclined to move abroad.

The growth in Spain’s annual per capita income was a testament to this.

Since Carlo became king, Spain’s per capita annual income had grown at a high rate every year without interruption.

This was understandable. The Spanish government consistently invested vast sums in infrastructure and other projects each year. In fact, for the first ten years, the government ran a fiscal deficit, relying entirely on loans to get by.

It was only after the Second Five-Year Development Plan that Spain’s economic situation improved, and the government’s budget shifted from a deficit to a surplus.

Currently, Spain’s per capita annual income had reached 157.22 pesetas, nearly double what it was before Carlo ascended the throne.

Such a growth rate was quite staggering, especially since currency in this era was valuable. Exchange rates, being pegged to gold, were very stable, and currency depreciation was virtually nonexistent.

Of course, the fact that Spaniards had lived so poorly during Queen Isabella’s reign was also a significant factor.

If Queen Isabella had been even a halfway decent ruler, Spain’s per capita income wouldn’t have grown so rapidly over these fifteen years.

Although per capita income was constantly increasing, the income of most Spaniards was still relatively low compared to that of people in other European great powers.

This is easy to understand. The vast majority of Spain’s twenty-two million people were peasants, and since much of Spain’s land is mountainous, crop yields were not high.

Low grain production meant low incomes for peasants. Low peasant incomes, in turn, affected Spain’s overall per capita income situation.

If Spain’s land were as fertile as that of Britain, France, and Germany, its per capita income would increase by at least thirty percent.

Fortunately, the Spanish government had established many colonies in recent years, which could be used for large-scale agricultural development to compensate for the shortcomings of the homeland.

For the entire year of 1883, the Spanish government’s annual fiscal revenue reached a staggering 1.1927 billion pesetas, a new record.

It was worth noting that this achievement was reached after losing the colony of Cuba. If Cuba were still in Spanish hands, the fiscal revenue would have easily surpassed 1.2 billion pesetas.

On the expenditure side, Spain’s fiscal spending reached 1.0738 billion pesetas, showing that the government was indeed investing significant funds into various projects each year.

The good news was that after all expenditures, the government’s fiscal surplus for 1883 still exceeded one hundred million pesetas, reaching a new high of 118.9 million pesetas.

However, apart from a portion set aside as government reserves, most of this money was designated for repaying foreign debt.

As mentioned before, the government had survived its fiscal deficits of the first ten years mainly through debt.

This resulted in Spain accumulating debts to Italy, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and France over these fifteen years.

The debt was not actually that large; in total, it was roughly equivalent to the current Spanish government’s annual fiscal revenue.

About a third of it had already been repaid in previous years. The government only needed to set aside about one hundred million pesetas annually for the next few years to clear most of the remaining debt.

Another noteworthy item in the government’s report was Spain’s steel production and the scale of its industry.

To date, all three phases of construction for the Barcelona Industrial Base had been completed. It had officially become Spain’s largest industrial base and was now unequivocally the nation’s industrial heart.

Thanks to the increased industrial capacity brought by the completed Barcelona Industrial Base, Spain’s steel production reached a new, stable level.

According to data from the Ministry of Industry, Spain’s steel production had surpassed four hundred thousand tons last year, a level sufficient to rank among the top five in the world based on data published by European nations.

According to the rankings published by various European countries, the British Empire currently had the highest steel production, approaching two million tons.

The United States was a close second, with steel production also exceeding 1.5 million tons.

Germany ranked third in the world, but it lagged somewhat behind the top two. Germany’s annual steel production was around one million tons, still far ahead of the rest of the world.

France was fourth, with steel production approaching five hundred thousand tons. Spain was fifth, with its four hundred thousand tons surpassing the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s three hundred thousand tons and Russia’s two hundred fifty thousand tons. This level of industrialization was already quite substantial.

Of course, steel production alone does not fully represent industrial strength. Based on steel output, Spain’s industrial scale should be on par with France’s, slightly ahead of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia.

In reality, however, Spain’s industrial scale lagged behind France’s and was roughly on the same level as the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s and Russia’s, perhaps even slightly behind.

The main reason for this discrepancy was Spain’s insufficient domestic population, which resulted in a smaller market for industrial goods compared to the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia.

In the international market, Spanish industrial products were not very competitive. Apart from capturing the Portuguese market, it was difficult for Spanish goods to penetrate the markets of other countries, as the other great powers were also keen on dumping their industrial products.

Without a sufficient market, Spain naturally would not develop its industry on a larger scale. This constrained Spain’s industrial growth, making it difficult to even catch up to France, let alone match or surpass it.

Of course, being on a similar industrial level as the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia was already a commendable achievement.

After all, Spain had only been industrializing for just over a decade, and its land area and population were much smaller than those of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia.

These two empires had more distinct advantages for industrial development compared to Spain.

The fact that Spain could catch up and be compared to these two nations already demonstrated its terrifying pace of development.

One only had to look at Italy’s steel production at the time to understand how difficult industrial development was. According to data released by the Italian government, Italy’s steel output was only a few tens of thousands of tons.

Of course, Italy’s situation was rather unique. Its industry was concentrated in the north, and its lack of colonies made low steel production quite normal.

Due to Spain’s rapid development, some statistics that were previously considered important were now largely ignored.

Take Spain’s railway mileage, for example. During the First Five-Year Development Plan, the government placed great emphasis on its construction.

But after two Five-Year Development Plans, Spain’s total railway mileage had already surpassed ten thousand kilometers, an outstanding achievement.

The Third Five-Year Development Plan did not overly emphasize railway construction, which is why, at the plan’s conclusion, Spain’s total railway mileage was only around thirteen thousand kilometers.

However, considering that large parts of Spain were sparsely populated, thirteen thousand kilometers of railway were enough to connect most cities and fully meet the population’s transportation needs.

Not to mention, large cities like Madrid and Barcelona had also opened urban rail transit systems, which not only greatly facilitated daily travel for residents but also boosted the economic circulation and growth rate of the two cities.

Although the Department of Transportation only built 1500 kilometers of railway during these five years, the Minister of Transportation, Carlos Montoya, was not worried at all.

The reason was simple: because the mileage for double-track railways was not counted twice, the Department of Transportation’s accomplishments were greater than the data suggested.

Although the Department of Transportation only built 1500 kilometers of railway in these five years, it also converted about 1000 kilometers of single-track railway to double-track, significantly improving the transportation efficiency of those sections.

Furthermore, the railways built in Spain’s various colonies were also not included in this total.

The colonies had their own separate accounting system, but it was the officials from the Department of Transportation who went to the colonies to build the railways.

The entire reporting session lasted for several hours. All Cabinet departments gave detailed reports, and applause echoed through the hall continuously.

Clearly, the Senators of the lower house were quite satisfied with the Cabinet’s efforts over the past five years. The results reported by each department were, if not outstanding, certainly well above passing.

Excluding the unforeseen incident of Prime Minister Primo’s assassination attempt, Spain’s Cabinet government had been relatively stable ever since Carlo became king.

Spain’s three prime ministers had made few major mistakes, and each Cabinet government had more or less completed its term. This stabilized Spain’s political environment, allowing all sectors to develop positively under consistent government decrees.

As for a counterexample, one only needed to look at the tumultuous political situation in France.

There were reasons why French industry was gradually falling behind Britain, Germany, and the US, with the gap widening. On one hand, French capital favored foreign loans, which allowed for a quicker return of funds and often yielded greater profits than direct investment—it was a surefire profit.

On the other hand, the French government was unstable. Each Premier hardly had time to develop industry and the economy, as the longest term of office lasted only a year, while the shortest were a matter of months, sometimes even just one month.

What decrees could be implemented in a month? At most, a new premier could take office, get acquainted with the officials of the French Cabinet, and familiarize himself with the affairs of state, and then his time would be up.

They might not even have fully grasped the basic situation in France before their term ended due to all sorts of unforeseen circumstances.

Take the previous French Premier, Armand Fallières, for example. His term lasted exactly one month. Although he was only a temporary replacement, in a single month, not even Napoleon himself, let alone Armand Fallières, could have accomplished anything for France.

Carlo had a deep understanding of the disadvantages of political instability, which was why he had set a particular tone for Spain’s Cabinet government.

Regardless of the abilities of the cabinet ministers and the Prime Minister, as long as they remained loyal, Carlo would not replace them frequently.

A stable situation was more conducive to Spain’s industrial and economic growth. In any case, Carlo was the one guiding the overall direction. With him personally in control of the grand strategy, no major problems would arise.

Of course, if any disloyal cabinet minister did appear, Carlo would act swiftly and decisively to resolve the problem before the situation could escalate into a crisis.

At this moment, Spain still needed time to develop, and during this period of development, what it needed most was stability.

Chapter 297: The Population Problem

After the Cabinet report meeting, Carlo had a relatively clear understanding of Spain’s current development.

In terms of industry, although Spain’s industrial scale could not compare to that of major powers like Britain, France, and Germany, it was on par with old great powers like the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia. Its overall strength was not to be underestimated.

In terms of population, Spain’s total population was also climbing steadily. Although its total population size was smaller than that of the European great powers, its growth rate was slightly ahead, and sooner or later, it would further close the gap with them.

It was worth mentioning that Spain’s several colonies in Africa were also demonstrating their appeal.

The populations of the West African Colony, the Gold Coast, and the Congo Territory were constantly growing. Every year, tens of thousands of immigrants arrived in these regions, seeking more opportunities to get rich and survive.

To attract immigrants, these colonies had gone all out, offering all sorts of incentives to bring in people.

All Europeans willing to travel to these colonies could receive a large plot of land for free. As long as they cultivated their allocated land for three consecutive years, they could gain sovereignty over it.

Of course, they could also choose to forgo the land in exchange for other benefits. Besides welcoming ordinary immigrants, the colonies also welcomed domestic and foreign capital and the entry of various companies and enterprises.

In addition to agricultural cultivation on African land, Spain was also extensively planting tobacco, sugarcane, rubber, and other crops in Africa.

Needless to say, tobacco and sugarcane were Cuba’s specialty industries back in the day, making Cuba one of the most developed regions in the Americas.

The rubber industry was also beginning to take shape. Because the Royal Benz Automobile Company was already selling vehicles to all the major European powers, the rubber consumption of each country was increasing significantly.

Currently, countries still relied mainly on natural rubber trees for rubber, but in the future, as the demand for rubber increased, it would be necessary to artificially cultivate rubber trees and establish rubber industry parks.

After the report on the Third Five-Year Development Plan concluded, the Spanish Cabinet government began discussing the goals for the Fourth Five-Year Development Plan.

In addition to conventional domestic development, the development of Spain’s various colonies also had its own designated tasks.

The West African Colony would focus on developing agriculture, Guinea would grow tobacco, and the Congo Territory would harvest rubber.

These three industries were all needed by Spain, and they were a surefire profit for the colonies to cultivate.

Carlo also participated in the Cabinet government’s meeting to formulate the Fourth Five-Year Development Plan and put forward several of his own requests.

First was population. Carlo hoped that Spain’s population could further increase over the next five years, preferably crossing the 25 million threshold.

Twenty-five million was not a large number compared to other European countries, but it was by no means small. Even if a war broke out with other European great powers, a population of 25 million would allow Spain to mobilize nearly two million troops, an army of sufficient size to participate in a World War.

What’s more, besides the army that could be armed with native Spaniards, Spain could also form colonial armies from its colonies.

If one counted the usable colonial natives, the number of troops Spain could mobilize would reach between three and five million, which was close to the number of soldiers deployed by various countries during World War I.

This also meant that even if a conflict or even a war broke out with other European great powers, Spain had enough confidence to win.

Unless it faced a one-on-two or even a one-on-three situation, the current Spain feared no single great power.

Of course, in naval warfare, the formidable navy of the British Empire still had to be taken into account. But on land, whether against Britain or France, Spain was utterly unafraid.

Carlo’s second request was for the Cabinet government to enrich Spain’s industries, build a comprehensive industrial system, and fully promote Spain’s economic growth.

Building an industry was not just about developing heavy industry; light industry and the chemical industry had to be advanced in tandem. Steel production represented heavy industry, but it was not the entirety of industry.

In terms of crop yield, Spain’s farmland still had a large gap compared to countries with vast plains like Britain, France, and Germany. To make up for this gap, Spain could only put more effort into fertilizer and mechanization.

Carlo’s demand for the Spanish government was to use fertilizer as much as possible to increase the crop yield of Spain’s grain, indirectly boosting the income of Spanish peasants.

Coupled with Spain’s agricultural layout in the West African Colony, this would ensure that Spain would not lack food under any circumstances.

In the future, whether facing war or an economic crisis, as long as it had sufficient food, the Spanish government could handle the situation with ease.

At the meeting, Minister of Colonial Affairs William also raised an issue: what to do with the countless African natives in the Spanish colonies.

Following the old Spanish colonial tradition, for these disobedient natives who could not be assimilated, the priority would certainly be to massacre them.

But the problem was that Africa was an extremely vast land, and the natives on this land were innumerable.

Relying on massacre alone would be difficult to completely solve the native problem in the colonies, and it would fill the Spaniards and these natives with hatred, provoking even more fierce resistance from the local natives.

It was best to find a method that would not cause severe dissatisfaction among the local natives while also reducing their numbers as much as possible.

After discussions among the cabinet ministers, the Spanish government ultimately adopted a policy of population export to solve the native problem in the colonies.

The so-called population export was, in fact, finding every possible way to ship these natives out.

Where to ship them? There were many destinations. Whether to other parts of the African continent or to regions outside of Africa, Spain had options.

As long as they were not in Spain’s colonies, Spain could accept these natives being anywhere.

Because Carlo had long expressed his distaste for the color black, all the ministers in the Spanish government uniformly adopted an anti-black stance.

After the population export plan was proposed, not a single cabinet minister objected; all agreed to the method of transferring these African natives to other regions.

Of course, the population export could not be rushed. Some colonies still needed to retain a large amount of native labor to ensure that colonial development would not be limited by a lack of manpower.

When the time came, they could slaughter them after their labor had been exploited, or drive them to more distant places.

In any case, no one cared about the lives of these natives. As long as it wasn’t done too excessively, other countries would not offend the Spanish government for the sake of these natives.

The reason King Leopold of Belgium was forcefully intervened against by European countries in history was not only because what he did was indeed too cruel, but also because Belgium itself was not powerful, which led to the intervention of European nations.

King Leopold of Belgium’s rule in the Congo was extremely brutal. Not only did he not treat the local natives as human beings in the slightest, but he also, without ever setting foot in the Congo, massacred over a million Congolese and cut off the hands of several million more.

In the few short years after Belgium acquired the Congo, its population plummeted by a third, which was the reason for the intervention of the European great powers.

After all, as Europe gradually became more developed, the great powers all put on the facade of gentlemen. The brutal actions of the Belgians would remind the world of the equally cruel side of the European great powers in the past. Wasn’t this undermining the disguises of other nations?

After confirming the population export immigration plan, Carlo proposed an idea: to transport people to the United States across the ocean.

Compared to other European countries, the United States was definitely a rather special case. After the Civil War ended, the U.S. had nominally recognized the human rights of black people, and all black people residing in the United States were also Americans.

This led many black people to yearn for the United States, but it was only after they arrived that they understood that so-called human rights were just empty words.

The high officials of any organization or institution were white, and most black people were even racially segregated into small areas, unable to set foot in the cities where white people lived.

The reason Carlo proposed sending a large number of black people to the United States was to completely throw the country’s situation into chaos.

At this time in the United States, white people still held a firm grip on decision-making power. But as the black population grew, the internal conflicts in the United States were destined to become increasingly intense.

It should be known that black people were by no means a trouble-free ethnicity. This race was lazy and indolent; they always wanted to use more convenient ways to obtain income.

The so-called convenient ways were robbery and theft, which was an important reason why black people remained unpopular even in later generations.

Once the number of black people in the United States increased, similar incidents of robbery and theft would also become more frequent. As a nation of immigrants, the United States was home to the three major races—black, white, and yellow—and each race had a considerable number of people.

Once the conflict between black and white people triggered more intense racial discrimination, it could very well lead to another civil war.

Regardless of whether the United States would break out into civil war because of this, as long as its political situation became worse, it was well worth it for Carlo.

Although the British did not consider the United States their greatest threat, if the U.S. were to have its own civil war, Carlo believed the British wouldn’t mind taking advantage of the situation.

If the Americans gave him the opportunity, Carlo would do everything in his power to facilitate a war of intervention against the United States, striving to split it into several countries.

Of course, even if there were no division or civil war within the United States, the chaos of the political situation alone would leave them with no time to spare for other matters.

As long as the United States did not get involved in World War I and World War II, Carlo would have enough time to lay out his plans for World War I. Without American interference, Spain would become the biggest winner.

After all, compared to the great powers of the two major military blocs in history, Spain was the one that had no intense conflicts with either side.

This gave Spain more possibilities. For Carlo and Spain, the best scenario was to remain neutral in the early stages, first making a fortune by selling food and munitions, and then siding with the party on the verge of victory in the later stages of the war to enjoy the fruits of victory.

Although this was somewhat dishonorable, it would ensure that Spain gained the most from the war.

With the European countries suffering heavy losses, as long as Spain’s losses were not significant, it was only natural for Spain’s decision-making power to increase.

It was a practically perfect script. Now, he just had to wait for France and Russia to react to the formation of the Triple Alliance and, under its pressure, conclude the Franco-Russian Alliance, creating a situation of two major military blocs confronting each other in Europe.

Speaking of the issue of natives in Africa, Carlo also raised a question he was rather interested in: the assimilation of the Moroccans in the colony of Southern Morocco.

When the colony of Southern Morocco was first established, the entire colony still had a population of nearly one million. All of these people were Moroccans, who were whites.

After eliminating the extreme anti-Spanish resistance elements among the Moroccans, the remaining people were all targets for Spanish assimilation.

Now that so many years had passed, Carlo was curious about the situation in the colony of Southern Morocco and where the remaining Moroccans had gone.

Hearing Carlo’s question, Minister of Colonial Affairs William was clearly prepared and answered without the slightest hesitation: “Your Majesty, our assimilation of the Moroccans in the colony of Southern Morocco is proceeding very smoothly.

Over 500,000 Moroccans have left the colony of Southern Morocco. These people have obtained our citizenship through various means; they have generally mastered Spanish and converted to Catholicism.

Among them, nearly 100,000 have been transferred to the mainland and dispersed throughout the major regions. The remaining 400,000 have been transferred to various colonies, with the Congo Territory receiving over 200,000 Moroccans.

According to our monitoring of these Moroccans who have obtained citizenship, they have not shown any signs of resistance or rebellious thoughts after starting their new lives.

From this, we can conclude that our assimilation of the Moroccans has been quite successful. When these Moroccans give birth to the next generation, those children will be pure-blooded Spaniards.”

Carlo nodded, quite satisfied with these figures.

After eliminating the extreme resistance elements, the population of the colony of Southern Morocco was less than 800,000.

Out of those 800,000, 500,000 had been assimilated. This was a rather impressive achievement. Based on these figures, of the remaining several million people in the Kingdom of Morocco, Spain could assimilate at least half.

This was, in fact, one of the reasons Spain wanted to colonize Morocco. Besides acquiring Morocco’s vast lands, it could also gain several million Moroccans.

As long as they were taught Spanish and forced to believe in Catholicism, they would not be much different from true Spaniards.

By dispersing these Moroccan converts to Catholicism throughout Spain and its colonies, even if they still held rebellious sentiments, they would be unable to affect Spain’s situation in the slightest.

“How is our plan to bring in people from the Americas progressing?” Carlo continued to ask.

At the time, due to a shortage of population, Spain had formulated two major plans to increase its domestic population.

The first plan was to assimilate the hundreds of thousands of Moroccans in the colony of Southern Morocco as much as possible. The second plan was to bring in a large number of immigrants of Spanish descent and mixed-race people from the Americas, which Spain had once colonized.

Large and medium-sized American countries like Mexico, Argentina, and Chile were all once Spanish colonies. Even parts of the United States once belonged to Spain, and these areas also had large populations of Spanish descent and mixed-race people.

By offering relatively generous terms, some of these people would be willing to return to the embrace of Spain. After all, although some countries did embark on a path of rapid development after gaining independence from Spain, others had economies in shambles and highly chaotic political situations, not necessarily much better than during the Spanish colonial period.

The matter of bringing in population was also the responsibility of Minister of Colonial Affairs William, who continued to report: “Your Majesty, as of now, we have brought in approximately 200,000 immigrants from the Americas.

If we include Cuba, the number of immigrants we have obtained from the Americas has exceeded 400,000. Judging by the willingness of people in various American countries to immigrate to Spain, we can still continuously receive immigrants from these countries, and this will be an important source of our population growth.”

Chapter 298: The Portuguese-British Crisis

By 1884, the Spaniards were gradually seeing results from their colonization of the southern Congo.

The Portuguese had successively occupied the Kingdom of Luanda and the Kingdom of Buonda, and through their own efforts, had pushed their sphere of influence to the Kingdom of Barotseland.

In terms of distance, less than five hundred kilometers now separated Portugal’s West African Colony from its colony in Mozambique. The grand African colony Portugal envisioned seemed on the verge of becoming a reality.

But just as the Portuguese were indulging in this fantasy, reality dealt them a harsh blow.

Portugal’s colonial activities in the southern Congo had long attracted the attention of the British. The imminent unification of Portugal’s east and west African colonies made the British feel a sense of threat.

If Portugal succeeded in merging its West African and Mozambican colonies, the Cape to Cairo line planned by the British government would be severed.

Faced with the Portuguese directly undermining their colonial plans, the British could not remain indifferent, even knowing that Portugal was an ally.

On February 22, 1884, the British government officially announced its Cape to Cairo line plan. They contacted the Portuguese ambassador to Britain and demanded that Portugal abandon its colonization of the Kingdom of Barotseland and the Kingdom of Mwata Kazembe, leaving a five-hundred-kilometer-wide corridor to help Britain connect its colonies in southern and northern Africa.

When the Portuguese government received Britain’s demand, King Luís I of Portugal was utterly stunned.

He had never imagined that the Spaniards, whom he had always been wary of, would not obstruct his colonial plans. Instead, it was the British, who had always postured as Portugal’s ally, who stood up to stop him at this critical moment when his east and west African colonies were about to be joined.

Sharing King Luís’s sentiment were the Portuguese officials who had worked towards this goal for so long.

After all, the grand African colony plan was a political achievement for King Luís I, and equally so for Portugal’s Cabinet government.

To maximize the effect of this so-called political achievement, Portugal had been promoting the Pink Map project and the grand African colony plan for years. The unification of the east and west African colonies was no secret to the Portuguese people.

If all Portuguese were now told that the grand African colony was nothing but a fantasy, an impossible dream, the resulting public outrage would be immense.

At that point, it would be difficult for them to even hold on to their current positions, let alone accumulate any merits for themselves.

Agreeing to Britain’s demands meant facing the wrath of the Portuguese people at home. Refusing them meant facing the wrath of the British government.

This choice tormented King Luís I and the Portuguese government. Luís I convened several Cabinet meetings to discuss a solution, but ultimately, they could not reach a consensus.

Left with no other choice, the Portuguese government decided to employ a stalling tactic.

The idea was to delay the British government on one hand while accelerating colonization of the lands in the southern Congo on the other.

Occupying either the Kingdom of Barotseland or the Kingdom of Mwata Kazembe would be enough to connect Portugal’s West African and Mozambican colonies.

As long as the two colonies were connected, King Luís I and the Portuguese government would have fulfilled their promise to the people.

As for being forced to transfer sovereignty over the Kingdom of Barotseland and the Kingdom of Mwata Kazembe later, that could be blamed on pressure from the British government. It wouldn’t be a case of the Portuguese government making grand, unfulfilled promises.

By then, even if the Portuguese people were angry, their anger would be directed at the British. After all, it would be the British who shattered Portugal’s dream of a grand African colony, and the Portuguese government could hardly be expected to stand up to Britain.

The stalling tactic employed by the Portuguese government did have some effect. Because the Portuguese government had ordered its ambassador in Britain to open negotiations, the British government was led to believe that Portugal was merely seeking compensation.

But what the British did not expect was that while the Portuguese were negotiating with them, they were also speeding up their colonization of the southern Congo region.

By the time the British realized what was happening, more than a week had been wasted.

During that week, the Portuguese offensive against the Kingdom of Barotseland had not ceased.

They had successfully advanced their occupied territory by over a hundred kilometers, meaning the Portuguese army was now less than four hundred kilometers from the Mozambican coast in East Africa.

At this rate, it would take at most a month for Portugal to push through the entire Kingdom of Barotseland and reach their colony in Mozambique.

Back in Britain, after a week had passed, the British government began to sense that something was wrong.

The Kingdom of Barotseland was not far from Britain’s Cape Colony, and news of the relentless Portuguese attacks on Barotseland eventually reached the Cape.

Realizing they had been deceived, the British were both shocked and furious. They couldn’t believe that a small country like Portugal would dare to defy their demands.

The British government once again contacted the Portuguese ambassador to Britain, demanding an explanation.

Unexpectedly, the Portuguese ambassador continued to evade the topic, seemingly trying to stall for even more time.

At this, the British government could endure no more. The British Prime Minister, William Ewart Gladstone, personally summoned the Portuguese ambassador and delivered his final ultimatum.

Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone angrily stated that if Portugal did not intend to halt its colonial offensive, then the British would secure the buffer zone by their own means to ensure that Britain’s colonial actions would not be affected.

These words were an undisguised threat. The Portuguese ambassador’s face changed instantly. He had not expected the British to be so serious, let alone issue an ultimatum to an ally.

The meaning of an ultimatum was simple: either comply with its terms or face war.

A war with Britain was something the Portuguese had never even considered. The ambassador was finally panicking. He tried to reason with Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone, but the furious Prime Minister ignored the ambassador’s explanations and instead reiterated his demand: “If Portugal does not cease its acts of war, then Britain will declare war.”

With that, Prime Minister Gladstone stormed out, slamming the door behind him, clearly infuriated by the Portuguese stalling tactics.

When the Portuguese ambassador relayed this terrible news back home, everyone from King Luís I down to the entire Portuguese government sighed in despair.

The Portuguese had not anticipated such a hardline stance from the British government. In the face of such inflexibility, the Portuguese government seemed to have no choice.

Just as Luís I was about to give up, an official suddenly made a suggestion: Portugal could inquire about the Spanish government’s stance.

He pointed out that when the Colonial Exchange agreement was signed, Portugal had required Spain to provide strong support for its colonial actions.

Although the native states in the southern Congo were not powerful, their combined population was still considerable.

Due to its limited population, it would be difficult for Portugal to colonize these native states on its own.

Although the anticipated enemy had shifted from native states to the British Empire, this didn’t mean Portugal couldn’t receive Spanish support.

If they could secure the support of the Spanish government, Portugal still had a chance to complete its grand African colony plan.

Of course, if the British remained firm even with Spanish support, Portugal could still be flexible. They could just give up at that point, which would at least mean their efforts over this period had not been wasted.

Hope flickered in King Luís I’s eyes upon hearing this proposal.

Spain, the country he was usually so wary of, had now ironically become Portugal’s only hope of achieving its grand African colony.

Besides Spain, none of the other European great powers would risk offending Britain to support Portugal.

The question was, would Spain really be willing to risk offending Britain, or even going to war with Britain, just for a promise on paper?

Luís I was unsure of the thoughts of his brother-in-law, Carlo. In his view, Carlo was an extremely ambitious king, which was why he had always been on guard against Spain.

Under Carlo’s leadership, Spain had implemented reforms and achieved a great revival. This was something Luís I dreamed of, but Portugal’s national situation made reforms impossible, as he had no way of suppressing the opposition.

If he stubbornly pushed for reforms, the government itself would be reformed before the reforms were completed.

The reason Spain had been able to complete its reforms was that the revolutionary faction controlled the government and the army. This was something Luís I envied but could do nothing about, as he could not replicate the same path.

After all, for Portugal’s revolutionary faction to seize power, he, as the King of Portugal, would have to abdicate his throne. The best outcome would be to become a figurehead king with no real power, which was absolutely unacceptable to Luís I.

With a sigh, Luís I gave his order: have the Portuguese ambassador to Spain inquire about the Spanish government’s position.

If the Spanish government was willing to support Portugal, then Portugal still had room to delay. If even Spain was unwilling to offer support, then the Portuguese government would have to accept its fate.

On March 3, 1884, at the Royal Palace in Madrid, Spain.

When Carlo learned that the Portuguese ambassador was seeking an urgent audience, he knew something major must have happened in Portugal.

Ever since the Colonial Exchange with Portugal, Carlo had anticipated that Britain would inevitably interfere with Portugal’s colonial actions.

The very reason Carlo was willing to give up the southern Congo, the most valuable part of the Congo Basin, was that he knew Portugal would be unable to hold on to the region.

This meant that the colonial exchange between Spain and Portugal was more like getting something for nothing. It could even be a way to bring Portugal itself into the fold.

As expected, after the Portuguese ambassador saw Carlo, he first bowed respectfully, then with a panicked expression, explained the predicament the Portuguese government currently faced.

He mentioned the kinship between King Luís I and Carlo, and also brought up the Colonial Exchange treaty signed by the Portuguese and Spanish governments several years ago, which included a clause requiring Spain to support Portugal’s colonial plans.

After explaining everything, the Portuguese ambassador sincerely requested Carlo’s support for Portugal, asking the Spanish government to back Portugal’s colonial actions and resist the diplomatic pressure exerted by Britain.

Looking at the flustered ambassador, Carlo did not rush to state his position.

Although Carlo’s plan certainly involved declaring Spain’s support for Portugal to further damage relations between Portugal and Britain.

But there was no need to express this support too early. After all, the more easily something is obtained, the less it is valued.

Only by making the Portuguese feel the urgency of the situation, by letting the Portuguese government and King Luís I fall into a state of panic, would Carlo’s subsequent expression of support yield the greatest emotional leverage.

Of course, the support from Carlo and the Spanish government would be widely reported by the Spanish media and even circulated within Portugal.

Only by making the Portuguese people understand the support they had from Spain and Carlo, and contrasting it with British obstruction, could Carlo achieve his initial goal: to destroy the relationship between Portugal and Britain, forcing Portugal to align with Spain.

For small nations of this era, their situation was extremely difficult. This was especially true for a country like Portugal, which had only one neighbor. It either had to obediently align with Spain or seek external forces to preserve its sovereignty.

Clearly, Portugal had chosen to rely on Britain to protect its independence. But if Britain stood on the opposite side of Portugal, then Portugal would have no choice but to gravitate towards Spain.

After a long silence, once the Portuguese ambassador’s expression grew increasingly panicked, Carlo finally nodded with a smile, feigning great concern for Portugal’s situation. He said, “Whether it is because of the excellent relations between our royal families, or because of the agreement in our previous Colonial Exchange treaty, Spain should stand with Portugal.”

“Mr. Ambassador, please inform your government that Spain is willing to stand with Portugal and support your country’s colonization of the southern Congo.”

“If Britain resorts to force to interfere, Spain will fulfill its promise and stand with Portugal to resist Britain’s armed intervention.”

“May the friendship of the Iberian Peninsula last forever. We should join hands to fight against the filthy hands from the outside world that reach for the Iberian Peninsula.”

“This is my stance, and it is the stance of the Spanish government. If your country wants its grand African colony, then you must act now.”

“The moment Britain shows any sign of declaring war, Spain will immediately mobilize its forces. We will use guns and cannons to make the British understand that the dignity of the nations of the Iberian Peninsula is not to be trampled upon!”

Chapter 299: Taking a Public Stand

The Portuguese government breathed a sigh of relief after receiving Carlo’s clear statement. At least Portugal would not be plunged into the worst possible predicament.

Even if they were ultimately forced by the British government to abandon the unification of their East and West African colonies, the British would have to offer compensation—unless they were willing to see Portugal fall into Spain’s embrace.

Although the support from the Spaniards gave them some confidence, the Portuguese government was also prepared to make concessions in the end.

After all, the enemy they faced was the British Empire, the undisputed most powerful nation of the era.

Just as the Portuguese were planning to resume negotiations with the British, seeking compensation amidst their concessions, news of the British Empire’s ultimatum to the Portuguese government was leaked within Portugal.

The news was reported by a little-known newspaper company with a pitiful daily circulation of only about one thousand copies, barely enough to get by.

No one knew how such a small newspaper company had learned of such confidential news, but that was not the focus of the Portuguese people’s attention.

The British Empire’s ultimatum was what angered the Portuguese people. This arrogant attitude, which lorded over them, had severely trampled on their national pride.

As more and more Portuguese people learned of the news, many spontaneously took to the streets, demanding that the government not be weak and insisting that Britain had no right to interfere with Portugal’s colonies.

Although Portugal was a small country, as a former colonial empire, the Portuguese still had their pride.

The Portuguese people could accept their government failing in its colonial endeavors, and they could accept Portugal’s growing weakness, but the one thing they could not accept was another country lording over them.

Driven by this patriotism, the number of protesters grew, gradually drawing the attention of the Portuguese government.

It couldn’t be helped; no public protest could be ignored.

Most revolutions began with protests. If handled poorly, they could trigger larger-scale resistance or even uprisings, leading the country into civil war and chaos.

The Portuguese government had its own theories about how the British ultimatum had been leaked.

Currently, only three parties knew about it: the British government, the Portuguese government, and the Spanish government.

The Portuguese government would never have leaked the news itself; letting the public know would only create trouble for them.

After all, the Portuguese government was already prepared to back down, whereas the Portuguese people would not easily choose to concede just because of British pressure.

The British government was also highly unlikely to have deliberately revealed such information. To put it bluntly, it was the oppression of a weaker nation, which was not a glorious look.

Although the British Empire was indeed powerful, Britain also had many enemies.

While these countries were unlikely to help Portugal directly, if Britain’s international reputation took a hit, its rivals wouldn’t mind kicking it when it was down, creating even bigger problems for the British.

After ruling out the Portuguese and British governments, the only remaining possibility for the leak was the Spanish government.

But it couldn’t be helped. The power disparity between the two nations was simply too great. Even if they knew the Spanish government had leaked the secret, the Portuguese government had no way to retaliate.

Moreover, the Portuguese government lacked sufficient evidence to prove the Spanish government was the source of the leak.

Besides, the biggest problem at the moment wasn’t the leak itself, but how to handle the Portuguese people who were now closely following the colonial incident.

When the Portuguese public was unaware, the government could decide the outcome of the incident on its own. But now that a large number of citizens were paying attention, public opinion was something the government had to consider.

Offending the British government would lead to failure, but wouldn’t offending the vast Portuguese populace also lead to failure?

For the Portuguese government, they were now truly caught in a dilemma where any misstep could send them plunging into an abyss.

While the protests in Portugal raged, the newspaper media in Spain also reported on the related events.

Spain’s The Sun went so far as to critically denounce the British government’s actions as a violation of national sovereignty, arguing that this was not how a civilized European nation should behave.

This wasn’t the first or second time Britain had done something like this. Even Gibraltar, which should have belonged to Spain, had been forcibly seized by Britain through war.

This instantly ignited the Spaniards’ hatred for the British and fostered empathy for the Portuguese.

For a time, Spaniards also took to the streets, expressing all sorts of protests against the British government. Some of the more extreme Spaniards even hoped the Spanish government would send troops to reclaim Gibraltar, believing that only a Spain that possessed Gibraltar was whole.

After the British ultimatum caught the attention of the Spanish people, the Spanish government officially issued a public announcement, stating that Spain did not condone the British government’s thuggish behavior and hoped that the British government would act from a civilized and friendly perspective, respecting the sovereignty of other nations.

Carlo also made a public appearance during a diplomatic event. When asked about the matter by the media, Carlo expressed his stance: Spain was willing to stand with the Portuguese, and the people of Iberia should jointly defend their nations’ sovereignty and uphold the dignity of the Iberian Peninsula.

Unsurprisingly, the statements from the Spanish government and Carlo were reprinted in Portuguese newspapers, sparking widespread discussion among the Portuguese people.

Before this, the Portuguese had been fighting alone. Although they were furious at Britain’s actions, they also knew their government had no good solutions.

Now, with the public support of the Spanish government and King Carlo of Spain, it could be said that Portugal’s worries were gone, and they no longer needed to bow and scrape before an aggressive Britain.

Over in the British government, Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone had naturally taken notice of the public mood in the two countries of the Iberian Peninsula.

Upon hearing the news, Prime Minister Gladstone angrily smashed several items from his prized collection. He had not expected Portugal to gain Spain’s support, nor had he expected the matter to be leaked to the Portuguese people, igniting such widespread public outrage.

If it were just Portugal, offending every single Portuguese person wouldn’t actually matter much.

But with Spain factored in, they would form a formidable opposition. Although this force was still no match for the might of the British Empire, for the British, who had already made many enemies, it would be no small trouble.

But trouble or not, for the sake of Britain’s colonial plans, Prime Minister Gladstone could not back down an inch.

If Portugal backed down, it would incite the wrath of the Portuguese people, but if Prime Minister Gladstone backed down, would it not incite the wrath of the British people?

As the most powerful nation in the world, if the British Empire chose to retreat when faced with Portugal and Spain, it would become a massive joke.

The British people wouldn’t consider the diplomatic implications; they would only care that their Prime Minister had chosen to retreat from a position of advantage, and they would furiously denounce him as a cowardly Prime Minister.

The furious Prime Minister Gladstone once again summoned the Portuguese ambassador. His face was ashen, and he glared fiercely at the ambassador, trying to find a hint of panic in the man’s eyes. “Mr. Ambassador, please tell me what your country’s choice is!

If Portugal wishes to forsake Britain’s friendship, we don’t mind having one more hostile nation. The glory of the British Empire will not be trampled upon. If your country is bent on opposing us, then be prepared for war!”

The Portuguese ambassador sighed and replied with considerable helplessness, “Please forgive me, Mr. Prime Minister. My government has no intention of opposing your country, but because the information was leaked, the matter has already attracted the attention of many of our citizens.

Announcing the abandonment of the colonies at this time would cause great upheaval. So please, allow us some time. Portugal is willing to make corresponding efforts to maintain the friendship between our two nations.”

“The information was leaked?” Prime Minister Gladstone snorted coldly, his tone dripping with sarcasm. “Only our two governments were aware of this matter. It is impossible that we leaked it. If we’re talking about a leak, isn’t your government the only other possibility?”

“No, Mr. Prime Minister.” The Portuguese ambassador shook his head, a wry and helpless smile on his face as he explained, “When we received your country’s demands, we had no intention of abandoning our colonies, so we requested assistance from Spain.

This led to the Spanish learning of the matter, and it was they who leaked the information.

The turn of events has exceeded our expectations, but Portugal has absolutely no intention of abandoning its friendship with your country. Give us some more time. Once public opinion has calmed, we are willing to restart negotiations with your country.”

For Portugal, regardless of whether Spain had actually leaked the news, at this moment, it had to be the Spanish government.

This was the only way to shirk their own responsibility and buy more time to calm public opinion at home.

The Portuguese ambassador was also quite resentful of the Spanish government for potentially leaking the news. If the Spanish government hadn’t leaked it, the Portuguese government would never have been caught in such a difficult dilemma.

As long as they could keep the Portuguese people in the dark, even if they ultimately gave up the colonies, they could still have secured some compensation to appease them.

But now, with the focus of so many Portuguese people fixed on whether the government would choose to yield under British pressure, the Portuguese government could not proceed with its original plan.

In the current climate of public opinion, if news broke that the Portuguese government had chosen to back down and Britain was taking over the colony in Southern Congo, it was likely that various rebellions and uprisings would erupt across the country the very next day, and the Kingdom of Portugal would not be far from its demise.

“Spain?” Prime Minister Gladstone thought of the reactions of the Spanish government and King Carlo after the news was exposed. He snorted coldly, his gaze fixed on the Portuguese ambassador. “Regardless of whether Spain was the one who leaked it, your government is connected to the leak.

If your country does not want to destroy its friendship with Britain, I expect to see more concrete actions. During this period, your country must completely halt colonization of the lands in Southern Congo. You must also prepare for the handover of the colonies in Barotseland and the Kingdom of Mwata Kazembe.

Once public opinion has subsided, I expect the handover of the colonies to be carried out immediately. If there are any more surprises, I don’t mind using military force to acquire that land.”

The Portuguese ambassador nodded repeatedly. Gaining some time to mollify domestic public opinion was already a very good result.

He had feared the British would be completely unwilling to give Portugal time to quiet the public outcry. Under the dual pressure of the British government and domestic opinion, any step the Portuguese government took could be the wrong one, and the consequences would be devastating.

“Furthermore, isn’t the trade relationship between your country and Spain a bit too close? If your economic ties with Spain are too intimate, your country’s economy will be susceptible to Spain’s influence.

I suggest cutting the railway link with Spain. Only by using a different track gauge can Portugal’s own security be guaranteed.

Of course, the British Empire will also protect all its allies. If Portugal truly faces war, we will use our army to protect Portugal. This is the best way we can repay your country’s friendship.” Seeing the Portuguese ambassador agree to his demands, Prime Minister Gladstone’s expression softened slightly, and he then put forward his additional demands.

For Britain, Portugal and Spain growing closer was absolutely unacceptable. If the two countries on the Iberian Peninsula had too good a relationship, they would be united in their opposition to British encroachment on the peninsula.

If Britain did not want to lose Gibraltar, it could only do everything in its power to sabotage the relationship between Portugal and Spain.

Regardless of whether the Portuguese government was willing, as long as Portugal was an ally of the British Empire, Britain would never allow it to have an overly intimate relationship with Spain.

“The synchronized track gauge was something the Spanish government requested of us back then. If Spain is willing to not hold us accountable for breaking the treaty, we would certainly be willing to rebuild the railway with a different track gauge.

Thank you for your concern, Mr. Prime Minister. Portugal will be an eternal ally of the British Empire. Long live the friendship between Portugal and the British Empire.” Although the Portuguese ambassador was quite dissatisfied with Prime Minister Gladstone’s forceful, commanding tone, he knew full well that he had no power to resist.

However, he had also made his position clear. The synchronized gauge was an agreement reached between the Portuguese and Spanish governments. If Portugal wanted to break the agreement, it had to consider the Spanish government’s attitude.

Breaking a treaty of this nature was tantamount to a public humiliation. If Britain couldn’t handle Spain’s potential retaliation, the Portuguese government would not go out of its way to offend Spain for no reason.

Of course, the Portuguese ambassador’s words were also very clear. As long as the British government could resolve the issue of potential Spanish retaliation, Portugal was willing to change the gauge of its railway tracks at any time and sever the connection with Spain.

Speaking of which, after connecting their railways, Portugal had also reaped the benefits of Spain’s rapid economic development and had grown a bit faster itself.

This was especially true for the border cities adjacent to Spain. Frequent trade with Spain had caused these cities to develop at a remarkable pace.

Although Portugal had a larger area of plains than Spain, in terms of grain production, Portugal’s output was just a fraction of Spain’s.

Every year, Portugal had to import large quantities of agricultural products from Spain, mainly olives, fruits, and some vegetables.

Grain imports were not as high, as Portugal’s own population was small, and its domestic grain production could fully support its consumption needs.

Aside from agricultural products, Portugal’s largest import from Spain was industrial products.

Automobiles, needless to say, were currently very popular among the Portuguese nobility, and basically all Portuguese nobleman owned at least one car.

In addition to cars, all sorts of finished industrial products and machined goods were targets for Portuguese imports.

Because of Spain’s larger industrial scale, its industrial products were sold at lower prices.

Coupled with the fact that Spain was Portugal’s only neighbor, Spain was essentially the only choice for Portugal when importing industrial products.

Although goods could be imported from other European countries by sea, shipping was slower and more expensive than rail transport.

If the train lines with Spain were to be abruptly cut, the impact on import-export trade alone would be enough to cause Portugal’s economy to stagnate for some time.

This was why the Portuguese ambassador had not immediately agreed to Prime Minister Gladstone’s proposal. After all, Portugal was not Britain’s dog; it certainly couldn’t obey every single command.

While the British Prime Minister was urgently meeting with the Portuguese ambassador, over in Spain, Carlo was making further preparations.

Based on the course of history, the Portuguese government would most likely choose to back down, which was, of course, part of Carlo’s plan.

But unlike in history, Carlo wanted the Portuguese government’s concession to be public and transparent, for all Portuguese people to see and understand clearly.

Only by making all the Portuguese people lose faith in their current government and king could Carlo find an opportunity to exploit.

Additionally, Carlo wanted to use this incident to severely damage the relationship between Portugal and Britain.

If Britain continued its aggressive stance, it would surely be universally condemned by the other European nations. If Britain could still force the Portuguese government to concede under such circumstances, the Portuguese people’s disappointment in their government would deepen.

To build momentum, Carlo contacted the Italian royal family and the Austro-Hungarian imperial family in the name of his own royal family, seeking their help.

Of course, Carlo did not expect them to help him militarily. As long as the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy could side with Spain on a diplomatic level, their combined influence would at least appear stronger than Britain’s.

Spain, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Italy—that was a total of three great powers. The remaining three major European great powers—France, Germany, and Russia—all had some degree of friction with the British and were highly unlikely to side with Britain.

This meant that Britain was destined to be isolated in this incident. Even if he couldn’t derail Britain’s plans, tarnishing its international reputation would still be a victory.

With Spain publicly siding with Portugal on the colonial issue now, when Spain launched its war to reclaim Gibraltar in the future, the Portuguese people would remember Spain’s past help and would be more likely to side with Spain.

As long as he could destroy the Portuguese people’s trust in their government and royal family, while also sabotaging the relationship between Portugal and Britain, Carlo’s objective would be achieved.

As for the rest, it was no longer so important to him.

Chapter 300: The Berlin Conference, Advanced

The day after British Prime Minister Gladstone met with the Portuguese Ambassador, the British Ambassador to Spain urgently requested an audience with King Carlo of Spain to discuss the matter of the Portuguese colonies.

It was less a discussion and more a case of Britain calling Spain to account for its attitude.

Yes, calling them to account.

Although the British Ambassador’s attitude was not as arrogant as it had been toward Portugal, he still presented a tough stance.

The British Ambassador said a great deal, the gist of which was that the Cape to Cairo line was Britain’s most important colonial plan in Africa, and that no country would be allowed to interfere with or sabotage it.

Reading between the lines, his message was clear: if Spain chose to side with Portugal and disrupt Britain’s colonial plan, a war between Spain and Britain was highly probable.

Carlo, of course, did not accept the threatening tone of the British. While the British were indeed powerful, Spain had little to fear.

The Spain of today had the confidence to stand up to the other great powers, and none of them wanted a complete falling out with Spain.

After all, the European continent was home to many great powers. A war with Spain would be a crippling blow, and the other great powers would be the only ones to benefit.

Upon learning that Carlo would not back down on this matter, the British Ambassador’s face was etched with a trace of dissatisfaction and indignation.

In his view, as the most powerful nation in the world, the British Empire deserved a measure of respect, even from a great power like Spain.

But Carlo was, after all, the King of Spain. Even though he had taken a stance against the British government, the ambassador dared not provoke him with any action or word.

In Europe, the royal family and the government represented different things. Provoking a government was merely a competition between nations, but provoking a king was to stand in opposition to the institution of monarchy itself.

The royal families of Europe were inextricably linked, like one big family. Except in special circumstances, they were all willing to maintain a veneer of cordiality.

The British Ambassador left the Royal Palace of Spain with a look of displeasure, and the British government received a report on the matter a short time later.

On the Spanish side, Carlo was also preparing to withstand the diplomatic pressure from the British government.

Carlo had no intention of having Spain bear this pressure alone; instead, he planned to bring in Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

His thinking was simple: he wanted to see if the British truly had the nerve to push Spain into Germany’s camp.

At worst, Carlo would simply announce that Spain was joining the Triple Alliance, forming a super-military bloc of four great powers: Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Spain.

This powerful lineup would have a chance of overwhelming even the Franco-Russian Alliance.

After all, Russia currently had too many internal problems. Rushing into a massive war between multiple great powers would only cause Russia’s domestic issues to explode sooner.

Without Russia, France alone could not withstand a siege from four great powers.

Germany, Italy, and Spain could attack France from three directions, while the Austro-Hungarian army could support Spain and Italy, simultaneously tying up a large number of French troops to defend their southern border.

As long as Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Spain could occupy half of the French army, Germany would face the remaining half and sweep through as if entering undefended territory, capturing Paris with lightning speed.

This was why Carlo was not afraid of Britain when he made his move regarding Portugal. At this time, Britain was not planning to intervene directly in European affairs. Its policy of regional balance dictated that it could not accept Spain joining Germany’s side, which meant Britain could not afford a complete falling out with Spain.

Since a complete break was not on the table, there was room for negotiation. With the support of Austria-Hungary and Italy, Spain was not afraid of Britain in diplomatic talks.

Moreover, even before negotiations began, Carlo had essentially accomplished his objectives. As long as he had driven a wedge between the British and Portuguese governments and sown distrust among the Portuguese people toward their own government and royal family, the possibility of Spain annexing Portugal in the future would increase significantly.

After Carlo contacted the royal families of Austria-Hungary and Italy in his capacity as a fellow monarch, both Franz Joseph I and Umberto I expressed their support.

The two nations agreed to support Spain not only because they wanted to pull Spain into the Triple Alliance, but also because their respective governments had their own agendas.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire had no plans to colonize Africa, but it would need to contend with Russia later on. For Austria-Hungary, every additional ally increased their chances of victory against Russia.

As for Italy, they did have plans to colonize Africa. The colony of Tunisia had given Italy a good start and had shown the Italian government the benefits of African colonization.

Simply developing agriculture there could earn Italy a substantial income. The wealthier the government’s treasury, the smoother Umberto I’s planned military expansion would be.

After Tunisia, the Italian government set its sights on two more regions: Libya in North Africa and the Abyssinian Empire in East Africa.

These two potential colonies had one thing in common: they were located near British colonies.

If Italy wanted to occupy these two territories, it would inevitably face pressure from the British government. This was why Umberto I had so readily chosen to support Carlo—because he would need the Spanish government’s support in a similar situation.

For the British government, the situation suddenly became very difficult. Spain alone was manageable, something the British government did not fear.

But as news of frequent meetings between the Spanish, Austro-Hungarian, and Italian royal families spread, the British government understood that these two nations had chosen to stand behind Spain.

Prime Minister Gladstone now felt what the Portuguese government had felt a few days prior: stuck, unable to advance or retreat. It was an extremely uncomfortable position.

The lands west of Mozambique had to be occupied; they were crucial to Britain’s Cape to Cairo line, and Britain would absolutely not allow its plan to be sabotaged by another country.

At the same time, they could not afford a complete break with Spain and its backers, Austria-Hungary and Italy. While their support for Spain was currently only diplomatic, if Britain were to force the issue, the two nations would be compelled to fight, even if they were unwilling.

Once a war started, things would become far from simple. Russia had always held a grudge against Britain and would certainly take advantage of such a prime opportunity to stir up trouble in Central and West Asia.

France’s conflicts with the British were also not insignificant. If not kicking them when they were down, they would certainly seize the chance to grab colonies while Britain was distracted.

Even if Britain ultimately won the war, it would be the one to suffer the greatest loss of interests.

For this reason, after learning that Austria-Hungary and Italy had both expressed their support for Spain, negotiations between Britain and Spain stalled.

On March 15, 1884, at the invitation of the British government, German Chancellor Bismarck sent telegrams to Spain, Austria-Hungary, Italy, Britain, Portugal, and other nations, inviting them to send representatives to a conference in Berlin. The purpose was to resolve the disputes among the nations over the land in the Southern Congo region.

None of the parties, including Britain and Spain, intended to have a complete falling out.

Thus, after Chancellor Bismarck sent out the invitations, the nations all nodded in agreement and sent representatives to the conference, giving the Chancellor due respect.

Initially, only the countries involved in the dispute were planned to attend. Later, after discussions among the nations, it was decided to invite more European countries to participate in order to prevent similar conflicts from occurring.

Because the main purpose of the conference was to delineate the scope of each country’s colonization of Africa, the final number of participating countries grew to fifteen. All fifteen were European nations capable of colonizing Africa.

As for the remaining countries that lacked the ability to colonize Africa, they naturally were not qualified to attend. To put it bluntly, this conference was convened only for the great powers to balance their mutual conflicts.

Smaller countries originally had no decision-making power, but they were allowed to participate to prevent incidents like the one involving Portugal from happening again.

Through Carlo’s intervention, the Berlin Conference was convened several years ahead of schedule.

However, this was not necessarily a bad thing for Spain. By participating in the partition of Africa earlier, Spain could claim more fertile land.

Of course, Spain’s colonies in Africa were destined not to be too large. Apart from the West African Colony, its other colonies were unlikely to expand much further.

At present, the African colonies mainly served as sources of raw materials and for agricultural development projects.

The local natives were in no position to buy European industrial products; they simply couldn’t afford them. This meant that the African colonies had virtually no capacity to serve as a dumping ground for industrial goods and offered little help in boosting Spain’s domestic industrial output.

For a true market for industrial goods, Spain had to look to Asia and the Americas. The countries in these regions were more developed, and industrial products could be sold there even if they weren’t colonies.

Although fifteen countries participated in this Berlin Conference, the only nations with any real decision-making power were the six great powers: Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Spain.

Countries like the Netherlands, Belgium, and Portugal might have been present, but they had no say. They would be burning incense in thanks if they could simply ensure their existing colonial outposts weren’t seized by the great powers.

After all, this was not an age of civilization, but a true era of the law of the jungle, where if you fall behind, you will be beaten.

Don’t be fooled by the European countries masquerading as beacons of civilization and friendship. When they spy huge profits, they reveal their true nature.

The British Museum, as Britain’s famous repository of collections, houses artifacts from all over the world. These items weren’t purchased by the British; they were plundered from countries across the globe through aggression.

In later times, out of more than two hundred countries in the world, the number not colonized or invaded by Britain could be counted on one hand.

Even Spain had been invaded by Britain, which also reveals the nature of European nations: they had no mercy for the weak.

Spain’s representatives at the conference were Minister of Colonial Affairs William and Foreign Secretary Caler.

The previous Foreign Secretary, the Marquis of Everton, had retired with honor after serving through the terms of four Cabinet governments (including the Provisional Cabinet). With the merits he had accumulated, he was awarded vast tracts of fertile land, successfully elevating his family into the ranks of Spain’s top noble families.

His successor, Caler, was also a Spanish nobleman, though his noble title was not as distinguished as the Marquis of Everton’s.

The current Foreign Secretary, Caler, came from a minor family in southern Spain. His father, a Count, had been stripped of his title by the former queen, Isabel, for various reasons and reduced to a Baron, the lowest rank of the nobility.

This sent Caler’s family into a decline from which they never recovered. If not for the revolution that made Carlo the King of Spain, the Caler family would likely have fallen into complete obscurity, eventually becoming ordinary people with nothing but a noble title.

Before Caler and William left for Berlin, Carlo had already summoned them and instructed them on how they should act during the conference.

For Carlo, the two most basic objectives had already been achieved. The relationship between Britain and Portugal had been damaged, and the Portuguese people were full of discontent and suspicion toward their own government.

Unless Austria-Hungary and Italy were willing to go to war with Britain, it was impossible for Spain alone to stop Britain from occupying the lands of the Southern Congo.

Then again, letting the British occupy this land was not necessarily a bad thing.

Whenever the people of Portugal mentioned the lands of the Southern Congo, they would remember this day. They would remember how the British stood over them, arrogantly thwarting their plan for colonial unification and seizing land that should have belonged to Portugal.

Carlo could make concessions on the land in the Southern Congo, on the condition that the British were willing to offer Spain more benefits as compensation.

After all, Spain was also capable of colonizing the Southern Congo. As long as the British did not want a complete falling out with Spain, they would have to consider the consequences of being drawn into direct colonial competition.

The Berlin Conference was meant to resolve conflicts and clashes between the great powers. The British representative would surely understand this and make more concessions to Spain in other areas.

As for land in Africa, Carlo no longer had significant ambitions. The one territory he wanted, Morocco, the British would be unwilling to give to Spain. This meant that if Carlo wanted land, he would have to set his sights further afield in Asia, for example, on the Arabian Peninsula.

Spain had already occupied the Sultanate of Muscat. Further north lay the Trucial States, the future UAE.

Like Oman, the UAE was also a vast desert. While Oman had a small area of mountains and plains in the north, the vast majority of the UAE’s land was desert, unsuitable for habitation.

This meant that Spain could potentially acquire the Trucial States through this conference, merging them with the Omani colony to create a larger colonial territory.

Although this colony seemed to have little value now, once petroleum was discovered in the Middle East in the future, the value of the oil alone would be enough for Spain to make a fortune.

This was the reason Carlo valued the Middle East. After all, something like petroleum was truly profitable, and in this era, it wouldn’t yet spawn the American military.

Chapter 301: Britain’s Concession

The Berlin Conference convened half a year earlier than in history, which meant that the European great powers’ colonial progress in Africa was already vastly different from the historical timeline.

After exchanging all its West African colonies, Britain’s only remaining colonies in Africa were in the south and the north—namely, the Cape Colony and the Egyptian colony.

This made the Cape to Cairo line even more critical than in history, and the British government was absolutely unwilling to back down on this matter.

The result was that the Berlin Conference, which the representatives from various countries had expected to conclude in less than a month, dragged on for several months without end.

Of course, this was not entirely bad news for Spain. The longer the Berlin Conference continued, the more dissatisfied the European great powers were with the current proposals for partitioning Africa.

The result was that less powerful nations could fish in troubled waters, acquiring their own colonies in corners where the great powers were not paying attention.

The first issue the Berlin Conference had to address was the conflict over the lands of the Southern Congo, primarily involving the great powers led by Britain and Spain.

Britain’s demand was for it to occupy the Kingdom of Barotseland, the Kingdom of Mwata Kazembe, the Kingdom of Malawi, and the Yeke Kingdom, in order to ensure a connection between its Cape Colony and Egypt.

With Spain’s support and pressured by domestic public opinion, the Portuguese government did not relinquish these lands. They claimed the territories were acquired through a Colonial Exchange with Spain and that Britain had no right to leapfrog over a thousand kilometers to conduct such a far-reaching colonial action.

The Portuguese government’s argument was well-founded. The lands of the Southern Congo were indeed on the route of Britain’s Cape to Cairo line, but the problem was that the border of the southernmost Kingdom of Barotseland was over 1,100 kilometers from Britain’s Cape Colony, and the northernmost Yeke Kingdom was over 1,000 kilometers from the British-controlled Sudanese colony.

No matter how powerful the British Empire was, it couldn’t colonize in such a leapfrogging fashion. Moreover, Spain was the first country to establish colonies in the Congo River Basin, and its colonial outposts were already spread throughout the region.

The sovereignty of this land originally belonged to Spain. Since Spain had exchanged it with Portugal, sovereignty naturally now belonged to Portugal and had nothing to do with Britain.

Britain’s demand for land from afar was clearly too tyrannical, which was why the Portuguese government could never agree to it.

If they agreed to the British government’s proposal at the Berlin Conference, once the public learned the details, the Prime Minister and the Cabinet Ministers of the Portuguese government could forget about dying peacefully.

Even King Luís I could be swept up in the wave of public anger. With the populace paying close attention to the Berlin Conference, the Portuguese government could not possibly make any overt concessions to the British government.

After all, they could still weigh their priorities. Since the colonial dispute had now become a matter for the Berlin Conference involving all the great powers, Britain would not launch a war against Portugal during the conference unless it wanted to incur the wrath of all nations.

Although Portugal was one of the competing parties, its representative did not speak much during the negotiations at the Berlin Conference.

The main debaters were the representatives of Britain and Spain; nations below the level of great powers had little decision-making power.

The British government finally began to take Spain, a country it had always looked down on, seriously. Spain was proving to be just as troublesome as the Russians.

Although they were all great powers, there were still disparities among them. Take Italy, for example; the British government feared it not in the slightest.

Without a final hero like Garibaldi, the combat effectiveness of the Italian Army was extremely poor. Although King Umberto I of Italy continuously promoted military expansion, the British government never took Italy seriously.

As a Mediterranean country, Britain only needed to blockade the two sea outlets to the east and west, rendering Italy’s navy useless no matter how strong it was. They simply couldn’t reach the open ocean, let alone pose a threat to the British mainland.

As for their army, there was even less to say. Italy and Britain were worlds apart, and given the abysmal combat effectiveness of the Italian Army, Britain wouldn’t be concerned even if there were two of them.

Spain was different.

Although Spain was also a Mediterranean country, half of its coastline was on the eastern shore of the Atlantic Ocean.

This meant it was difficult for Britain to completely blockade the Spanish navy in the Mediterranean, and the Spanish navy had the ability to threaten the British mainland.

More importantly, Britain’s method of blockading the Mediterranean was to control its two sea outlets, and the western outlet, the Strait of Gibraltar, had once belonged to Spain.

If Britain and Spain went to war, Spain could retake Gibraltar by land at any time, thereby controlling the strait.

Once Britain lost control of both Mediterranean outlets, the situation along the Mediterranean coast would become much more unpredictable. This would also mean that the Suez Canal, which Britain had gone to great lengths to control, would lose at least half of its strategic value.

If Britain and Spain went to war, Portugal would likely be the first country to be annexed.

A fully unified Iberian Peninsula would become an entity akin to Britain—powerful yet able to remain detached from the European continent, unaffected by its turmoil.

Furthermore, being a self-contained entity, it would be very difficult for Britain to pose a threat to the Iberian Peninsula. This meant that a war between Britain and Spain would result in a stalemate for both sides, unless Britain was willing to assemble an expeditionary force—but the casualties of such an endeavor would be unbearable for the British government.

Although the armies of Germany and France were clearly more renowned on land, this was largely due to Spain’s decline. Before its decline, the Spanish army had been quite formidable.

If Britain were to actually assemble an expeditionary force to attack the Spanish mainland, victory would be far from certain. Galvanized by the cause of defending their homeland, the Spaniards would each be transformed into the strongest of warriors. No great power wanted to face a Spain like that.

During the Berlin Conference, the famous American landmark, the Statue of Liberty, was fully assembled and completed, attracting much media attention.

In this era, the United States pursued a policy of isolationism. They had no interest in Europe, which was across the ocean, focusing only on the situation in the Americas.

This was why the United States, despite already being a great power with a rate of industrial and economic development no other great power could match, had no presence or influence in Europe.

Furthermore, because European capital had played a significant role in helping and investing in America’s industrial and economic rise, Americans were seen as a class below in Europe.

All the great powers participated in this conference to partition Africa—all except the United States from across the ocean. On one hand, the United States genuinely did not care about the situation in Europe and Africa; on the other, Germany had not actually invited them.

As the negotiations at the Berlin Conference reached a stalemate, the European nations, while attending the meeting, did not halt their own colonial expansion in the slightest.

On France’s side, their war with Vietnam was raging. France successfully annexed Cambodia, doubling the size of its colony and showing a tendency to expand northward.

On Britain’s side, the Sudanese colony was also continuously expanding southward, laying the groundwork for the Cape to Cairo line.

Italy was plotting to colonize Libya, and their demand at the Berlin Conference was precisely to gain the initiative for the colonization of Libya.

The good news was that although Libya was a vast territory, it had not received much attention from the European great powers because it was mostly desert.

Apart from Britain expressing its opposition, other European countries did not have significant objections to Italy occupying Libya. Italy still had hope of acquiring this hard-won colony.

As the most powerful nation on the European continent aside from Britain, Germany was also making its own colonial moves.

Because Germany had unified relatively late, by the time the German government initiated its colonial plans, most of the world’s lands had already been partitioned by the great powers.

Germany could only turn its sights to Africa, searching for lands that other great powers had not yet set foot on.

And, as it happened, the Germans actually found such lands.

Regarding this matter, one had to mention Britain’s colonial policy in Africa.

Due to the abundance of primeval forests in the interior of the African continent, the European great powers’ colonization efforts were mainly concentrated on the coasts, rarely venturing deep into the continent.

This led Britain’s colonization to focus not on territorial sovereignty, but on controlling the region’s trade, a form of economic colonization.

Although the footprints of British colonizers were all over the African continent, there were in fact large tracts of land where Britain had not declared sovereignty.

The Germans exploited this very loophole, finding two places in Africa that Britain had reached but had not declared sovereignty over.

One of these territories was located to the northwest of the British Cape Colony, at its closest point only a few kilometers away.

In other words, the Germans were establishing their own African colony right under Britain’s nose.

Yet the British had no grounds to object, because Britain had indeed never declared sovereignty over that land.

The method Germany used to acquire sovereignty was also noteworthy. They did not choose the traditional European great power process of establishing colonial outposts, connecting them, and then declaring sovereignty to establish a colony. Instead, they decisively used their army to forcibly conquer the local native tribes and then signed a treaty with the local chieftains—a treaty they could not understand at all.

How could these natives understand the clauses of a treaty written in German? Under the duress of the German army’s guns and cannons, they could only inexplicably sign their names and affix their thumbprints to the document.

The thumbprints were another layer of insurance imposed by Germany. After all, the Germans were newcomers and had no idea if the natives were actually called by those names.

The natives, of course, would not write in German; they used their own languages, which the Germans also could not understand.

But not understanding was fine; as long as the thumbprints were made, they could be matched to the person later.

It was with the help of such a treaty, where only one of the two signing parties was informed, that Germany successfully established its first colony in Africa.

The process of establishing the German West African Colony was quite a spectacle, essentially created right under Britain’s nose.

This made the British sense a crisis. If things proceeded according to Germany’s method, even if Britain secured the lands of the Southern Congo at the Berlin Conference, the other territories along the Cape to Cairo line would be carved up by the other European great powers.

Britain could use its influence to create competition for colonies, but could it use such methods every time?

After all, Britain was also a European nation, and its strength did not completely crush the other European great powers.

Since it was a European nation, it had to abide by the rules that European nations had long tacitly agreed upon.

After internal discussions, the British government decided to make certain concessions to Spain to expedite a compromise on the Southern Congo issue at the Berlin Conference.

Only by resolving the Southern Congo dispute sooner could Britain have enough energy to complete the Cape to Cairo line while also guarding against more powerful nations like Germany rapidly colonizing Africa in their own way.

Spain, after all, was a medium great power, and the threat it could pose was limited.

Even if Spain were given the chance, with its population of just over twenty million, it couldn’t colonize too much land.

But countries like Germany and France were different. Germany and France had larger populations, more developed industries, and more prosperous economies, which meant they could colonize more of Africa and drain more of its blood.

The African continent was like a large cake. Although the British received the largest slice, other countries were constantly eyeing it.

Only by completely eating their slice could Britain ensure it remained the biggest beneficiary. Britain’s main concern was Germany and France, who were coming to claim their share with basins in hand.

As for a great power like Spain that only brought a bowl, a reasonable concession was acceptable. After all, Spain’s appetite was limited; even if some cake was offered to them, they were bound to get indigestion.

In Berlin, the Berlin Conference proceeded at a leisurely pace.

Meanwhile, back in Madrid, the British Ambassador once again sought out Carlo.

Unlike his previous request for an audience, this time the British Ambassador displayed a much more respectful attitude, and his words were not as forceful as before.

During his meeting with Carlo, the British Ambassador mentioned the importance of the Cape to Cairo line to Britain on more than one occasion and stated that Britain was willing to make certain concessions in territories other than the Southern Congo.

Britain proposed three conditions for Carlo and the Spanish government to choose from.

The first condition was regarding the Dutch East Indies colony. Britain was willing to let Spain occupy more land there as compensation for the Southern Congo, though Britain was unwilling to cede the core islands of Sumatra and Java Island to Spain.

The second condition concerned the colonization of New Guinea Island. The British government would tacitly approve of Spain’s colonial actions on New Guinea Island and support the colony Spain would establish there in the future.

The third condition was related to the Middle East. Britain would allow Spain’s Omani colony to expand northward to the territory of the Trucial States.

These three conditions showed Britain’s willingness to make concessions.

However, the extent of Britain’s concessions was not that great. Whether it was the Dutch East Indies, New Guinea, or the Trucial States, none were particularly valuable.

The reason Britain was willing to concede in these territories was actually because its own interests there were not very significant.

Chapter 302: Pan-Iberianism

Of the three places Britain was willing to concede, Carlo didn’t want the other two besides the Trucial States.

During the last conflict over Kalimantan Island, Spain had already occupied the Kutai Sultanate. If they were to expand southward again, Spain would be taking over all of the Netherlands’ territory on the island.

This would transform the situation on Kalimantan Island from a colonial competition between Spain and the Netherlands with Britain on the sidelines to a direct rivalry between Britain and Spain.

Carlo had no desire for a colonial rivalry with Britain in such a distant place. The time required for a round trip between the homeland and Kalimantan Island alone was an enormous expense.

The same logic applied to New Guinea Island. The reason Carlo had the Philippine colony send an expedition to New Guinea in the first place was to slow down the other great powers’ colonization of the island.

Spain’s colonization efforts in New Guinea were already quite successful. With British support, it wouldn’t be an exaggeration to say they could take half the island.

The problem, however, was that New Guinea Island shared the same awkward predicament as Kalimantan: it was too far from the Spanish mainland.

Coupled with Spain’s small population, Carlo had no intention of developing these lands in the short term.

Maintaining these colonies also required huge expenditures. Therefore, the only thing Carlo truly valued was Britain’s third offer: the Trucial States.

However, Spain could not openly show its keen interest in the Trucial States. It needed to adopt an attitude of reluctant compromise to acquire the region.

If Spain were to actively demand this area, the British would become suspicious of Spain’s motives. If the British were to discover the massive oil fields of the Arabian Peninsula, Spain, in its current state, would be unable to defend the Middle Eastern territories it had already occupied.

Only by passively accepting this land could Spain avoid arousing British suspicion, allowing it to build up its strength to protect the territory.

As long as they could hold out until World War I, the postwar Spain would absolutely have the ability to defend this land. By then, the European great powers, having endured a World War, would be unable to recover their strength in the short term. Even the mighty British Empire would be powerless to launch another major war between great powers.

Carlo’s meeting with the British Ambassador was not long. They merely confirmed that Spain and Britain should maintain a rational and conciliatory attitude regarding their conflict over the lands in Southern Congo.

As for what compensation Britain should provide, that was a matter for the Spanish government to negotiate with the British.

Although Spain and Britain had reached a compromise on the ownership of the Southern Congo, both sides tacitly avoided mentioning Portugal.

While the compromise seemed to indicate a trend toward repairing relations, both the British and Spanish governments understood that it was merely a necessary evil.

After the compromise was reached, the main policy for both governments would be to win over the Portuguese government.

Britain was unwilling to see Portugal side with Spain, while Spain had to seize the opportunity to continue driving a wedge between Portugal and Britain.

After lengthy negotiations, the governments of Britain and Spain finally reached a compromise on the Southern Congo issue.

The Kingdom of Luanda and the Kingdom of Buonda, which Portugal had already acquired, would remain under Portuguese control. This fulfilled the proposal made when Portugal and Spain initially agreed to the Colonial Exchange.

Spain would acquire the Kuba Kingdom, north of the Kingdom of Luanda, while Portugal would receive the Luba Kingdom to the east, as another form of compensation for Portugal.

As for the most critical territories—the Kingdom of Barotseland, the Kingdom of Mwata Kazembe, the Kingdom of Malawi, and the Yeke Kingdom—they were taken by the British to construct their planned Cape to Cairo line.

To compensate Spain, Britain also had to cede the Trucial States and allow Spanish merchants and immigrants free access to the lands of Southern Congo.

Of course, the same applied to the Portuguese. This was a measure to give the Portuguese government some face, ensuring they did not walk away with nothing.

Once the two nations reached an agreement, the debate at the Berlin Conference regarding Southern Congo quickly concluded.

The dispute had been caused by the rivalry between Britain and Spain to begin with. Since that rivalry no longer existed, there was naturally no need to discuss the topic further.

The other great powers did not interfere in the slightest with the compromise reached by Britain and Spain. They were not about to offend both nations over such a trivial matter.

After the conclusion of the first agenda item, the Berlin Conference soon moved on to the second: the partition of Africa.

Each European country had its own colonial plans for Africa, and at the Berlin Conference, they all presented their respective schemes, many of which conflicted.

To prevent clashes between the great powers during the colonization of Africa, German Prime Minister Bismarck proposed the principle of “effective occupation.”

The so-called effective occupation stipulated that when a participating nation established a colony or protectorate on the African coast in the future, it must notify the other signatory nations so they could make their own claims if necessary.

Furthermore, for a nation to establish a colony, it must ensure it possessed a governing authority capable of protecting the existing rights of all European nations. It must also guarantee freedom of trade and transit under prescribed conditions when necessary. Only by adhering to these conditions would an occupation be considered “effective”—in other words, a legitimate colony.

Such a legitimate colony would be recognized by all participating nations. No country would be permitted to undermine another’s legitimate colony, and all must respect each other’s spheres of influence.

Prime Minister Bismarck’s principle of effective occupation received support from many European nations, but for the British government, its impact was significant.

It was common knowledge that the British Empire currently occupied the most territory in Africa.

While other nations’ occupations in Africa were still limited to the coast, Britain had already established the Cape Colony and the Egyptian colony, and had penetrated deep into the African interior as far as Sudan.

According to the principle of effective occupation proposed by Prime Minister Bismarck, none of Britain’s three existing major African colonies actually met the requirements for a legitimate colony.

Although no country was foolish enough to challenge Britain in these three areas, this lack of legitimacy, in name at least, would always be a constraint on the British Empire.

The occupied territories of Egypt, South Africa, and Sudan were manageable, as Britain had already established effective rule, making it difficult for other nations to undermine its colonies.

But in other parts of the African continent, Britain would be on the same level as other countries. Everyone would need to establish legitimate colonies to assert their rule.

This meant Britain would face direct competition from the European great powers, led by Germany and France. The African coasts where colonial rule had not yet been established would see even more intense colonization and competition.

Even though the British representatives argued their case forcefully, they could not refute the principle of effective occupation, which was backed by multiple countries.

Germany and France both saw advantages in it. With the support of these two great powers, Britain could not prevent the principle from being added to the treaty unless it secured the backing of an equally powerful nation.

The problem was that Russia, due to its conflict with Britain in Central Asia, was unlikely to support Britain.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was Germany’s ally and would not betray its ally to support Britain.

The remaining powers, Spain and Italy, were even less likely to support Britain. The former had just resolved a colonial conflict with Britain only a few days prior. The latter had no ties of interest with Britain and was also a strong contender in the colonization of Africa.

Before they knew it, the British found themselves isolated and helpless at the Berlin Conference.

The final outcome was obvious. The British representatives were unable to prevent the principle of effective occupation from being included in the treaty. They could only seek to add more clauses that were favorable to Britain.

Carlo only paid slight attention to the Berlin Conference’s situation after the Spanish and British governments reached an agreement. He soon stopped following the negotiations.

The partition of Africa would require a long period of negotiation. After all, it involved multiple great powers and European nations, and no one was willing to let the prize in their grasp be snatched away by others.

The conference would likely conclude at the end of the year at the earliest; if things went slowly, it could even drag on until next year before a result was produced.

For Carlo, there was no rush to wait for the Berlin Conference to end. He had already achieved his goal in this colonial conflict and had reaped a bountiful harvest.

As for the Trucial States, Carlo had no intention of sending troops to conquer them for the time being.

Since the British had already promised the land to Spain for colonization, conquering it sooner or later made no difference. After all, the land had little value before the discovery of petroleum.

Taking the territory later would also show the British Spain’s reluctance, which would naturally lower their guard regarding Spain’s occupation of the Trucial States.

According to the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau’s monitoring of the situation in Portugal, relations between Portugal and Britain had been severely damaged.

The Berlin Conference had been going on for several months, yet public protests still erupted in Portugal from time to time. The Portuguese people marched in droves through the streets and alleys, holding banners that read “Resist British Colonial Extortion.”

These demonstrations garnered the support of many Portuguese. In fact, numerous political parties opposing the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance seemed to spring up overnight in Portugal.

These Portuguese believed that the so-called Anglo-Portuguese Alliance had seriously damaged the relationship between Portugal and Spain, which should have been united. They saw it as blatant British interference in the Iberian Peninsula.

Even before Britain seized Portugal’s colonies in Southern Congo, they had already forcibly taken Gibraltar from Spain—they had a prior record.

The Portuguese government could no longer trust Britain and should maintain its distance to prevent further annexation of Portuguese colonies by the British.

Carlo’s high-profile support for Portugal as the King of Spain during this conflict won him the goodwill of many Portuguese people. This also led many among them to start supporting Iberianism, the idea of an Iberian union.

Iberianism, also known as Pan-Iberianism, had previously existed mainly in Spain but had now spread widely to Portugal.

Iberianism was first proposed by Spanish hawks with the aim of unifying the Iberian Peninsula by bringing Portugal under Spanish rule.

After it spread to Portugal, Portuguese intellectuals modified the ideology to some extent, but it still largely followed the idea of Portugal and Spain uniting to form a federation.

Portuguese scholars who supported Iberianism argued that Portugal alone was too weak to contend with a great power like Britain. Only by uniting could Spain and Portugal form a powerful Iberian Federation capable of resisting external interference from the likes of the British.

These scholars were highly educated; they weren’t just making baseless claims. Instead, they presented a great deal of data to prove the strength of an Iberian Federation.

If Spain and Portugal could truly form a federation, it would have a population of over twenty-seven million and would control almost the entire Iberian Peninsula.

This new nation would possess the world’s fifth-largest army, fifth-largest navy, and second-largest colonial empire. Its industrial and economic levels would also be in the world’s top five.

Thus, the traditional five great powers of Europe would become six. This Iberian Federation might even surpass the Austro-Hungarian Empire in comprehensive strength, becoming a true first-rate great power.

The data presented by the Iberianists in Portugal was quite reasonable, and the power displayed by this so-called Iberian Federation was astonishing.

Because of this, Iberianism instantly became a highly watched ideology in Portugal. Many famous writers expressed their support for it. Against the backdrop of a weak and incompetent Portuguese government and royal family, supporting Iberianism seemed to have become a trend.

In this context, many new political parties related to Iberianism were established in Portugal.

Among these parties, two had already grown to a certain scale: the Great Iberian Party and the Federalist Party.

The Great Iberian Party was founded at the call of Portuguese literary figures who supported Iberianism and had already gained the support of the Portuguese literary world.

The Federalist Party, on the other hand, was formed by an opposition party in Portuguese politics. Their desire to establish a Portuguese-Spanish federation was not as intense; it seemed more like they were using the trend to attract more public support for themselves.

The rise of Iberianism within the country was a major headache for the Portuguese government. Upon hearing the news, King Luís I’s face turned grim. He suspected that the intellectuals in Portugal who were suddenly supporting the federation might be funded by Spain.

The problem was, without any evidence, he couldn’t just accuse the Spanish government.

At most, he could have the government arrest these supporters of Iberianism, but doing so would sometimes only create bigger problems.

The wave of protests in Portugal had not yet cooled down. If news broke that the Portuguese government was forcibly arresting Iberianists, it would only reignite the public’s demonstrations.

The public’s disappointment with the government and the royal family in this incident was already written all over their faces. If King Luís I did something foolish again, there was a real risk that radicals among the populace could forcibly push for a revolution to bring about the federation.

Despite all the intellectuals shouting about the benefits of forming a federation, Luís I understood that as soon as Spain and Portugal formed one, the Portuguese government would lose all its decision-making power.

King Carlo of Spain was a very capable man. If he were to annex Portugal, it was unlikely that Portugal would find an opportunity to regain its independence as it had after the last time it was absorbed.

Chapter 303: Colonial Unification Strategy

As the Berlin Conference progressed, the nations of Europe quickened their pace of colonization in Africa.

Although Carlo had no plans to establish new African colonies, the necessary measures to secure the ones Spain already controlled still needed to be taken.

After internal deliberation, the Spanish government concluded that its African colonies needed to be consolidated, preferably into three territories.

The largest of these would be the Congo Territory. According to the Spanish government’s plan, the current Gold Coast, the colony of Guinea, São Tomé, and Príncipe would all be merged into the Congo Territory, which would become the largest colony in Central and West Africa.

In West Africa, the smaller Sierra Leone colony would also be merged with the West African Colony. The new West African Colony would occupy the westernmost part of Africa, with an area of at least a hundred thousand square kilometers.

The last African colony was the colony of Southern Morocco. All Spanish-occupied land in Morocco would be incorporated into the colony of Southern Morocco. If the entirety of Morocco could be annexed, the Moroccan colony would gradually become a home province of Spain, no different from regions like Madrid.

As for the original plan to connect Gambia to the Congo Territory, it now seemed all but impossible to achieve.

Several French colonies were sandwiched between these two territories, and Germany had also sent some merchants and colonial exploration teams into this land. It was impossible for Spain to monopolize these lands.

The good news was that the war between France and Vietnam was still ongoing, which tied up some of the French government’s energy and attention.

It would be quite easy for Spain to merge its existing colonies, and the process would likely not lead to conflicts with the other great powers.

It was worth mentioning that because the war between France and Vietnam was escalating, the nation backing Vietnam was forced to invest a great deal of financial resources into the conflict.

The most obvious difference was that previously, the peace faction had the upper hand, and as a result, even when salespeople from the Royal Arsenal came knocking, they couldn’t sell any weapons.

But now, feeling the threat from the French, they had begun to find ways to purchase firearms to resist the French invasion.

During the Berlin Conference, a sales representative from the Royal Arsenal had already signed an arms purchase order with the other party, which included over ten thousand rifles, over one hundred cannons, and the corresponding ammunition and shells.

In terms of naval vessels, the other party also purchased several small cruisers—warships that had been in service with the Spanish Navy for several years. The prices were not high, essentially at their original construction cost.

Buying a second-hand warship for the price of a new one might seem like a bad deal. But considering that the purchased warships could be immediately put into service in the war, their strategic value was definitely worth it.

After all, Vietnam was already at a disadvantage in terms of naval power. If they didn’t find a way to bolster their maritime forces, the French army could land at their ports with impunity.

Because Spain’s main objective was to slow down France’s war progress, this batch of weapons and equipment was sold at a relatively low price.

Precisely because of this, Spain sold off a large quantity of arms and equipment. With these weapons alone, it was believed that the other party could effectively slow the advance of the French army.

In August 1884, the Minister of Colonial Affairs delivered an urgent report: evidence had been found of Germany attempting to establish colonial outposts within the Gold Coast and the colony of Guinea.

This was a major issue and immediately put Carlo and the Spanish government on high alert.

Germany’s power was undeniable. Although their establishment of South-West Africa right under Britain’s nose had a hint of opportunism, they had indeed seized land from the British.

Had it been another country, it was unlikely that the British would have backed down.

The reason Britain chose to concede in the contest for Southern Congo and compensate the Spanish government was that their colonization had not yet reached Southern Congo.

Rashly starting a dispute was not a good thing for Britain. To reach Southern Congo, they would have to cross the territories of several native tribes, and even pass through the Orange Free State and the Transvaal Republic, which were not on the best of terms with Britain.

These two states might not be very famous, but the mention of their widespread inhabitants, the Boers, would surely remind many of the Boer War that broke out at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Although Britain won the Boer War, the conflict had cost them a great deal in manpower, resources, and finances.

The cause of the war was somewhat similar to the dispute over Southern Congo; the Orange Free State and the Transvaal Republic were situated right in the way of Britain’s Cape to Cairo line.

Furthermore, Britain’s Cape Colony was constantly expanding northward, severely impacting the living space of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal Republic.

Returning to Spain’s colonies, upon discovering the Germans’ intention to establish colonial outposts in the Gold Coast and Guinea, Carlo immediately convened a Cabinet meeting and demanded the government devise a solution.

Spain could not possibly give up either the Gold Coast or the colony of Guinea.

The name “Gold Coast” might be unfamiliar to many, but in later times, this land had another name: Ghana.

Of course, the name Gold Coast was quite fitting for the time. How exaggerated were its gold reserves? Even in later eras, Ghana remained a major gold exporting nation.

Data shows that Ghana’s annual gold production could reach over four million ounces, which is more than one hundred tons of gold.

Although the annual gold output fluctuated, such a production volume was enough to make Ghana the second-largest gold-producing country in Africa, after South Africa.

With such enormous gold reserves alone, Carlo would never abandon the Gold Coast. Not to mention the income from cocoa and timber harvesting, which guaranteed that the Gold Coast would be a colony where revenue far exceeded expenditure.

Given such rich gold reserves in the Gold Coast, why would Britain have been willing to exchange it?

The main reason was that although many gold mines had been discovered in the Gold Coast at this time, their reserves were not large.

Historically, large-scale gold mining in the Gold Coast did not begin until the late nineteenth century, and it only became a major gold producer in the twentieth century.

Ghana’s gold mines are mainly concentrated in the Ashanti region, the very area Spain conquered after taking over the Gold Coast.

Britain had not yet had the chance to conquer Ashanti, so naturally, they had not discovered the large gold mines on Ashanti land. Without the discovery of these mines, the value of the Gold Coast in British eyes was significantly diminished.

More importantly, Spain’s Cuban colony was by no means inferior. Cuba’s sugar industry was more profitable than the Gold Coast’s gold mines, and its geographical location, capable of checking the United States, made Cuba’s strategic value even more significant.

Looking at it from a future perspective, considering Ghana’s gold and other mineral resources in West Africa, it’s hard to say who got the better or worse end of this colonial exchange.

But from the perspective of the British in the 1880s, trading a few small West African colonies for a complete Cuba was an absolute win.

Just by manipulating Cuba’s sugar to monopolize the sugar industry in Europe and the Americas, the British could make a fortune.

Of course, doing so would also further offend the United States. The pros and cons of this were for Cuba’s current master, Britain, to weigh for themselves.

To prevent the Germans from meddling in his colonial plans, Carlo immediately decided to accelerate the pace of colonial unification, prioritizing the merger of the Gold Coast and the Congo Territory.

The stretch from the Gold Coast to the Congo Territory was three thousand kilometers long from east to west, located at the bend of Africa’s “7” shape. It was a land with immense development potential.

The gold reserves in this region alone were estimated to be at least three thousand tons. After all, the gold mines in this area had not yet undergone large-scale exploitation, so the reserves were greater than in later times.

The total value of these three thousand tons of gold alone reached a staggering seventy-eight billion pesetas. Adding in the other mineral resources of this land, it could guarantee Spain a massive income for decades to come.

Besides gold mines, these Spanish colonies in Africa also possessed over twenty billion tons of iron ore and two hundred million tons of coal, laying a solid foundation for Spain’s future industrial development.

Twenty billion tons of iron ore was more than enough for Spain’s industrial development. While two hundred million tons of coal was not much, Spain’s domestic coal reserves were as high as 8.8 billion tons, which perfectly compensated for the lack of coal in its African colonies.

Looking at the map, it would be quite difficult for Spain to integrate the lands from the Gold Coast to the Congo Territory.

Particularly along the nearly one-thousand-kilometer coastline from the Gold Coast to Guinea, there were several powerful native powers, including the Sokoto Caliphate, the Kingdom of Niger, the Aro Confederacy, the Kingdom of Bamum, and the Kingdom of Benin.

These native powers, like the Ashanti Federation, were African natives with a certain degree of civilization, not backward native tribes.

To conquer them, Spain would have to employ more means. Besides deploying more troops for a forceful conquest, it was also necessary to disrupt the connections between these native states to prevent them from uniting to halt Spain’s colonial expansion.

To expedite Spain’s colonial unification plan, after discussions with the Cabinet government, Carlo decided to increase investment in the Department of Colonial Affairs and also boost military expenditure for the various African colonies.

Last year, the Spanish government’s total fiscal revenue reached a new high of 1.1423 billion pesetas, with a fiscal surplus of 99.7 million pesetas.

Even after the government used a portion to repay foreign debt, the Spanish government still had a large financial budget this year that could be allocated to various departments.

The cabinet ministers of the Spanish government had no objections to accelerating the pace of African colonization. With the convening of the Berlin Conference, all European countries tacitly sped up their colonization of Africa.

Spain absolutely could not fall behind. After all, the African cake was finite and would sooner or later be carved up by the nations of Europe.

The larger the share Spain could claim from this cake, the greater the benefits. Even if some lands were not that important to Spain, they could be traded for desired territories through colonial exchanges.

For this reason, the attitudes of the various departmental ministers in the Spanish Cabinet meeting were remarkably consistent: they approved of accelerating the colonization of Africa and were willing to sacrifice their own departmental budgets to contribute to the Department of Colonial Affairs and military expenditure.

Thanks to the cooperation of all departments, the Spanish government quickly raised a fund of fifty million pesetas.

This was no small sum; used sparingly, it could fund a medium-scale war.

Investing this fund in the development of the African colonies was enough to show how much importance the Spanish government officials placed on colonial unification.

Of this amount, the Department of Colonial Affairs would receive an additional budget of about fifteen million pesetas for colonial integration and construction work, as well as providing logistical support for the army.

The remaining thirty-five million pesetas would all be invested in military operations against the African natives.

If it were only the African natives, such a large military expenditure would not be necessary. But the problem was, with the Berlin Conference underway, all European countries had increased their investment in their African colonies.

If Spain wanted to integrate its existing colonies, it would have to face conflicts with other European great powers.

Although Britain had withdrawn from the competition for West African colonies, with Germany’s entry, this region would become a lot more lively.

One should not forget the British’s shit-stirrer nature. Given that Spain had offended them multiple times, the British wouldn’t mind thoroughly muddying the waters in West Africa to create even more trouble for Spain.

Investing such a large military budget was also a warning to the other European great powers: anyone who wanted to interfere in Spain’s colonial affairs had to be prepared to get bogged down in this quagmire.

Currently, Spain’s colonization in Africa had made great strides. The native population of the Congo Territory alone numbered in the tens of millions.

Forcibly arming these natives could create a native army of hundreds of thousands, or even a million. If the conflict did not involve the European mainland and was limited to local clashes in parts of Africa, the other European great powers were not necessarily a match for Spain.

Of course, they could still wear Spain down with their vast industrial and economic superiority, but whether it was worth going head-to-head with Spain over a small piece of an African colony was a question the other European great powers needed to consider carefully.

Since a large military budget had been allocated, a major expansion of the colonial army in Africa was a certainty.

Currently, Spain had one colonial garrison division and twenty-two colonial garrison regiments, totaling seventy thousand native troops. This was clearly insufficient for the increasingly severe competition for colonies in Africa.

After discussions, the Spanish Military Committee decided to expand Spain’s colonial divisions to three and its colonial garrison regiments to thirty-five to cope with the more intense colonial conflicts.

With this, Spain’s military strength in the colonies would reach about one hundred and thirty-eight thousand, which should be sufficient to maintain the security of the existing colonies.

Two of the three colonial divisions would be deployed along the line from the Congo Territory to the Gold Coast, and these two divisions would be the main force for fighting the natives.

The remaining colonial division would be deployed in the West African Colony, tasked with annexing the native territories between the West African Colony and the Sierra Leone colony.

As for the thirty-five colonial garrison regiments, their main role was to garrison the colonies locally and maintain order and security.

Therefore, these thirty-five colonial garrison regiments would be dispersed throughout all of Spain’s colonies, contributing to the stability of Spain’s colonial territories.

The military expansion was a welcome development for Spain.

Firstly, it increased the promotion channels for Spain’s lower-ranking officers. Although the pay in the colonial army was not as good as in the home army, an officer’s seniority in the colonial army was genuine.

The mid-to-high-ranking officers in these colonial armies were all Spaniards, which was a method of controlling the army’s loyalty.

Currently, Spain’s military academies produced a large number of military talents for the country each year. Only with the continuous expansion of the Spanish army could these talents find employment opportunities.

Secondly, military expansion also meant that the army needed more weapons and equipment. For the Royal Arsenal and other smaller factories that produced arms for the military, this was a major source of income.

This was especially true for the smaller private armament factories. If the Royal Arsenal hadn’t outsourced many less important orders to them, they probably wouldn’t have survived.

After all, Europe was relatively peaceful in this era. Although there were minor conflicts, a major war was absolutely out of the question.

Without the threat of war, the size of each country’s army remained at a relatively low level. Even King Umberto I of Italy, who constantly called for military expansion, had at this time only increased the size of the Italian army to two hundred thousand men.

The smaller the army, the less wear and tear on weapons and the less consumption of ammunition, which was bad news for the military factories of all countries.

Larger arms factories were better off; like Spain’s Royal Arsenal and Germany’s Krupp Company, they could find foreign buyers through their own channels.

Even if they couldn’t find foreign buyers for various reasons, these large military factories had the support of their domestic governments, so maintaining normal operations was not a problem.

Small military factories were different. Due to their smaller scale and output, they could not attract foreign buyers.

A better-case scenario was like that of the Royal Arsenal; because its behind-the-scenes owner was King Carlo, Carlo was quite willing to support these small military factories.

A worse-case scenario was when large military factories were also private enterprises. The capitalists were unwilling to give up the orders they held, let alone transfer their already signed orders to those small businesses.

Upon learning that Spain was going to expand its colonial army, the small military factories in Spain breathed a collective sigh of relief.

This colonial army expansion was a golden opportunity for them, allowing them to make a small profit and keep their factories running.

The good news was that the Royal Arsenal had signed an arms deal with Vietnam and the nation backing it. Coupled with the orders to be signed after the Spanish military expansion, the Royal Arsenal was not short of orders during this period.

Since the Royal Arsenal was not short of orders, these small enterprises had hope of receiving some orders that the Royal Arsenal looked down on.

For example, producing bullets for rifles, manufacturing certain parts for firearms, and so on.

Although the income from these orders was bound to be less than that from finished firearms, for small-scale factories, something was certainly better than nothing.

Chapter 304: Major Military Expansion

Following the Spanish Military Committee’s directive to expand the army, the Ministry of Defense quickly produced a detailed expansion plan.

With the addition of three colonial divisions and thirty-five colonial garrison regiments, Spain’s total military strength would reach a staggering 243,000 men.

Before the formation of the Franco-Russian Alliance and the start of the arms race among European nations, an army of this size was already considerable.

After all, unlike France, Germany, and Russia, Spain had no overt enemies. France and Germany had to guard against each other, while Russia simply needed more troops to garrison its vast territory.

However, after subtracting the 138,000 colonial troops from the expanded force, Spain’s actual army would only number 105,000.

If the 15,000-strong Guard Division was also excluded, the so-called Spanish Royal Army would be reduced to a paltry force of less than 90,000.

To cope with the increasingly tense situation in Europe, it was necessary to expand Spain’s domestic army as well. After internal discussions, the Ministry of Defense finalized a new, comprehensive expansion plan.

The plan for the colonial army remained unchanged, while the Spanish Royal Army on the mainland would be expanded to a force of 177,700, comprising twelve infantry divisions, five cavalry divisions, four artillery divisions, and four engineering companies.

Including the 15,100 men of the Royal Guards, the total number of troops stationed in mainland Spain would exceed 192,800. Only a force of this size could match the ever-growing armies of the other European great powers.

When the 138,000 colonial troops were factored in, Spain’s military strength would reach an astonishing 315,900. An army of this scale was nearly on par with that of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

It was worth noting that the population of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was close to forty million, while Spain’s was only 22.35 million.

An army of over 300,000 was enough to establish Spain as a major land power in Europe. Other great powers would have to consider the threat posed by Spain’s massive army when competing with it.

After the Ministry of Defense issued the official conscription notice, recruitment drives immediately sparked waves of enthusiasm across Spain.

Thanks to Carlo’s emphasis on the military, the annual income, various benefits, and subsidies available to even an ordinary soldier were higher than Spain’s average per capita income.

Furthermore, as the nation grew stronger, the Spanish people were not averse to fighting for their country.

From the moment the Ministry of Defense announced the recruitment, conscription centers set up in cities across Spain were swamped with crowds of people eager to enlist.

The recruitment difficulties that plagued many other nations were non-existent in Spain. With the public volunteering in droves, the Spanish government’s problem was instead how to screen the applicants to find the recruits Spain needed.

The city with the highest recruitment numbers was Madrid, the capital. As Spain’s largest city at the time, Madrid had a population of nearly 700,000.

Consequently, Madrid also had the largest recruitment quota, and the lines at its conscription centers were the longest.

To maintain order in the city, Carlo chose not to inspect the recruitment sites in Madrid. However, the Ministry of Defense still reported the latest recruitment news and the progress of the military expansion to him daily.

This expansion would create seven new divisional commander positions within the Spanish Royal Army. Factoring in the two colonial divisional commanders, the number of vacancies would reach nine.

This meant that with the expansion of the army, a large number of mid-to-high-ranking officers in the military were due for promotion.

Among the most notable was Kaman Esposito, who had accompanied Carlo to Spain. Having already achieved the rank of colonel and the position of artillery regimental commander, he was now a strong contender to be promoted directly to divisional commander of the third or fourth artillery division, as the number of artillery divisions was expanding from two to four.

Of course, if he were successfully promoted to divisional commander, Kaman would at least attain the rank of major general, becoming a high-ranking member of the Spanish military.

Andrew, who had also come to Spain with Carlo, was not so fortunate. As he had specialized in infantry command, his skills were not as rare as those in artillery.

This made Andrew’s path to promotion less smooth than Kaman’s. However, as one of Carlo’s loyalists, after spending a year burnishing his credentials as the leader of the Lanfang military advisory group, Carlo decided to appoint him divisional commander of the Guard Division and concurrently as Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards, taking over Ricciotti’s position.

Kaman and Andrew, both outstanding graduates of the Royal Military Academy of Turin, were highly capable. They had worked diligently and without complaint since arriving in Spain, and Carlo was naturally willing to promote them.

Speaking of the two officers who accompanied Carlo to Spain, one could not forget Garibaldi’s two sons.

The elder son, Menotti, was the previous leader of the Lanfang military advisory group and had since been elected Minister of Royal Affairs in the Spanish Cabinet.

The second son, Ricciotti, was being replaced by Andrew, but this did not mean Carlo distrusted him. On the contrary, Carlo had a more arduous task for Ricciotti: to serve as the Commander-in-Chief of the garrison in the Congo Territory. With the rank of Lieutenant General, he would command the Congo’s two colonial divisions and roughly ten colonial garrison regiments, responsible for operations against the natives in West Africa and for advancing Spain’s colonial unification plan.

Although the divisional commander of the Guard Division only commanded a single division, the concurrent role of Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards meant the rank was higher than that of all other divisional commanders—a Lieutenant General.

From the perspective of domestic status, Ricciotti’s upcoming role as Commander-in-Chief of the Congo garrison was not necessarily more prestigious than his previous position as Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards.

However, the opportunities offered by the Congo command were clearly greater. The primary mission of the Royal Guards was to protect the capital, the Royal Palace, and the king; they did not typically participate in active warfare.

This made it difficult for the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards to advance in rank through military merit, forcing him to slowly accumulate seniority in the position.

The Commander-in-Chief of the Congo garrison was different. Spain was preparing for a war against the African natives. As the supreme commander of Spanish forces in Africa, the commander of the Congo garrison would have numerous opportunities to earn military honors.

As long as Ricciotti performed well in the operations against the African natives, he had a very good chance of advancing further and entering Spain’s Ministry of Defense after the war.

A further promotion for Ricciotti would likely mean a position such as Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish Army and Navy, Chief of the General Staff, Minister of Defense, or Chief of the General Staff of the Ministry of Defense.

Upon receiving Carlo’s orders, Ricciotti and Andrew acted swiftly.

Ricciotti had to travel from Madrid to the distant Congo Territory and oversee the formation of another colonial division. Currently, the Congo Territory only had one colonial division, which was not yet sufficient to meet Spain’s requirements for war.

Of course, accompanying Ricciotti to Africa was a group of mid-to-high-ranking officers selected by the Ministry of Defense for the new colony.

Together, Ricciotti and these officers would work to train the newly formed colonial division and bring it to a state of combat readiness.

Meanwhile, Andrew needed to travel from the even more distant Lanfang Republic to Madrid to take command of the Royal Guards.

As a force directly under Carlo’s command, the Royal Guards had many responsibilities. They were stationed only a few kilometers from the Royal Palace and could reach it in under half an hour.

The Royal Guards were also responsible for dispatching patrols around the Royal Palace. Inside the palace itself was a Royal Bodyguard Detachment composed of elite soldiers selected from the Royal Guards. Together, the patrols and the bodyguard detachment constituted the defense force of the Spanish Royal Palace.

It was no exaggeration to say that with its current defenses, the Royal Palace of Madrid was impregnable.

Even if another revolution on the scale of Queen Isabella’s time were to occur, the Royal Guards would be more than sufficient to ensure the safety of the palace and the royal family.

Not to mention the 15,000 elite troops of the Royal Guards, this force alone was capable of repelling an attack by tens of thousands of soldiers.

The Royal Bodyguard Detachment stationed within the palace also numbered nearly 500. These men were truly the elite of the Spanish army.

It was well known that soldiers of the Spanish Royal Guards were handpicked from the Royal Army. The Royal Bodyguard Detachment, in turn, was selected from among the Royal Guards, a testament to their exceptional quality.

Every member of the bodyguard detachment was selected through a variety of assessments. Their loyalty was even greater than that of the Royal Guards soldiers, to the point where they were willing to die for Carlo.

The identity of the captain of the bodyguard detachment, Brad Herrera, was even more special.

When Carlo had just become King of Spain, he had deliberately gathered a group of orphans who had lost their parents and families for various reasons.

Carlo personally funded the upbringing of these orphans, and their education was steeped in the ideals of loyalty to the monarch and patriotism.

Captain of the Royal Bodyguard Detachment Brad Herrera was not only one of these orphans but also one of the most outstanding among them.

When Carlo expressed his wish for him to apply to a military academy, Brad Herrera dedicated himself to the goal without hesitation and successfully gained admission to the Royal Military Academy of Madrid.

After his graduation, Carlo had him train in the Royal Guards for two years before appointing him Captain of the Royal Bodyguard Detachment, in command of the 500-strong force.

The mission of the Royal Bodyguard Detachment was simple: to protect the members of the royal family at all costs.

Any member of the Spanish royal family had to be accompanied by bodyguards when traveling; even for a short trip, a retinue of at least several to ten bodyguards was required to ensure their safety.

Carlo’s own entourage was even larger, often starting with over a hundred bodyguards and sometimes accompanied by several hundred soldiers from the Royal Guards for protection.

Although this might seem overly cautious, the necessary protective measures had to be in place for the safety of himself and his family.

Carlo had no faith in the medical standards of the era. Even if an assassination attempt failed, any injury carried the risk of fatal infection.

Not to mention, if an enemy got lucky and struck a vital spot, it could mean instant death.

Currently, Spain’s development was entirely dependent on Carlo’s guidance, and his children were not yet grown. Under these circumstances, Carlo could not allow any accidents to happen.

It would not only destroy his more than a decade of effort in Spain but would also extinguish the newfound hope that had dawned on the nation, plunging it back into turmoil.

In September 1884, before Ricciotti and his contingent of officers departed for the Congo Territory, Carlo summoned them to the Royal Palace in Madrid and offered them words of encouragement.

In his conversation with the officers, Carlo reiterated the importance of the colonial unification plan to Spain and stressed that the campaign against the African natives must succeed.

In the absence of war in Europe, Spain could only demonstrate its combat effectiveness through campaigns against natives.

But these African natives should not be underestimated. Although they were technologically inferior to Spain, they could become a formidable force of resistance when united.

Carlo had no desire to see the army he had painstakingly built suffer an unexpected defeat and become a laughingstock for other nations.

Being laughed at was one thing, but if it led other countries to mistakenly believe that the Spanish army was weak, then Spain’s international influence would plummet dramatically.

Just like Italy, whose disastrous performance against African natives exposed the poor fighting ability of its army. Subsequently, the Italian Army was looked down upon by other European nations, becoming a joke among soldiers in their leisure time.

Initially, these officers did not take the assignment to the African colonial army to burnish their credentials very seriously. However, after Carlo personally emphasized the importance of the campaign against the African natives, they all adopted a solemn attitude.

As the saying goes, “a soldier who doesn’t want to become a general is not a good soldier.” These young officers, fresh from the Royal Military Academy, were naturally eager to demonstrate their abilities to their king.

Upon hearing that great powers like France and Germany might interfere in Spain’s campaign against the natives, the relaxed smiles vanished from the officers’ faces. Each one looked at their king with a grave expression, listening intently to Carlo’s instructions.

After the conversation concluded, the officers, led by Ricciotti, gave Carlo a respectful and zealous military salute. They then rode in a grand procession to the train station.

They would take a train to a port, and from there, board a ship to the African colony.

Since the soldiers of the colonial army were all recruited from local natives, Spain could only provide the officers.

The good news, however, was that Spain had sent a large number of immigrants from the Philippines, Lanfang, and Morocco to the Congo Territory. These people could also enlist in the colonial army, creating a counterbalance to the local natives.

This was, in fact, in line with Spain’s colonial policy. Excluding the unrecognized group of Black people, Spain’s colonial population was divided into two main categories: white people from Europe and Morocco, and people of East Asian descent.

Since these white people were not Spaniards, Spain actually treated both groups equally.

Carlo preferred to create a balance between the two populations, letting them check each other to ensure the stability of Spain’s colonies.

This was similar to Britain’s policy of regional balance in various territories. Whichever group grew stronger, Spain would support the weaker one.

The conflicts between the two groups did not affect Spain; even if they harbored resentment, it was directed at their rivals.

To protect their own position from being squeezed by the other, both sides had no choice but to align themselves closely with Spain to gain the colonial government’s support and secure their own survival.

Spain had first implemented such policies in the Philippines and the Lanfang Republic, and so far, they had been very successful.

The colonial government only needed to manage the conflict between the two groups to effectively harness their power for its own use.

Chapter 305: The Battle Plan

To occupy West Africa before the Germans, Ricciotti and his officers began planning a war against the local natives the moment they arrived safely in the Congo Territory.

Although the Congo Territory had not yet expanded its army, it was, after all, Spain’s largest colony and naturally had the largest number of colonial troops stationed there.

Upon his arrival, Ricciotti discovered that in addition to one colonial division under his command, he could also deploy three colonial garrison regiments for a coordinated operation.

These forces combined numbered over twenty-five thousand men. This was more than enough not just to attack a single native power, but potentially to sweep through several native states in the western part of the Congo Territory.

Ricciotti knew how crucial it was for Spain to occupy West Africa as soon as possible. He did not hesitate, issuing his orders the day after arriving in the Congo Territory.

The colonial division, as the main force, was to assemble rapidly in the Guinea region. The objective of this operation was the Kingdom of Bamum in northern Guinea, a native state with a rich history stretching back nearly five hundred years.

Of course, no matter how long its history, such a native state was still no match for the Spanish colonial army.

Although the colonial army was also composed of natives, they were a proper military force that had undergone training. The soldiers were all equipped with standard-issue Spanish rifles, making their overall combat effectiveness several tiers higher than these poorly trained native armies.

The Kingdom of Bamum was part of the Cameroon region, an area rich in natural resources and with a large native population.

Unlike in history, Spain had increased its investment in the Guinea colony due to the expansion of the Congo Territory.

This, in turn, delayed Germany’s infiltration of the Cameroon region compared to historical timelines, and they failed to capture Cameroon in 1884.

Because this land was a key part of the colonial unification plan devised by Carlo, he would never allow Cameroon to fall into German hands.

The reason Ricciotti was in such a hurry to launch a war was precisely to formally establish Spanish dominion over the Cameroon region before the Germans could.

In fact, a glance at the map showed that Spain already occupied more than half of the Cameroon region. The only area still outside Spanish control was the Kingdom of Bamum.

Unlike the natives in the territories Spain had already conquered, the Kingdom of Bamum was more civilized than the eastern regions.

As early as the 15th century, Portuguese missionaries had reached this area, kicking off the booming slave trade.

Although nations around the world had abolished slavery, the Kingdom of Bamum’s ties with European countries were never severed. Many missionaries chose to come to this land to spread Christianity, bringing advanced firearms and cannons to the natives.

Of course, these missionaries and explorers did not come away empty-handed. They returned with gold, silver, and large quantities of ivory, palm oil, and timber.

Long-term trade with European missionaries and explorers had granted the Kingdom of Bamum a certain level of military strength. The entire kingdom had a population of about two million and had raised an army of over thirty thousand.

Of this army, more than five thousand men were equipped with various types of firearms, and they also possessed dozens of cannons of differing calibers.

Although the firearms and cannons were a motley collection, it was undeniable that a native army equipped with such advanced weaponry posed a greater threat than other native forces without firearms. They could even potentially inflict heavy casualties on Spain’s colonial troops.

Since Spain had more military campaigns planned for the future, it could not afford to suffer heavy losses in the war against the Kingdom of Bamum.

Ricciotti sketched and scribbled on a map, finally settling on a relatively detailed plan of attack against the Kingdom of Bamum.

The Kingdom of Bamum was landlocked, with much of its territory being mountainous. To its west lay the Aro Confederacy, a federation formed by many native states.

The Aro Confederacy was similar to the Kingdom of Bamum; both had earned a certain income from the slave trade and the export of palm oil and ivory, using it to purchase weapons and equipment from missionaries and explorers.

To the north of the Kingdom of Bamum was the Sokoto Caliphate, the largest and most powerful native force in the vicinity.

The Sokoto Caliphate was also a loose federation formed by numerous native chiefdoms, with the nation’s supreme leader being the Caliph of Sokoto.

As the most powerful native state in West Africa, the Sokoto Caliphate had a native population in the tens of millions and millions of non-Muslim slaves.

In theory, the Kingdom of Bamum, the Aro Confederacy, and the Sokoto Caliphate all shared a common enemy: the European colonizers who sought to conquer the region.

However, the three states had different ethnicities and religious beliefs, and their relationships were not particularly friendly.

Ricciotti’s plan was, in fact, to exploit the conflicts between the natives, ensuring that the other powers remained neutral while Spain attacked the Kingdom of Bamum. This would give Spain the opportunity to conquer the Kingdom of Bamum at its own pace.

Theoretically, convincing the Aro Confederacy and the Sokoto Caliphate to remain neutral was highly achievable.

As long as Spain did not wage war against them, these federations, composed of multiple native tribes, would find it difficult to unite. After all, relations between the various native peoples were far from amicable.

Before launching the war against the Kingdom of Bamum, Ricciotti contacted the Governor-General of the Congo Territory, requesting that he, in the name of the Congo Territory government, reach out to the Sokoto Caliphate and the Aro Confederacy. The proposal was to use trade goods to ensure their neutrality in the upcoming conflict.

These native states had no industrial base, and European industrial products sold very well in Africa. Spain could also offer firearms in exchange for neutrality. Once armed, these states would feel less threatened by a Spanish invasion and would see no need to support a rival nation.

Of course, the firearms gifted to these natives would certainly not be Spain’s most advanced rifles. As a country that did not ban guns, Spain had plenty of hunting rifles and handguns, which could easily be sold to these native states.

Most hunting rifles at the time were muzzle-loading rifles, which were not only extremely slow to load but also had limited range and power.

Handguns were even less of a concern. Their range and power were weaker than hunting rifles, with an effective range of only fifty meters.

Such weapons would have a negligible impact on a war. Even if given to the natives, they would pose no real threat to Spain.

Of course, the more firearms these natives had, the greater the potential casualties they could inflict upon the Spanish army.

But the fact was, Spain’s native army was composed of natives. And natives, in Spain’s colonies, were if not innumerable, then at least plentiful enough for Spain to use without reservation.

The populations of Morocco, the Philippines, and Lanfang alone were enough to field an army of several hundred thousand, not to mention the black population that was everywhere in the Congo Territory, from which armies numbering in the millions could be raised.

Upon hearing Ricciotti’s request, the Governor-General did not hesitate for a moment, immediately dispatching diplomatic representatives to the two native states.

Because both of these native states had trade relations with European colonizers, the Spanish diplomatic representatives were in no mortal danger, provided no war had broken out between their nations.

Although African natives did not have the tradition of “not killing the envoy during war,” they understood that if anything happened to a Spanish diplomat, they would face the full might of the Spanish army.

The first to receive the news was the closer Aro Confederacy. Their proximity to the Kingdom of Bamum meant that relations between the two had always been poor.

While not mortal enemies, they were competitors. Both nations earned their income from the palm oil trade; it would have been a surprise if they got along.

Upon learning that Spain was willing to trade industrial products and firearms for their neutrality, the Aro Confederacy agreed to the deal without hesitation.

Of course, they were no fools. Spain’s attack on the Kingdom of Bamum had laid its ambitions bare. The Aro Confederacy hoped to purchase more firearms from Spain to ensure the security of their own territory.

To persuade the Spaniards to sell more firearms, the Aro Confederacy even vowed that the purpose of their purchase was to wage war against the Kingdom of Niger to their west.

Compared to the Kingdom of Bamum and the Aro Confederacy, the Kingdom of Niger was a rather unique entity.

The kingdom’s founder was Eri, about whom there were few written records. Local legends spoke of Eri as a “being from the sky,” believing he descended to Earth and established the Kingdom of Niger.

Such a legend was rather mythological, but it was deeply trusted by the local inhabitants.

The Kingdom of Niger was also a rather chaotic state, attracting large numbers of people ostracized by their own countries to seek refuge, which contributed to its ethnic diversity.

Many natives whose lands had been seized by Western colonizers all chose to come to the Kingdom of Niger, which in turn swelled its population.

As the Kingdom of Niger grew, it naturally began to encroach on the living space of neighboring countries. The Aro Confederacy’s claim of warring against the Kingdom of Niger was half-truth, half-lie; once they acquired enough firearms, such an offensive might very well become a reality.

After negotiations, Spain agreed to sell one thousand five hundred hunting rifles and twenty thousand rounds of ammunition in exchange for the Aro Confederacy’s neutrality.

However, due to the time required for transport, it would take over a month for these firearms and bullets to be delivered to the Aro Confederacy.

To reassure the Aro Confederacy, after a verbal agreement was reached, the Congo Territory gathered over two hundred hunting rifles and five hundred bullets and sent them to the Aro Confederacy as a gesture of Spain’s sincerity and desire to cooperate.

The Aro Confederacy was delighted to receive the firearms and promised they would absolutely not interfere in Spain’s war against the Kingdom of Bamum.

Once he confirmed that the Aro Confederacy would not intervene in the war, Ricciotti immediately ordered his army to advance toward the Kingdom of Bamum without any hesitation.

Although word had not yet come from the Sokoto Caliphate, it no longer mattered to Spain.

The Sokoto Caliphate’s capital, Tibiri, was nearly one thousand kilometers away from the Kingdom of Bamum’s capital, Foumban. Even if the Sokoto Caliphate were willing to support the Kingdom of Bamum, this thousand-kilometer distance was enough to dissuade them.

For an African nation, a distance of a thousand kilometers was an almost insurmountable chasm. This journey had neither trains nor roads; for these natives to reach the Kingdom of Bamum, they would have to cross the lands of several other native tribes as well as mountain ranges.

By the time they reached the border of the Kingdom of Bamum, the war initiated by Spain would have long been over. Not only would they be unable to help the Kingdom of Bamum, but they would also damage their relationship with Spain.

To defeat the Kingdom of Bamum more quickly, Ricciotti opted for a two-pronged attack.

The colonial division would set out from Guinea, attacking north toward the border of the Kingdom of Bamum. A force of twenty thousand was sufficient to deal with Bamum’s thirty thousand troops, and the border between Guinea and the Kingdom of Bamum would become the main front of the war.

But that wasn’t all. The remaining three colonial garrison regiments would be temporarily combined to launch an attack on the Kingdom of Bamum from the direction of the Bakka tribe’s territory.

The Bakka tribe was a native tribe already conquered by Spain, located just to the east of the Kingdom of Bamum.

The Kingdom of Bamum was shaped roughly like a rectangle, with its capital located in the east-central part.

The distance from the Guinea colony to the Kingdom of Bamum’s capital, Foumban, was two hundred kilometers. Coupled with the mountainous terrain, it would be difficult for the Spanish army to capture Foumban quickly.

But attacking from the direction of the Bakka tribe’s territory was a different story. The Kingdom of Bamum’s capital, Foumban, was only thirty kilometers from the eastern border. If the Spanish army’s offensive went smoothly, they might even surround Foumban by the second day.

Even if the direct northern assault by the colonial division from the Guinea colony did not go well, it could still pin down the majority of the Kingdom of Bamum’s army.

This would create the perfect opportunity for the three colonial garrison regiments to launch a surprise attack. If the Kingdom of Bamum concentrated most of its forces on the southern border, its eastern border would become exceptionally vulnerable.

If they were to station a portion of their army on the eastern border for defense, then the colonial division in the south, not being at a numerical disadvantage, would defeat the Kingdom of Bamum in a matter of time.

This strategy was exceptionally sound, leaving the Kingdom of Bamum with very little room to resist.

Their forces were insufficient to deal with attacks from both the south and the east simultaneously, and there was no time to conscript a new army.

By the time they realized that Spanish forces were attacking from both the southern and eastern borders, it would be too late for them to resist.

The Spanish army could then trap them completely. As long as the offensive on either the southern or eastern front gained an advantage, the army of the Kingdom of Bamum would have no choice but to retreat continuously.

After all, the territory of the Kingdom of Bamum was limited. Where could they possibly retreat to?

To the south and east were the Spanish armies, to the west was the not-so-friendly Aro Confederacy, and to the north was the Sokoto Caliphate.

Although they could retreat into the territory of the Aro Confederacy or the Sokoto Caliphate, with the Kingdom of Bamum occupied by Spain, they would not receive preferential treatment. They might even be arrested by their hosts and respectfully delivered into the hands of the Spanish army.

Chapter 306: Encounter Battle

News that the Spanish army was launching a major offensive northward eventually reached Foumban, the capital of the Kingdom of Bamum.

When the Sultan of the Kingdom of Bamum learned of the Spanish army’s incursion, he hastily organized his forces and decided to personally lead them south to resist the Spanish attack.

As the kingdom’s Sultan, the Sultan of Bamum possessed a fair degree of military skill. He had about twenty thousand troops under his direct command, with another ten thousand from allied tribes.

Of the twenty thousand directly controlled troops, over five thousand were equipped with firearms. While most were muzzle-loading rifles, about five hundred breech-loading rifles had also been issued.

In addition, the army was equipped with several rust-covered cannons, which appeared to be at least thirty or forty years old.

Still, for natives, their maintenance of the cannons was quite good. Despite their age, the cannons could at least be brought out and used.

By the time the Sultan of Bamum had finished assembling his army, the Spanish army had already advanced the border by more than ten kilometers.

The natives here were scattered across nearby lands in tribes of varying sizes, which had slowed the pace of the Spanish offensive.

Each tribe had its own guards, an army controlled by the tribal chief. The size of these armed forces varied depending on the population of each tribe.

The capital of the Kingdom of Bamum was in the north, and the larger tribes were also distributed in the lands further north.

The south, being closer to the Spanish colony of Guinea, had no major tribes.

This was good news for the Spanish army. On their northward offensive from Guinea, the colonial division encountered no significant resistance.

When the various native tribes saw the Spanish army, they all fled in a panic; no one was able to rally their forces to counter the Spanish attack.

On the second day of the Spanish offensive, the Spanish army finally met the Bamum army.

The two forces met at the foot of a mountain. The Spanish army was at the base, while the army of the Kingdom of Bamum was on the mountainside.

Common sense dictated that the Bamum army, occupying the high ground, had the advantage. As long as they had sufficient firepower, they could completely suppress the Spanish army at the foot of the mountain and easily reap the lives of the Spaniards.

Ricciotti, leading the colonial division, naturally spotted the enemy as well. He observed the enemy’s situation on the mountainside in detail with his binoculars, then lowered them and said with a grave expression, “Damn it, where did the enemy get cannons?

“Tell the artillery to get ready. We must take out their fire support points immediately, or we will be the ones at a disadvantage.”

In Ricciotti’s view, the only threat the enemy posed was those few cannons. It didn’t matter when they were manufactured; as long as they were usable, they could inflict heavy casualties on the Spanish army.

A messenger quickly nodded and relayed Ricciotti’s orders to the artillery.

On the Kingdom of Bamum’s side, being on high ground, they had spotted the Spanish army a little earlier.

However, because it was an encounter battle, they only had a short time to adjust their formation and position their few cannons, and most of that time was already gone.

By now, the Spanish army had also reacted, and the artillery of both sides opened fire at almost the same time.

“Hey! Their cannons are over there! Artillery, take them out for me!” The moment the Kingdom of Bamum’s cannons fired, the Spanish artillery had already pinpointed their location.

With their orders already given, the Spanish artillerymen did not hesitate, prioritizing aiming their muzzles at the enemy’s cannons.

Although the Kingdom of Bamum had acquired cannons through various means, they had not received proper military training.

This led the Bamum army to deploy their cannons all in one place, which they believed was more convenient for loading and transporting shells.

The Spanish army, on the other hand, had its cannons placed in different locations to prevent the enemy from destroying all their existing artillery positions at once.

However, it was clear the enemy lacked this awareness. The primary objective of their cannons was to kill Spanish soldiers, so their shells were aimed at the crowds of men.

Boom! Boom! Boom!

With one round of cannon fire after another, the positions of both sides were shrouded in gunpowder smoke, making it impossible to see the other’s situation clearly for a time.

As a precaution, Ricciotti did not order a ceasefire. Instead, he instructed the artillery to continue pouring shells onto the mountainside based on their memory of the target’s location.

Spain had invested a large amount in an military expenditure for this war, and with preparations made in advance, there was no need to conserve ammunition.

Almost every half a month, mainland Spain would transport large quantities of weapons, equipment, bullets, and shells to the African colony, which was more than enough to sustain the war.

Ricciotti had previously commanded the Spanish Royal Guards and had fought wars with even more lavish supplies, so he had no thought of saving shells.

Boom! Boom! Boom!

On the Spanish side, the sound of cannon fire was continuous, not ceasing for a moment even as smoke filled the battlefield. In any case, there were no Spanish troops on the mountainside, so there was no fear of friendly fire.

At first, the sound of cannon fire could be heard from the mountainside, but after a few minutes, it fell silent.

However, the sounds of exploding shells and the piercing screams of the natives on the mountainside were quite loud, proving that the enemy had already suffered considerable casualties under the Spanish bombardment.

After a continuous bombardment of more than ten minutes, Ricciotti finally ordered the artillery to cease fire and wait for the smoke to clear before checking the enemy’s condition.

Once the Spanish artillery stopped firing, the enemy showed no signs of counter-attacking, which brought Ricciotti a sense of relief.

After the smoke dissipated, Ricciotti looked at the mountainside through his binoculars and found that the location of the enemy’s former artillery position had long been turned into scorched earth. The bloodstains and powder marks on the large rocks were a testament to what had happened there.

Looking higher up, Ricciotti was surprised to see that the enemy was already showing signs of retreat.

Although there were still many native soldiers on the mountainside, the native forces higher up were already withdrawing toward the summit. Judging by the scale of these forces, even if this wasn’t the entire native army, it was definitely the main force of the Kingdom of Bamum.

Now that he had confirmed the army before him was the enemy’s main force, Ricciotti was no longer in a hurry to defeat them.

If the enemy insisted on retreating, the Spanish army could do little to stop them. Their opponents weren’t fools; after experiencing a few rounds of Spanish artillery bombardment, the natives had wisely dispersed, effectively reducing the casualties inflicted by the Spanish cannons.

To defeat the native army before them, the Spanish army would have to charge and eliminate them head-on.

But the problem was that the enemy held the high ground. If the Spanish army charged uphill from the base, they would certainly suffer heavy casualties.

This did not align with Ricciotti’s expectations. Therefore, upon seeing the enemy slowly retreating, Ricciotti immediately decided to pin them down.

After all, there was still an army of over six thousand men on the eastern front staging a surprise attack on the natives’ capital. As long as Ricciotti could tie up the bulk of the native army, the eastern front was very likely to succeed.

To help the eastern force break through the enemy capital more quickly, Ricciotti had specially equipped them with over twenty cannons, a number that nearly rivaled that of the colonial division.

As long as the enemy’s main force did not return to provide reinforcements, those twenty cannons alone would be enough to easily annihilate the native army.

After all, the situation here was different from that on the eastern front.

The current main front was still a long way from the native capital. The Bamum army could certainly choose a strategy of fighting while retreating.

But the eastern front was different. The native soldiers on the eastern front could also retreat, but their capital could not.

The moment the native soldiers on the eastern front chose to fall back, they would expose Foumban, the capital of the Kingdom of Bamum, to the Spanish army.

Without an army to protect it, Foumban would be like fish on a chopping block for the Spanish, completely at their mercy.

Once the capital was taken by the Spanish army, these stubbornly resisting native forces would lose their will to fight.

After all, the families of many soldiers and officers lived in Foumban. Once Foumban was occupied by the enemy, how could they not worry about their families’ situation?

Because Ricciotti wanted to pin down the enemy’s main force on the mountainside, he did not choose to have the infantry attack. Instead, he had the artillery continue shelling the mountainside and the summit, while the main force made a show of setting up camp, leading the enemy to mistakenly believe they had successfully delayed the Spanish advance.

As expected, when the native army on the mountain peak saw that the Spaniards were not attacking but merely firing a few shells from a distance, they immediately breathed a sigh of relief.

The Sultan of Bamum even wore a smile, declaring that the Spanish soldiers were now afraid of the Bamum army; they only dared to fire a few shots from afar and did not dare to launch an attack and fight the Bamum army head-on.

Since the Sultan had said so, the officers of the Kingdom of Bamum could only agree with him.

Occasionally, an officer might not believe the Spaniards could be so timid, but seeing the Spanish army below setting up camp, they had no choice but to believe the Sultan’s words.

For a time, the two armies were locked in a stalemate.

The Bamum army, intimidated by the powerful Spanish artillery, did not dare to descend to the mountainside to engage the Spanish.

Meanwhile, the Spanish army showed no signs of attacking. The soldiers would occasionally fire a few shots, but more often, it was the artillerymen bombarding at will according to their mood.

On the native army’s side, the smile on the Sultan of Bamum’s face grew more pronounced the longer the stalemate lasted. He was utterly convinced of the Spanish army’s cowardice, and by extension, he began to look down on other European colonizers.

If not for the overwhelming firepower of the Spanish army, the Sultan of Bamum might even have ordered his army to descend the mountain and attack.

Although they were temporarily suppressed on the mountaintop by the Spanish army’s firepower, the Sultan of Bamum also discussed the next steps in a meeting with several of his officers.

As soon as the Spanish army showed signs of a shell shortage, the Sultan of Bamum would order his army to attack southward and show the timid Spaniards how the brave and fearless people of Bamum fight.

If the Spaniards had plenty of shells, then they would just continue the standoff. In any case, they could bring in large quantities of food and supplies from the capital, Foumban. As long as their rear was secure, even a prolonged stalemate with the Spanish army was acceptable to the Sultan of Bamum.

After two days of delay, Ricciotti decided to do something to capture the native army’s attention.

Ricciotti was rather worried that once these natives realized he had no intention of attacking, they would quietly retreat to Foumban to defend their capital.

If all of them returned to Foumban, conquering it would not be so easy.

After all, the enemy also possessed a certain number of rifles. In the event of street fighting, it would surely inflict heavy casualties on the Spanish army.

Furthermore, the enemy was more familiar with the terrain. A rash Spanish attack would only put them at a disadvantage.

During these two days, Ricciotti had given his plan careful thought.

He decided to put on a good show for the natives before him, to make them mistakenly believe they could defeat the Spanish army and encourage them to fight more proactively.

By doing so, Ricciotti could easily tie down these native forces. As soon as the three colonial garrison regiments could conquer Foumban, it would be time to launch the final offensive.

The three colonial garrison regiments that conquered Foumban could advance south at any time. Caught in a pincer attack from the north and south, the native army before him would be unable to break out of the Spanish encirclement, no matter how many rifles and cannons they had.

On the third day of the standoff, the Sultan of Bamum was surprised to find that the timid Spanish army was actually attempting to attack.

Although the number of attacking enemies was not large, it was a significant change compared to the relative calm of the past two days.

As a precaution, the Sultan of Bamum immediately ordered his army to be ready for battle at a moment’s notice. He moved his most elite troops—the five thousand men equipped with rifles—to the very front line, ready to give the attacking Spaniards a surprise.

A few minutes later, the Spanish army was slowly approaching the mountainside.

The Sultan of Bamum was getting impatient. Looking at the growing number of Spanish troops, he gave the order to fire.

Bang! Bang! Bang! Bang!

As the order was passed down, the Bamum army took the initiative and attacked the Spanish army.

It had to be said, whether from a muzzle-loading rifle or a breech-loading one, a bullet hitting a person would create a huge wound; there was basically no difference.

The drawback was that the Bamum army’s aim was not good enough. After a volley from several thousand men, only a handful of soldiers on the Spanish side were hit.

However, because Ricciotti had given prior instructions, many soldiers still pretended to be wounded. They howled in feigned panic and continuously retreated.

Some soldiers, to make their act more convincing, even abandoned the rifles in their hands. From his high vantage point, the Sultan of Bamum witnessed the chaos in the Spanish ranks. His face lit up with excitement, believing that the cowardly Spaniards had lost all their will to fight.

“Finish them! These damn Spaniards have lost their nerve! Let them understand who the true masters of this land are!” the Sultan of Bamum shouted excitedly.

Chapter 307: Retreat

Thousands of Bamum soldiers charged down the mountain, their eyes fixed on the routing Spanish army.

Upon seeing the natives charging down from the mountain, the Spanish soldiers retreated even faster. Many of them fled in disarray, casting aside their gear—hats were lost, rifles were gone.

In an instant, at least a thousand rifles lay abandoned on the battlefield.

How could the Sultan of Bamum pass up such a golden opportunity? He immediately ordered his soldiers to sweep the battlefield and collect all the weapons and equipment the Spaniards had abandoned.

It went without saying that the rifles used by the Spanish army were surely more advanced than those of the Bamum army. Once his troops were equipped with these rifles, the Sultan of Bamum would have even greater confidence in resisting the Spanish offensive.

At the Sultan’s command, the native soldiers stopped chasing the Spanish army and instead began to gather the scattered rifles on the battlefield.

Shoes, hats, rifles, ammunition—the variety of items left behind by the Spanish soldiers was staggering. These abandoned items testified to the panic of the Spanish retreat, which further reassured the Sultan of Bamum.

From the current situation, the Spanish army’s rout was definitely real. Although it was unclear why the well-equipped Spanish army would collapse so quickly, it was, in any case, a good thing for the Kingdom of Bamum.

But before the Sultan of Bamum could celebrate for long, the situation on the battlefield suddenly changed.

Boom! Boom! Boom!

First, the Spanish army’s cannons opened up, firing continuously at the Bamum army. The Bamum soldiers sweeping the battlefield were thrown into a panic, desperately searching for cover to protect themselves.

Under the suppressing fire, the natives hid behind cover, not daring to show their heads. This created an opportunity for the Spanish army to attack.

To the Sultan of Bamum’s horror, a steady stream of Spanish soldiers charged out, advancing on the chaotic Bamum army.

Pinned down by artillery fire, the Bamum army was unable to react. To collect the rifles, the natives had spread out quite far, and some hadn’t even realized that the Spanish army had launched an attack.

Suddenly, the natives were surprised to find that the Spanish cannons had ceased firing.

Before they could even catch their breath, they heard the continuous crack of rifle fire.

Bang! Bang! Bang!

As their comrades fell one by one, the group of natives finally reacted, hastily grabbing their rifles to return fire.

But they had forgotten one thing: the vast difference between a muzzle-loading rifle and a breech-loading rifle.

Although the Bamum army was equipped with a large number of rifles, the vast majority were muzzle-loaders; the proportion of breech-loaders was minuscule.

The reason for this was simple. First, European nations themselves had not been equipped with breech-loading rifles for long; the breech-loader was a product of the last ten years.

Second, those selling weapons to these native states were not official military factories, but private trading companies and other factions.

It was highly unlikely these people could obtain large quantities of breech-loading rifles. Conversely, muzzle-loading rifles—already obsolete and being gradually phased out by various armies—were plentiful. This was why these African natives could be equipped with muzzle-loaders in large numbers.

Because muzzle-loaders were already obsolete equipment in European armies, private trading companies could purchase a large batch of rifles and ammunition at a very low cost.

When these rifles were shipped to Africa, they became more valuable than new guns, since the natives had no ability to produce rifles themselves.

Through this process, trading companies could make a fortune just from the price difference. Not to mention, they would also acquire large quantities of ivory and palm oil from the various native tribes in Africa. Shipping these local African products back to Europe, they could earn another fortune from the Europeans.

If this were in the era before slavery was abolished, the main commodity of these trading companies would have also included black slaves.

Unfortunately, after slavery was abolished in Europe and the Americas, the slave trade lost its largest market, and black slaves were no longer a primary product for trading companies.

However, in the vast expanses of Africa and other colonies, human trafficking similar to the slave trade still existed.

After all, not all colonies had sufficient populations, and even if they did, the cost of labor was definitely higher than that of these practically free black laborers.

Why were black slaves in high demand in the Americas? The reason was precisely that these black slaves were not treated as human beings. Forget about income from their labor; they couldn’t even be guaranteed three meals a day.

Slave owners could earn income by endlessly exploiting black slaves, and the money earned could be used to buy new slaves, completely untroubled by the prospect of this cheap labor force dwindling.

There is a relatively interesting rumor. It is said that a major reason why black people in the United States in later generations were physically well-developed was because the black slaves sold to the Americas back then were carefully selected by slave traders and were all quite robust.

Those in poorer physical condition, even if they passed the slave traders’ selection, might not have survived the long sea journey.

Before the birth of the ironclad, long-distance voyages by European nations across the ocean relied on sailing warships, which used wind for power.

This greatly increased the time required to travel from Africa to the Americas. During the era of the slave trade, it took at least one and a half to two months to transport these black slaves to the Americas.

If they were unlucky and encountered bad weather, the required time could be extended to over three months.

Moreover, ocean voyages during this period faced many dangers. The black slaves who managed to reach the Americas alive were certainly of commendable physical constitution.

Returning to the situation on the battlefield.

Although the Bamum army had picked up over a thousand standard-issue rifles from the Spanish army, very few natives knew how to use breech-loading rifles, rendering these thousand-plus rifles almost useless.

Even for those who could use a breech-loader, the different designs among various nations meant there were significant operational differences.

A small number of natives were able to use the Spanish rifles, but because it was their first time, not only was their aim poor, but they were also very clumsy when loading.

On the other side of the battlefield, what this group of natives faced was the prepared Spanish army.

Although Spain’s colonial troops were also composed of natives, these natives were meticulously trained, and their combat effectiveness was certainly commendable.

Moreover, these natives were not black. The colonial division was composed of Moroccans, Filipinos, and people from Lanfang; not a single black person could be seen.

As the soldiers of both sides began to engage, the significant disparity in their military proficiency quickly became apparent.

On the native soldier’s side, many had yet to recover from the earlier bombardment. Facing the Spanish army that was rapidly closing in, half of the natives were still in a daze.

On the Spanish army’s side, after confirming that the enemy was within firing range, the soldiers raised their rifles and unhesitatingly unleashed their bullets upon the enemy.

The native soldiers were already in a panic. Suppressed further by the firepower of the Spanish army, many of them had lost their will to fight.

“Dammit, get them back here now!” The Sultan of Bamum, watching all this from halfway up the mountain, had bloodshot eyes. The numbers of his elite firearms army were dwindling with every second.

If he could not preserve this firearms unit, even if the army could retreat safely, they would be unable to contend with the Spanish army in subsequent battles.

Looking further ahead, even if he could resist the Spanish offensive, he would not be able to ensure his kingdom’s continued existence.

The Kingdom of Bamum was not a large country to begin with. Its existence was due precisely to its possession of a firearms army of up to five thousand men.

Without modern weapons, they wouldn’t be able to resist not just the well-equipped Spanish army, but even the army of the neighboring Aro Confederacy.

After all, the Aro Confederacy, like the Kingdom of Bamum, also traded with the Europeans.

Furthermore, the Aro Confederacy had a larger population. If all its major tribes pooled their resources, they could also assemble a firearms army of up to three thousand men.

The Sultan of Bamum dared not imagine whether he could preserve his rule if his firearms army suffered catastrophic losses.

Even though the Sultan of Bamum deeply regretted his decision to attack, he could not change the current situation on the battlefield.

Although the Kingdom of Bamum’s five-thousand-man firearms battalion seemed powerful, that was only in comparison to other natives.

The armies of the vast majority of native tribes and nations on this continent suffered from inadequate training, outdated equipment, and questionable combat effectiveness.

These shortcomings persisted into later eras, which is why the vast African continent, despite its enormous population, never produced a truly powerful nation.

Under the Spanish army’s strategy of initial artillery suppression followed by a frontal charge with overwhelming firepower, the natives on the battlefield were thrown into a panic. They had no idea whether they should hide to save their lives or bravely pick up their weapons and fight back.

Perhaps they only needed a few short minutes to figure it out, but the battlefield would not grant them those few minutes for thought.

The Spanish army drew closer and closer to the natives. Under the suppressive fire of the Spanish, fewer and fewer native soldiers dared to show their heads. Most cowered behind cover, their spirits on the verge of collapse.

In the end, the battle did not last long.

To pursue the Spanish army, the Sultan of Bamum had dispatched his entire firearms battalion along with several thousand troops armed with cold weapons. These nearly ten thousand natives suffered several thousand casualties in the face of the Spanish army’s attack.

Ricciotti had no intention of taking prisoners. Due to his limited manpower, keeping these prisoners would be a constant liability.

Therefore, after the battle on the main front concluded, Ricciotti quickly gave the order to execute the several thousand prisoners of war.

Since the soldiers of the colonial army were either white or of Asian descent, they felt no psychological burden in killing these surrendered black men.

Following Ricciotti’s command, the several thousand surrendered black soldiers were quickly killed. They would be buried unceremoniously in a hastily dug pit along with the black soldiers who had died on the main front.

As for the Spanish soldiers who died in battle, they would receive much better treatment.

Whether they were Moroccans, Filipinos, people from Lanfang, or a Spanish officer who had unfortunately fallen in battle, they would all be transported to the Guinea colony and interred in the mausoleum there.

Spanish officers would receive a certain survivor’s benefit, and the families of fallen officers would also receive preferential treatment and compensation.

As for the ordinary soldiers, there wasn’t much of a death benefit after they died in battle, but their families would also receive some compensation, such as land or other assets.

It was precisely for these reasons that these native soldiers were not averse to fighting for Spain. Native soldiers also received a salary. Although it couldn’t compare to that of the regular army, it was at least an income.

Moreover, joining the Spanish native army allowed them and their families to obtain residency in the Spanish colonies, and they would be given priority for Spanish citizenship in the future. This was why they were willing to join the Spanish native army.

After this battle ended, Ricciotti did not order his soldiers to clean up the battlefield. Instead, he turned his attention to the movements of the natives.

With the native firearms battalion almost completely wiped out, Ricciotti flexibly changed his war plan.

Although the Kingdom of Bamum still had nearly twenty thousand troops left, these forces were primarily armed with cold weapons and posed no threat to the Spanish army.

Ricciotti even had reason to believe that even if this twenty-thousand-strong native army fell back to defend Foumban, the three colonial garrison regiments attacking Foumban could defeat these natives with their superior firepower.

When natives lacked modern weapons, the heavily armed Spanish army would simply crush them.

In the face of a significant technological gap in weaponry, even a human wave attack could not change the outcome of the war.

If these natives chose to retreat, Ricciotti would not hesitate to pursue them, turning their retreat into a rout.

These natives didn’t possess high military proficiency. When they discovered their rear was being attacked and a large enemy force was in pursuit, even the calmest person would descend into panic.

Just as Ricciotti had guessed, after the firearms battalion was routed, the natives showed signs of retreating.

The Sultan of Bamum was no fool. With his five-thousand-man firearms army, he might have been able to put up a fight against the Spanish.

Even if they couldn’t repel the Spaniards, defending their position would not have been a problem.

But with the annihilation of this firearm-equipped army, the Sultan of Bamum’s hope of holding his ground was shattered.

There was no point in continuing to defend this position. It would be better to fall back some distance and rely on the capital, Foumban, for defense.

The Sultan of Bamum still had a stock of several hundred firearms in Foumban. Equipping the army with these would be enough to mount a勉强 defense.

At worst, after reorganizing his army, he could lead his people to flee into the deep mountains further north. As long as they escaped there, the Spaniards would never be able to find them.

Of course, if they fled into the deep mountains, how to feed the population would be a problem. But for now, the Sultan of Bamum had no better options. First, he had to retreat to preserve his army, and only then could he make other plans.

Chapter 308: The Colonial Treaty

The Sultan of Bamum finally chose to retreat.

A vast number of native troops fled like a swarm, their ranks collapsing into utter chaos.

Ricciotti, of course, would not let such a golden opportunity pass. The moment he realized the natives intended to retreat, he ordered his army to attack, aiming to completely shatter the enemy’s formation.

The attack, too, was executed with skill. If they were to blindly charge, the natives might abandon their retreat, dig in on the mountaintop, and fight the Spanish army to the death.

Although the Spanish army would certainly win in the end, such a move would waste more time and result in higher casualties.

By adopting a more measured offensive strategy and leaving the natives some room to fall back, their retreat would descend into total chaos as they scrambled to escape. The Spanish army could then easily pick off the disorganized enemy.

If they were lucky, the other Spanish force to the east would capture Foumban before these natives could retreat there. Then, the Spanish army could execute a pincer attack and completely annihilate them.

Even if the other force couldn’t take Foumban in time, they could still block this large native army from returning to the city, shattering their morale.

When the Spanish army launched its attack, the natives’ withdrawal from the mountain became even more frantic. The Sultan of Bamum had intended to organize a counterattack, but he suddenly discovered that his army no longer obeyed his commands.

In the midst of such chaos, the soldiers couldn’t hear the Sultan’s orders. And even if they could, they wouldn’t necessarily be willing to carry them out.

Watching the vast Spanish army surge up the mountain, a single thought took root in the minds of the natives: retreat, and they might live; stay, and they would surely die.

Compared to the disarrayed natives, the Spanish colonial army appeared orderly and methodical.

The soldiers steadily captured one position after another, methodically executing every native soldier in the fortifications with their rifles.

In just two and a half hours, the Spanish soldiers had seized the mountainous terrain. As far as the eye could see, the ground was littered with natives, either dead or dying.

On the other side of the mountain, several thousand natives were still fleeing north at full speed.

Since these natives had already moved beyond the range of the Spanish army’s weapons, Ricciotti decided not to pursue them further.

In any case, these few thousand survivors could no longer change the outcome of the battle. The Spanish army’s next objective was to capture Foumban, the capital of the Kingdom of Bamum, as quickly as possible and occupy the entire kingdom.

On the native army’s side, just as the Sultan of Bamum finally managed to escape back to the vicinity of Foumban, his vanguard brought him terrible news: their capital city had already been captured by the Spanish army.

This disastrous report immediately shook what little morale the native army had left, and the smile that had just begun to form on the Sultan of Bamum’s face was replaced once again by despair.

A pursuing Spanish army was at their backs, and the city ahead was already occupied by the Spanish. The several thousand fleeing native soldiers were now caught in a pincer attack, with no hope of survival.

After a moment of despair, the Sultan of Bamum remembered: the main Spanish force had been fighting him in the south. Where could they have gotten another army to attack his capital?

Even if there was an army attacking his capital, it had to be a small force, likely small in number.

At this thought, a glimmer of hope appeared in the Sultan of Bamum’s eyes. He wasted no time and immediately issued a command: “The enemy’s main force is behind us! The ones occupying Foumban are just a small detachment.

“Take back our city! The Spaniards before us are few. They cannot possibly withstand our attack.”

Hearing the Sultan’s words, a sliver of hope also ignited in the eyes of the native soldiers.

These men had witnessed firsthand how the Spanish army had slaughtered their comrades. The city before them was not just the kingdom’s capital; it was also where their families lived.

If they could not retake the city, they could well imagine the fate of their families.

Therefore, for the sake of the Sultan and their own kin, they had to recapture the city before them. It was their only chance for survival.

Under the Sultan’s command, the several thousand natives launched an attack on Foumban with little rest. A small number who were unwilling to fight were coerced by the Sultan’s disciplinary squad to pick up their weapons and join the assault.

Although the Sultan’s most elite firearms battalion had been wiped out, as the leader of the entire kingdom, he still commanded other loyal forces, including the disciplinary squad.

Under the threat of these squads, neither the Sultan’s own soldiers nor those under other tribal chiefs dared to show any sign of resistance.

The Sultan’s disciplinary squad, though small, was equipped with firearms. They showed no mercy to ordinary native soldiers. Anyone who dared to desert was met with a gunshot. They were even more ruthless than the Spaniards in their slaughter of the natives.

Forced by the disciplinary squad, several thousand native soldiers surged toward Foumban in a great wave.

In Foumban, over six thousand Spanish soldiers were already in position, awaiting them.

While Ricciotti’s colonial division was engaging the main native army head-on, a force of six thousand men, composed of three colonial garrison regiments, had long since launched an attack on the Kingdom of Bamum from the east.

Due to the shorter distance, this army had reached the outskirts of Foumban by the second day and launched its attack on the third.

To counter the Spanish invasion, the Sultan of Bamum had gathered the vast majority of soldiers from across his kingdom.

The Sultan’s personal army, in particular, had been fully mobilized, leaving only a few thousand soldiers from other tribal chiefs to defend the rest of the kingdom.

Faced with the Spanish attack, these soldiers, drawn from different tribes, scattered at the first contact, not daring to confront the Spanish army directly.

Under the bombardment of twenty cannons, Foumban’s defenses were quickly obliterated, and the Spanish army captured the city of several hundred thousand people with little cost.

After taking Foumban, the Spanish army acted without hesitation, immediately implementing military-style management and forbidding any natives from appearing outside their homes.

Any native who dared to step outside, regardless of their purpose, was to be executed on the spot.

Under such a high-pressure policy, the natives dared not leave their homes, cowering in their houses and trembling as they awaited their fate.

Having dealt with the natives inside the city, the Spanish army turned its attention to digging defensive positions south of Foumban, quietly awaiting the arrival of the Kingdom of Bamum’s main army.

As the thousands of natives drew closer to Foumban, the hope in the Sultan of Bamum’s heart gradually faded.

Before him was not an unprepared and small Spanish contingent, but a field of well-dug defensive fortifications, filled with so many Spanish soldiers that he could not see their number clearly.

In a way, he had the natives within the city to thank for the Spanish army’s contribution.

The reason the Spanish army had been able to dig such extensive defenses in such a short time was primarily due to the vast pool of native labor available in the city.

With the help of these natives, the fortifications quickly took shape. After some simple modifications by the Spanish army, they became the seemingly impenetrable defensive line that stood before them now.

Gradually, the native soldiers slowed their pace.

They stared blankly at the fortifications before them, at a loss for words.

Gulp!

Some native soldiers couldn’t help but swallow hard, their eyes filled with terror and panic.

“Fire!”

Seeing that the natives were within range, the Spanish army showed no hesitation. The officer in command immediately gave the order to open fire.

At once, the sound of rifle fire and cannon blasts echoed ceaselessly, like rolling thunder.

Boom! Bang! Bang!

By a stroke of ill fortune, a shell landed just over twenty meters in front of the Sultan of Bamum.

The native soldiers standing there were instantly blown to pieces. The shockwave from the explosion raced toward the Sultan of Bamum, leaving his ears ringing and his vision blurred.

The Sultan was relatively lucky, only being caught by the shockwave.

Other soldiers were not so fortunate. Caught within the blast radius, they were quickly and grievously wounded by shrapnel.

In an instant, the native ranks were filled with cries of agony. After the long, grueling retreat, their morale had already disintegrated.

Now, under the bombardment of cannons, even the natives lucky enough to be unscathed were overcome with despair.

With a formidable enemy ahead and pursuers behind, where could they possibly find a path to survival?

The answer was: nowhere.

To prevent any future trouble, the Spanish army would show these native soldiers no mercy.

Spain was not short on manpower. Thus, before the operation, Ricciotti had communicated with all the Spanish officers: this war was to eliminate the native soldiers at their root.

From the Sultan of the Kingdom of Bamum down to every last native soldier in the Bamum army, all were on the Spanish army’s kill list.

Even a portion of the ordinary commoners would be culled; after all, Spain did not have enough food to feed them all.

Of course, on the surface, Spain had to maintain the facade of a civilized nation.

The official cause of death for these natives would not be a Spanish massacre, but an outbreak of plague or other diseases.

Was it not normal for a plague to kill over a hundred thousand natives? In any case, it was something other countries were doing, so Spain felt no psychological burden in following suit.

The battle ended quickly. The several thousand natives didn’t last long at all.

The Spanish army was well-equipped, with more than enough ammunition and shells.

Under the suppressing fire, the natives couldn’t even raise their heads. To make matters worse, the Spanish army had seized the high ground, while the natives were on an open plain with no cover whatsoever.

They were live targets, and the Spanish army would not miss such a perfect opportunity for target practice.

Furthermore, the native soldiers equipped with rifles had been almost entirely wiped out. The only firearms left among them were those carried by the Sultan’s disciplinary squad.

The disciplinary squad was at the very rear and couldn’t advance under the artillery barrage.

This meant the native army had no ability to fight back. They were like stationary targets, able to do nothing but wait for the bullet with their name on it.

A day later, Ricciotti arrived at Foumban with the main army.

Overjoyed to learn that the natives had been completely annihilated, Ricciotti immediately ordered a soldier to carry the news to the Guinea colony, so that Carlo could learn of the good news as soon as possible.

At the same time, Ricciotti also sent a message to the Governor-General of the Guinea colony, requesting that he dispatch officials to take control of the entire Kingdom of Bamum.

Because the Guinea colony was directly adjacent to the Kingdom of Bamum, the kingdom would be incorporated into Spain’s Guinea colony and placed under temporary military-style management until Spain could fully integrate all its colonies.

Only after Spain had dealt with the more than one million natives of the Kingdom of Bamum would military rule be lifted and immigrants sent to develop the land.

Of course, the construction of telegraph lines and a railway could begin immediately. Connecting the Kingdom of Bamum by telegraph and rail would also facilitate future operations against the Aro Confederacy and the Sokoto Caliphate.

The Aro Confederacy, the Kingdom of Niger, and further west, the Kingdom of Benin, the Kingdom of Dahomey, and others were all on Spain’s list of conquests.

After completely conquering these states, Spain’s Guinea colony would connect with the Gold Coast colony, forming a large colonial territory similar to the Congo Territory.

In the future, Spain would only have four major colonies in Africa: the colony of Southern Morocco, the West African Colony, the Guinea colony, and the Congo Territory.

Each of these four colonies possessed developmental value and strategic importance, and they would form the cornerstone of Spain’s future presence in Africa.

By the time Carlo received the telegram announcing Spain’s complete occupation of the Kingdom of Bamum, several more days had passed.

Carlo was delighted by the news. He personally issued an order commending all Spanish officers and soldiers who participated in the attack and demanded that the government ensure timely supplies for the fighting troops—materials, weapons, ammunition, medical supplies, and food were all to be provided in full.

With the vigorous development of the West African Colony, Spain was not lacking in food. Coupled with a thriving agricultural sector back home, the army had long been fully supplied with vegetables, fruits, beef, and mutton.

Under normal circumstances, the colonial army was considered second-class and would not have enjoyed such a rich food supply.

However, considering the many battles the colonial army still had to fight, an ample supply of food was essential.

Of course, the food provided to ordinary native soldiers was still several tiers below that of the Spanish officers.

Nevertheless, they were guaranteed at least two meals with meat per week, and when supplies were plentiful, they could even have meat three or four times a week.

In high spirits, Carlo also issued orders to the other colonies, demanding that they prepare troops as quickly as possible and transport them to the Guinea colony to be trained personally by Ricciotti.

As the Guinea colony grew larger, the number of available troops would become increasingly scarce.

After all, these newly occupied lands required soldiers to suppress them, and the Guinea colony was currently short on manpower.

The fact that they had not lost too many soldiers in conquering the Kingdom of Bamum was good news, but for the time being, the Guinea colony likely lacked the capacity to wage another war.

For one, they needed to replenish supplies like weapons and ammunition from mainland Spain. Secondly, they no longer had enough troops to mobilize. And with other native states now on guard, it would be difficult to achieve the same results as the attack on the Kingdom of Bamum.

As mentioned before, the Kingdom of Bamum was the last native state in the Cameroon region that Spain had not yet occupied.

After occupying the Kingdom of Bamum, according to the agreements currently reached at the Berlin Conference, Spain needed a very reasonable justification for its “Effective occupation” of the region.

The solution was quite simple: sign a treaty with all the local native tribal chiefs, explicitly establishing Spain’s rule over the land.

In this, they could learn from the Germans, who used military force to conquer the local native tribes and then had them sign treaties to legitimize their colonial rule.

It didn’t matter if the natives could understand the treaty. As long as they signed their names and left their thumbprints, the treaty was legally binding.

There was no need to fear that the natives wouldn’t honor their word. After all, if they could be forced to submit once, they could be forced to submit a second time.

The treaty was not meant to restrain the natives. Its real purpose was to prove to other European nations Spain’s dominion over the land and to prevent colonial competition from other countries.

As long as Spain signed a treaty with the native chiefs of the Cameroon region, no matter how powerful Britain and Germany were, they could not meddle in this area.

After all, the Berlin Conference was still in negotiation. If the Germans were the first to tear up an agreement that had already been reached, it would be a slap in their own face.

Not only would they lose all credibility, but the Berlin Conference, which Germany had gone to great lengths to convene, would instantly be rendered meaningless. If Germany was the first to violate the conference’s resolutions, other countries would not abide by its agreements either.

To give the agreements reached at the conference any legal standing, Germany, as the convening nation, had to be the first to comply with its terms.

Carlo had already instructed Ricciotti on the matter of the treaty, and the Guinea colony was prepared.

Following the complete conquest of the Kingdom of Bamum, the Guinea colony was already preparing for the signing of the treaty.

There was one piece of bad news: the Sultan of the Kingdom of Bamum had died in the war. However, his son was still in Foumban. With the Sultan dead, the former Sultan’s son had effectively become the new Sultan.

If Spain wanted him to be the Sultan, no native would dare to object. Including this new Sultan of Bamum, all the chiefs and sultans of the various native tribes in the Cameroon region gathered together. With smiling faces, under the flash of a camera, they each signed their names and pressed their thumbprints onto a Spanish document they could not understand.

Three copies of the treaty were made in total. One would be kept in Foumban, the capital of the Kingdom of Bamum; one would be transferred to the Guinea colony for safekeeping; and the third would be sent to mainland Spain as proof of Spain’s control over the land.

After the treaty was signed, the Spanish government made no secret of it. It publicly announced the good news and declared its colonial dominion over the Cameroon region.

Chapter 309: Smokeless Powder

After Spain successfully established colonial rule over the Cameroon region, other European nations, unwilling to be outdone, began to accelerate their own colonization of Africa.

Unlike Spain, which focused exclusively on West Africa, the European great powers, led by Britain, France, and Germany, set their sights on the entire continent.

This was why the Germans, after their failure to colonize Cameroon, immediately turned their attention to other parts of Africa without the slightest hesitation.

After all, vast swathes of land in the immense continent had yet to be colonized by the European powers. While Germany was strong, there was no need to fight Spain to the death over the territory of Cameroon.

And there was no shortage of places the Germans were eyeing.

Besides Cameroon, they were also interested in the Gold Coast and East Africa.

Of course, the Gold Coast they were interested in was not Spain’s Gold Coast colony, but rather the coastal region collectively known by that name among the European nations.

The place the Germans were truly targeting was the area east of the Spanish Gold Coast, what would later be known as Togo.

This region was also rich in mineral resources. However, unlike the Spanish-occupied Gold Coast, Togo’s mineral wealth was primarily in phosphates, limestone, barite, quartz sand, manganese, and other ores.

Although these minerals did not sound as captivating as gold, silver, or diamonds, nor could they directly fuel industrial progress like coal and iron, they were still of immense use. Phosphate, in particular, was a primary ingredient for producing agricultural fertilizers, which could effectively increase grain production on infertile land.

Spain’s homeland was in great need of various agricultural fertilizers to boost its grain production, which meant that the ores in the Togo region were also very important to Spain.

For this very reason, at almost the same time Ricciotti was occupying the Kingdom of Bamum, the Gold Coast colony was deploying troops to continually invade the lands of the Yoruba people.

The land occupied by the Yoruba was precisely modern-day Togo, a territory caught between Spain’s Gold Coast and Ouidah colonies.

Since this land lay on the planned route connecting Spain’s Gold Coast to the Congo Territory, Spain could not, under any circumstances, let the Germans have it.

The good news was that the Portuguese had set foot on the lands of the Yoruba people centuries ago.

Of course, a small number of Spanish explorers and colonizers had also reached this land, but Spain had ultimately chosen to colonize the Guinea colony in the Gulf of Guinea instead.

However, the descendants of these Portuguese colonizers could still be put to use. Spain had already acquired several colonies in West Africa from Portugal, and these Portuguese who had fully immigrated to Africa had no choice but to submit to Spanish rule.

By leveraging the influence the Portuguese had established through their long-term colonization of the area, Spain could occupy the Yoruba lands more quickly, preventing the Germans from coming from behind and meddling in the area between Spain’s Gold Coast colony and the Congo Territory.

As European colonizers hastened their pace of colonization in Africa, local wars were breaking out in various regions across Europe.

Many countries were emulating Germany’s actions, shifting away from their previous methods of economic colonization and choosing to use military force to rapidly establish their colonial rule.

A clear sign of this was the massive number of weapons and equipment orders placed by various countries during this period to lay the groundwork for their African colonization efforts.

Speaking of which, Spain’s standard-issue rifle had not been updated in over a decade since the invention of the breech-loading rifle.

Since its creation, the Vetterli M1872 rifle had been the standard-issue weapon for the Spanish Royal Army and the Royal Guards, and it also heavily equipped Spain’s colonial armies.

In the 1870s, this rifle’s design was quite advanced, ensuring that the Spanish army’s combat effectiveness remained at the top tier in Europe.

But it was undeniable that, with the passage of time, the Vetterli M1872 rifle was gradually falling behind the times. This firearm, an improvement upon the earliest breech-loading rifle, the Swiss Vetterli rifle, was about due for retirement.

More importantly, 1884 was a rather unique year.

For the military industries of all nations, 1884 would witness the birth of a great invention—smokeless powder, which would change the history of firearms.

In fact, the discovery of smokeless powder could be traced back to a routine experiment by the Swiss chemist Schönbein in 1845.

On an ordinary day in 1845, Schönbein accidentally knocked over a bottle containing a mixture of nitric and sulfuric acid while conducting an experiment. When the solution splashed onto his desk, he casually grabbed a cotton apron to wipe it up and then proceeded to dry the apron by the fire.

To his surprise, as the apron neared the stove, there was a sudden “poof,” and the apron vanished in an instant as if by magic, without producing a single wisp of smoke.

Schönbein immediately realized this was a monumental discovery. He retraced the entire experimental process, successfully discovered a new compound for making gunpowder, and named it guncotton.

This new compound would later be known as nitrocellulose, the key ingredient for making smokeless powder.

However, the nitrocellulose of that time was unstable. At temperatures exceeding forty degrees Celsius, it would spontaneously decompose and ignite.

This brought great misfortune to the chemists who attempted to study this new compound. For nearly forty years, there were numerous news reports of laboratories catching fire or even exploding due to research on nitrocellulose.

Spain’s Royal Academy of Sciences would certainly not overlook a discovery like smokeless powder, which had been known for some time.

With Carlo’s substantial investment, the Royal Academy of Sciences had established a research and development project for smokeless powder over a decade ago, recruiting numerous chemists from Spain and abroad to join the project.

After more than ten years of research, Spain’s work on smokeless powder had finally yielded some results.

To solve the greatest problem—the instability of nitrocellulose—Spanish chemists discovered that by dissolving it in a solution of ether and ethanol, then adding a stabilizer and applying some special treatments, the once unstable nitrocellulose could be stabilized.

It was through this method that Spain produced what could truly be called smokeless powder.

Although smokeless powder had been created, Carlo was not complacent. Carlo understood that all European nations were pouring massive resources into smokeless powder research, and Spain was not necessarily the first country to develop it.

Even if Spain were the first to successfully tame nitrocellulose, other countries would surely follow suit and produce their own smokeless powder.

The current smokeless powder, being made from only one ingredient, nitrocellulose, was also known as single-base powder and had significant room for improvement.

However, compared to the black powder widely used in bullets and shells across Europe, even single-base powder was far superior in every metric.

As soon as Spain’s smokeless powder was successfully invented, Carlo had received a detailed report from the Royal Academy of Sciences.

The two most significant changes smokeless powder brought compared to black powder were, first, a massive increase in explosive power, and second, as its name suggests, it produced very little smoke upon detonation. This would have an extremely important impact on warfare.

The current rifles using black powder produced a large amount of smoke with every shot. This caused the main front to be shrouded in smoke, which also exposed the army’s position.

This was especially true in the previous era of “line up to be shot” tactics. Artillery only needed to see where the smoke was thickest, close their eyes, and fire into the densest areas to be sure of hitting the enemy.

The large amount of smoke would also impair one’s own side’s vision. How could soldiers, enveloped in smoke, aim at enemies outside the smoke?

With smokeless powder, this greatest flaw on the battlefield would be completely rectified. The enemy would no longer be able to easily spot one’s movements, and one’s own side would not have to worry about vision being obscured by smoke.

Furthermore, smokeless powder possessed greater energy, giving rifles longer range and more power, which would have a revolutionary impact on weaponry.

The smokeless powder research team provided a batch of the new powder to the Royal Arsenal, which then produced a batch of rifle cartridges made with it.

According to tests conducted by the Royal Arsenal, when using the same rifle but different cartridges, the rounds with smokeless powder not only had a higher muzzle velocity and greater power, but their range was also far greater than that of black powder cartridges.

Currently, breech-loading rifles using black powder cartridges had an effective range of only about one hundred to two hundred meters. Hitting a person beyond two hundred meters was practically impossible, unless it was some poor soul for whom nothing ever went right.

Armies generally engaged at a distance of about one hundred meters to ensure their soldiers could hit their targets.

Clearly, the advent of smokeless powder would completely change this reality.

With no changes to the bullet or casing, merely by changing the powder, the new cartridge’s muzzle velocity soared from the original four hundred meters per second to six hundred fifty meters per second. Such an improvement was nothing short of staggering.

It wasn’t just the muzzle velocity that increased, but also the rifle’s effective range.

According to the Royal Arsenal’s tests, when using smokeless powder cartridges, the Vetterli M1872 rifle’s effective range could be increased from less than two hundred meters to over four hundred meters, with the bullet retaining sufficient lethal force even at six hundred meters.

However, beyond four hundred meters, the existing rifle’s design made it difficult to guarantee accuracy.

After all, the Vetterli M1872 rifle was designed for close-range combat; its designers never imagined that bullets would one day be able to travel over six hundred meters.

This brought about a new problem: Spain’s rifles had to be modified to be compatible with smokeless powder cartridges.

Carlo was feeling magnanimous. With a wave of his hand, he had the Spanish Ministry of Defense issue a tender for a new rifle to all domestic arsenals.

Although the Royal Arsenal was Spain’s largest military-industrial enterprise, when it came to research on a new rifle, Carlo was not one to put all his eggs in one basket.

All Spanish arsenals could participate in the rifle tender. For some of the more outstanding designs, even if they were not ultimately chosen by the Ministry of Defense, there would still be rewards to help these excellent arsenals go further.

The reason for limiting the tender to within Spain was that, at this time, there was no concept of arming the enemy being taboo for arsenals.

In pursuit of orders, arsenals would even cooperate with rival nations.

Carlo had no desire to see Spain’s newly developed rifle being mass-purchased by other countries, which would also expose a game-changer like smokeless powder to them.

Although Carlo knew that other countries were also researching smokeless powder, and he was even aware that the French would develop it this very year, Spain voluntarily leaking it was completely different from another country developing it independently. Before other nations developed smokeless powder, what needed to be kept secret must be kept secret.

Soon, more than a dozen large and small arsenals across Spain received the rifle tender announcement from the Ministry of Defense.

In the tender, the Ministry of Defense clearly specified its requirements for the new rifle, hoping that it would achieve a higher rate of fire, greater stability, and better accuracy compared to Spain’s existing Vetterli M1872 rifle.

The Ministry of Defense specifically required that the new rifle designed by the arsenals must have an effective range of four hundred to six hundred meters, and maintain a certain level of accuracy within a four hundred-meter range.

This particular requirement was the strangest and most troublesome for the major arsenals.

The previous requirements for a higher rate of fire and greater stability could be addressed by studying the strengths and weaknesses of the Vetterli M1872 rifle—retaining the strengths and improving upon the weaknesses.

But the firing range was not so easily modified. The Vetterli M1872 rifle had a range of less than two hundred meters, yet the Ministry of Defense was demanding a range of four hundred to six hundred meters for the new rifle. Wasn’t this asking for the impossible?

Who on earth could increase firing range just by changing the rifle design, without changing the bullet? Moreover, it was a two to three-fold increase in range—something no human could achieve.

Just as some smaller arsenals were about to give up on the bid due to the Ministry’s stringent requirements, the Ministry of Defense issued an explanatory document to them.

This document introduced the increase in firing range provided by Spain’s newly developed smokeless powder. This was a moment of epiphany for the arsenals, large and small. They finally understood why the Ministry had such strict requirements for the new rifle’s range—it turned out they were already prepared.

Of course, before opening this explanatory document, officials from the Ministry of Defense had made it clear that anyone who came into contact with the document had to sign a confidentiality agreement, pledging not to disclose any information within it for the next five years, including the existence of Spain’s newly developed smokeless powder.

Why five years?

Because after five years, smokeless powder would be commonplace in Europe. By then, the rifles of all European nations would be equipped with smokeless powder cartridges, so there would be no need to keep the information secret anymore.

In addition to this confidentiality agreement, the arsenals were also informed that if their rifle design was adopted by the Ministry of Defense, for the next five years, any contract they signed with any foreign enterprise or country would require the approval of the Spanish government and the Ministry of Defense.

Although most Spaniards were very patriotic, Carlo and the Spanish government dared not gamble on the patriotism of capitalists.

Such a clause would ensure that Spain’s new rifle would not be so easily obtained by foreign countries, which would naturally also delay the invention of smokeless powder by other nations by a few years.

The same logic applied: in five years, firearms and ammunition related to smokeless powder would be widespread, and Spain would no longer prevent these arsenals from selling related rifles and ammunition abroad.

Of course, if the design of one of these arsenals was adopted by the Ministry of Defense, they wouldn’t have to worry about orders for the next five years.

The Spanish army would definitely undergo a complete rearmament with the new rifle. Coupled with the large number of colonial troops, even the Royal Arsenal would have to produce for a very long time to meet the military’s needs.

Not to mention these small and medium-sized arsenals; if they were to produce at full capacity, they might not even finish production within five years.

This was why these small and medium-sized arsenals quickly agreed to the military’s two conditions. After all, the two conditions seemed strict, but in reality, they did not have a major impact on them.

Needing the approval of the Spanish government and the Ministry of Defense to sell weapons and ammunition abroad seemed like a tyrannical clause, but it also depended on whether the production capacity of these small and medium-sized arsenals could keep up.

If their capacity couldn’t keep up, they wouldn’t be able to sign arms trade deals with foreign countries anyway, so they naturally wouldn’t violate this regulation on arms exports.

Having been put at ease by the Ministry of Defense’s explanation, the arsenals, both large and small, immediately threw themselves into the research and development of the new rifle.

The Ministry of Defense’s emphasis on the new rifle was plain to see. In addition to collaborating with the arsenal that developed the new rifle, it would also provide an additional support fund of about one million pesetas to help the arsenal expand more quickly and meet the production demands required by the Ministry.

This support fund of one million pesetas should not be underestimated.

Currently, apart from the Royal Arsenal, only a few arsenals that had been established for decades had an overall value exceeding this amount.

The total value of the remaining small arsenals, including their factories and equipment, did not even reach the level of one million pesetas.

Based on the scale of Spain’s military industry, an arsenal with a total valuation of one million pesetas could be considered a medium-sized enterprise.

Unfortunately, Spain had only three medium-sized arsenals. Including the sole large-scale arsenal, the Royal Arsenal, these were the representative enterprises that the Spanish military industry could currently put forward.

Theoretically, Spain’s new standard-issue rifle should emerge from either the Royal Arsenal or one of the three medium-sized arsenals.

After all, larger arsenals were stronger than smaller ones in terms of equipment and technical personnel reserves.

Unless a smaller arsenal could produce a weapons expert worthy of being written about in history, it was unlikely they could win this arms competition.

The main focus of the Spanish Ministry of Defense was also on the Royal Arsenal and the three medium-sized arsenals, hoping they could develop a standard-issue rifle that met its requirements.

To the surprise of Carlo and the Ministry of Defense, the first to submit a rifle design was not the Royal Arsenal, but a little-known medium-sized arsenal.

The Jomontoya Machinery Manufacturing Plant. Seeing the name, Carlo almost thought it was a tractor factory.

After learning that it was indeed a genuine arsenal, Carlo said no more and turned his attention to the weapon design they had submitted.

From its appearance, the rifle bore a high resemblance to Spain’s original Vetterli M1872 rifle; one could even say the former was an improved version of the latter.

Actual testing proved this to be true. Due to improvements in the sights, the new rifle was indeed more accurate at longer distances than the original Vetterli M1872.

This small-scale arsenal had also made some internal modifications to the rifle, which did achieve the characteristics of longer range and a faster rate of fire.

The problem was that, being a product of a small-scale arsenal, the rifle specifically manufactured for testing suffered a fatal chamber explosion during testing.

The chamber explosion occurred during the test of the rifle’s service life. Fortunately, it was a new weapon test, and no one was operating it manually. The rifle was fixed in place, and a rope was used to pull the trigger.

After firing continuously for over a hundred rounds, the chamber explosion suddenly occurred, and the rifle was blown into a pile of parts of varying sizes.

In that instant, the smiling faces of the Ministry of Defense officials changed, and the experts from the small factory were mortified.

After this incident, not only would the Ministry of Defense not adopt their design, but they would likely be much more cautious in any future collaborations with this factory.

The stability and safety of a weapon were of utmost importance, something the Ministry of Defense had specifically requested and emphasized in the tender.

It was clear that no matter how well the rifle designed by this factory performed in the previous stages, as long as there were issues with stability and safety, the Ministry of Defense would not consider adopting their design.

After all, the ones using the rifle were Spanish soldiers, and the Ministry of Defense had to consider their safety.

Compared to the rifle’s other statistics, the Ministry of Defense valued its stability and safety the most.

Carlo also hoped that the rifles produced by Spain would be used to defeat the enemy, not to harm Spain’s own soldiers in such a bizarre fashion.

However, considering that the small factory did not do it intentionally, Carlo did not blame them. Instead, he told them to go back and improve the rifle as much as possible to extend its service life.

If it couldn’t be improved, it would be best to abandon this rifle design sooner rather than later.

After all, this rifle’s design was based on the Vetterli M1872, with only some internal modifications. Perhaps this was one of the reasons for the chamber explosion.

For a small factory, achieving this much was already quite impressive. Improving a rifle step by step required substantial costs, especially if the entire design, from exterior to internals, had to be redone. The R&D funds and costs required would be immeasurable, which was why Carlo and the Ministry of Defense were not optimistic about small arsenals being able to create a rifle that met their requirements.

Chapter 310: The Maxim M1884 Rifle

Although the arsenal named Jomontoya Machinery Manufacturing Plant had failed in its design for a new model rifle, this brought good news to Carlo and the Ministry of Defense.

If such a small arsenal could produce a decent rifle design, what about other arsenals of a similar size? Would they also come up with impressive designs?

And what about Spain’s largest arsenal, the Royal Arsenal? Would it design a truly remarkable new rifle?

With such questions and expectations, Carlo waited for nearly two months, finally receiving the new rifle design from the Royal Arsenal.

Speaking of which, the invention of smokeless powder was also related to the Royal Arsenal.

Serving as the Chief Advisor for weapon design at the Royal Arsenal was none other than the famous “Father of Automatic Weapons,” Maxim.

Although Maxim was world-renowned for his machine gun, he was actually a polymath. Historically, he had also developed smokeless powder, built an airplane powered by a steam engine, and obtained hundreds of patents for inventions including automatic sprinkler systems, automatic steam pumps, engine governors, gas engines, vacuum pumps, and mousetraps.

After Spain established a research and development project related to smokeless powder, Maxim eagerly signed up and successfully joined the research team.

He was interested in smokeless powder primarily because of the improvements it would bring to machine guns.

A machine gun is a firearm with an extremely high rate of fire, which exacerbated the problem of the large amount of smoke produced by black powder.

As soon as a machine gun opened fire, the gunner would be enveloped in smoke, making it impossible to see the enemy’s situation ahead.

Black powder severely limited the effectiveness of machine guns, which made Maxim eager to develop a powder that produced no smoke.

Obviously, Maxim succeeded.

After the invention of smokeless powder, Maxim intended to continue his machine gun research. It was at this moment that the Ministry of Defense issued a tender announcement to all arsenals for a new model rifle.

Although the Royal Arsenal had gathered many weapons design experts, it lacked a leading expert to take charge.

As the Chief Advisor for weapon design at the Royal Arsenal, Maxim had no choice but to rise to the challenge and help the arsenal design a new rifle that met the requirements.

Rifle and machine gun design followed two different lines of thought, but this difference was not enough to stump a polymath like Maxim.

After more than two months of effort, combined with the Royal Arsenal’s decade-plus of exploration into new rifles, a near-perfect solution was finally found.

When the Royal Arsenal submitted several prototypes and the relevant design data to the Ministry of Defense, Carlo heard the news and eagerly went to the proving ground specially used for weapons testing.

In fact, this proving ground belonged to the Guard Division.

Around the capital, Madrid, only the camp of the Guard Division had such a large-scale firing range.

Conducting weapons tests in the Guard Division’s camp also ensured a high degree of secrecy. After all, the soldiers consumed a large number of cartridges in their daily training, so no one would pay attention to gunfire here.

The soldiers of the Guard Division were highly loyal to Carlo and the country, so it was naturally impossible for anyone to leak secrets. Moreover, most ordinary soldiers were unaware of the actual content of the tests, and without knowing the specifics, there was no secret to leak.

Carlo was the last to arrive at the firing range. By the time he got there, the Ministry of Defense and Royal Arsenal personnel had already set everything up.

Ten rifles were laid out on a moderately sized display table. Carlo was familiar with the five on the left; they appeared to be Spain’s standard-issue rifle, the Vetterli M1872 rifle.

The rifles on the right bore a slight resemblance to the Vetterli rifle, but with significant changes to their appearance. They must be the new rifle design from the Royal Arsenal.

Seeing Carlo arrive, the officials from the Ministry of Defense and the employees of the Royal Arsenal respectfully came forward to greet and bow to him.

After the simple formalities, Carlo eagerly walked over to the ten rifles and said with a smile, “Let’s begin. I can’t wait to see how the new rifle performs.”

Maxim nodded respectfully, stepped forward, and began his presentation to Carlo and the generals from the Ministry of Defense: “Your Majesty, Your Excellencies, please look. This is our newly designed rifle.

I believe you can tell from its appearance that we’ve retained some of the strengths of the Vetterli M1872 rifle, such as the magazine cutoff and the safety lever.

The former allows our rifle to switch from magazine-fed to manual single-shot loading to adapt to different battlefield conditions.

The latter prevents the rifle’s spring from being under prolonged compression when idle, extending the spring’s service life.

By fully adopting a box magazine feeding system, the new rifle’s length has been shortened by about 120 millimeters and its weight reduced by 450 grams, addressing the original Vetterli rifle’s shortcomings of being long and heavy.

Although the rifle’s body is shorter than the Vetterli rifle, the barrel length has not been reduced, so its effective range is unaffected, remaining at around 600 meters.

To improve feeding efficiency and increase the rate of fire, we have specifically adopted two magazines with different capacities. The short magazine holds six rounds, and the long magazine holds ten rounds, to handle different battlefield situations.

When using the ten-round long magazine, the rifle’s theoretical maximum rate of fire can exceed 30 rounds per minute. As long as the soldiers are familiar with changing the magazine and the firing procedure, achieving such a rate of fire is entirely possible,” Maxim explained with a smile.

The design with long and short magazines was intended to deal with different logistical situations.

When logistics were ample, they could equip the long magazines and freely unleash their fire upon the enemy.

When logistics were less sufficient, they would need to switch to the short magazines to reduce the rate of ammunition consumption.

It might seem like only a few rounds saved per rifle, but what about tens of thousands, or even hundreds of thousands of rifles? The number of rounds saved could reach the millions. Such a design was very significant.

Carlo nodded, quite satisfied with this design. The group of officers accompanying him were also clearly pleased, discussing it in low voices with smiles on their faces.

“Let the soldiers try it. I can’t wait to see this rifle in action,” Carlo ordered.

Following Carlo’s command, several soldiers came forward, picked up the new rifles placed to the side, and began pre-test inspections and preparations.

These soldiers had already been familiarized with the new rifle and had learned how to operate it.

In reality, the operating procedures for bolt-action rifles of this era were quite similar. After all, European countries didn’t rely solely on their own R&D for weapon design; plagiarism was also a very important method.

The most famous example of this was the German-produced Commission 1888 rifle.

At the time, to counter the Lebel rifle introduced by France in 1886, the Germans urgently produced a rifle to match the French one—the so-called Commission 1888 rifle.

This hastily produced rifle incorporated technology from several countries: the bolt and magazine were based on the Austrian Mannlicher rifle, the rifling design was copied from the French Lebel rifle, and the cartridge was a direct adoption of the Swiss-developed 7.92×57mm rimless smokeless powder round.

This was why Carlo had specifically ordered the Ministry of Defense to issue confidentiality and non-sale orders to all arsenals participating in the bidding.

Because the arsenals of European countries at this time would truly copy any design they could get their hands on, without caring one bit whether you had a patent or not.

Even if one registered an international patent, they wouldn’t care about infringement. The time it took to fight a transnational patent case in this era was long enough for the firearm design in question to become obsolete.

By the time you won the transnational patent case, the copied rifle would already be outdated. At that point, they would simply stop infringing, since an obsolete rifle was useless anyway.

As for compensation, arms procurement in every country was confidential. No one would be foolish enough to publicly release the relevant procurement data.

Without procurement data, it was impossible to know how much money the other party had made through infringement. And without knowing how much they had profited, how could one file for infringement compensation?

This was why various countries blatantly imitated and copied designs. Patent infringement had become the norm in this era; even international patents were unenforceable across borders.

Of course, this was only true when the two countries were on a similar level and when the infringement did not cause significant economic losses to the other party.

If a Dutch company dared to copy a British company’s patent and cause the British company to lose a large sum of money, you would see if the British wouldn’t retaliate against the Dutch.

Returning to the rifle experiment, after thorough preparations, the testing officially began.

First was testing the new rifle’s various specifications, such as its rate of fire, muzzle velocity, firing range, and stopping power.

This round of testing was not complicated, and the specific data was quickly determined.

Carlo was the first to receive the test data, followed by the generals of the Ministry of Defense.

Looking at the test data in their hands, some of them were already beaming.

Not only did the test data not disappoint them, it made the army generals ecstatic.

A look at the test data was all it took.

The new rifle’s effective range not only met the Ministry of Defense’s minimum requirement of 400 meters, but it even reached the maximum expectation of 600 meters.

Although accuracy dropped noticeably beyond 200 meters, and hitting an enemy beyond 400 meters was mostly a matter of luck.

But this performance was already quite excellent. After all, this wasn’t a sniper rifle; it had no scope, nor was the barrel specially tuned. To have such accuracy was already very good.

The rifle’s performance in terms of firing range was outstanding, and that was just one aspect.

In terms of muzzle velocity, preliminary estimates suggested it could reach an astonishing 700 meters per second. At a sufficient distance, the bullet would arrive before the sound of the gunshot.

However, the significant increase in muzzle velocity wasn’t surprising. Compared to the ammunition used by the Vetterli rifle, the new rifle’s cartridge had undergone major modifications, with the bullet weight reduced by nearly half.

The original Vetterli rifle used a 10.7×47mm black powder cartridge with a bullet weight of a hefty 20.3 grams, giving it considerable stopping power.

However, it was precisely because of this heavy bullet that the Vetterli rifle had a shorter range; even with smokeless powder, its effective range was only just over 400 meters.

The new rifle used an all-new 6.55×52mm centerfire cartridge. Due to the reduced caliber, the bullet weighed only about 10.5 grams.

Combined with the boost from smokeless powder, the muzzle velocity was greatly increased, and this high velocity indirectly compensated for the loss of stopping power from the smaller caliber.

Experiments also proved that this small-caliber bullet was by no means weak.

A one-millimeter-thick steel plate was placed 100 meters away. A soldier fired at it with both a 10.4mm black powder cartridge and a 6.5mm smokeless powder cartridge. It was found that the 6.5mm bullet completely penetrated the steel plate, while the larger-caliber 10.4mm bullet got stuck in it.

The next test further proved that the bullet’s power had not diminished.

To test the damage the bullet would inflict on a human body, the Royal Arsenal had specially prepared two sheep to simulate human targets.

The 10.4mm black powder cartridge did indeed create a larger entry wound, but it only resulted in a relatively small through-and-through wound.

In contrast, the smaller-caliber 6.5mm smokeless powder bullet, due to its high velocity, tumbled rapidly after hitting the sheep’s body, causing a devastating effect that a large-caliber bullet could hardly match.

The conclusion was obvious: compared to large-caliber black powder cartridges, small-caliber smokeless powder cartridges were no less powerful.

Although not as powerful as a large-caliber bullet also using smokeless powder, the lethality of this small-caliber round against a human body was already sufficient. There was no need to pursue a larger caliber.

After all, in this era, there were no behemoths like tanks protected by steel plates, and ordinary soldiers didn’t wear body armor. A small-caliber bullet hitting a person would still cause immense damage.

By the time tanks appeared, it would already be time for Spain to update its rifles again. It wouldn’t be too late to pursue large-caliber bullets then; there was no need to consider it now.

Small-caliber ammunition could also reduce logistical pressure. A given number of rounds would weigh less, take up less space, and be easier to transport.

Of course, small-caliber ammunition would also be cheaper to manufacture, which was definitely a good thing for Spain.

After confirming that all the rifle’s specifications met the Ministry of Defense’s requirements, the final and most important test was next: the rifle’s reliability.

Only through continuous, uninterrupted firing could one test whether the rifle was prone to jamming, damage, or chamber explosions.

Only a rifle with a low rate of such problems could be considered a truly good rifle. The Spanish military needed such a qualified rifle, not a product that looked good on paper but developed problems after prolonged use.

To better demonstrate the rifle’s reliability, the next test would involve all ten of the new rifles, firing them continuously to see if they developed problems from prolonged use.

Given the rifle’s rate of fire, this was destined to be a lengthy test.

The Ministry of Defense’s requirement for the reliability test was that a rifle had to fire at least 100 consecutive rounds without issue to be considered a qualified product.

More rounds than that would be unrealistic. No matter how prosperous Spain’s logistics were, they weren’t that prosperous.

One rifle firing 100 consecutive rounds; ten thousand rifles would be one million rounds; one hundred thousand rifles would be ten million rounds.

How long would it take to fire 100 consecutive rounds? At this new rifle’s maximum rate of fire, it could be done in less than four minutes.

Such a situation would be impossible in any battle of any war. After all, no country’s ammunition came from thin air; it was produced one round at a time from various resources.

The maximum number of rounds a soldier might use per day would not exceed one hundred, and sometimes it could be as few as several dozen or even just a handful.

Under these circumstances, the Ministry of Defense’s requirement of firing 100 consecutive rounds was already sufficient to meet all battlefield conditions, so there was no need to consider more stringent requirements.

After the ten rifles had fired a total of one thousand rounds, the final test results were in.

The Royal Arsenal truly lived up to its name as Spain’s largest arsenal; the quality of the weapons it designed and manufactured was guaranteed.

During the continuous firing test of the ten rifles, only two experienced jamming. Not a single rifle suffered serious damage or a chamber explosion.

Even the jamming only occurred after firing several dozen consecutive rounds. Due to the continuous firing, the rifle barrels became extremely hot, causing some internal parts to deform, which led to the jam.

This essentially meant that, apart from the extreme condition of heat-induced deformation from non-stop firing, the new rifle would be virtually problem-free under normal circumstances. Its reliability could be guaranteed.

Learning the final test results, the many military generals were all smiles, and Carlo also breathed a sigh of relief.

This new rifle would greatly enhance the combat effectiveness of the Spanish army, which was of immense significance for Spain.

Although re-equipping the entire army with new rifles would be a huge expense, it was clearly worth it considering the boost to combat effectiveness the rifles would bring.

What’s more, Spain’s economy was thriving, and the government’s fiscal revenue was increasing year after year. They certainly didn’t lack the money to replace their weapons and equipment.

Even if the government couldn’t provide the funds, the Ministry of Defense could complete the rearmament over the next few years using its own annual budget.

And why was that? Because Carlo had always placed great importance on the military. Spain’s military expenditure had consistently accounted for about one-third of the government’s fiscal spending. Even with the significant growth in government revenue in recent years, military spending had never dropped below a quarter of the total fiscal expenditure.

With such an ample military budget, the Ministry of Defense felt only joy at the birth of the new rifle, with no concerns whatsoever about the expense.

Now that the rifle had passed the Ministry of Defense’s evaluation, the most important next steps were to negotiate the purchase price and determine how many rifles and accompanying cartridges the Ministry would procure.

Because the Ministry of Defense and the Royal Arsenal worked very closely, the negotiations between the two parties went very smoothly, and the final result was soon reached.

Before the negotiations, however, the naming of the rifle was a subject of lengthy debate between the Ministry of Defense and the Royal Arsenal.

In the end, it was Carlo who made the final decision: the rifle would be named after its primary developer, Maxim, plus the year.

According to this naming convention, the new rifle was designated the Maxim M1884 Rifle, or the M84 Rifle for short.

Due to the ample military budget, the Ministry of Defense decided to place an order with the Royal Arsenal for three hundred thousand Maxim M1884 rifles and fifty million rounds of ammunition, with the goal of fully re-equipping the Spanish army with the new rifle within the next two years.

The Royal Arsenal was overjoyed to receive this order. It meant they would have no shortage of work for the next two years, and the factory could run overtime to make money.

But this wasn’t without its downsides. With the advent of the new rifle, the original Vetterli M1872 rifle became virtually worthless overnight, and there was naturally no need to continue its production.

If the Spanish army fully re-equipped with the Maxim M1884, nearly three hundred thousand Vetterli M1872 rifles would be phased out.

Disposing of so many rifles and their matching ammunition would be a huge problem. The only option was to find an opportunity to sell them to countries in the Americas and Asia, offloading the equipment quickly at a low price.

The good news was that Spain’s colonial army of 138,000 men could have their re-equipment with the new rifle postponed.

This meant that the number of Vetterli M1872 rifles needing urgent disposal was at most 150,000. This wasn’t so difficult to handle, especially since the arms market was quite large with various countries accelerating their colonization efforts.

Since smokeless powder had not yet become widespread, both the Vetterli M1872 cartridge and black powder rifle cartridges in general were still quite valuable in other countries.

Once European countries began to adopt smokeless powder rifle cartridges, the value of this old rifle design and its black powder ammunition would plummet.

This meant Spain had to seize this window of opportunity and sell off the soon-to-be-replaced weapons and equipment as early as possible.

For Carlo, there weren’t so many problems to worry about. The re-equipment of the Royal Italian Army was the responsibility of the Ministry of Defense. While the re-equipment of the Royal Guards was the royal family’s responsibility, Carlo certainly wouldn’t handle these matters personally.

Of course, when it came to purchasing the equipment, Carlo was more than willing to re-equip the Royal Guards as soon as possible.

After the Ministry of Defense signed the order with the Royal Arsenal for three hundred thousand rifles and fifty million rounds of ammunition, Carlo also had Steward Loren sign an order with the Royal Arsenal to purchase twenty thousand rifles and two million rounds of ammunition for the re-equipment and daily training of the Guard Division’s soldiers.

Carlo would not be the least bit stingy with the Guard Division. The rifles and ammunition he spent money on now would be converted into combat power, protecting the royal family and himself at critical moments.

For Carlo, the stronger the Guard Division’s combat effectiveness, the more secure the royal family’s safety and status would be.

Chapter 311: 1885

Maxim, who had successfully led a group of military industry experts to develop the Maxim M1884 Rifle, was not resting on his laurels. He still needed to start modifying his machine gun, developing a new generation of machine guns compatible with smokeless powder cartridges.

The discovery of smokeless powder brought a huge change for rifles, and perhaps an even greater one for machine guns.

Because machine guns relied on their high firing rate for suppressive fire, it meant they produced far more smoke than rifles when fired.

If the smoke problem could be solved, the effectiveness of machine guns would at least double. Factoring in the increased power of cartridges using smokeless powder, a machine gun compatible with these new cartridges would be several times more powerful than one using black powder.

It had to be admitted that Maxim had an extraordinary obsession with machine guns.

Two and a half months after the rifle was developed, Maxim again submitted blueprints and a prototype for a new machine gun to the Ministry of Defense.

Like the rifle cartridges, the machine gun’s caliber was also reduced to cope with the increased logistical pressure.

Machine guns were absolute fiends when it came to consuming ammunition. Every small reduction in caliber meant a huge decrease in Spain’s ammunition consumption and logistical strain.

In any case, a machine gun’s primary role was to create a frontal web of fire to suppress enemy mass charges. In such situations, the caliber was not as important as the rate of fire and the stability of that firepower.

Unlike the previous generation of machine guns, to deal with the heat generated during high-speed firing, Maxim specifically developed two types of machine guns with different cooling capabilities.

The previous generation was an air-cooled machine gun, relying on natural airflow for cooling. Its cooling capacity was affected during high-intensity combat.

The second generation was a water-cooled machine gun, which had an extra water tank to help dissipate heat. Of course, the cooling of a water-cooled machine gun was heavily dependent on a water source, which was also a burden for troops on the march.

Therefore, Maxim did not completely eliminate the air-cooled design. The second-generation machine gun could be either water-cooled or air-cooled; the Ministry of Defense could order whichever type it needed.

The successive development of the new rifle and machine gun was certainly good news for Spain. The only slight concern might be whether the Ministry of Defense’s budget could support a large-scale rearmament. However, this wouldn’t happen overnight, so the Ministry of Defense naturally wouldn’t need to shell out a huge sum in a short period.

With the new rifles and machine guns, the Spanish army’s next task was to quickly adapt to the new weapons and continuously conduct relevant training.

The new firearms could indeed effectively enhance the Spanish army’s combat effectiveness, but only if the Spanish soldiers became proficient in their use.

In the first two years of the rearmament, the Spanish army would definitely go through an adjustment period. The machine gun was less of a problem; its rate of fire and loading method had not changed much, the biggest change being the ammunition.

The rifle was a different story. The original Vetterli M1872 rifle had a maximum rate of fire of only fifteen to twenty rounds per minute, while the new Maxim M1884 Rifle had rapidly increased this to over thirty rounds per minute.

This increase in firing rate was something the soldiers had to master. It would allow the army to provide a degree of fire coverage and suppress enemy attacks even without heavy firepower like machine guns and cannons.

Among all of Spain’s military forces, the first to be re-equipped with the new rifles and machine guns was naturally the elite Guard Division.

This wasn’t because Carlo favored the Guard Division, but mainly because the Royal Arsenal’s production capacity couldn’t be increased in the short term. Delivering a few thousand rifles at a time wouldn’t make much of a difference to the Royal Italian Army, which numbered over one hundred thousand men.

But the Guard Division was different. It had only fifteen thousand men. After excluding officers, artillerymen, machine gunners, and others who didn’t use rifles, the final number of rifles needing replacement was just over ten thousand.

The Royal Arsenal’s output could quickly meet the Guard Division’s needs in a short time. This also allowed for a small-scale field test within the Guard Division to see how this rifle, which had performed excellently in trials, would fare in actual combat.

As the Guard Division began its large-scale rearmament with the new rifles, the Ministry of Defense was busy disposing of the old weapons.

The good news was that there were currently several small to medium-scale wars happening around the world, so getting rid of these weapons wouldn’t be difficult.

Just one month after the new rifle was developed, Spain contacted a nation in northern Vietnam and signed a very cheap arms export deal with them.

Spain would sell thirty thousand second-hand Vetterli M1872 rifles in one go, with fifty rounds of ammunition gifted with each rifle, selling off these obsolete products at what was essentially a half-price deal.

In addition, the Lanfang Republic also purchased twenty thousand rifles in a single transaction. Although these rifles were second-hand, they had been tested by the Spanish army, and the inclusion of free ammunition made it a very cost-effective deal.

Besides Asian countries, Spain also did business in the Americas.

Not the United States, of course, but the countries of South America.

Although the South American countries were once colonies of Spain or Portugal, this did not mean their relationships with each other were good.

In particular, the relationship between the three more powerful South American nations—Brazil, Argentina, and Chile—could only be described as tense.

While it hadn’t escalated to full-blown war, local conflicts and border skirmishes were frequent. Historically, while European nations were engaged in a spirited naval arms race, these three South American countries were also conducting their own South American naval arms race, which was a clear indicator of the tension between them.

Since relations were tense, it was necessary for them to stockpile weapons and equipment to strengthen their military forces.

As the former colonial master of these lands, Spain’s rule was unwelcome to these South American nations, but its industrial products were very much welcome.

The rifles, sold at almost half price, were especially sought after, leading to a scramble among the South American countries.

This was mainly because, during the development of Spain’s industry, Carlo had repeatedly emphasized quality. As a result, while Spanish industrial products couldn’t be described as both high-quality and inexpensive, their quality was absolutely guaranteed.

At half price, these second-hand rifles could just barely be considered high-quality and inexpensive. The rifles produced by the American nations themselves could not achieve such performance at such a price, which was why they were scrambling to buy them.

To Carlo’s surprise, only fifty thousand rifles were sold in Asia, while over sixty thousand were sold with ease in the Americas.

In the process, Spain not only cleared out all its stockpiled old guns but was also forced to phase out and sell a batch of rifles that were still in use by the army.

This resulted in several divisions of soldiers temporarily having no rifles. They could only train in disciplines other than marksmanship while waiting for the Royal Arsenal to work overtime to produce more.

However, this was also good news in a way. When the new rifles were ready, these unarmed troops would be the first to receive them.

It was a blessing in disguise, as they would become the first troops within the Royal Italian Army system to be prioritized for the new rifles.

The year 1884 was characterized by European nations frantically carving up the great cake of Africa, and it ended with Spain emerging as the biggest winner.

Why was Spain the biggest winner of 1884?

Because Spain had successfully acquired the Trucial States in its colonial conflict with Britain. Although not yet occupied, the land was now officially Spanish territory.

In addition, Spain’s plan to merge its colonies was halfway complete. The Kingdom of Bamum, Yorubaland, and other areas had been incorporated into Spain’s colonies, and the connection of the Gold Coast with the Congo Territory and the Guinea colony was just around the corner.

Of course, other countries had also made gains.

Besides South-West Africa, Germany was also actively exploring colonization in West Africa. After successive failures to colonize the Cameroon and Togo regions, the Germans turned their attention to the area between the Spanish and French colonies, seizing the land of the Mandé people.

The Mandé were a large ethnic group, with an estimated population of several million to over ten million people. This people had once founded the Ghana Empire and the Mali Empire in Africa, both of which were regional hegemons in their time and had once been very powerful.

However, with the fall of their empires, the Mandé people were forced to migrate to the Atlantic coast, which was why they were targeted by the Germans.

They had a large population, were located on the coast, and were far from French and Spanish colonies, meaning they would not be subject to interference from other great powers.

Under these circumstances, the Germans took this land with considerable ease, becoming neighbors with Spain and France.

Of course, Germany’s colony had another neighbor: the Republic of Liberia, founded by descendants of American immigrants.

They were called American immigrants, but in reality, they were descendants of Black Americans.

Before the American Civil War, Black people in the Americas were slaves with no human rights. This was the country they established after returning to Africa; the name Liberia itself means “pertaining to freedom and liberation.”

Strictly speaking, Liberia was more like a colony of the United States. However, because Black people were not valued by the American government, combined with America’s isolationism, the Americans did not develop Liberia vigorously, taking a rather laissez-faire approach.

Because of Liberia’s relationship with the United States, it was not targeted by the European great powers, even though its population was entirely Black.

Germany clearly had no intention of conquering this land either. The Mandé territory also had a coastline, so it didn’t affect the German colony’s access to the sea.

Speaking of this country founded by descendants of Black Americans, one must mention their inherent flaws.

In America, they were treated as less than human, slaves that anyone could abuse. After fleeing to Africa, they, in turn, began to oppress the native Black Africans.

The method of oppression was simple, almost a complete copy of the oppression they suffered from white people in America. This led to racial discrimination existing not only in the United States, a nation of immigrants composed of various ethnic groups and races, but also in Liberia, a country made up entirely of Black people.

Yes, racial discrimination existed in Liberia, and it was severe.

The descendants of Black immigrants from America deeply discriminated against the native Black population of Africa.

But they never considered that they or their ancestors were also brought to the Americas by Europeans.

The severe racial discrimination within Liberia even led to internal strife and rebellions, but this was of little importance to world history.

In addition to merging the Gold Coast and the Congo Territory, Spain was also working to merge its West African Colony with the Sierra Leone colony.

Compared to the former, the latter merger was much simpler.

After all, the straight-line distance from the Gold Coast to the Congo Territory was over a thousand kilometers, and to the Guinea colony, it was more than nine hundred kilometers.

The latter was different. The southernmost part of the West African Colony was just over three hundred kilometers from the northernmost part of the Sierra Leone colony. There were no European colonies in between, which meant almost no country would interfere with Spain’s plan to merge its colonies.

Under these uniquely favorable conditions, Spain’s West African Colony successfully expanded southward by over a hundred kilometers, forcibly turning the Muslim theocratic state to the south, named Fouta Djallon, from a coastal nation into a landlocked one.

Thanks to this, the merger of the West African Colony and the Sierra Leone colony would soon be realized. According to a report from the Department of Colonial Affairs, it was expected that in the new year, the West African Colony would successfully complete the merger plan and become one of Spain’s important colonies in Africa.

The only Spanish colony in Africa that remained static was the colony of Southern Morocco.

There was no helping it; the geographical location of the colony of Southern Morocco was simply too poor.

The Sahara Desert was almost entirely unoccupied. Spain only held the cities in the desert with some population, while leaving vast expanses of the desert untouched.

Because there was nothing but desert to the south and east, and the Atlantic Ocean to the west, the colony of Southern Morocco could only expand northward.

To the north was Morocco, and at this time, neither the French nor the British were willing to let Spain monopolize it.

This meant that the colony of Southern Morocco could hardly expand. And without the possibility of expansion, it naturally remained inactive.

Of course, it wasn’t completely inactive.

As a region that Spain intended to integrate in the future, the colony of Southern Morocco had a policy that was completely different from other colonies.

Spain had even begun gradually sending immigrants to the colony of Southern Morocco. In the future, Spanish cities of various sizes would be established there, and Spaniards would become the majority population.

The capital of the colony of Southern Morocco, Agadir, had already become the city with the most Spanish immigrants.

More than half of the Moroccans here had emigrated. Of the remaining population of less than one hundred thousand, over fifty thousand were Spaniards.

The entire city center had been almost completely rebuilt. Large numbers of modern buildings in the Spanish style had sprung up, and Spanish stylistic influences could be seen in everything, including the city hall and the parliament building.

If the integration went smoothly, the entire colony of Southern Morocco would become a region of Spain, with Agadir remaining as its capital.

The Agadir City Council was the best example of this. The area would fully imitate the structure of mainland Spain to achieve complete integration.

Once the provincial parliament and government buildings were completed, it would be about time for the colony of Southern Morocco to declare its integration complete and become the newest region.

The Berlin Conference, convened because of the colonial conflict between Spain and Britain, finally concluded at the end of 1884.

The reason the conference lasted so long was that the European great powers used it as an opportunity to negotiate their respective spheres for partitioning Africa, reaching certain agreements and compromises.

Africa was vast, but there were many great powers carving it up. This led to every power wanting a large slice of the African cake, and some areas were even coveted by several powers at once.

In the colonization of Africa, Spain and Britain were two countries with relatively clear objectives.

Britain wanted to achieve its Cape to Cairo line; in other words, they wanted to annex the entire East African coast.

Spain’s appetite was smaller than Britain’s, but it also had considerable demands and ambitions for Central Africa and the West African coast.

Then there was France. Their colonial actions were by no means small, extending across North Africa, West Africa, and the East African coast.

However, compared to Britain and Spain, France’s colonies were more scattered, and the individual colonies seemed smaller in scale.

After the Berlin Conference ended, all the countries, with a tacit understanding, once again accelerated their partition of Africa.

After the Berlin Conference had demarcated the general regions for each country’s colonization of Africa, the only way to acquire more land was to venture deep into the African interior and explore the almost untouched depths of the continent.

The countries still held some hope for the lands in the African interior.

The Sudan, invaded by Britain, and the Congo Territory, occupied by Spain, were both primarily acquired in the African interior.

This showed that there was still much land in the African interior with great development potential. Although it lacked the coastal advantage for sea transport, railways could still be built to transport valuable resources out.

Perhaps the biggest difference between this Berlin Conference and the historical one was the fate of the Congo region.

Historically, because no country had effective occupation of the Congo Territory during the Berlin Conference, the clearly weaker Belgium ended up taking advantage of the situation.

But now, Spain had long established effective occupation of the Congo region, leaving the other great powers with no pretext to challenge Spanish rule.

This resulted in smaller countries like Belgium and the Netherlands gaining almost nothing. Portugal, on the other hand, had been colonizing Africa for a long time, so its East and West African colonies were still very large.

Combined with the compensation they received for the land seized by Britain, Portugal acquired the most territory among all the non-great power European nations at the conference.

The three native states in the Southern Congo—the Kingdom of Luanda, the Kingdom of Buonda, and the Luba Kingdom—together covered several hundred thousand square kilometers. Adding Portugal’s West African and Mozambican colonies, the current scale of Portugal’s colonial holdings was second only to Britain, Spain, and France, even ranking ahead of Germany.

As time moved into 1885, the rearmament of the Spanish army officially began.

Large quantities of phased-out rifles and ammunition were urgently shipped to Asia and the Americas to be sold off before the wars there ended.

In Spain, the soldiers who received the new weapons were extremely fond of the new rifle.

Although the original Vetterli M1872 rifle was also quite good, its long and heavy frame made carrying it during physical training a burden.

Now, having switched to a shorter and lighter rifle, the soldiers found their daily training much easier.

Moreover, people have a natural tendency to favor the new over the old. After personally experiencing the superior performance of the new rifle, how could the soldiers possibly miss the previous generation’s rifle that they had used for several years?

The weapons of the colonial troops were not being upgraded. Firstly, the Royal Arsenal’s production couldn’t keep up, and secondly, there was no need for the colonial troops to be equipped with such powerful rifles.

However, to ensure the success of future operations, the Ministry of Defense did equip the colonial troops with a certain number of machine guns.

Yes, machine guns.

In an environment like Africa, machine guns were even more effective than artillery.

The biggest challenge in conquering these natives was not the firearms or cannons in their hands, but their seemingly endless manpower.

Smaller states like the Kingdom of Bamum and Togo were manageable. With populations in the millions, they could only muster native armies of a few tens of thousands.

But a larger state like the Sokoto Caliphate was different. With a population of over ten million, they could easily assemble an army of over one hundred thousand, or even several hundred thousand men.

This was where machine guns could be extremely effective. The natives, unaware of the power of machine guns, would certainly charge the Spanish positions in a swarm.

At that point, Spanish soldiers could use the firepower of the machine guns to easily reap the lives of the natives.

To achieve the best effect, the Ministry of Defense shipped over fifty machine guns from the mainland, along with over a million rounds of ammunition.

This also revealed the Ministry of Defense’s attitude: facing the swarming manpower of the natives, Spain had no need to conserve ammunition.

In the remaining time of 1884, Ricciotti, using manpower transported from various colonies to the Congo Territory and officers from mainland Spain, successfully formed two colonial divisions.

The establishment of these two colonial divisions immediately eased the manpower burden in the Congo Territory. At the same time, it increased the number of troops that the Congo Territory and the Guinea colony could dispatch.

In the new year, the Guinea colony and the Congo Territory alone could muster a force of three colonial divisions, totaling about sixty thousand men.

Adding the few colonial garrison regiments from the Gold Coast, the total force numbered over seventy thousand men. This was more than enough to deal with the small Sokoto Caliphate; even if all the native states in the Gulf of Guinea united, the Spanish army was fully capable of fighting them.

If they could defeat the Sokoto Caliphate, Spain’s dominant position in the Gulf of Guinea would no longer face any danger.

Under these circumstances, the merger of the Gold Coast and the Guinea colony would be just around the corner, and the layout of Spain’s four major colonies could hopefully be realized within the year 1885.

Chapter 312: Aspiration for Battleships

In fact, while the rifles and machine guns were being upgraded, the admirals of the Ministry of Defense’s Navy had also requested that Carlo build more ironclads.

However, this request was swiftly rejected by Carlo, with no room for negotiation.

A few days later, Carlo summoned the Navy’s top brass and laid out his requirements for Spain’s next generation of capital warships.

Faster, bigger, stronger—these three words were repeatedly emphasized by Carlo, who made it clear that only a warship design that met these three requirements could become Spain’s next capital ship.

Until Spain’s next-generation capital ship was born, the Navy would not build any new capital ships in the coming years; it would only construct a certain number of auxiliary warships to expand the fleet’s size.

Carlo’s demand immediately caused the Navy’s high command no small amount of distress.

Although it seemed like only three requirements, they fundamentally redefined the design philosophy for naval warships.

“Faster” was easy to understand—it referred to the maximum speed of the new generation of capital ships.

Spain’s first two capital ship designs, the Revival-class ironclads, had a maximum speed of thirteen knots, while the Matador-class ironclads could reach fifteen knots.

The fifteen-knot speed of the Matador-class was already world-class, and by all rights, should have been more than sufficient.

But Carlo was not satisfied with this, demanding a speed of eighteen knots for Spain’s new capital ships.

A speed of fifteen knots was already considered top-tier in Europe, so one could imagine how astonishing a speed of eighteen knots was. It was no exaggeration to say that even the British, who were currently the best in warship propulsion, likely could not achieve a speed of eighteen knots.

This also meant that the next-generation capital ship Carlo demanded was impossible to build in the next few years. If Spain wanted to construct new capital ships, it would have to wait several years at the very least.

“Bigger” and “stronger” pertained to the capital ship’s armor thickness and the caliber of its cannons.

To become Spain’s new capital warship, it had to have its armor protection in vulnerable areas thickened as much as possible without a substantial increase in tonnage, allowing it to withstand enemy shells in a direct confrontation.

At the same time, the warship’s naval guns needed enough firepower to penetrate the enemy’s armor.

All in all, the Spanish capital ship Carlo envisioned would comprehensively surpass the most powerful existing ironclads in speed, armor protection, and firepower.

This was the source of the naval admirals’ distress. Although the imagined warship seemed powerful, with Spain’s current shipbuilding technology, it was unlikely they could build any new capital ships for the next five years.

According to the unwritten rule of naval technology—a small improvement every year, and a major leap every five years—such a warship might be feasible five years from now.

But the thought of the Spanish Navy standing idle for the next five years brought tears to the admirals’ eyes, making them envious of the Army’s large-scale rearmament.

Although it was clear that these requirements for a capital ship were somewhat harsh given the current state of shipbuilding, the Ministry of Defense still issued a tender announcement to Spain’s major shipyards.

What if a shipyard could design a warship that met the requirements? Even if the possibility was slim, it was better than giving up entirely.

Moreover, the order setting these requirements came from Carlo, and in the current Spain, no one could refuse Carlo’s command.

The naval admirals could only hope that Spain’s shipyards would step up and design a capital ship that met Carlo’s requirements as soon as possible, so they could see the Spanish Navy expand once more.

The major shipyards that received the Navy’s request were all astonished by the stringent conditions.

They made multiple inquiries to the naval department, only to receive the final answer that the requirements were real and would not be changed.

With no other choice, Spain’s various shipyards could only curse and grumble as they attempted to design a warship that met the Navy’s demands.

It was far more difficult for shipyards to export warships than it was for ordnance factories to export weapons and ammunition, which made Spanish shipyards heavily dependent on orders from the Navy.

If they failed to design a warship that satisfied the Navy, it would not only mean that the Spanish Navy would build no capital ships in the coming years, but also that these shipyards would receive no large-scale orders.

While they wouldn’t go bankrupt from the reduction in orders, these shipyards would undoubtedly be affected to varying degrees.

To encourage these shipyards to build a warship that met his requirements sooner, Carlo ordered an increase in the rewards and benefits for the winning shipyard.

Any shipyard participating in the Navy’s capital ship tender program would receive a subsidy of at least five hundred thousand pesetas. This fund was intended to help shipyards with research and design, and as long as it was used for warship development, the recipient shipyard could spend it as they saw fit.

Of course, not just any riff-raff could receive this subsidy. All participating shipyards had to be vetted by the naval department. They were required to have the capability to design ironclads, and at a minimum, possess a dry dock capable of constructing warships of over five thousand tons.

Without these regulations, some people would inevitably try to exploit a loophole by hastily setting up a small shipyard to defraud Carlo of the subsidy funds.

Any shipyard that successfully designed a warship meeting the Navy’s requirements would receive a prize of two million pesetas and a further subsidy of three million pesetas.

There was no limit on the prize money; for every type of qualifying capital ship designed, a prize of two million pesetas would be awarded.

The more ships designed, the more prizes awarded—this rule was meant to reward those shipyards with the ability to design outstanding warships.

In addition to the rewards and subsidies for the shipyards, the naval department would also provide rewards of varying amounts to the designers who personally participated in the warship’s design.

Carlo’s stance was clear: he would spare no expense to accelerate the research, development, and construction of the new capital ship.

In fact, from Carlo’s requirements, it was evident that what he truly wanted was no longer an ironclad, but a warship far more powerful—a battleship, or more specifically, a pre-dreadnought.

Just as the advent of the ironclad had overturned the dominance of the sailing warship, the advent of the battleship would overturn the dominance of the ironclad.

Carlo wasn’t certain of the exact year the battleship was born, but he understood that its arrival was only a few years away.

After all, the dreadnought itself appeared in 1906. As its predecessor, the pre-dreadnought had to have been created earlier.

After issuing the tender announcement to the various shipyards, Carlo turned his attention elsewhere.

Even if Spanish shipyards had the capability to design a battleship, the design process would not be short. This was not like designing a rifle, which had only a few parts and thus a short design time.

Designing a battleship could not be completed in a matter of months; it might even take over a year. The process required consideration not only of the rational layout of various components but also whether the resulting warship could meet the naval department’s requirements.

The tonnage of Spain’s existing Matador-class ironclads was already over ten thousand tons. A new battleship, with comprehensive upgrades in speed, firepower, and armor, would have to have a tonnage of at least over ten thousand tons.

Designing such a massive warship of over ten thousand tons was no easy task, and Carlo did not expect Spain to possess a revolutionary battleship in just a few short years.

As time moved into 1885, Spain’s colonial unification plan reached its climax.

On January 25, 1885, Carlo attended a meeting of the Spanish Cabinet, where he listened to reports from the Department of Colonial Affairs and the Ministry of Defense on the operational plans for the new year and issued his own directives.

For the entirety of 1885, Spain would need to wage limited wars in two regions.

The first region was Africa’s Gulf of Guinea, where the Aro Confederacy, the Kingdom of Niger, the Kingdom of Benin, the Kingdom of Dahomey, and the Sokoto Caliphate were on Spain’s list of conquests.

The second region was the Arabian Peninsula. Carlo planned to bring the Trucial States under his rule to prevent the British from breaking their agreement over time.

The conquest of the Gulf of Guinea coast was the top priority. Spain planned to dispatch a force of seventy thousand men, consisting of three colonial divisions and five colonial garrison regiments, to launch a full-scale offensive against the natives in the region, aiming to resolve the situation as quickly as possible and extend Spanish rule over these areas.

As for the conquest of the Trucial States, there was no need for such fanfare.

The reason was simple: the land was exceedingly barren. Comprised entirely of desert, the population of the Trucial States was measured in the tens of thousands, not even reaching six figures.

By contrast, neighboring Oman, with its northern mountains and small plains, boasted a population of over one million, several dozen times that of the Trucial States.

To conquer this region, Spain wouldn’t even need to deploy additional troops. It could simply dispatch a small portion of the colonial garrison regiment from the Oman colony to occupy the entire Trucial States and annex it into the colony of Oman.

As for establishing a new colony, Carlo had never even considered it.

Establishing a colony came with considerable costs, and the current state of the Trucial States clearly could not support the construction of one.

Merging it into the Oman colony would also show the British how little Spain valued the territory, thereby easing their concerns about Spain’s conquest of the area.

While Spain, France, and Germany were all making their own colonial moves, the British were not idle, continuing to build upon their Cape to Cairo line.

But to the surprise of the British, their rapid conquest of the Sudan region provoked even fiercer resistance from the local natives.

In January 1885, tens of thousands of natives suddenly rose up in rebellion against British colonial rule, capturing several cities before the British could react.

Due to British carelessness, the local natives acquired over a thousand rifles. Armed with modern weapons, their resistance grew even more intense, threatening to drive the British back to Egypt.

The native uprising in the Sudan region instantly made the British colony the focus of European nations. A host of countries with grudges against Britain pulled up their chairs and gleefully watched the British make a fool of themselves.

The British did not disappoint. In the subsequent suppression campaign, they fought a back-and-forth struggle with the natives, successfully adding a touch of comedy to the opening of 1885.

However, the British could hardly be blamed; the geography of the Sudan region was simply too awful. Not just Sudan, even Egypt to the north was covered in desert.

Only the narrow valley along the Nile River was truly habitable, which severely restricted the advance of the British army.

Compared to the local African natives, the British army was clearly ill-suited to this terrain. The local natives’ anti-British sentiment was so strong that Britain could not utilize local native troops to suppress the rebellion.

If they were to rely on an army composed of local natives, British colonial rule in the Sudan region would likely collapse in an instant.

To reduce British casualties, the British government could only dispatch troops from nearby Egypt and more distant colonies like India to help suppress the rebellion.

This did little to change the situation on the battlefield, as Indians were not well-adapted to such an environment either.

The Egyptians could adapt, but they were hardly subservient to the British. It was a good thing that Egyptian soldiers weren’t taking the opportunity to revolt against the British; expecting them to attack the Sudanese natives was simply impossible.

For a time, Britain had no effective solution to the rebellion in the Sudan region. The British government could only continue to amass troops and military equipment, secretly building up strength to deliver a fatal blow to the local natives.

While the British were busy quelling the rebellion in the Sudan region, the German government was by no means idle.

They had set their sights on the land north of the Portuguese colony of Mozambique, a place called Zanzibar, which had once been ruled by Oman.

Yes, that same Omani Sultanate that had spanned Asia and Africa. As mentioned before, Oman’s decline began when it lost its African territories, namely the Sultanate of Zanzibar.

This land was quite fertile, and because it lay on the British Cape to Cairo line, it was also coveted by the British.

When they learned that Germany was making extensive colonial moves near Zanzibar, the British government was extremely anxious, yet helpless.

It had to be admitted that the Germans had chosen an excellent time.

Britain had gathered a large number of troops and equipment to suppress the rebellion in the Sudan region, making Zanzibar beyond their reach.

According to the terms of the Berlin Conference, Zanzibar, a land whose colonial rule had not been established by any of the great powers, was open for colonization by all.

Germany’s actions were entirely permissible. As long as the Germans did not proactively violate the agreements of the Berlin Conference, Britain had no way to stop them.

Britain could compete with the Germans in the Zanzibar region, but their military operations in the Sudan region would be affected.

The German stance was clear: they were forcing the British to choose.

If they interfered with Germany’s colonization of Zanzibar, Britain’s Sudanese colony would descend into greater chaos. If they chose to focus on suppressing the rebellion in Sudan first, the situation in Zanzibar would spiral out of control, and the Germans would very likely establish a colony there, bringing Zanzibar under their colonial rule.

Faced with the aggressive Germans, the British government did not back down, opting to have its cake and eat it too.

On one hand, Britain accelerated its troop deployments, attempting to quell the rebellion in the Sudan region in the shortest possible time.

On the other hand, Britain dispatched a small fleet to the Sultanate of Zanzibar to negotiate with the consistently pro-British Zanzibar government, urging them to resolutely resist the German incursion.

The Sultan of Zanzibar at this time was Hamad, a pro-British ruler propped up by the British government.

After discussions with the British Ambassador, Hamad did not hesitate for a moment. He immediately organized his army to resist German colonization and initiated a series of collaborations with Britain, such as purchasing weapons and supplies.

Germany had long anticipated Britain’s move. Knowing that the Zanzibar government was pro-British, Germany chose to support anti-British officials within Zanzibar, turning them into a pro-German faction to engage Britain in a prolonged war of attrition.

The colonial competition between Britain and Germany in Zanzibar was good news for Spain. Without the attention of these two major colonial powers, Spain’s colonial unification plan in the Gulf of Guinea could proceed much more smoothly.

Although France was also a colonial competitor in the Gulf of Guinea, Spain’s plan did not involve France’s sphere of influence. It was highly unlikely the French would interfere with Spain’s actions, just as Spain would not interfere with France’s colonization of West Africa.

In the West Africa region, France and Spain seemed to have a tacit understanding.

Spain focused its colonization efforts on the Gulf of Guinea, from the Gold Coast to the Congo Territory, while France focused on the African lands west of the Gold Coast and north of the Gambia colony.

Of course, France’s colonies also included Algeria and Tunisia in North Africa, the Congo colony in the Congo River Basin, and the Malagasy Protectorate on the East African coast, which would later become Madagascar.

In February 1885, the Spanish army officially set foot in the Kingdom of Dahomey, north of the Ouidah colony.

Faced with the well-prepared Spanish army, the Kingdom of Dahomey had no power to resist and was quickly occupied by force.

The Gold Coast colony and the Ouidah colony were thus connected, and Spain took the opportunity to merge them into a single colony, collectively called the Gold Coast.

Meanwhile, the Guinea colony began its offensive against the native states of the Gulf of Guinea.

On the coast of the Gulf of Guinea, there existed numerous native states and tribes of various sizes. These so-called states were not large; some covered an area of only one thousand square kilometers.

A state of this size would be considered small even in Europe, let alone in the vast expanse of Africa.

Evidently, when faced with the onslaught of the Spanish army, these native states were like fish on a chopping block, left to be carved up at will.

In less than a month, Spain signed treaties with several native states in the Gulf of Guinea, including the Kingdom of Calabar, the Akwa Akpa city-state, and the Oile State, turning them into protectorates and bringing them into its sphere of influence.

After having occupied nearly all the coastal nations of the Gulf of Guinea, the Spanish government officially announced the merger of the former Gold Coast colony and the Guinea colony. The two merged territories were collectively named the Spanish Guinea colony, with its capital established at Santa Isabel and its garrison increased to one colonial division and twelve colonial garrison regiments.

Chapter 313: Reform Dispute

As March 1885 arrived, a once hotly debated topic was raised again: the redrawing of Spain’s administrative divisions.

For most countries, the demarcation of administrative divisions was not of paramount importance. Divisions that had existed for decades, or even centuries, were typically quite rational to some extent.

If Spain’s terrain weren’t so challenging, its existing administrative divisions would actually be perfectly acceptable.

But unfortunately, a considerable portion of Spain was mountainous, which made the current layout seem less than reasonable.

Spain had a total of 17 region-level administrative divisions, but its population was only about 22.87 million. This meant that, on average, each region had a population of just over one million, a number smaller than that of a single city in the modern era.

More importantly, regions like Andalusia, León, and Catalonia had populations exceeding three million.

This implied that Spain’s less populated regions had fewer than one million people, with some having populations not even reaching five hundred thousand.

In Carlo’s view, it was a waste for these regions, with only a few hundred thousand people, to maintain complete regional administrative systems.

If several regions could be consolidated, it would not only streamline the number of officials but also create a more balanced population distribution among Spain’s regions, making governance more convenient.

On March 11, 1885, during a regular session of the lower house, a senator from the Progressive Party put forward a proposal to reform the administrative divisions, immediately sparking widespread discussion among all the senators.

This senator, named Evans, stated that Spain’s current administrative divisions were highly irrational and that at least five should be abolished. He suggested merging the less populous regions into a single entity to reduce Spain’s administrative financial burden.

Evans had clearly studied the situations in Spain’s various regions and presented several of his own recommendations.

The total population of the five administrative regions in northern Spain—Asturias, Cantabria, the Basque Country, Navarre, and La Rioja—was only 2.3 million combined. This would rank them only fourth among Spain’s existing regions, slightly more populous than the Galicia region.

For Spain to use five times the number of officials and government agencies as the Galicia region to govern five regions with a similar total population was a clear waste of political resources.

If these five regions could be merged into one or two, more than half of the officials and political resources could be saved. Such a reform would be incredibly meaningful.

Aside from the Balearic and Canary Islands, which were overseas and difficult to merge, Evans believed that all regions with populations under one million, excluding the capital Madrid, could be consolidated into regions with over a million people.

This would not only reduce Spain’s expenditure of political resources but also increase the efficiency of the regional governments and facilitate the central government’s management of the various areas.

Evans’s proposal caused an uproar in the lower house. While some expressed support for his ideas, many others voiced their opposition.

During the open-floor segment of the debate, another senator from the Conservative Party, Alva, stood up directly to express his opposing view: “Gentlemen, our administrative divisions are derived from Spain’s history, from the history of our unification, and have been passed down for hundreds of years.

“These divisions bore witness to Spain’s unification and the integration of its various peoples.

“Take the Basque region mentioned by Senator Evans, for example. If it were to be merged, the name ‘Basque’ would be erased from Spain’s administrative regions.

“This would undoubtedly do serious damage to the relationship between Spain and the Basques. We are all part of one nation, and we should respect the wishes of these people.

“At this crucial juncture when our country is gradually prospering and thriving, I do not believe that reforming administrative divisions is a necessary endeavor.

“If this reform disrupts our rapid development, The gain does not outweigh the loss.

“Gentlemen, developing industry and the economy are more important matters. We have no need to focus on something as minor as administrative divisions.

“Whether we have 17 administrative regions or some other number does not change the fact that we are all Spaniards. How to more effectively unite all the peoples of Spain is what we should be considering.”

Alva’s viewpoint was echoed by a number of senators, primarily his colleagues from the Conservative Party.

Some of these senators genuinely shared Alva’s perspective, believing there was no need for Spain to reform its political divisions.

Others were vested interests in the existing political structure; naturally, they were unwilling to change it, as doing so would harm their own interests.

Before proposing the reform, Evans had already anticipated that his suggestion would meet with strong opposition from many senators.

No reform is ever easy, unless one possesses the political standing, influence, and military power once held by Prime Minister Primo.

Even Prime Minister Primo, who had all three, had faced assassination attempts, let alone Senator Evans, who was merely an ordinary member of the Progressive Party.

However, some could see the benefits the reform would bring to Spain and chose to vote for Evans in support of his proposal.

For a time, the numbers of those supporting and opposing the reform were roughly equal. The opponents could not secure a complete rejection of the proposal, nor could the supporters push the resolution forward.

The meeting ended inconclusively, but the proposal put forth by Evans and the objections raised by Alva sparked a wide-ranging debate across Spain.

Some citizens supported merging the regions, believing that some divisions were not only small in territory but also pitifully sparse in population, making their existence seem unnecessary.

Others, like Alva, opposed the reform. The names of many of Spain’s administrative regions, such as Galicia, the Basque Country, and Catalonia, attested to the country’s history.

The origins of these regional names were either the names of the local peoples or of the nations that had once existed there.

Although these peoples and nations had been unified into the great family of Spain for various reasons, it did not mean they had completely disappeared.

Merging the administrative regions would mean that several regional names would be removed. For the nations that once existed and the peoples that still do, this would be a definite blow.

Most of those who objected held this view, believing it was better to let sleeping dogs lie and that there was no need for major changes to the existing administrative divisions.

This nationwide discussion soon caught Carlo’s attention. Or rather, it caught his public attention.

Long before Evans had proposed the reform of administrative divisions, Carlo had already considered whether Spain’s existing layout was reasonable. The corresponding reform was, in fact, initiated by Carlo, who had contacted members of the Progressive Party and had them propose it in the lower house.

The main reason for choosing the Progressive Party over the Conservative Party was the two parties’ differing attitudes toward reform.

Although the Conservative Party was, in theory, the royalist faction, its members were, true to their name, mostly quite conservative.

They would not oppose existing reforms, but they were unwilling to pursue new ones in Spain.

After all, they had already become vested interests, so why would they harm their own interests by pushing for reform?

On this point, not even the leading figure of the Conservative Party, Prime Minister Canovas, could change the minds of its members.

The Conservative Party was composed of a large number of noblemen, landlords, and conservative officials. Their class determined their thinking, something no single individual could change.

This was also why Carlo had retained the Progressive and Liberal Parties, allowing the three major parties to compete freely.

If there were only the Conservative Party, any necessary reform would face immense resistance. Carlo would have to personally step in to push it forward, but doing so would saddle him with all the responsibility for the reform—something a king should avoid whenever possible.

Seeing the proposal for administrative reform at a standstill, Carlo decided to give it a push from behind the scenes, helping the progressives advance the proposal more quickly.

How to help? By making good use of Spanish public opinion, of course.

The Spanish government also needed to consider the people’s views on whether to reform the administrative divisions.

As long as the public could reach a unified opinion, could these senators, elected by the people, dare to ignore it?

Of course not.

This meant that as long as Carlo could guide the Spanish people to support the reform, he could ensure the proposal passed in the lower house.

On March 12, the Spanish newspaper The Sun published an article titled “The Pros and Cons of Administrative Reform for Spain.” It sharply pointed out the benefits and drawbacks of the reform and gave examples to illustrate the reasons why senators might oppose it.

The article immediately captured the attention of its readers and made administrative reform the hottest news in Spain.

But that wasn’t all. Another major newspaper company, the Royal Daily, directly interviewed several thousand ordinary citizens in Spain’s two core cities, asking for their attitudes toward the reform.

Over five thousand people were interviewed. Among them, more than three thousand supported the reform, while over a thousand said it made little difference to them, as their lives would be unaffected either way.

Only a few hundred expressed opposition to the reform, citing the reason that representative regional names would disappear from Spanish history.

The vast disparity between the number of supporters and opponents immediately led the public to believe The Sun’s claim about the opposing senators’ motives: that the reform would harm their personal interests.

This report put the senators who had previously opposed the reform on the hot seat. Explaining was a bad option, but so was not explaining.

If they stayed silent, the public discussion would rage on, and the blame they shouldered would grow larger and heavier.

If they offered an explanation, it would seem to confirm the fact that they were opposing a nationally beneficial proposal for their own interests.

With no other choice, the Conservative Party senators could only seek help from the highest-ranking and most powerful figure in their party, Prime Minister Canovas.

Frankly, Prime Minister Canovas had no desire to get involved.

While these senators couldn’t see it, Prime Minister Canovas saw the situation with perfect clarity.

Throughout all of Spain, the only ones capable of mobilizing the power of public opinion were the Cabinet government and Carlo, the king.

The Cabinet government had taken no action recently, which could only mean that it was King Carlo who was mobilizing public opinion.

Although Carlo had not expressed his stance on the administrative reform, this act of using public opinion to help the Progressive Party was, in effect, an indirect declaration of his position.

Prime Minister Canovas was no Primo. He held no military power, nor did he possess Prime Minister Primo’s vast influence and status.

Furthermore, Prime Minister Canovas had been personally promoted by Carlo; he had no power to resist him.

What’s more, Prime Minister Canovas himself believed that the reform of the administrative divisions was a good thing. It was just that, as Prime Minister, he couldn’t express his stance too decisively, or he might cause a large number of people to simply agree with him, robbing them of their own ability to think and judge.

When several Conservative senators, led by Alva, found Prime Minister Canovas, he had just finished his work.

After listening to the senators’ various arguments about the downsides of the reform and their request that he, as Prime Minister, declare a corresponding stance, Prime Minister Canovas smiled and decisively rejected their request. “In my view, the administrative reform is not an entirely unmitigated good for Spain, but the benefits absolutely outweigh the drawbacks.

“As long as we can overcome some of the problems the reform brings, we will reap far more benefits than there are problems.

“Whether you genuinely oppose the reform or not, you can no longer change the will of the people.

“Go back. You will know the result at the next lower house vote. Before then, I hope you will properly investigate Spanish public opinion and stand on the side of the Spanish people.”

“Mr. Prime Minister, if you also support opposing the reform, we still have a chance to prevent it from happening.

“Do you really want to see names as old as Catalonia, the Basque Country, Cantabria, Asturias, and Galicia disappear in our reforms?

“As long as you oppose the reform, the Progressive Party will never be able to make it happen,” one Conservative senator persisted, trying to persuade Prime Minister Canovas.

The smile on Prime Minister Canovas’s face froze. His gaze fell upon that senator, and after a long moment, he finally spoke. “First, I personally support the reform of the administrative divisions. Perhaps the names of some regions will disappear as a result, but for all Spaniards, such a sacrifice is worthwhile.

“We will have more rational administrative divisions, and the political resources we save can be invested in other departments. Isn’t that a good thing?

“Besides, even if I were to oppose the reform now, I could not stop it from happening.

“I suggest you do more research into public opinion in Spain. Hasn’t the Royal Daily already listed the views of the several thousand Spaniards they interviewed? Do you intend to go against the will of the Spanish people?”

Prime Minister Canovas deliberately emphasized the word “Royal” in “Royal Daily.”

This somewhat deliberate shift in tone immediately brought a flash of understanding to the senators.

They finally understood why Prime Minister Canovas was unwilling to oppose the reform. Behind it all stood the king.

With their doubts completely dispelled, the Conservative senators could only bid farewell to Prime Minister Canovas and abandon the last shred of hope they had of stopping the reform.

At this moment, Carlo was just like Prime Minister Primo had been in his time, possessing influence, status, and control over Spain’s military.

If it was a reform that Carlo truly wanted to push, then indeed, no one could oppose it. They, as mere Conservative Party senators, were even less capable of changing Carlo’s mind. Their only option was to comply, for an ant cannot shake a great tree.

Chapter 314: Provinces, Cities, and Counties; States, Cities, and Towns

After their appeal to Prime Minister Canovas for help failed, the Conservative Party senators who opposed the administrative reform understood that no one in Spain could stop it from happening now.

That being the case, they could only passively accept it and do their best to guide the reform in a more reasonable direction.

At a regular session of the lower house a few days later, the proposal for administrative reform received a majority of affirmative votes.

This greatly surprised the senators of the Progressive Party. They had originally thought this session would require a great deal of wrangling to push the reform forward. They never expected the Conservative senators to surrender from the outset and vote in favor.

Since the greatest opponent, the Conservative Party, had already chosen to agree, the other parties and non-partisan members naturally could not maintain their opposition.

Public opinion had evolved to the point where anyone who voted against the reform would be branded a selfish traitor to the nation. Under such circumstances, no one dared to shoulder that pressure.

Thus, the proposal for administrative reform won a vast majority of affirmative votes. Most of the remaining senators abstained rather than voted against it.

At the meeting, Ferdinand Avery, the incumbent Speaker of the House, announced that the administrative reform had been passed. The lower house would officially begin deliberations on the specifics of the reform and, upon their conclusion, submit the results to the Upper House for review and approval.

Regarding the reform of Spain’s existing administrative divisions, the most frequently mentioned were the smaller, less populated regions in the north, such as Cantabria, Basque Country, Asturias, Navarre, and La Rioja.

As for the southern regions like Andalusia, Valencia, and La Mancha, they were generally not included in the list for administrative reform.

These regions were vast in area, with populations numbering in the millions, or even several millions. They were fully qualified to be regions in their own right and naturally faced no risk of being eliminated or merged.

After several days of deliberation and voting, the lower house reached a preliminary decision: the administrative reform would involve the regions of Asturias, Cantabria, Basque Country, Navarre, La Rioja, and Murcia.

These six administrative regions would be abolished or merged, ultimately leaving only two. This would reduce the number of Spain’s administrative regions, along with its officials and government agencies.

When the results of the lower house’s discussions were finally announced, the reform plan immediately sparked heated debate across Spain.

For most Spaniards, the administrative reform had little to do with them. Although six regions were involved, their total population was less than that of Andalusia alone.

Furthermore, the fact that five of the six regions were located in northern Spain also lessened the impact of the reform.

If there was an impact to speak of, the most dissatisfied were likely the Basques.

As one of Spain’s most valiant and warlike peoples, the Basques had never truly integrated into the Spanish family. They had previously controlled two administrative regions, the Basque Region and the La Rioja Region, and were the third-largest ethnic group in Spain, second only to the Catalans.

If the lower house’s plan was implemented, both the existing Basque Region and La Rioja Region would be merged. It was uncertain whether the Basques could even hold on to their current lands.

More importantly, after being merged with other regions, the proportion of Basques in the new administrative district would be significantly reduced.

This was a tremendous blow to Basque national identity. Once they could no longer maintain their distinctiveness from other Spaniards, they would be passively assimilated into the greater Spanish family.

This was something the Basques were unwilling to see. They attempted to organize protests to resist the lower house’s decision, hoping to at least preserve one of the two regions, the Basque Region or the La Rioja Region, to ensure they could maintain control in at least one administrative division.

Carlo’s vigilance towards the very unique Basques had never waned.

Although the Catalans were still Spain’s largest group aspiring for independence or autonomy, the ambition of the Basques and their separateness from Spain were undoubtedly the greatest among all peoples on the Iberian Peninsula.

It was no exaggeration to say that the ethnic differences between Basques and Spaniards were even greater than those between the Portuguese and Spaniards.

Assimilating such a fiercely martial people was extremely difficult. Historically, Spain had failed to do so over hundreds of years, and in later times, the Basque region remained the most fervently pro-independence area in Spain.

Since that was the case, there was no need to be lenient with the Basques.

Long before this, Carlo had initiated an immigration program, resettling Spaniards from more populous regions into the two Basque administrative areas to dilute the local Basque population.

Based on the current demographics, Carlo’s efforts had been quite successful.

Today, the combined population of the Basque and La Rioja regions stood at 850,000, an increase of about 200,000 compared to fifteen years ago.

Without a doubt, almost all of this 200,000 increase consisted of people of pure Spanish descent.

These Spaniards had an extremely high sense of national identity. Their arrival effectively diluted the proportion of Basques in the Basque and La Rioja regions, allowing Spain to strengthen its control over the two areas.

It was also with the help of these Spaniards that the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau learned of the planned protests before the Basques had even managed to organize them.

Once the Basques organized their protest, suppressing it would not be so easy. Carlo acted decisively, resolving to arrest the leaders organizing the demonstration before it could materialize, thereby sabotaging the Basques’ plan.

On March 16, 1885, following Carlo’s order, an action team of several dozen people set out for the Basque region. Their target was a secret estate on the outskirts of Vitoria-Gasteiz.

Thanks to Carlo’s investment in the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, its domestic intelligence operations had been proceeding very well.

Acts of protest like the one being organized by the Basques were, so to speak, completely exposed before the eyes of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau.

The Bureau knew everything: who the leaders were, where they were planning the protest, and how many people were expected to join the procession. Naturally, the operation proceeded without any hindrance.

Soon, the action team arrived at the estate on the southern outskirts of Vitoria-Gasteiz and successfully arrested the leaders of the Basque protest while they were holding a meeting.

Later that day, some Basque workers tried to contact the leaders, wanting to ask when an a protest would take place.

They tried every possible way to reach the leaders, only to be surprised to find that they were completely unreachable.

Some were quite puzzled by this, but unable to find any useful information, they could only let the matter drop, canceling the half-prepared protest in the process.

Others were clearly smarter. They hurried to the secret estate on the outskirts, and upon finding it empty with signs of a struggle, they concealed their terrible suspicions and tacitly pretended that nothing had happened.

Under these circumstances, the administrative reform did not trigger any opposing protests or demonstrations in Spain, and the reform itself was able to proceed smoothly.

When the lower house submitted the bill on administrative reform to the Upper House, the Upper House, following Carlo’s instructions, put forward some suggestions of its own.

Of course, the Upper House did not oppose the outcome deliberated by the lower house. It simply added a few of its own recommendations to the results of the meeting.

As Spain’s largest city and capital, it was perfectly reasonable for Madrid to be a separate administrative division. Meanwhile, due to its industrial and economic development over the years, Barcelona had also become a major city comparable to Madrid.

Considering Barcelona’s future economic and industrial development, should it not also be established as a separate administrative division?

At present, Barcelona had a population of 631,400, which was more than some entire regions.

Barcelona’s population growth was also the fastest of any city in Spain, even outpacing that of the capital, Madrid.

If Barcelona could be established as a separate administrative division, its economic and industrial development would most likely see even greater growth.

This would be a good thing for both Spain and Barcelona, so it was necessary to discuss the matter of establishing a region for Barcelona.

Of course, instead of creating a region, it could be designated a special municipality, transforming Barcelona from a city under the jurisdiction of the Catalonia region into a city directly led by the Cabinet government. This could also stimulate further industrial and economic growth in Barcelona.

The second suggestion was to reform Spain’s existing administrative divisions of regions, cities, and villages/towns into a format more commonly used by European countries, such as a province-city-county system or a state-city-town system.

Such a reform would be conducive to centralizing power, enhancing the Cabinet government’s influence over various regions, and facilitating control over the policies of regional governments.

Under the existing regional system, the laws of some regions could run contrary to the laws of the Cabinet government.

Take the Catalonia region, for example, which previously had a decree stating that only the Catalan language could be used within its borders. This was clearly absurd.

Reforming the existing administrative divisions into something akin to a state-city-town system would reduce the legislative power of the state-level administrative divisions, preventing conflicts between laws enacted by the Cabinet government and those of local governments.

It is reasonable for localities to possess a certain degree of legislative power, but this power must be established on the premise of respecting and upholding national law.

Although the Upper House had only these two points, the lower house dared not disregard them in the slightest.

A few days later, Carlo personally issued an order to convene an expanded session of parliament, where all senators from both the Upper and Lower Houses would vote on matters concerning the administrative reform.

At this point, since the plan for administrative reform had already been approved, there was no longer any issue with Carlo stepping in to convene a corresponding meeting.

Parliament also needed a larger-scale meeting to determine the scope and intensity of the reform, so this expanded session was taken seriously by everyone.

The first item to be voted on at the expanded session was the reform of Spain’s existing three-tiered administrative system of regions, cities, and villages/towns into another hierarchy of administrative divisions, with the aim of reducing the legislative power of the regions.

After a full round of voting, the number of people who agreed with the reform slightly outnumbered those who opposed it, and the reform of the administrative system was confirmed.

Next came the vote on which specific new administrative structure to adopt.

Currently, Spain had two options for its administrative divisions: the state-city-town system or the province-city-county system. In theory, both were quite similar.

“State” and “province” were equivalent to Spain’s existing “region,” while “city” represented the cities under the region. The only difference lay in the third tier: “town” versus “county.”

The former meant that all townships and villages were under the direct jurisdiction of the city. The latter involved designating larger townships or smaller cities as “counties,” which would then manage even smaller villages or towns.

For Spain, the first option, the state-city-town system, was perhaps more logical.

The reason was simple: Spain’s population was not that large, and it did not have many large towns, so there was no need to establish a “county” level to manage them.

A look at Spain’s population distribution map also showed that the population was mainly concentrated around cities, with the inland population mostly located around Madrid.

Thus, having cities manage villages and towns was more appropriate and would not increase the administrative burden.

The final voting results indeed reflected this. Many senators favored the state-city-town administrative system. Since Spain’s existing regions were being reformed anyway, it made sense to switch to this model.

The third topic of discussion at the meeting was whether Barcelona should be established as a separate administrative district.

It is worth mentioning that after Spain’s administrative divisions were reformed from “regions” to “states,” there were more possibilities for establishing Barcelona as a separate administrative unit.

Barcelona could be established as a region-level administrative division like Madrid, or it could exist as an even more special entity, a special municipality directly managed by the Cabinet government.

Once no longer under the jurisdiction of Catalonia, Barcelona would be able to receive more favorable policies, and a large amount of the Cabinet government’s resources could be directed towards it.

In this way, Spain’s second-largest city would very likely begin to catch up to Madrid, and it was not impossible that it could surpass Madrid to become Spain’s largest city in the future.

However, just as with the Basque Country, making Barcelona a separate special municipality or a region-level administrative division was unacceptable to the Catalans.

In fact, the opposition to separating Barcelona was even greater than the resistance to the administrative reform in the Basque Region.

Fortunately, this expanded meeting included a large number of senators from the Upper House. Through their efforts, the proposal ultimately passed with a majority vote.

Chapter 315: The New Administrative Divisions

When the results of the Spanish Parliament’s expanded session were made public, several of the approved resolutions immediately sparked widespread discussion among all Spaniards.

Most Spaniards were already aware that several of the less populated regions would be merged.

Aside from a small number of Basques who would object, the majority of Spaniards did not oppose the parliament’s proposal.

What the Spanish people hadn’t expected, however, was that in addition to approving the merger and restructuring of administrative divisions, this expanded session had also passed proposals to reform the regions into provinces and to establish Barcelona as a separate administrative division.

Either one of these proposals would have been a massive change to Spain’s existing administrative structure, let alone having both pass at the same time.

Originally, the administrative reforms wouldn’t have had a major impact on most Spaniards. But after these two proposals from the expanded session were passed, the reforms could be said to be deeply relevant to every single person in Spain.

Among the most reluctant were perhaps the regional government of Catalonia.

With Barcelona under its jurisdiction, Catalonia had a population of 3.12 million, ranking third among all regions in Spain.

But if the entirety of Barcelona were to be separated, the population of the Catalonia region would drop to only 2.49 million. Although a population of nearly 2.5 million would still place it third among all Spanish regions, the loss of Barcelona’s industry would drastically reduce Catalonia’s importance in Spain.

In recent years, the development of the Barcelona Industrial Base had created a large number of jobs for the Catalans. Their standard of living had continuously improved as a result, making Catalonia the most affluent and developed region in Spain.

Although Barcelona’s status as an independent administrative division wouldn’t change its close proximity to Catalonia, once it became independent, the jobs in Barcelona would certainly not favor Catalans but would be open to all Spaniards fairly.

In the eyes of the Catalans, they had contributed a great deal to the construction of the Barcelona Industrial Base. On what grounds could the parliament separate Barcelona from Catalonia just because of a discussion?

This was not only disrespectful to Catalonia, but also to all Catalans.

Like the Basques before them, the Catalans were also planning demonstrations, and much more intense ones at that.

They did not oppose the government’s push for administrative reform, but reform was one thing. Why on earth did they have to establish Barcelona as a separate administrative division?

In response to the potential protests from the Catalans, Carlo decided to adopt an even more extreme method than the one used against the Basques.

Because the Basques were few in number, it was enough to eliminate the more extreme ringleaders to resolve their marches and rebellious demonstrations.

But for the Catalans, who numbered over two million, it was not possible to solve potential demonstrations and rebellions by just punishing the leaders.

Although Carlo had already strengthened his control over Catalonia by encouraging the emigration of some more radical Catalans, this did not mean the remaining Catalans could be smoothly integrated into Spain.

Currently, some progress had indeed been made in assimilating the Catalans, but it would still take several decades for them to fully recognize themselves as Spaniards.

From the moment the parliament announced the new administrative reform plan, all the regions involved in the reform entered a state of martial law.

A large number of police officers entered the cities to maintain order, and the municipal governments issued orders banning gatherings of many people on the streets or in other public places.

If the police discovered any signs of a demonstration, they were to report it immediately to the municipal governments, who would then organize more police to go to the street where the protest was taking place and forcibly disperse the crowd.

Of course, Carlo had also explicitly forbidden the use of force to suppress demonstrations. Unless they were clearly the ringleaders organizing the protest, the best approach for the majority of workers and citizens who had merely been incited to join was to persuade them with kind words to voluntarily give up.

If they were truly unwilling to give up, then the use of non-lethal weapons like batons could be considered.

To prevent large-scale demonstrations as much as possible, Carlo issued an order directly linking the occurrence of protests to the political achievements of local officials.

Whether a demonstration broke out, and how the crowd was reasonably handled after it did, would directly affect a local official’s record for the year.

The performance evaluation was no joke; it could even impact these officials’ entire future political careers.

If they didn’t want to lose their official posts early on, Spain’s officials had to take Carlo’s orders seriously and do everything possible to prevent demonstrations from occurring.

For the Catalonia region, where protests were most likely to erupt, Carlo adopted even stricter control measures.

Before the parliament announced the results of its session, Carlo had already transferred a large number of police officers from neighboring regions to Catalonia. Barcelona, in particular, which was about to be separated to form an independent administrative district, had over a thousand police officers gathered to maintain order on the streets.

To end the domestic turmoil in Spain as quickly as possible, Carlo decided to prioritize pushing through Barcelona’s separation from the Catalonia region; the reforms of other administrative divisions could be delayed slightly.

On March 20, 1885, the Spanish government officially issued a proclamation establishing the Barcelona Special Municipality, or Barcelona City for short, which was placed directly under the jurisdiction of the Spanish government.

Barcelona City included not only the original urban area and the surrounding countryside but also the Barcelona Industrial Zone, located more than ten kilometers from the city center.

Of course, the port was also included. The new Barcelona Special Municipality was much larger than the original Barcelona, but its area was smaller than the Barcelona region, covering just over 2,000 square kilometers.

On paper, the Barcelona Special Municipality had a population of 630,000, but if one counted the large number of workers from the industrial base who were not settled in Barcelona, the entire permanent population of Barcelona had actually surpassed 800,000.

Although Barcelona was a special municipality, this so-called “city” had no difference in administrative rank from the other regions.

The Barcelona municipal government was equivalent in rank to the regional government of other regions, and the City Council was equivalent to other regional parliaments.

Of course, with the elevated administrative rank, it would become more difficult for an ordinary official to become the Mayor of Barcelona.

The position of Mayor of Barcelona, like that of the Mayor of Madrid, would become a primary target for various political parties to contend for below the Cabinet level.

The formation of the special municipality was swift. After all, Barcelona’s municipal government and City Council were already in place; they just needed their ranks elevated.

Carlo did not intend to replace the current mayor, deciding it could wait until the next election for the Barcelona municipal government. This would also help stabilize order in Barcelona.

After the establishment of the Barcelona Special Municipality was announced, Spain immediately began the political division reforms for the other regions.

First, all regions were renamed to provinces, regional governments were renamed to provincial governments, and regional parliaments were renamed to provincial parliaments.

As constituent administrative provinces of Spain, each province had the power to manage its own affairs of state and enact its own laws.

However, the laws of each province had to abide by the Spanish constitution and could not contradict it in any way. The provincial parliaments had the power to elect the provincial governor and other provincial government officials, but the appointment of the governor had to be approved by the lower house and the Spanish government.

This meant that the power of regional officials across Spain would be significantly reduced in the future, while the Cabinet government’s control over the various localities would be greatly enhanced.

Simply put, this was a means of centralizing power, transferring more authority to Spain’s Cabinet government, which also gained the ability to supervise the provincial governments.

As a result, the performance evaluation system for officials implemented in Spain would also become more prominent.

The Cabinet government could even dismiss an underperforming provincial governor at any time, requiring only a vote in the lower house, without any need to consider the attitude of the provincial parliament.

Of course, when appointing a provincial governor, the attitude of the respective provincial parliament still had to be taken into account.

Nevertheless, the power of dismissal alone greatly increased the Cabinet government’s control over the regions, ensuring that no independent kingdoms would arise in any of Spain’s provinces.

Within a few days, the Spanish Cabinet government announced a more complete plan for administrative division reform.

In this plan, the areas whose land area remained unchanged were: Galicia, Extremadura, Andalusia, Aragon, Madrid, the Balearic Islands, and the Canary Islands.

The areas whose land area changed were: Asturias, Cantabria, Basque Country, Navarre, La Rioja, Catalonia, Valencia, Castille-León, Castille-La Mancha, and Murcia.

The specific plan was as follows:

The five less populated provinces in the north were reduced to two. Asturias and Cantabria were merged to form the Province of Asturias, with a combined population of just over one million, finally giving it the semblance of a proper administrative province.

Navarre, the Basque Country, and La Rioja were merged into the Province of Navarre, with the provincial capital remaining in Pamplona, the former capital of the Navarre region.

In fact, according to convention, the merged province should have been named the Province of Basque, since the Basque Country’s territory and population were the largest among the three.

Its population, in particular, was greater than that of the other two provinces combined, so it should have logically been the core area of the new administrative division.

However, considering the impact that continuing the name “Basque” would have on Spain’s stability, and given that Navarre was also a name with a long history, the new administrative division was still named the Province of Navarre.

No matter how unwilling the Basques were, they could only grit their teeth and accept it.

It is worth mentioning that in order to reduce the proportion of Basques in the Province of Navarre, Carlo also carved out a piece of land originally belonging to León—the part protruding from the eastern side of the Province of León—and gave it to the new Province of Navarre.

This increased the population of the Province of Navarre to over 1.5 million, of which only about 700,000 were Basques, a proportion of less than half.

Since they didn’t even make up half the population, the Basques naturally had no right to demand the government change the new province’s name to Basque.

In the future, as the Province of Navarre developed, the proportion of Basques would continue to decrease, and Spain’s control over the province would grow ever stronger.

In other words, with the change in administrative divisions, the Basques could no longer control Navarre.

There was little need to elaborate on the changes to Catalonia; apart from losing Barcelona, the rest of its territory remained unchanged.

Looking further south, the Province of Murcia, with a population of only 660,000, was directly merged into the Province of Valencia. The Province of Valencia also gained a portion of the protruding territory of La Mancha, bringing the population of the new Province of Valencia infinitely close to the three million mark. It successfully surpassed Catalonia (which had lost Barcelona) and Galicia (which had no changes) to become the third most populous province in Spain.

The reason Valencia received so much land was actually due to Carlo’s emphasis on this region.

Spain’s more populous provinces were mostly coastal. Apart from the second-ranked Castille-León, which was an inland region, the most populous Andalusia, the current third-most populous Valencia, the fourth-most populous Catalonia, and the fifth-most populous Galicia were all coastal areas.

Valencia could be considered Spain’s most important port on the Mediterranean coast besides Barcelona.

After merging the insignificant Murcia into Valencia, this region, which had leaped to become the third most populous in Spain, could unleash greater vitality, and its development speed should also be much faster.

Published alongside the announcement of the specific administrative division reforms was a new administrative map of Spain.

The biggest difference between Spain’s original administrative map and the new one was that several of the originally larger provinces had been reduced in size to varying degrees.

A single glance at the new administrative map revealed that Spain’s provinces were more balanced in terms of area. There were no extremely small provinces, and the populations were generally maintained at over one million.

Of course, administrative divisions like the Balearic Islands, the Canary Islands, Madrid, and Barcelona were special cases.

The former two could not have their area increased because they were archipelagos. The latter two were established as separate administrative divisions from cities for various reasons, so their areas were naturally smaller compared to the provinces.

But apart from these special cases, the remaining provinces were quite reasonable in both population and area, so the phenomenon of wasting political resources would naturally not occur.

Excluding the two archipelagos and the special municipalities, all of Spain’s province-level administrative divisions had populations exceeding one million, and many provinces even reached the two million level.

Because the Province of Andalusia remained unchanged, it was still the most populous region in Spain. With Andalusia’s population as high as 3.97 million, no other province could currently challenge it.

The only contender, Castille-León, had lost some territory and population, causing its population to drop below three million.

Further down were the newly established Province of Valencia and the reduced Province of Catalonia, both with populations just over 2.5 million.

Although a population of 2.5 million was certainly substantial, compared to Andalusia’s nearly four million, it was clear that these two provinces had lost all hope of catching up.

It is worth noting that although Andalusia was the most populous region in Spain, reaching a level of leadership that was in a class of its own, neither of Spain’s top two cities was located there. Andalusia’s capital, Seville, had a population of only over 200,000, roughly one-third of Barcelona’s and a little over one-fourth of Madrid’s.

The reason Andalusia’s population ranked first in all of Spain was that it was far from the Meseta Plateau and had sizable plains and hilly areas, making it very suitable for population growth.

However, due to Andalusia’s large area, its population distribution was somewhat dispersed.

Coupled with the fact that it was the last region to be unified in Spain, this led to Seville never developing into a major city.

Chapter 316: The Tour

Including the Balearic and Canary Islands, Spain had a total of fourteen province-level administrative divisions. This fact conveniently laid more groundwork for the establishment of Barcelona as a Special Municipality.

As everyone knows, the number thirteen is taboo in the Western world.

The earliest origin of this superstition comes from Christian tradition. According to the Bible, Jesus had dinner with his twelve disciples before his crucifixion. The thirteenth participant at this supper was Judas, the one who betrayed him. The date of this dinner is also believed by Christians to have been on the thirteenth, firmly associating the number with betrayal and suffering.

The famous painter Leonardo da Vinci’s masterpiece, “The Last Supper,” further disseminated this biblical story, reinforcing the negative connotations of the number thirteen.

Although the influence of religion had gradually waned in European countries, everyone from the common folk to the highest levels of government did their best to avoid the number thirteen.

Common examples include skyscrapers or public venues like theaters skipping the thirteenth floor or the thirteenth row.

When hosting banquets in Europe, having thirteen people at a single table is also avoided; each table will have either twelve seats or fourteen or more.

Even renowned figures like Napoleon and Bismarck refused to launch wars or sign state documents on the thirteenth of the month. This clearly shows how deeply entrenched the taboo of the number thirteen is in Europe, and indeed across the Western world.

If Barcelona were not established as a Special Municipality, Spain would be left with only thirteen province-level administrative divisions, which would clearly be a breach of this taboo.

If the number thirteen could be avoided, it was best to do so.

After establishing Barcelona as a Special Municipality, Spain’s administrative divisions on the Iberian Peninsula became twelve (not counting the two archipelagos), which was also a rather lucky number.

To dispel the concerns of the Spanish people regarding the establishment of Barcelona as a Special Municipality, Carlo had the newspaper companies controlled by the royal family publish a flurry of articles related to the number thirteen, encouraging the populace to support the parliament’s decision.

In any era, the masses are easily swayed. Under the propaganda blitz from numerous newspapers, the Spanish people were quickly convinced that only by making Barcelona a Special Municipality could they avoid the number thirteen, thereby bringing good fortune to all of Spain.

As for those who still supported keeping Barcelona within Catalonia, their ideas would supposedly bring disaster and misfortune to Spain. They were the thirteenth man—the betrayers of Spain.

Believe it or not, because of its close connection to the biblical story, this argument gained the approval of many Spaniards.

With the exception of the Catalans, who still had some minor objections, other Spaniards had no issue with Barcelona becoming a Special Municipality; some even applauded the idea.

With the commoners no longer opposed, the rest was much easier to handle.

Those who still insisted on opposing the parliament’s decision were no different from traitors like Judas.

In any case, with public support behind him, Carlo had nothing to fear.

Spain’s Department of Public Security acted with great speed, arresting large numbers of dissenters daily, interrogating them, and implicating even more traitors.

Although Spain was short on population, it didn’t mean they needed just anyone. For those who felt no sense of belonging to the concept of Spain as a nation, Carlo had only one course of action: exile.

Spain now had many options, and the destinations for these people would be varied.

A portion of the more fervent dissenters would be exiled to the Philippines. Since they wanted to cause trouble, they could go stir things up with the local natives there.

The rest, who were not as radical, would be exiled to the colonies in Africa. If they behaved well in the future, they might still have a chance to return to Spain.

Of course, those exiled to the Philippines could forget about it. Carlo would never trust these more extreme nationalists.

Spain would only accept people who identified with the nation. For anyone attempting to pursue independence or separatism on Spanish soil, Carlo’s response was singular: strike with an iron fist and spare no one.

In just one month after the administrative reform plan was announced, Spain had exiled nearly ten thousand people through various means.

Without a doubt, these were all individuals confirmed to have no sense of belonging to Spain, radical dissenters who sought ethnic autonomy or even independence.

The majority of these people were transported to the West African Colony, the Congo Territory, and Guinea. They would supplement the population of the African colonies, engaging in the more arduous work of colonial development.

About a third of the remaining individuals were more extreme dissenters; they were sent directly to the Philippines.

It is worth noting that they were not sent to the larger islands of the Philippines, but to several smaller islands where Spanish control was weak.

The Philippine government would issue them rifles and living supplies. Their mission was to survive, establish larger Spanish colonial outposts, and strengthen Spanish rule in the area.

Although these islands were smaller, the local natives were more savage and aggressive because Spaniards rarely set foot there.

If they could survive and successfully develop the islands they were on, Carlo might not be opposed to considering letting them establish a nation under Spanish control in the future.

But if they couldn’t even manage to survive and had to depend on the mercy of the Philippine colony, then naturally, no one would pay them any mind. Whether they lived or died would be up to their own efforts.

After dealing with those who opposed the political reform plan with decisive force, Spain’s reforms proceeded rapidly.

Barcelona and Madrid both had new names; they were now Special Municipalities. All other regions were renamed provinces. After the parliament and the Cabinet government issued the relevant decrees, the regions issued public announcements and changed the names of their regional governments and regional parliaments within a few days.

At this moment, within the Royal Palace in Madrid, Carlo gazed at the administrative map of Spain hanging in his office, his heart swelling with pride and ambition.

Although Spain’s territory was not vast, it was still a major country with an area of over five hundred thousand square kilometers and a population of twenty-two million.

The burden of developing Spain’s twelve provinces and two Special Municipalities rested entirely on Carlo’s shoulders. This was a supreme power, but also a responsibility as heavy as a mountain.

Carlo’s gaze first swept over Spain’s administrative divisions, then shifted to the Principality of Andorra to the north. His eyes then moved to Portugal in the west, and finally to Morocco in the south.

As his gaze shifted, a glint of ambition appeared in his eyes—an ambition to completely unify the Iberian Peninsula and make Spain a great nation spanning the two continents of Europe and Africa.

His eyes lingered longest on Gibraltar, situated between the two continents.

If unifying the Iberian Peninsula could make him one of Spain’s greatest monarchs, then retaking Gibraltar would make him the greatest monarch in Spanish history.

Carlo even hoped he could achieve a legendary status through this, becoming the greatest ruler in the hearts of all Spaniards by retaking Gibraltar, earning him the title of “the Great.”

In April 1885, Carlo officially began his national tour to visit all the provinces.

Besides overseeing the reforms in each province, the tour was also intended to stabilize public support, ensuring that Spain’s reforms could continue steadily and ultimately achieve complete success.

The first stop on Carlo’s tour was Spain’s newest administrative division, the Barcelona Special Municipality.

For Spain, Barcelona’s importance was in no way inferior to Madrid’s.

Madrid was Spain’s political, cultural, and railway transportation center, as well as its most populous city. Barcelona, on the other hand, was Spain’s industrial, economic, and maritime shipping center. Barcelona, along with Catalonia, was hailed as the most developed region in Spain.

After Barcelona was established as a Special Municipality, the capital of Catalonia was moved from Barcelona to Tarragona, further south.

But it was clear that Tarragona could not replace Barcelona.

One could see from Spain’s railway network that Madrid was the very center of all railways, connecting to Galicia, Andalusia, and Catalonia—the three most populous provinces.

And Barcelona was the center of Catalonia’s railway system, connecting westward to Zaragoza in Aragon and southward to Valencia in the province of Valencia, making it an extremely important transportation hub.

Although Tarragona was also a seaport city with a good geographical location, compared to Barcelona, which was situated in the heart of Catalonia, Tarragona could not become a transportation hub, only an ordinary port city along a railway line.

The loss of Barcelona was a heavy blow to Catalonia and would undoubtedly affect its economy.

However, considering the support Barcelona would receive from the Spanish government after becoming a Special Municipality, Catalonia’s sacrifice was worthwhile.

For this tour, Carlo decided to use his private train, traveling by rail to one of Spain’s璀璨 Twin Stars.

However, unlike his previous trips to Barcelona via Zaragoza, this time Carlo chose to first head east to Valencia, and then travel north from Valencia to Barcelona for his inspection.

The scenery of Spain in spring was quite beautiful, at least around Madrid.

Once outside Madrid and into the mountains, the views were not as pleasant. Carlo admired Spain’s unique landscapes while arranging the tasks that needed to be done upon his arrival in Barcelona.

He brought a substantial security force on this trip to prevent any backlash from the Catalans.

Although on the surface, the radicals among the Catalans and Basques had been dealt with, who could guarantee that no one had gone underground, secretly plotting to assassinate the king or other high-ranking government officials?

Carlo took his personal safety very seriously.

Accompanying the private train to Barcelona on this trip, aside from some servants and government officials, were several hundred guards and soldiers from the Royal Guards.

A security detail of this size was sufficient to guarantee Carlo’s safety in any region of Spain. Even if radicals in Catalonia were to cause chaos, Carlo’s safety would be assured.

Time passed quickly. Carlo and his entourage arrived in Valencia by train, then traveled north, passing through Tarragona before reaching Barcelona.

At the train station in Barcelona, the mayor of Barcelona, along with a host of officials from the municipal government and the City Council, were already waiting respectfully.

Although the establishment of Barcelona as a Special Municipality was a heavy loss for Catalonia, for Barcelona itself, the advantages actually outweighed the disadvantages.

Take the mayor of Barcelona, for example. His administrative rank was just that of a mayor. Even though Barcelona was Spain’s second-largest city and home to its largest industrial zone, that could not change the administrative rank and status of its mayor.

But after the establishment of the Barcelona Special Municipality, the mayor of Barcelona leaped from an ordinary mayor to a rising star in Spanish politics.

True, compared to other provinces, Barcelona had less land and a smaller population.

However, Barcelona was superior in terms of economy and industry, which meant the mayor of Barcelona had more opportunities to build a record of political achievements.

Standing next to the mayor of Barcelona were either important officials from the municipal government or the Speaker and some members of the City Council.

One person’s identity was rather special. He stood behind the mayor of Barcelona, appearing for all the world to be the second-in-command of the Barcelona municipal government.

The man’s face was quite familiar. Carlo recognized him the moment he saw him—it was the impoverished nobleman whom Carlo had once held in high regard, Baron Angelo Orcajo.

Speaking of which, Baron Angelo Orcajo had served as the director of the Barcelona Industrial Zone for several years now. Spain’s rapid industrial development was inseparable from the high-speed growth of the Barcelona Industrial Zone.

And the high-speed growth of the Barcelona Industrial Zone was a testament to Baron Angelo Orcajo’s excellent leadership. It proved that Carlo’s judgment was quite sound.

Although he was merely an impoverished nobleman, Baron Angelo Orcajo’s abilities were outstanding. During his time in the rather important position of director of the industrial zone, he had successfully demonstrated his capabilities and forged the industrial heart of Spain.

With Barcelona’s establishment as a Special Municipality, Baron Angelo Orcajo had a good chance of being promoted to a higher administrative rank.

There were also rumors within Barcelona that when the next mayoral election was held, Baron Angelo Orcajo was very likely to be elected as the new mayor of Barcelona.

One had to remember that Baron Angelo Orcajo was not yet forty years old. To be elected mayor of Barcelona—a position equivalent in rank to a provincial governor—at this age meant he still had great prospects for advancing even further.

In other words, Baron Angelo Orcajo was, without a doubt, a rising political star, and a very promising one at that.

Chapter 317: Barcelona’s Development

Carlo’s itinerary in Barcelona was simple. First, he would visit the Barcelona municipal government to inspect the work on establishing the special municipality. Then, he would proceed to the Barcelona Industrial Base to inspect the state of its construction.

Speaking of which, several years had passed since the completion of the Barcelona Industrial Base, yet Carlo had visited it only a handful of times.

It wasn’t that Carlo didn’t care about the development of the Barcelona Industrial Base. The main reasons were the rather chaotic situation in Catalonia in previous years and the fact that Carlo had not yet fully consolidated his power, causing him to rarely set foot outside of Madrid.

As for nationwide tours like this one, Carlo had only undertaken three so far.

After entering the Barcelona municipal government building, the mayor of Barcelona reported on the progress of forming the special municipality and detailed the city’s development in recent years.

As Spain’s second-largest city, Barcelona’s population growth was not far behind Madrid’s.

Madrid currently had a permanent population of 760,000, while Barcelona had 630,000 permanent residents, a relatively small gap.

If the workers in the industrial zone were included, Barcelona’s actual population would be even greater than Madrid’s. Coupled with its coastal location, Barcelona also welcomed a large number of tourists each year, making its urban scale in no way inferior to Madrid’s.

The motorcade passed through the streets and alleys of Barcelona, and Carlo carefully observed the city’s condition.

From what he could see, Barcelona’s development was quite rapid. The city’s road construction was on par with Madrid’s. As the car drove through the streets of Barcelona, he felt no bumps at all.

Speaking of road construction, many might not realize that in an era before asphalt roads were widely used, the main type of road construction in European countries was not concrete pavement. Most national roads were paved with pebbles and gravel or were made of compacted earth.

These types of road surfaces all had their own problems. Roads paved with pebbles and gravel could never be truly flat, and cars could not travel on them at high speeds.

As for compacted earth roads, they were even worse. They were fine on sunny days, but once it rained, they became muddy and impassable, making it extremely difficult for pedestrians and vehicles to cross.

As Spain’s second-largest city, Barcelona’s urban construction was better than Carlo had imagined.

On the road from Valencia to Barcelona, Carlo had seen too many rural dirt roads, as well as gravel roads connecting the major cities.

Once the train entered Barcelona, the weather-dependent dirt roads disappeared, replaced by more roads paved with pebbles and gravel.

Upon entering the urban area of Barcelona, the gravel and pebble roads also vanished, replaced by a few concrete surfaces and a large number of asphalt roads.

The so-called asphalt roads were, in fact, roads paved with bitumen.

Unlike the asphalt roads of later generations, the asphalt of this era was extracted from the resin of trees from the cypress family, which is how it got its name.

Because it was extracted from plant resin, its production was consistently low, which prevented the large-scale construction of asphalt roads.

Currently, among all the cities in Spain, only large metropolises like Madrid and Barcelona had such asphalt road construction.

Although asphalt roads had the advantage of being smoother, sturdier, and more durable compared to gravel, pebble, and dirt roads, they also had some drawbacks.

For example, the asphalt could melt under high temperatures, and the road surface was at risk of cracking. These issues, along with the low production of asphalt, limited their widespread adoption.

After listening to the report from the Barcelona municipal government on the formation of the special municipality and their work in recent years, Carlo led his entourage in a grand procession toward the Barcelona Industrial Zone.

This time, the one leading the way was not the mayor of Barcelona, but the Director of the industrial zone, Baron Angelo Orcajo, who had long been eagerly awaiting them.

On the road from downtown Barcelona to the industrial zone, Baron Angelo Orcajo, sharing a car with the king, respectfully introduced, “Your Majesty, please look. This is the highway connecting the industrial zone and the urban area, which we built in collaboration with the Barcelona municipal government.

This main thoroughfare is 12.7 kilometers long and ensures convenient travel for the public between the city and the industrial zone. The entire road is designed with six lanes, two-way traffic. The two lanes on the left are for automobiles, while the one on the right is for horse-drawn carriages and other vehicles.

On both sides of the main road, there are also sidewalks for pedestrians. This brings the total width of our thoroughfare to over 20 meters, making it the widest road in Spain at present.”

Carlo nodded, his gaze fixed on the exceptionally wide road before him. He could faintly sense a touch of a later era.

In the era before automobiles, Spain’s road planning was not so meticulous. Most roads were simply dirt paths, so there was naturally no concept of lanes or lines.

However, with the advent of the automobile, Spain’s traffic laws and regulations became more refined.

Particularly in the cities, most roads had specific lane and line markings to help drivers of cars and carriages stay in their lanes.

The primary reason for this was to prevent traffic accidents, or at least to reduce the probability of them occurring.

This era had no surveillance cameras or internet; if an accident happened, getting away was quite simple.

Unless someone was hit in plain sight, it was difficult to find the culprit a few hours after a collision.

Spain’s approach was to dispatch police officers to station themselves at busier intersections, making it easier to apprehend the perpetrator immediately after an accident occurred.

These police officers, stationed at intersections or other locations to help manage city traffic, have now been separated from the Department of Public Security and are under the management of their respective cities.

They also have a new name: Urban Traffic Police, the predecessors of the traffic police of later times.

Because Spain does not prohibit firearms, even the Urban Traffic Police are armed.

The authority of the Urban Traffic Police is also far greater than that of their future counterparts. Besides handling traffic accidents on the spot, they also have the power to investigate cases.

Unlike regular police officers under the jurisdiction of the Department of Public Security, the Urban Traffic Police are subordinate to the municipal governments of their respective cities, and they constitute the only armed force in each locality across Spain.

To prevent individuals with ulterior motives from using the Urban Traffic Police for their own purposes, Spain has imposed strict restrictions on the number of traffic police each city can have.

First, only cities with a population exceeding 100,000 are permitted to establish an Urban Traffic Police Bureau. Only with a bureau can they recruit a certain number of Urban Traffic Police officers.

The number of traffic police that can be recruited varies according to the population size of each city.

Currently, only Madrid and Barcelona are qualified to recruit 200 Urban Traffic Police officers; the number that other cities can recruit is much smaller than these two.

“Your Majesty, both main roads from Barcelona to the industrial base have now been completely paved with asphalt. According to feedback from the workers at the industrial base, the construction of these two roads has greatly facilitated their commute between the city and the industrial base, and the addition of trains and trams has also increased their options,” Baron Angelo Orcajo continued.

“Currently, the industrial base has no new construction plans, but based on our estimates, its production capacity will continue to grow at a certain rate in the coming years. If the municipal government could allocate another sum of funds, I am confident I can increase the industrial base’s capacity by at least twenty percent and create at least another 100,000 jobs within the next five years.”

Hearing Baron Angelo Orcajo’s words, Carlo’s gaze immediately shifted from the road outside to the man himself. He asked with a hint of curiosity, “Are you certain, Baron Orcajo? That’s a twenty percent increase in capacity and 100,000 jobs. You should know what that means for Barcelona.”

A twenty percent increase in capacity might not sound like much, but this was Spain’s largest industrial base. To increase capacity by twenty percent without expanding the base itself would be a remarkable achievement.

Not to mention the creation of 100,000 more jobs. This would make Barcelona highly attractive to the public in the coming years, with many people traveling thousands of miles, bringing their families, to seek more job opportunities.

The Barcelona municipal government would only need to invest a sum of money to see rapid industrial and economic development in the coming years, and even its population could surge ahead.

One hundred thousand jobs represented not just one hundred thousand people, but one hundred thousand families, a source of income for hundreds of thousands.

If it were truly as Baron Angelo Orcajo described, Carlo had reason to believe that Barcelona would surpass Madrid to become Spain’s first city with a population of over one million.

To this day, Spain still had not produced a city with a million people, a point of some regret for Carlo.

Although Madrid had a good chance of becoming the first, based on its current population growth rate, it would take at least five years for its population to exceed one million.

If Barcelona were to add another 100,000 jobs in the coming years, it truly would have a chance to overtake Madrid and become Spain’s most populous, industrially powerful, and economically developed city.

“How much funding do you need?” Carlo did not ask for the Barcelona mayor’s opinion, but looked directly at Baron Angelo Orcajo and asked bluntly.

“Your Majesty, to achieve the results I’ve described, a conservative estimate would require at least thirty-five million pesetas. If we could have fifty million pesetas, that would be even better. I would have full confidence in achieving the goals I’ve set out within the next five years.” Seeing that Carlo seemed ready to approve any amount he named, Baron Angelo Orcajo was overjoyed and quickly stated the funding requirement he had calculated long ago.

Baron Angelo Orcajo was not just making empty promises. He had a long-term plan for the development of the Barcelona Industrial Base and believed it had yet to reach its full potential.

Although the Barcelona Industrial Base had been completed for several years, a large number of its workers were still in the apprentice stage.

This was unavoidable. After all, Spain did not have that many skilled workers to begin with. These workers had only barely grasped certain job skills through short-term training at technical schools or through on-the-job training provided by the factories themselves.

The capabilities of these quickly trained workers were certainly not comparable to the skilled workers in factories of other European countries.

The good news, however, was that as these workers accumulated more time on the job and became familiar with their tasks, they too could grow into qualified skilled workers, which would indirectly increase the industrial base’s capacity.

A portion of the increase in industrial output that Baron Angelo Orcajo mentioned would come from the growth of these workers.

As for the job creation, it would mainly come from the industrial base’s support for various enterprises.

The current economic climate in Spain was quite favorable; in fact, the entire European economy was gradually recovering.

After the last economic crisis had completely passed, Europe’s economy was once again prospering. However, all countries were still a bit wary, so the pace of development was not as exaggerated as before the crisis.

Among the many European nations, Spain’s current development speed was already considered quite rapid.

Against this backdrop, it was relatively easy for the factories within the industrial base to turn a profit. The Spanish government already provided various forms of support and subsidies to these factories. If the industrial base pushed for more support and subsidy policies while securing more orders for them, the factories would certainly hire more employees, which is precisely where the new jobs would come from.

Furthermore, the Barcelona Industrial Base had not yet reached its projected number of workers.

Before the construction of the Barcelona Industrial Base, the Spanish government’s expectation was a mega-industrial base capable of accommodating 500,000 workers.

But to date, the number of workers at the Barcelona Industrial Base was still less than 400,000, failing to meet the original target.

There were many reasons why it had not met its initial expectations. First, the population of the Catalonia region was insufficient, which limited the industrial base’s development.

Although Catalonia was once the third most populous region in Spain, it only had 3.12 million people.

Just how exaggerated was the idea of 500,000 jobs at the Barcelona Industrial Base? If it were to only hire Catalans, it would mean that one out of every six Catalans would be working there.

Such a situation was clearly impossible to achieve, as Catalonia could not possibly channel all its manpower into the industrial base.

Even a city like Barcelona had sectors such as the port, education, healthcare, and agriculture that required a large workforce.

In addition, factories had certain requirements when hiring, such as a certain level of education or training from the government-established technical schools, which further restricted the growth in the number of workers.

With Barcelona becoming a special municipality and receiving a greater share of resources from all over Spain, the Barcelona Industrial Base would be able to attract a sufficient number of workers in the coming years. Filling the remaining 100,000 job vacancies would naturally be simple.

With the increase in workers, the output of each factory would rise, and the total output of the industrial base would naturally increase significantly.

In this way, the goal mentioned by Baron Angelo Orcajo would be easily achieved. This would be a huge political achievement for Baron Angelo Orcajo and a significant boost for Spain.

Chapter 318: The Nomination-based Election System

Carlo stayed in Barcelona for two days before leaving to inspect other cities.

As the king of Spain, Carlo possessed the most palaces of any nobleman in the country. Besides the largest, the Palace of Madrid, Carlo also owned a great number of royal palaces, castles, and manors throughout Spain, ensuring he never had to worry about a place to stay.

In Barcelona, Carlo also owned a royal palace that wasn’t particularly large. Although it was said to be of a more modest scale, it was more than sufficient to house the entire royal family.

There were many buildings similar to the royal palace in Barcelona scattered across Spain. These had been built by Spain’s rulers throughout different eras of history and had now all become Carlo’s private property.

Just how staggering was the number of palaces Carlo owned? In the vicinity of Madrid alone, not including the Palace of Madrid, Carlo still owned one royal villa, two castles, and two manors.

These more secluded castles and palaces served as the private residences of the royal family, offering them a greater degree of privacy.

Although the scale and luxury of the Palace of Madrid were unparalleled in Spain, its location in the heart of Madrid meant that privacy could not be fully guaranteed.

Anything that happened in the palace could easily spread throughout Madrid, which was not ideal for the royal family. Thus, some of the more remote manors and castles provided them with more options.

Traveling west from Barcelona, Carlo visited Zaragoza, the capital of Aragon province; Pamplona, the capital of Navarre province; Oviedo, the capital of Asturias province; and Santiago, the capital of Galicia province. He then took a train through the province of Castille-León, stopping for half a day in its capital, Valladolid, before returning to the capital, Madrid.

This tour took him through most of Spain’s administrative divisions. With the exception of the overseas Balearic and Canary Islands, as well as the provinces of Extremadura and Andalusia, all of Spain’s administrative divisions were included in Carlo’s inspection.

The entire inspection lasted over a month, and the results were quite positive. In provinces that underwent significant changes, like Barcelona, Navarre, and Asturias, the provincial governments’ unification and reorganization plans were mostly complete.

The governments of Navarre and Asturias provinces were the most noteworthy.

These two provinces were formed by the unification of two or three regions, so their provincial governments naturally had to integrate the personnel from the original regional governments.

The provincial parliaments of these two provinces also had to merge with the parliaments of the other regions, which was a considerably complex task.

The positions of provincial government officials and the seats for provincial parliament members were major headaches for each province.

These problems hindered the progress of the administrative division reform. Only after Carlo personally visited these provinces and addressed their specific issues could the reforms proceed smoothly.

First was Navarre province, formed from the unification of three regions. The formation of its provincial government and parliament was the most difficult.

Among the three regions that formed Navarre province, two were regions with large Basque populations. Logically, most of the government officials in Navarre province should be Basques, and the same should apply to the provincial parliament.

But clearly, the fact that the province was named Navarre instead of Basque indicated that the Spanish government did not want the Basques to gain too many parliamentary seats.

The disputes between the local Basques and Spaniards had also brought the formation of Navarre’s provincial government and parliament to a standstill, making the unification of the three regions extremely slow.

After arriving in Pamplona, the capital of Navarre province, Carlo not only personally inquired about the formation of the provincial government and parliament but also addressed some of the issues in the process.

For instance, the issue of parliamentary seats. The newly unified Navarre province would not accommodate all the senators from the three original regions. Instead, a new parliamentary election would be held across the entire province to elect new members for Navarre’s provincial parliament.

As for the government officials of Navarre province, they would primarily be composed of officials from the original Navarre region. The regional governors of the Basque Country and La Rioja regions would temporarily serve as deputy provincial governors of Navarre, with further position changes awaiting the next gubernatorial election.

For the Basques, Carlo’s arrangement was undoubtedly terrible news. But the problem was, with Carlo personally overseeing the matter, it was very difficult for them to resist his decision.

Carlo’s arrangement was not a baseless move targeting the Basques.

The unified Navarre province had a population of one million, five hundred and ten thousand, of which fewer than seven hundred thousand were Basques.

Since the Basques constituted less than half the population, what reason did they have to demand a majority of the parliamentary seats? Moreover, since the new province was named Navarre, it was natural for the provincial government to be primarily composed of officials from the original Navarre region.

The former Basque Country region was one of the territories being absorbed, so its officials naturally could not form the core of the new Navarre provincial government.

Carlo spent the longest time overseeing affairs in Navarre province, staying for about a week.

It turned out that Carlo’s personal presence was indeed very effective. By the time he left Navarre province, the formation of the local provincial government was successfully completed, and preparations for the provincial parliamentary elections were underway.

It was expected that within the next month, Navarre province would hold new elections for its provincial parliament to determine the allocation of its parliamentary seats.

Compared to Navarre province, the situation in Asturias province was much better.

Although both were formed from the unification of two or more regions, the situation in Asturias province was clearer and more straightforward.

The original Asturias Region had a population of six hundred and eighty thousand, while the Cantabria Region only had three hundred and sixty thousand.

While it was a pity that the Cantabria Region was being absorbed, it was undeniable that the population of the Asturias Region accounted for nearly seventy percent of the new unified province’s population. Therefore, the provincial government and parliament would naturally be centered around the government and parliament of the original Asturias Region.

In addition, the people of the Cantabria Region had a strong sense of national identity, so the regional unification process went much more smoothly than in Navarre and did not require Carlo’s personal supervision to handle related matters.

By the time Carlo left Navarre for Asturias, the government of Asturias province had already completed its unification, and the related work was in its final stages.

For the formation of the new provincial parliament, Asturias province adopted the simplest method: directly merging the parliaments of the two former regions to form the first provincial parliament of Asturias.

This arrangement would last until the next provincial parliamentary election and would not affect the parliament’s work in the interim, making it a rather sound solution.

Leaving Asturias province, Carlo traveled to Santiago, the capital of Galicia province.

Galicia was not involved in this round of administrative division reform. If one had to point something out, it was merely the renaming of the former Galicia region to Galicia province.

Under normal circumstances, Carlo would not have needed to visit Galicia. After all, it was just a name change, a task that the provincial governments could complete quickly.

However, considering Galicia’s importance, Carlo chose to personally visit and inspect Galicia to urge the local government to expedite the transition from region to province.

As Spain’s former fourth-most populous and current fifth-most populous administrative division, Galicia’s importance was self-evident.

Part of the reason Carlo chose to visit Galicia personally was due to its unique characteristics compared to other provinces.

Galicia was neither like Basque Country and Catalonia, which pursued autonomy and independence, nor as stable as Spain’s other provinces.

If one had to describe it, Galicia was somewhere in between. The Galicians had a certain sense of belonging to Spain, but they also supported gaining more autonomy for Galicia.

Compared to the more radical methods of Catalonia and the Basque Country, the Galicians were clearly more moderate and were not opposed to remaining part of the greater Spanish family.

The reason Galicia saw no changes in this administrative division reform was precisely because Carlo was concerned about the Galicians’ reaction.

Merging Galicia with other regions was impossible, as it would make Galicia even larger, and the Galicians would pursue a higher status.

Carving out land and population from Galicia was also impossible, as it would arouse discontent among the Galicians, pushing them toward the rebellious attitudes of Catalonia and the Basque Country.

And indeed, facts proved that compared to other Spanish provinces, Galicia’s sense of national identity was not as strong.

When Carlo arrived in Galicia, the work of transitioning from a region to a province had not yet been completed.

It was worth noting that even Asturias province, which involved territorial changes, had nearly completed its transition from region to province. For Galicia, which had no changes in territory or population, the name change should logically have been very quick.

Upon arriving in Galicia, Carlo immediately noticed that something was amiss and promptly issued his orders to the Galician government.

Carlo demanded that Galicia complete the transition from region to province within a week and rename the regional government and regional parliament.

The powers of the provincial government and provincial parliament after the name change had some subtle differences compared to the previous regional government and parliament, and these differences were something Galicia needed to pay close attention to.

Carlo did not want any provincial government to overstep its authority. All provincial governments needed to do was obediently follow the orders of the Cabinet government and complete their respective development tasks.

This was also the biggest difference between a regional government and a provincial government. Regional governments had greater autonomy, but provincial governments had to abide by and uphold the constitution, acting in accordance with the constitution enacted by the parliament.

Under Carlo’s pressure, the Galician government had no choice but to speed up the pace of its political division reform and successfully completed the corresponding renaming on the fourth day of Carlo’s arrival in Santiago.

After Galicia province completed its reforms, Spain’s administrative division reform was mostly complete.

Carlo did not stay long in Galicia either. After all, following the political division reform, there were more important affairs of state waiting for him to handle.

Back in Madrid.

As Spain’s administrative division reform progressed, the parliament held multiple discussions regarding the powers of the new provincial governments and parliaments, incorporating them into constitutional amendments.

The current Spanish constitution was hastily established after the revolution, and it inevitably contained many unreasonable or unaddressed areas.

In the sixteen years since Carlo’s coronation, the Spanish Parliament had amended the constitution multiple times, clarifying the powers of the royal authority, the prime ministerial power, and the Upper and Lower Houses, which had maintained long-term stability in Spain’s political situation.

After the regions were restructured into provinces, the Spanish Parliament was also discussing the division of power for the new administrative divisions, as well as the election procedures and related laws for the provincial governments.

After returning to Madrid, Carlo also sat in on parliamentary sessions and got a general idea of some senators’ thoughts on the changes to the powers of the new provincial governments and parliaments.

As for the provincial governments, it went without saying: all their members, including the provincial governors, had to strictly obey the orders of the Cabinet government.

Regarding the provincial parliaments, the original method of each province electing its provincial senators, and the provincial parliaments electing senators for the lower house, remained unchanged.

However, because the number of administrative divisions in Spain had decreased, the number of seats for lower house senators that each province could elect also saw some changes.

This change was not critical; it simply meant that some provinces could now elect more senators to the lower house.

The truly critical change was the second point, which was the proposed reform of the provincial governor election process.

In Spain’s original constitution, the regional governor was elected by the regional parliament, and it was difficult for the Cabinet government and the lower house to interfere.

Although the Cabinet government and the lower house had oversight powers over the regional governments and governors, it was difficult to remove a regional governor as long as they did not violate the laws of their respective regions.

After the regions were changed to provinces, this situation was greatly alleviated.

The Spanish Cabinet government had the power to directly dismiss a provincial governor, which was the most direct and effective way for the Cabinet to strengthen its control over the provinces.

Compared to the Cabinet government’s power to directly dismiss governors, the reform proposal put forward by the parliamentary senators focused mainly on the election of the governors.

The original election method involved the regional parliament directly electing a governor from among its senators. This inevitably allowed some politicians with short careers to leap into high-ranking positions like regional governor.

The proposal currently being voted on in parliament was based on this issue. This proposal did not change the process of the provincial parliament electing the governor, but it did modify the condition that all provincial senators could run for governor, changing it to a nomination-based election system.

What did this mean? It meant that only nominated individuals were eligible to run for the position of provincial governor. No one else, whether they were senators of the provincial parliament or the lower house, was eligible to run for the position.

So, how could one be nominated? Or rather, which institutions had the power to nominate candidates?

According to the parliamentary proposal, only two bodies had the power to nominate candidates: the Upper and Lower Houses.

In addition to the gubernatorial candidates nominated by the Upper and Lower Houses, the outgoing provincial governor of each province would automatically receive a nomination.

Of course, if an incumbent governor performed poorly during their term of office, their nomination could be revoked by the parliament. A governor whose nomination was revoked could not run for re-election.

The specific content of this proposal was that for each provincial governor election, the Upper and Lower Houses would each nominate one candidate. Along with the incumbent governor, this made a total of three candidates participating in the election.

The provincial parliaments would then vote among these three candidates to elect the new governor. The one with the most votes would win and automatically assume the position of provincial governor for a five-year term.

Why should the Upper and Lower Houses nominate candidates for provincial governor? The proposal also provided an explanation for this.

The lower house included senators from every province, so they naturally understood the situation in each province very well. This was why the lower house was granted the power to nominate.

Meanwhile, the Upper House oversaw a department for evaluating political performance, so it had a clear picture of which officials had good records and which had poor ones.

Having both houses jointly nominate candidates for provincial governor was quite reasonable. Because the nominations would be based on investigation and review, there would be no need to worry about people less skilled in state affairs accidentally rising to a high position like provincial governor due to various unforeseen circumstances.

Chapter 319: Changes in the Upper House

Spain’s administrative division reform was proceeding with great momentum, leading to extensive amendments to the constitution. The country’s political system was changing with each passing day.

The proposal for a nomination-based election system, which was hotly debated in parliament, ultimately received 185 votes in favor, 68 against, and 45 abstentions in the 298-member lower house. With an approval rate of over 62%, it was successfully submitted to the Upper House for review.

The Upper House, having fewer members and also seeing benefits in the proposed nomination-based election system, passed it quickly.

On May 20, 1885, the Spanish Parliament once again issued a public announcement, declaring that from that day forward, the nomination-based election system would be implemented in Spain’s provinces and Special municipalities to elect provincial governors and city mayors in a more suitable manner.

This proposal passed by parliament seemed quite ordinary to the Spanish public, as the election of high-ranking officials like provincial governors had little to do with them.

But in Spanish political circles, the nomination-based election system caused a major stir.

After the implementation of the nomination-based election system, the Spanish Parliament’s control over the provinces increased significantly. This meant that whichever political party could control the Spanish Parliament could also control the Cabinet government and the provincial governments.

The lower house, in contrast to the Upper House, was a motley crew. The three major parties of Spain—the Conservative Party, the Progressive Party, and the Liberal Party—needless to say, each held at least several dozen seats in the lower house, giving them significant decision-making power over the passage of any parliamentary proposal.

Besides these three major parties, there were also some smaller political parties in parliament that had been approved by the Upper House. Among them was the Workers’ Party, secretly founded by Carlo, with the goal of gathering the strength of the workers and uniting them under the royal authority.

Connecting royal authority with workers might seem rather absurd from a modern perspective. But in reality, at this time in Spain, such a connection was not absurd at all; it was even quite normal.

As the king of Spain, Carlo considered all Spaniards, regardless of their profession, to be his subjects.

Since they were Carlo’s subjects, wasn’t it perfectly normal and proper for Carlo, as the king of Spain, to protect the rights of his subjects?

Under this line of thinking, royal authority and the workers stood together. The capitalists who violated workers’ rights naturally found themselves in opposition to both.

It was by cleverly exploiting this angle that the Spanish Workers’ Party, under the premise of abiding by the Spanish constitution and supporting the royal authority and Carlo, attracted the support of a considerable number of workers.

Spain at this time was not the industrially underdeveloped country it had been over a decade ago. It now had several hundred thousand workers, who represented a political force that was by no means weak.

Compared to the more conservative peasants, workers placed greater importance on their rights and were more inclined to use protests and strikes to voice their demands.

Any political party would face a major headache when dealing with this unique Workers’ Party, provided its power was properly harnessed. A single misstep could trigger widespread strikes and protests across Spain. When that happened, officials of any rank or status would be pushed out to take the blame and appease the workers’ anger.

For this very reason, the Workers’ Party developed smoothly in Spain and was now subtly becoming the fourth-largest party, right after the Liberal Party.

For Carlo, the growth of the Workers’ Party signified the success of his plans. As the party developed, Carlo, as its secret controller, could legitimately harness the powerful political force of the workers.

At the same time, however, the development of the Workers’ Party was also affecting Spain’s existing three-party system.

The so-called three-party system involved Spain’s three largest parties—the Conservative Party, the Progressive Party, and the Liberal Party—taking turns to govern, with the non-ruling parties supervising the ruling party to ensure long-term political stability. This approach had been relatively successful so far. All three major parties had a certain number of Cabinet members, and they were able to supervise one another, ensuring that no single party became dominant.

With the rise of the Workers’ Party, Spain’s original three-party governing system could be disrupted. How to handle the growing number of political parties in Spain was another issue that needed consideration.

Of course, there was no rush to deal with the issue of political parties just yet. As the administrative division reform progressed, there were many other areas in Spain that required changes. Carlo’s task was to attend to every aspect, allowing Spain to go further and climb higher.

After the administrative division reform, the Upper House was another area that was actually affected by the changes.

In fact, one could see why the Upper House would change just by looking at its composition. The full name of Spain’s Upper House was the Royal Senate, and it was composed of representatives from the former regions and noble Senators.

After the regions were reformed into provinces, the regional representatives naturally became provincial representatives. Since some regions had been merged, the affiliation of these representatives would naturally undergo certain changes.

Additionally, the method for electing provincial representatives and the number of Senators in the Upper House would also have to be changed.

However, since these changes were confined to the Upper House, Carlo could easily carry out the reforms he envisioned.

First, the number of members in the Upper House was increased from around one hundred to 122. Noble Senators accounted for 54% of the total, numbering sixty-six in all.

The number of provincial representatives was fifty-six. Each of Spain’s fourteen province-level administrative divisions was allocated four seats in the Upper House, perfectly dividing the fifty-six seats among them.

The proportion of noble Senators revealed the extent of Carlo’s control over the Upper House. It was no exaggeration to say that any of Carlo’s ideas could be passed by a vote in the Upper House, and this was a trump card he kept for himself.

Although the lower house appeared to have immense power—electing the Prime Minister, the supreme leader of the government; enacting laws; supervising the government; and so on—in reality, the Upper House’s powers were in no way inferior, and in some cases, even greater.

The Upper House oversaw the Party Review Committee, which could directly declare any Spanish political party legal or illegal. This meant that the Upper House held the power of life and death over all of Spain’s political parties. Since most Spanish parliament members belonged to a party, the influence of the Upper House was clear.

In addition, the Upper House also controlled other extremely powerful departments, such as the Political Achievement Auditing Bureau and the Election Supervision Committee.

The Political Achievement Auditing Bureau, needless to say, could conduct performance assessments for all officials in Spain and also review their past political achievements.

Anyone in Spanish politics was subject to the control of the Upper House’s Political Achievement Auditing Bureau; their futures and fates were in the hands of the Upper House.

The Election Supervision Committee, as its name implied, was an institution established by the Upper House specifically to oversee all elections in Spain, from the election of the Prime Minister down to the elections of provincial governors and city mayors.

Any matter involving an election was subject to the supervision of the Election Supervision Committee. If the committee deemed an election irregular, even a prime ministerial candidate approved by a majority vote in the lower house would lose the legitimacy of their position.

These three important institutions were Carlo’s trump card in case he ever had a falling out with a future Spanish Prime Minister. With these three institutions, even if a Prime Minister who held great power and did not support the royal authority were to emerge, Carlo would not have to worry about his own position being threatened.

Coupled with the Upper House’s own legislative review power, which allowed it to reject bills passed by the lower house, it could be said that Spain’s Upper House kept the lower house firmly in check. This allowed Carlo to exert his influence over all of Spain’s parliamentary institutions.

It was for this very reason that when the lower house’s nomination-based election system was submitted to the Upper House, the vote was so swift, and the bill was passed in a very short time.

After the implementation of the nomination-based election system, it became more difficult for provincial governors to be re-elected.

Although they could automatically become candidates for governor, if their political achievements were not up to standard, their candidacy could well be revoked by the parliament.

Furthermore, since both the Upper and Lower Houses would each recommend another candidate, the elections for provincial governors and city mayors became three-way contests.

Even if a governor had a good track record of political achievements, the other two candidates would have the support of the Upper and Lower Houses, respectively, which was also a significant advantage.

Of course, the nomination-based election system was not without its benefits.

As long as a governor could establish a record of political achievements, they could more easily attract the attention of the parliament and the Cabinet government. Consequently, after their term of office ended, they would have the opportunity to be appointed as a Cabinet Minister by the Prime Minister.

After all, the requirements for becoming a Cabinet Minister were not excessively high, and upon appointment, one would automatically gain a seat as a member of the lower house.

After the administrative division reform, the career paths for provincial governors were broadened. At the same time, the Cabinet government and the parliament also strengthened their control over the provincial governments.

Although it wasn’t a direct system of appointment and dismissal, given the current situation in Spain, Carlo could still effectively appoint and dismiss provincial officials directly.

The greatest advantage of doing this was preventing officials with little ability from remaining in their positions for too long.

Carlo treated all Spanish officials equally. As long as someone had ability, regardless of their noble birth, they had the chance to become a high-ranking official in Spain. But if they lacked ability, it was better for them to step aside for someone more capable as soon as possible. Important positions like provincial governor had to be filled by competent officials.

A local administrator was crucial to local development. They could transform a poor region into a relatively developed one, or they could turn a once-developed and prosperous region back into a poor and backward area.

Since the Cabinet government and parliament strengthened their control over the provincial governments, the performance assessment of officials would become extremely important.

Besides the parliament’s attention on provincial governors, the body most focused on provincial governments was likely the Political Achievement Auditing Bureau.

The annual performance evaluation would become incredibly important for officials, directly determining whether their political careers could continue for the next few years.

If a governor received an excellent performance review, they could run for the governorship again or be promoted to a Cabinet Minister or another important department. But if they received a poor review, forget about climbing higher into the Cabinet government or other key departments; even getting re-elected would not be so easy.

If the Political Achievement Auditing Bureau’s assessment of them was then reported by the Spanish newspaper companies, it would essentially spell the end of an official’s political career.

Once the public became familiar with the fact that an official had received a poor performance review, no one would support him anymore. Without public support, re-election was naturally impossible. Although the public could not directly influence the election of officials, they could elect the parliament members they liked and trusted.

If members of parliament wanted to continue receiving public support, they also had to consider public opinion. If they supported a candidate the public opposed, or opposed a candidate the public supported, it would diminish the public’s trust in them.

The increase in power of the Political Achievement Auditing Bureau was, of course, good news for Carlo, as it meant his own decision-making power would also continuously increase.

In fact, some signs of this were already visible after the administrative division reform. Originally, as the king of Spain, Carlo’s control over the regional governments was relatively weak.

What Carlo could influence were Spain’s colonies, as the king could personally appoint the Governor-Generals. While he couldn’t appoint and dismiss them at will to an exaggerated degree, Carlo had a very high degree of decision-making power in selecting candidates for Governor-General.

This resulted in Carlo having a relatively high degree of control over Spain’s colonies. Previously, when Carlo wanted to train a candidate he favored, his method was to send them to a colony to serve a term as Governor-General before transferring them back to Spain and promoting them to a higher position and rank.

Now, as Carlo’s control over Spain’s provincial governments strengthened, he could cultivate officials he favored on home soil.

This was especially true for the two Special municipalities of Madrid and Barcelona, which Carlo planned to use as a cradle for cultivating key officials.

In the future, any official Carlo favored would serve a term as mayor in one of the two Special municipalities.

If they could produce some outstanding political achievements, Carlo would consider promoting them to positions in the Cabinet or other important departments.

If they couldn’t achieve anything in the position of mayor in either of the two Special municipalities, it was safe to assume that such officials lacked significant ability.

Although Madrid and Barcelona were not large in terms of population or area, as Spain’s two most important cities, they received a great deal of preferential political resources.

With the help of these preferential political resources, anyone with a certain amount of ability could use this momentum to successfully launch their careers.

Those who couldn’t “fly” would prove they didn’t have much ability themselves. They couldn’t rely entirely on the support of the Cabinet government for their development, could they?

If everything depended solely on the support of the Cabinet government, what would be the point of having provincial governors and mayors?

Chapter 320: The Sino-French Armistice

While political reforms were proceeding vigorously at home, the Department of Colonial Affairs was also advancing the process of colonial unification.

Before May 1885, the Department of Colonial Affairs reported good news to Carlo: the successful unification of the West African Colony.

The current West African Colony was no longer the small region of only thirty thousand square kilometers it once was; it had become a vast administrative region composed of multiple colonies.

The former Gambia colony, Ziguinchor colony, Guinea colony, and Sierra Leone colony had all been merged into it. The lands of the neighboring Highlands Kingdom and Fouta Djallon had also been mostly annexed.

By merging these multiple colonies, the West African Colony’s area had exceeded two hundred thousand square kilometers, qualifying it as a medium-sized colony of considerable scale.

For Carlo, the successful unification of the West African Colony was undoubtedly good news. This colony was set to become Spain’s agricultural development zone in Africa, its importance no less than that of larger colonies like the Congo Territory.

With the West African Colony unified, Spain only needed to merge the Gold Coast and Guinea colonies.

The situation along the coast of the Gulf of Guinea was relatively clear, with Spain and France as the only major competitors.

Spain’s colonies were mainly concentrated at the bend of the Gulf of Guinea, while France’s were distributed further out, such as west of the Gold Coast and south of Guinea.

France and Spain had a rather good understanding when it came to colonial development in Africa. Although they were competitors, their rivalry was not intense, and they mostly coexisted peacefully.

France would not interfere with Spain’s colonial plans, and similarly, Spain would not interfere with France’s.

This resulted in both countries’ colonies being relatively concentrated, which also facilitated Spain’s plan to merge the Gold Coast and Guinea colonies.

Currently, the Gold Coast colony had successfully absorbed Togo and Ouidah, and the Guinea colony had annexed the Aro Confederacy.

At their closest point, the two colonies were less than five hundred kilometers apart, which meant Spain’s colonial unification plan was on the cusp of success.

Due to the attention Carlo and the Spanish government paid to the colonial unification plan, Minister of Colonial Affairs William was clearly determined to prove his capabilities.

With the formation of two new colonial divisions in the Congo Territory, the Department of Colonial Affairs, in conjunction with the Ministry of Defense, mobilized a total of three colonial divisions and five colonial garrison regiments—a force of seventy thousand men—and launched a massive offensive against the native powers situated between the two colonies, such as the Kingdom of Benin and the Kingdom of Niger.

There were only two noteworthy native powers in the area: one was the inland Sokoto Caliphate, and the other was the Kingdom of Benin.

The Sokoto Caliphate has been mentioned before. The other, the Kingdom of Benin, has no relation to the modern-day Benin; they merely share the same name.

The current Kingdom of Benin was a nation established on this land by the Edo people, its founding dating back to 1180 AD, over seven hundred years ago.

In its history of over seven hundred years, the Kingdom of Benin had periods of splendor and glory. It was once one of the oldest and most developed nations on the West African coast, and to this day, it remains a relatively powerful native state there.

But this strength was only relative. Moreover, the Kingdom of Benin had weakened and decayed considerably compared to its golden age.

Spain’s strategy for conquering the Kingdom of Benin was to rapidly annex the coast while slowly encroaching upon the interior.

North of both the Kingdom of Niger and the Kingdom of Benin lay the Sokoto Caliphate, a massive state spanning more than one thousand six hundred kilometers from east to west.

This meant that once Spain seized their coastlines, these native states would have nowhere to run.

As their lands were encroached upon bit by bit, the natives’ living space would be continuously compressed. They would then face two choices: either flee north to seek refuge with the Sokoto Caliphate or submit to Spanish colonial rule.

After Spain had completely consumed these small states along the West African coast, it would consider launching a colonial invasion against the more powerful Sokoto Caliphate to the north.

This state was a super-empire formed by a union of large and small native states, with a population of at least ten million. It would not be so easily conquered.

A rash attack on this nation could very well drag Spain into a quagmire of war. This was why Spain chose to make it a final target, rather than conquering it alongside native states like Benin and Niger.

It is worth mentioning that while the colonial unification plan was underway in Africa, Spain was also taking action in the Middle East.

However, compared to the vigorous actions in Africa, those in the Middle East seemed rather insignificant.

To put it plainly, Spain brought the Trucial States, a large but sparsely populated area, under its colonial rule. The population here was a paltry few tens of thousands, and the vast majority of the land was endless desert, holding no economic value for the great powers to develop.

This was why the land had remained unoccupied for so long. The British had only reached this place but had not even established a proper colonial outpost.

As can be seen from a map, compared to the vast deserts of the Trucial States and Oman, the British preferred Bahrain and Qatar, which had better geographical conditions.

Although Bahrain and Qatar were not large, they at least had some development value compared to the Trucial States.

Because the European great powers, including Britain, paid little attention to the Trucial States, Spain’s colonial invasion and occupation of this land didn’t even make the news in Europe.

The vast majority of Europeans had never even heard the name “Trucial States,” let alone knew where the land was, so they naturally paid no attention to such news.

Even the Spanish public showed little interest in the government’s newly acquired colony. Some Spaniards were initially curious about where the government had acquired this territory, but upon learning it was all desert, those with ideas of immigrating immediately dismissed them.

After all, people went to the colonies with the idea of striking it rich and making money. If they immigrated to a desert, staying alive would be a problem, let alone making a fortune.

No one paying attention to Spain’s actions in the Middle East was, for Carlo, a good thing.

The feeling of possessing so much wealth without worrying about being targeted by others made Carlo secretly happy for quite some time.

Although no other country had its eyes on the Trucial States, the necessary defenses still had to be deployed.

Carlo instructed the Governor-General of the Oman colony to build a railway within the next two years. Centered on Oman’s capital, Muscat, it would extend west to the northernmost region of the Trucial States and east to the easternmost region of Oman, thereby strengthening control over the colony.

The Oman colony was formed by the merger of the former Sultanate of Oman and the Trucial States, with a meager total population of just over one million.

Most of these one million-plus people were concentrated in the northernmost part of Oman. This railway would cover the northernmost regions of Oman and the Trucial States, essentially guaranteeing Spanish control over the local natives.

Once this railway was completed, no matter what unforeseen events occurred in the Oman colony, the Spanish army could rapidly reach the most populous areas.

Due to the small population of the entire Oman colony, the number of colonial garrison regiments stationed there was also small, consisting of only two regiments totaling four thousand soldiers.

In addition to these two colonial garrison regiments, a small colonial fleet would be stationed in Muscat, the capital of the Oman colony, to facilitate the transport of supplies from other regions.

After all, vast swathes of this land were desert. It would be difficult to support a population of over one million, plus the Spanish army and immigrants, with local resources alone.

Only by continuously receiving supplies from the outside via sea transport could the colony’s material supply be guaranteed.

Of course, the colony’s various construction projects, including the railway and port construction, also required external supplies.

Furthermore, its location in the middle of the sea route from Spain to the Philippines made it a perfect transit station for Spanish fleets and civilian vessels.

The direct distance from mainland Spain to the Philippine colony was about twelve thousand kilometers. Because the route passed through the Suez Canal and the Strait of Malacca, it was actually quite circuitous, making the actual length much greater than the straight-line distance.

The absence of a transit station controlled by Spain would be bad news for its fleets and civilian ships.

It would mean that Spanish fleets and civilian vessels would have to rely on the ports of other countries for resupply en route.

The only places to get supplies along this route were in British India, British Somalia, British Egypt, Italy, and other countries.

Without building a large transit port in Oman, the maritime link between mainland Spain and the Philippines would have to depend on British assistance.

Although the completion of Oman’s port would not completely change this situation, it would alleviate some of the supply pressure on the Spanish fleet.

This transit station was of great strategic significance. Especially if relations between Spain and Britain were to break down in the future, one transit station could not guarantee that the link between mainland Spain and the Philippine colony would not be disrupted.

Of course, due to the small scale of the Oman colony itself, the colonial fleet stationed there was very small, qualifying only as a coastal defense fleet.

Let alone powerful warships like ironclads, even smaller-tonnage cruisers were unlikely to be seen in the Oman colony.

The colonial warships here were mostly small vessels phased out by the Spanish Navy, with tonnages generally around one thousand tons or less.

As time moved into June 1885, the Royal Arsenal sent what was probably the last shipment of weapons and ammunition to Asia.

Why the last? Because according to information sent back by the Spanish Ambassador to Asia, the war with France there was basically coming to an end.

In fact, even before the war broke out, Carlo understood that the French were destined to win.

Although there was a large population disparity and France was fighting from a distance with insufficient logistical supply, it was, after all, one of Europe’s most powerful nations.

France possessed Europe’s most advanced weaponry and technology, something the other side could not match.

Another factor was that the opposing side’s will to fight was not strong; they even considered peace talks with France at the very beginning of the war. If not for French insistence on fighting, the war might never have started.

Besides their weak will to fight, the incompetence and corruption of their government was another major reason for their defeat. Although the situation in the French government was also quite chaotic, it all depended on who you compared them to.

At least the French attitude toward the war was quite clear: they were willing to spend more on military expenditures and suffer more casualties to win the war and expand their gains.

And the other side? They were timid and submissive when facing European nations. Perhaps from the start, they never thought they could defeat France, only hoping to satisfy the French at the minimum possible cost to end the war quickly.

Although the outcome of the war was already determined, Spain’s arms exports were not without impact.

In the original history, the armistice for this war was signed on April 4, 1885, and the tide of the war had turned as early as the beginning of the year.

But now, because Spain had supplied them with a large number of rifles and bullets, they had more potent means to resist the French attacks.

The specific effect was that at the beginning of this year, the war between them and France was still in a relative stalemate. Although the French held the upper hand, they had not achieved any significant breakthroughs.

This continued for two or three months until the French government, unable to bear it any longer, increased its military spending again, shipping large numbers of troops and weapons to Asia. Only then did the situation on the battlefield gradually shift.

By late May and early June, the Asian side could no longer hold out and decided to sign an armistice agreement with France to end the war.

Sure enough, a few days after the Spanish ambassador sent the message back to Spain, France and the Asian side began peace talks and quickly reached an agreement to cease hostilities.

Spain was not privy to the specific terms of the agreement, but it was certain that the French had gained a great deal from the war. After all, they would not have invested so much in military spending for nothing.

Though it was somewhat regrettable that the war ended so early, Carlo also understood that the other side could not have lasted long under increased French attacks.

Unless their rulers truly had the courage for a fight to the death with France, facing the constantly escalating French offensive, they could only choose an armistice, a method where the losses were still somewhat acceptable.

If they waited until the French had won a total victory, the decision to seek an armistice would no longer be theirs to make. European colonizers always had a huge appetite; allowing them to gain a complete advantage would be a fatal blow to any nation.

Since this war was ending, Spain naturally had to accelerate the pace of its colonial unification in Africa.

Once the French turned their attention back to Africa, Spain would certainly face greater competitive pressure. It would be impossible to continuously expand its colonies in West Africa under the noses of the French. After all, this was also a cornerstone of French interests, and the French had immense colonial ambitions in West Africa.

Chapter 321: The Provocation of the French Fleet

Just as Carlo predicted, the French turned their attention to Africa as soon as the war in Asia concluded.

The situation in Africa had already changed considerably, with the nations of Europe hastily carving up the great cake.

Because their own colonial plans conflicted with those of Spain, Italy, and even Britain, the French wanted to make their claims a fait accompli as soon as possible, bringing the lands they desired under their colonial rule.

Perhaps the French had already discovered that it was Spain who had sold weapons to the Asian side, which was why the first place they targeted was the Senegal colony.

The Senegal colony was located north of Spain’s West African Colony, and the two colonies shared a direct border.

Because Britain and Portugal had previously occupied this area, a relatively stable triangular relationship had formed with France to the north. Although there was colonial competition among the three nations, there were no major conflicts.

This balance was gradually shattered as Spain acquired Britain’s Gambia colony and Portugal’s Guinea colony one after the other.

Now, only France’s Senegal colony and Spain’s West African Colony remained in this region. With only two parties left, the colonial competition and conflicts between France and Spain intensified.

Coupled with Spain’s secret meddling in France’s war, the French were certainly looking to retaliate.

June 22, 1885, Banjul, the capital of the Spanish West African Colony.

As June arrived, Africa ushered in its hottest season. Although it was hot year-round, the other seasons were not quite as unbearable as the sweltering summer.

The good news, however, was that the hot, rainy climate also helped crops grow rapidly. The West African Colony had already become one of Spain’s most important agricultural regions. With every harvest, a vast fleet of cargo ships could be seen sailing from Banjul to Spain.

Due to the large volume of goods being transported back and forth, Banjul had become Spain’s largest port in the West African Colony, playing an extremely vital role in transportation.

The supplies needed for more than half of the West African Colony had to be transported through the port of Banjul. It was also, without a doubt, Spain’s largest port in West Africa.

The current Governor-General of the West African Colony, Harrison, was inspecting the grain shipment at the port of Banjul with some of his officials.

As it happened, late June was the time for the first rice harvest in the West African Colony. This made the entire colony extremely busy, with vast quantities of grain being harvested, collected, dried, and then shipped to mainland Spain for storage every day.

This grain transported to mainland Spain was, in fact, the political achievement of Governor-General Harrison. This made him place great importance on the harvest and transportation of the grain. He would personally oversee almost every large-scale harvest and shipment to ensure no accidents occurred.

In reality, accidents were almost impossible. It was true that the West African Colony had a large number of Black laborers, but they were all under strict supervision.

In name, they were not slaves, but in reality, they lived lives little different from slaves.

The eight colonial garrison regiments stationed here were the greatest guarantee of security and stability in the West African Colony, and they ensured that the natives did not dare to offer the slightest resistance.

Although the Spanish colonizers did not kill indiscriminately on the surface, any native who dared to resist Spanish colonial rule would meet a fate that was by no means pleasant.

A place like the West African Colony had no prisons. Any criminals would be sent to the mines or other hazardous locations, where they would spend the rest of their lives in ceaseless labor.

Watching the bustling crowd at the port, Harrison was quite gratified.

His tenure as the Governor-General of West Africa was extraordinarily easy. He only needed to supervise the Black population in planting and harvesting rice and other crops at the appropriate seasons and then transport the harvested grain to Spain. In doing so, he could effortlessly earn tremendous political achievements.

Because the amount of grain shipped from the West African Colony to Spain had broken new records last year, Carlo had even sent a special telegram to praise Governor-General Harrison, stating that once Harrison’s term of office was over, he would be given a post back in Spain.

This was wonderful news for Harrison. The position of a colonial Governor-General was already a post for burnishing one’s credentials. Upon returning to mainland Spain, he would either hold a high position like a Cabinet Minister or become a high-ranking member of the military. His future path was practically paved with gold.

Besides the promotion, a colonial Governor-General, being from the nobility, could also receive an elevation in his noble title.

After all, most colonial Governor-Generals were confidants of the king. When it came to promoting their own people, neither Carlo nor the kings of other nations were ever stingy.

“Tell those Black slaves to be more careful. This is grain to be sent back to Madrid. I don’t want any of it wasted in this godforsaken place,” Governor-General Harrison said to an official beside him.

“As you command, Your Excellency,” the official nodded, clearly in agreement with Harrison’s words.

While this grain was Harrison’s political achievement, it was also a political achievement for them, the colonial officials. The main difference between these officials and Governor-General Harrison was that the former had already settled in the colony, while Governor-General Harrison’s home was still in mainland Spain.

Of course, regardless of whether they were on the Spanish mainland or in the colony, they were all part of Spain’s official hierarchy and naturally needed political achievements to advance further.

Carlo had a stronger grip on the colonies, which meant that Spain’s colonies had always adhered to the principle of prioritizing political achievements and ability above all else.

Simply put, anyone who was not a Black slave and had obtained the status of a Spanish colonial resident could become a colonial official based on their abilities.

The stronger one’s ability, the more political achievements they could build, and the higher they could climb.

Except for the Governor-General, who was personally appointed by the king and whose position had little to do with political achievements, all other posts in the colonial government, including the mayors of colonial cities, were filled and promoted based on an official’s political achievements.

This was indeed a rather suitable system for the colonies. In order to climb higher, officials in Spain’s various colonies had to find ways to fill the gaps in their political records.

The advantage of this was that it could eliminate slacker officials. Unless one never wanted a promotion or a raise for their entire life, they had to produce some results.

After all, a higher position not only meant greater power but also greater income and benefits.

Since his coronation as King of Spain, Carlo had repeatedly increased the benefits and actual income of Spanish officials. Furthermore, compared to the military, government officials enjoyed better benefits, higher incomes, and a stronger social status.

The reason Carlo raised the income and benefits for officials was precisely to prevent corruption.

After improving the officials’ benefits and income, Carlo also strengthened the supervision and management of all Spanish officials. Any official found guilty of corruption would not only have their illicit funds confiscated but would also be severely punished as a deterrent to others.

Harrison had been the Governor-General of Spain’s Gambia colony long before the West African Colony was established. Over these years, Harrison had accumulated a great deal of wealth, easily achieving financial freedom.

This was the advantage of being an official. Especially a high-ranking one, who could accumulate a substantial income even without resorting to corruption.

Of course, if one were to be a little corrupt, the income they could accumulate might be even greater. But doing so would place them in opposition to Carlo, and Harrison was not one to gamble with his political career.

Just as Harrison was supervising the loading of grain at the port with a smile on his face, a small commotion suddenly erupted at the outermost edge of the port.

Harrison naturally noticed it. He frowned and asked with great displeasure, “Dammit, can someone tell me what’s happening over there?”

There was no need for the Governor-General to send someone to ask. A soldier suddenly ran in from the outer edge of the port. He reached Governor-General Harrison without pausing, panting as he spoke, “Gover-Governor-General, Your Excellency, a… a French fleet has arrived outside the port!”

“A French fleet?”

The smile on Governor-General Harrison’s face instantly turned grim. He asked again, “Are you sure it’s a French fleet, soldier?”

“Absolutely certain, Your Excellency. The warships are flying the French National Flag. They are approaching our port,” the soldier nodded again, his expression firm and resolute.

“Dammit, why would French warships come to our port?” Governor-General Harrison looked at the chaotic situation at the edge of the port, momentarily unable to fathom the French’s intentions.

“Your Excellency, I’m afraid we must be prepared. The French did not notify us in advance, which likely means their intentions are not friendly,” a colonial official reminded Governor-General Harrison.

“Those damn Frenchmen picked a fine time. I hope they don’t affect our grain shipment.” Governor-General Harrison nodded; he too felt that these unannounced French visitors bore no goodwill.

What worried Governor-General Harrison was that a large quantity of grain was currently at the port, waiting to be loaded and shipped.

If the French made no other moves, it would be fine; the grain would be safe. But if the French did make a move, or even if a small-scale conflict broke out with the Spanish, then this grain would most likely be lost.

The less grain shipped to Spain, the fewer political achievements for Harrison. This batch of grain was like a juicy piece of meat already in his mouth, yet he never expected the French to meddle and cause trouble for him.

“Mobilize the troops stationed at the port. Be ready for any move from the French.

“And don’t hesitate with the port’s coastal batteries. Aim at these French warships. If these Frenchmen make no unusual moves, fine. But if they bombard Banjul, I want you to fire back immediately!” Governor-General Harrison immediately issued the order, without the slightest hesitation.

“Yes, Your Excellency!”

The officials quickly relayed Governor-General Harrison’s orders. The port’s garrison and batteries were mobilized, closely watching the French fleet outside the port.

A few minutes later, the French fleet had approached the Spanish port.

How close? Governor-General Harrison could even see the national flag on the French warships with his naked eye. It was indeed the French fleet.

“Signal them with flags and ask what in the world they want. If they get any closer to the port, I will consider it a provocation against the Kingdom of Spain and will have the right to sink the French fleet,” Governor-General Harrison said with a grim face, his gaze never leaving the French fleet.

After about a few minutes, several officials rushed over and reported to Governor-General Harrison, “Your Excellency, the French claim they are a transport fleet from the Gold Coast and wish to dock at our port to resupply.”

Hearing the officials’ explanation, Governor-General Harrison did not relax in the slightest. Instead, his expression was filled with suspicion, and he sneered, “Do these Frenchmen take me for a fool? It’s true that it’s over one thousand kilometers from the Gold Coast to here, but the French have their own port just over one hundred kilometers north of Banjul. They don’t resupply at their own port, but come to ours instead. What do they take us for? A transit station they can use at will?”

After voicing his skepticism, Governor-General Harrison pondered for a moment before issuing his orders: “Tell these Frenchmen that Banjul port is currently undertaking an important transport mission. We cannot provide them with a berth, nor do we have time to resupply them.

“Tell them to leave the port immediately. I don’t want these big things lingering around the port. Seeing the cannons on these warships, how am I supposed to sleep at night?”

“Yes, Your Excellency.”

After Spain expressed its clear refusal, the French fleet did not leave immediately but instead lingered outside Banjul port for several minutes.

By the time Governor-General Harrison was growing angry and ordered the shore batteries to aim at the French warships and fire a few warning shots about one hundred meters ahead of them, the French fleet finally began to slowly withdraw.

By now, Governor-General Harrison knew exactly what these Frenchmen were up to. To put it bluntly, they were intimidating Spain, seeking revenge for Spain’s secret meddling in the war in Asia.

Thinking of this, Governor-General Harrison no longer hesitated. He immediately sent a telegram to mainland Spain, explaining in detail the cause, process, and result of the incident that had occurred at Banjul port.

Although he felt no goodwill towards the arrogance and rudeness of the French, Governor-General Harrison did not embellish his report. He reported the incident to Carlo exactly as it had happened, awaiting Carlo’s next decision.

While France’s overall strength was greater than Spain’s, this did not mean Spain was afraid of France. For such a provocative act by the French fleet, Spain would certainly retaliate, and the retaliation would have to be even more forceful than the French provocation.

Chapter 322: Retaliation

When news of what had happened in the West African Colony reached the Spanish mainland, the story of the French fleet lording it over the Spanish colony also became known to the public in other European countries.

Of course, this wasn’t because someone in the West African Colony had leaked the information.

The main reason was that the West African Colony was composed of former British and Portuguese colonies, and a large number of Europeans lived there. It was impossible for Spain to block the news, unless they forcefully controlled the spread of information within the colony.

The good news was that other European countries and their people learned of the incident later than Spain did. Carlo had enough time to handle this sudden event, at least to make preparations.

Carlo had no intention of tolerating this blatant provocation by the French.

This didn’t mean Carlo was acting irrationally at such a critical juncture. On the contrary, Spain needed to adopt a tough stance to express its position.

This era was one where the weak were prey to the strong. The party that chose to back down would only be met with further intimidation and extortion.

The best way to make the French cease such deterrent actions was to make them understand that Spain was not a country they could bully at will.

On the day he received the news, Carlo issued an order to the numerous newspaper companies and media outlets under his control, demanding they widely publicize the French fleet’s bullying of the Spanish colony, but without any sensational embellishments.

Although he had decided to retaliate forcefully, it didn’t mean Carlo wanted to start a war with France at this moment. Since the conflict and competition were to be confined to a local scale, it was necessary to manage public opinion within Spain.

He needed the Spaniards to approve of the retaliation against the French, but he couldn’t let them develop too much hatred for the French.

If he accidentally stirred up intense indignation among the Spaniards towards the French, the Spanish government would have to bite the bullet and, forced by public opinion, engage in a larger-scale conflict or even war with France.

Carlo’s purpose in doing this was simple: to cast Spain in the image of something like a honey badger.

The honey badger, also known as the ratel, is renowned as the most fearless animal in the world. While such a label can sometimes imply recklessness, on the other hand, recklessness can have its advantages at times.

As mentioned before, the only countries that would stand against Spain were basically Britain and France.

Other nations were either too far away or had no conflicts of interest with Spain, so they naturally wouldn’t offend Spain.

With only Britain and France to worry about, the situation was manageable.

Although the comprehensive strength of these two countries was among the most powerful in Europe, this didn’t mean they were entities Spain couldn’t afford to provoke.

Britain was the same as ever. Due to its colonies spread across the globe, it had conflicts of interest with many countries. The main ones were the Anglo-French and Anglo-Russian rivalries, mixed with the conflict between Britain, the world hegemon, and Germany, the newly emerged hegemon on the European continent. This was why Carlo wasn’t worried about Britain in the slightest.

Unless Spain forcibly annexed key countries and regions like Portugal or Morocco, the British would not declare war on Spain.

These two regions were more like red lines drawn by the British, and a principle that both Spain and Britain tacitly respected at present.

Like the British, the French also had other enemies on the European continent. The most prominent one at the moment was the Franco-German rivalry, which made it difficult for France to concentrate its efforts on dealing with Spain.

The comprehensive strength of the French was indeed greater than Spain’s; Carlo didn’t deny this.

The issue was, the French were far from capable of conquering Spain in a short period of time, and this was the source of Carlo’s confidence.

Once France and Spain went to war, and the French army became bogged down in the quagmire of the Iberian Peninsula, Germany, which had a major conflict with France, would certainly take advantage of the situation and cause trouble in France’s rear.

Besides Germany, the greatest threat, Spain had alliances with both the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy. If France dared to invade Spain, it was highly likely that these two countries would choose to help Spain.

The combined navies of Spain and Italy were already enough to challenge the French Navy, and the combined armies of Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were also enough to challenge the French Army.

In fact, from this point, one could see that Spain was like a weaker version of France. France was a country on the European continent with a relatively balanced army and navy, both of which ranked in the top three in the world.

Although Spain couldn’t match such an exaggerated level, its army and navy were also quite balanced, both ranking among the top in the world.

Compared to Spain, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy were not as balanced. Due to its short coastline, the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s army was far stronger than its navy.

Italy was somewhat the opposite. Because of its long coastline, the Italian Navy was at a respectable level.

As for the Italian Army, while not lacking in numbers, its combat effectiveness was arguably the weakest among the great powers, aside from the United States.

The performance of the Italian army in colonial wars and both World Wars was quite famous. If France hadn’t surrendered so quickly in World War II, the Italian army’s combat prowess might have become even more notorious.

Of course, one couldn’t entirely blame the Italians. The combat effectiveness of Garibaldi’s Redshirts was quite good, one of the few Italian armies with faith and fighting strength.

Unfortunately, with the unification of Italy, Garibaldi’s Redshirts were forced to disband or were taken over by the Italian government, and their fighting strength naturally disintegrated.

Since it was already certain that the French would not have a complete falling out, Carlo naturally wouldn’t choose to back down in such an unexpected incident.

Carlo knew what kind of king the Spaniards needed. They not only needed a king who could lead Spain toward a revival through rapid industrial and economic development, but also one who could achieve military success and make Spain a great military power once again.

As early as when Spain was formulating its development plan for the African colonies, Carlo was already aware that Spain would inevitably have some conflicts with France, possibly even local wars.

Although France’s overt strength was far greater than Spain’s, Carlo was not worried about France in the slightest.

To put it more concretely, Spain’s current state was like “the barefooted is not afraid of the one with shoes.” Even if Spain lost in the competition, it could still hold fast to the Iberian Peninsula and honestly remain a lesser great power without any problem.

But the French were different. Let’s not even talk about failure; as long as their losses were significant, it would severely affect France’s survival environment in Europe.

Until France had a powerful ally that could deter Germany, it was impossible for the French government to have a fierce conflict with the Spanish government.

The day after receiving the news from the colony, on June 23, 1885, Spanish newspaper companies and media outlets extensively reported on the incident where the French fleet forcibly entered a Spanish colonial port and nearly exchanged fire with the colony’s shore batteries.

Because so many newspapers were reporting similar news, the incident quickly attracted the attention of a large number of Spaniards.

Without disappointing Carlo, upon learning the news, the attitude of the Spaniards was uncharacteristically unanimous: the government should retaliate in kind.

Spain was no small fry. As citizens of a great power, the Spaniards possessed extremely high national pride and patriotic fervor.

The French provocation against Spain was, in the eyes of the Spaniards, like being slapped in the face. The Spaniards were not a cowardly people to begin with, and with the brave and fearless spirit Carlo had instilled in them through bullfighting, their emotions were instantly ignited.

Forget France; even if confronted by the British Empire, the Spaniards would unhesitatingly support the government in striking back.

Carlo would not disappoint the Spaniards, of course. At noon on June 23, he ordered the diplomatic service to hold a press conference for foreign correspondents, where they righteously protested France’s provocative actions and stated that the Spanish government would consider retaliating in kind.

The Spanish government’s tough stance immediately drew fervent cheers from the Spanish public and the curiosity of the foreign media.

The public highly approved of Spain’s firm attitude, believing that only such a government could protect the interests of all Spanish citizens.

As for the attention from foreign media, they were more curious about whether the Spanish government’s statement about considering retaliation in kind was true.

If it were true, it would not only mean a cliff-like decline in diplomatic relations between Spain and France in a short time, but also that the European situation would undergo a significant change.

Both France and Spain were great powers, and their diplomatic relations would inevitably affect the situation in Europe. Coupled with the fact that France was already isolated, what exactly was the French government’s motive for actively provoking the Spanish government?

If before it was only some newspaper companies paying attention to the conflict between Spain and France, then after Spain’s diplomatic service expressed its firm stance, the governments of all European countries coincidentally expressed their concern about the incident.

The Spanish government had no intention of keeping anyone in suspense. It immediately began planning its act of retaliation against France.

It was called an act of retaliation, but in reality, it was just doing what the French had done.

On the afternoon of June 23, a fleet set out from the West African Colony, sailing mightily towards the French colony of Senegal.

After approaching the coastal waters of French Senegal, the Spanish fleet advanced without hesitation toward Saint-Louis, Senegal’s capital and largest port.

Upon arriving near the port of Saint-Louis, the Spanish fleet sent clear flag signals, requesting to dock at the port and replenish supplies.

By this time, more than a day had passed since the French fleet arrived at the Spanish port. The French government had considered the possibility of retaliation from the Spanish government.

But what the French government didn’t expect was that the Spanish retaliation seemed to have come a bit too quickly.

It had only been a few hours since the Spanish diplomatic service expressed its firm stance. How could a Spanish fleet already be at the doorstep of a French colony?

The reason the Spanish fleet arrived at the French colony so quickly was mainly because Spain hadn’t deployed its capital ships stationed on the mainland.

The Spanish mainland was over two thousand kilometers in a straight line from the French colony of Senegal, and the distance a warship had to travel was much greater.

Based on the current speed of Spain’s capital ships, if a fleet were dispatched from the mainland, it would take at least over a week to reach the French colony.

Besides the mainland, the place where Spain stationed the most naval forces was its colony in Guinea. Because the Guinea colony was located at the bend of the Gulf of Guinea, not far from the West African Colony or the Congo Territory, it had become the base for Spain’s African Fleet.

But this location had the same problem as the mainland: it was nearly 3,000 kilometers in a straight line from the French colony of Senegal.

Looking at it this way, the only place that could dispatch a fleet to the French colony in a short time was Spain’s own West African Colony.

Although the warships in the West African Colony were all small, it was the only naval base that could reach the French colony in a short time.

After all, Spain’s act of retaliation was only meant to deter France, not to provoke them and trigger a war.

Upon seeing the Spanish fleet appear at the port, the same commotion that had occurred in the Spanish port more than a day ago now broke out in the French colonial port.

The governments of various countries might have known that war wouldn’t break out between these two nations, but the people living in the colonies didn’t know that.

Besides, there was no 100% guarantee. If a small-scale war really did break out between Spain and France, wouldn’t those living near the port of Saint-Louis be the first to be affected?

It was worth mentioning that because only a day or so had passed, the French fleet that had intimidated the Spanish port was still docked in the Senegal colony.

When the French saw the Spanish fleet, their first reaction was to contact fleets stationed at other ports and seek the protection of their own navy.

At the same time, the shore batteries of the French port, just as Spain had done the day before, turned their muzzles to aim at the Spanish fleet.

This Spanish fleet had no large warships, which made it harder for the shore batteries to aim.

Coupled with the fact that the Spaniards made no further moves, the French didn’t dare to be the ones to fire first.

Although it was currently just a standoff between the French colony and the Spanish fleet, if either side were to fire rashly, this confrontation could very well escalate into a small-scale war.

The Spanish side did not wish to see a war break out, and the French government shared this sentiment.

This led to both sides being relatively restrained. The Spanish fleet only remained at the French port for a few minutes before choosing to withdraw.

Watching the Spanish fleet gradually sail away from the port, the French finally breathed a sigh of relief. At least war hadn’t broken out, which was good news for them.

This was especially true for those French people who had moved to the colony permanently; they definitely did not want to see a war.

The good news was that the Spanish fleet had withdrawn and the crisis was over. The bad news was that Spain’s act of retaliation was like a slap across the face of every Frenchman present.

However angry the Spaniards had been the day before, that was how angry the French were now.

The Governor-General of the French colony of Senegal immediately reported the Spanish fleet’s actions to the French mainland and asked for the French government’s opinion.

Chapter 323: The Two-Faced French Government

When the Senegal colony reported the news back to mainland France, the French government was faced with a major headache over how to handle the incident.

In a way, the French government had shot itself in the foot. If they hadn’t provoked the Spaniards in the first place, Spain would never have sent its military to retaliate in kind.

Faced with Spain’s retaliatory provocation, the French government couldn’t possibly respond with yet another reprisal, could it? If they did, Spain and France would be trapped in a vicious cycle of endless retaliation. They might as well forget about everything else and just spend their days plotting revenge against each other.

The French government, which considered itself to be quite rational, certainly did not want to see things develop in that direction. This tit-for-tat was completely unnecessary. France’s initial goal had been merely to deter Spain, to make them less brazen when trying to trip them up behind the scenes.

But now, it seemed France’s deterrence had had no effect whatsoever. On the contrary, Spain seemed to be daring them to attack, unscrupulously carrying out retaliatory actions of the same nature.

Faced with a hothead like the Spanish government, the French government found it had no one to reason with. Even though France was stronger overall, it didn’t mean they were willing to start a war with Spain.

As the saying goes, the bold fear the aggressive, and the aggressive fear those with nothing to lose. In this incident, the hardline stance displayed by the Spanish government certainly gave France pause.

June 24, 1885, a French Cabinet meeting.

The new French Premier, Henri Brisson, wore a look of frustration as he cast an inquisitive gaze at the numerous ministers of the French Cabinet. “Speak your minds, gentlemen. How should we respond to Spain’s retaliation? Should we continue to retaliate, or should we find an opportunity to shake hands and make peace with Spain?”

Henri Brisson’s question was met with silence from the Cabinet officials. The meeting room became quiet and still.

No one was a fool. They knew this incident was extremely tricky and difficult to handle. If a proposal of theirs led to national losses or, even worse, triggered a war between France and Spain, wouldn’t they become the greatest sinners?

At a time like this, when everyone was uncertain, remaining silent was the best course of action. It was a case of: do more, err more; do less, err less; do nothing, make no mistakes. As long as they didn’t offer an opinion during the meeting, they wouldn’t have to worry about taking the blame afterward.

As the new Premier of France, Henri Brisson had little experience in handling such diplomatic incidents. He had hoped to get some advice or ideas from his cabinet ministers, but he hadn’t expected the meeting room to be so quiet you could hear a pin drop.

In truth, the ministers couldn’t be blamed. If their premier had been the previous one with a clear stance, they would have been able to offer suggestions based on his views.

But this new premier had yet to reveal a clear opinion of his own. They couldn’t just start talking eloquently at a moment like this, could they? Wouldn’t that be a golden opportunity for the Premier to shift the blame onto them?

Even if one’s idea aligned with the Premier’s, it was by no means a good thing. If the idea worked, the credit would mostly go to the Premier. But if following that idea led to an unfavorable outcome, whoever first proposed it would surely bear the greatest responsibility.

Although the Premier would also bear some responsibility, he could choose to resign. As long as it didn’t involve major crimes like treason, a premier could still run for the next term after stepping down.

In other words, these cabinet ministers could very well see their political careers end because of their suggestions, but the Premier most likely would not.

No one wanted to be a scapegoat, which was why the meeting room was shrouded in silence.

Seeing that no one was willing to speak up, Henri Brisson had no choice but to call on individuals to force the officials to answer his question.

“Minister Freycinet, you tell us how we should handle this incident. Does the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have any contingency plans? Do you have any recommendations on how to resolve this?” Henri Brisson’s gaze fell first on the Cabinet’s Foreign Secretary, Charles de Freycinet.

Hearing the Premier’s question, Minister Freycinet shot to his feet and stammered, “Well, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is planning to convene a meeting to discuss how to deal with Spain’s increasing pressure. We don’t have a definitive plan just yet.”

Henri Brisson was not angered by this. He continued with a smile, “Then just tell me your personal thoughts. The Foreign Secretary’s viewpoint can represent the entire diplomatic service, after all.”

Faced with the Premier’s persistent questioning, Charles de Freycinet could only bite the bullet and state his opinion. “Your Excellency, the Premier, I believe that given the current situation in Europe, it is not advisable to continue this standoff with Spain.

“Continuing this deadlock offers us no benefits, only drawbacks. It will only give countries that oppose us, like Germany, a chance to kick us when we’re down.

“It would be better to shake hands and make peace with Spain, and at the same time, delineate our respective spheres for developing Africa to avoid further conflict with them.

“When we find a powerful ally, it won’t be too late to settle the score with countries like Spain and Germany. Before then, to avoid even greater diplomatic isolation by Germany, I believe some degree of concession is necessary.

“Spain is just bluffing; they would never dare to start a war with us. After this diplomatic incident is over, it’s unlikely they will continue to oppose us.

“This way, we will have enough time and energy to develop our African colonies and join in the partition of the African continent.

“Our enemy, Germany, has already gained many benefits from the partition of Africa. If we continue to be bogged down in this dispute with Spain, Germany will acquire more land in Africa, and naturally, our share will be smaller.”

Charles de Freycinet’s view was, in fact, shared by the other officials in the French Cabinet. It wasn’t that they were timid, but rather that France’s current diplomatic environment was poor. Their relations with the two neighboring great powers, Britain and Germany, were not good, and they lacked a strong ally to support their diplomatic position.

Blindly starting a dispute with Spain was not a good thing for France, a fact that was clear to almost all French officials.

The problem was that not everyone could so readily back down to Spain. After all, Spain was just a second-rate great power, while France was the much stronger first-rate great power.

If there were to be any concessions, it should be Spain conceding to France. How could it be that France, the stronger nation, was the one backing down?

In fact, like the other officials in his Cabinet, Premier Henri Brisson had similar thoughts about making concessions.

His predecessor, the more aggressive Jules Ferry, had indeed enjoyed higher prestige within France. After all, the public would surely prefer a stronger ruler to a weak one who only knew how to concede.

But Jules Ferry’s fate was already clear for all to see. Despite serving multiple times in the high office of French Premier, he had never completed a full term.

Just over a month ago, former Premier Jules Ferry had resigned to take responsibility for unfavorable military operations in Asia, which was also the reason Henri Brisson had become the new Premier of France.

Speaking of which, Spain had played a significant role in the French military’s lack of success.

Originally, the French military’s offensive had been progressing smoothly, with both the Navy and the army achieving some victories.

But as the war dragged on, the Asian side strengthened its resolve to fight. Setting aside the idea of completely defeating the French, the Asian side was at least unwilling to see their homeland invaded.

Vassal states like Vietnam could be abandoned if necessary, but the territories further north had to be defended.

It was at this juncture that Spain reached an arms trade agreement with the Asian side. Large quantities of Spanish standard-issue long guns were transported to Asia, becoming powerful weapons in the resistance against the French invasion.

After all, the French army was fighting thousands of kilometers from home, and logistical supply was always a major problem.

Britain had large colonies like India and Egypt as transit stations, which could also provide crucial material supplements to the Asian forces. But what about France? Besides Vietnam, they had no other large-scale colonies in Asia.

This was why the French army had not achieved complete success. In the end, faced with the tenacious resistance of the Asian army, they were forced to abandon their offensive north of Vietnam.

The final result was that although the French won the war, the Asian side did not suffer significant losses.

The French only gained Vietnam and Cambodia, a situation similar to the previous war in Tunisia. In both wars, France had invested vast amounts of manpower, resources, and finances, yet the final results were less than satisfactory.

What was more embarrassing was that the architect of both these wars was Premier Jules Ferry. As a result, he was forced to resign and bid farewell to his premiership before he could realize his colonial plans.

“Does anyone else have any opinions or suggestions?” Although what Minister Charles de Freycinet said was not much different from his own thoughts, Henri Brisson still wanted to solicit more opinions to handle the matter more appropriately.

Seeing that everyone remained silent, Premier Brisson finally nodded and gave his order. “Then let’s proceed this way. Avoid further conflict with Spain as much as possible. Also, we need to investigate the main culprit who caused this incident. Who exactly gave the order for the fleet to go to a Spanish colonial port for a provocation?

“If I recall correctly, I never gave such an order. Where did this order come from?”

Although they had been silent during the discussion on solutions, when it came to the session of shirking responsibility, the ministers of the French Cabinet were quite interested in participating.

Since it was the navy that had been dispatched, investigating the main culprit was actually quite simple. As the fleet belonged to the colony, the only ones who could mobilize these forces, besides the military itself, were the local colonial authorities.

But in reality, France’s colony would not have taken the initiative to provoke a Spanish colony.

While there was a significant power disparity between mainland France and Spain, it was hard to say which of their colonies was stronger.

France’s Congo colony was also vast, with an area of over 400,000 square kilometers, making it one of France’s largest colonies in Africa.

But the size and scale of Spain’s colonies were in no way inferior. The unique entity of the Congo Territory aside, it could crush the French Congo colony in terms of both land area and population.

After several unifications, Spain’s Guinea colony had also become an extraordinarily large super-colony. It was also the base of Spain’s African Fleet. Unless the French colonial authorities had lost their minds, they would never have proactively sent their navy to provoke Spain.

From this perspective, the only ones who could have dispatched the navy to provoke Spain were the military.

Compared to the colonial and other government departments, the military was the most difficult to deal with. Even if the military had taken the initiative to send people to provoke Spain, the French government would not dare to be too harsh with them.

After all, the government’s instrument for persuasion is the letter of the law, while the military’s is rifles and cannons.

Amid a clamor of discussion and blame-shifting, the scope of the search for the culprit who had ordered the fleet to provoke Spain quickly narrowed to the military.

Although the main culprit had been identified, Premier Henri Brisson had no intention of being too severe with the military. He hadn’t been Premier for long, and if he took action against the military so soon after taking office, there was a high probability it would cause a mutiny.

“Ahem.” Henri Brisson gave a light cough to hide his awkwardness, then said, “Alright, finding the culprit is something to consider later. The priority right now is to avoid further conflict with Spain as much as possible.

“Also, it’s time to start preparing for further expansion in Africa. Compared to this minor dispute with Spain, what’s more important now is how to acquire more African territory and expand our colonial range.”

Although making some concessions to Spain was not a big deal, with the incident attracting the attention of many countries and the public, France’s retreat would certainly cause them to lose face.

How could they recover it? The best way was to rapidly expand their territory in Africa, diverting the attention of the domestic public.

As for the opinions of the public in other European countries, that was not something the French government needed to consider.

Besides, the opinions of the people in those countries had no impact on France. As long as the French people still trusted the French government, it could continue to operate smoothly.

Since they were going to back down, the French government was certainly not foolish enough to hold a press conference and announce that they would not pursue the matter further.

On the surface, the French government put on a show of being ready to play along. But in secret, they contacted the Spanish Ambassador to France, expressing the French government’s willingness to resolve the dispute.

The public stance was for the French people to see; after all, they couldn’t appear too cowardly and disappoint them. The secret contact with the Spanish ambassador was what the French government truly intended to do. Only by communicating with the Spanish government and reaching a compromise could this incident be resolved in the most perfect way.

Chapter 324: Negotiation and Compromise

If one were to name the countries most concerned about the recent incident between France and Spain, they would undoubtedly be Britain and Germany, both of whom had significant conflicts with France.

The dispute between France and Spain was something the British were happy to see, as France had always been Britain’s main competitor in colonizing Africa. Germany’s primary conflicts with France were concentrated on the European continent, so the Germans were also pleased to see a breakdown in Franco-Spanish relations.

There was a slight difference in their perspectives: Germany hoped the Franco-Spanish conflict would be mutually destructive, or at the very least, tie France down for a period.

Britain, on the other hand, only wanted Spain to slow France’s colonial progress in Africa; the British did not wish for any problems to arise on French soil. After all, compared to France, Germany was also a tremendous threat. Without France to act as a counterweight, Germany would become Britain’s greatest threat on the European continent, even surpassing Russia.

In the eyes of the British at present, Russia was the greatest threat, followed by France, and then Germany. The reason was simple: while Germany and France were powerful, the two nations were also in a state of mutual containment.

Russia, by contrast, had become Britain’s greatest threat precisely because there were no neighboring countries capable of checking its power.

Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire was also a great power, it was impossible for it to contain Russia on its own.

This was where Germany’s importance became evident. For Britain, Germany could not only offset the threat posed by France but also help the Austro-Hungarian Empire resist Russian expansion.

It was precisely because of the extremely powerful role Germany was currently playing that Britain had tacitly allowed Prime Minister Bismarck’s diplomatic isolation of France.

The current situation in Europe was, in fact, ideal for Britain. France and Russia, the two greatest threats, were both being checked by Germany. With the help of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Germany had no problem facing either France or Russia alone.

For this very reason, with France and Russia unable to resist Germany individually, Britain did not facilitate the formation of the Franco-Russian Alliance.

The British knew full well that if the Franco-Russian Alliance were to be established, Germany would be no match for a united France and Russia. Even with the help of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Germany could at best only stall this powerful emerging alliance.

At that point, Germany would need an ally on the level of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to help it resist the threat of the Franco-Russian Alliance.

The British would certainly not get involved themselves. Therefore, this great power on par with the Austro-Hungarian Empire could only be Spain or Italy.

Although this could also achieve a balance of power on the European continent, it was clearly a far more extreme act of walking a tightrope compared to the existing situation.

At that point, five of the seven great powers on the European continent would be directly involved in the competition, and the two major alliances vying for dominance would become a force too powerful for Britain to sway.

This was the British’s greatest worry and the fundamental reason they were unwilling to facilitate a Franco-Russian Alliance.

Though powerful, Britain could not resist a combined force of France and Russia, or Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and another great power.

In other words, Britain would not permit the emergence of an alliance on the European continent whose strength surpassed its own. No matter how great the conflicts between France and Germany, or the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia, they were merely minor squabbles in Britain’s view.

But if things escalated to the level of military blocs formed by several great powers, it would no longer be something Britain could interfere with on its own. The development of the situation would then exceed the British government’s predictions, which was completely unacceptable for a government that had always sought to control the European situation.

When the French government issued a strong protest on the surface but took no actual action, both the British and German governments knew that France and Spain would surely resolve the incident through private negotiations.

As the saying goes, between nations there are no eternal enemies, only eternal interests. Although the incident between France and Spain seemed like a major affair, it actually had no significant impact on either country.

Both nations had exercised a degree of restraint during the incident, which prevented the world from seeing an escalation into a more intense conflict, or even a local war.

Since it did not develop in a more heated direction, it meant that negotiations between France and Spain were highly likely.

If things dragged on with mutual retaliation, both French and Spanish colonial plans would suffer. But if the two nations could shake hands and make peace, reaching a compromise on colonial development in Africa, they could ensure their respective plans continued unimpeded.

Neither Britain nor Germany wanted to see a possible reconciliation between Spain and France.

They could not openly interfere with the negotiations between France and Spain, but they could influence the choices of the two governments in other ways.

What ways? The best method was to use public opinion to exert pressure, forcing the two governments to choose a more confrontational path.

Even if both countries ultimately restrained themselves and did not go to war, it would still further damage the relationship between France and Spain. In such a case, there would be no possibility of them reconciling to jointly colonize Africa, which would be good news for both Britain and Germany.

With neither Britain nor Germany wanting to see a swift resolution to the dispute, the two governments tacitly launched a media war.

The good news was that, in this era, a media war could only be waged through newspaper companies. Due to the inconvenience of transportation, the reach of newspapers was limited. Few newspaper companies could achieve nationwide coverage with their propaganda, and this was true even for smaller countries like Belgium and the Netherlands.

If they couldn’t even achieve nationwide coverage, cross-border propaganda and pressure were out of the question.

While British and German newspapers were reporting on the incident, the French government and the Spanish Ambassador to France were already engaged in relevant discussions.

Spain was, of course, happy to see France proactively propose resolving the dispute through negotiations.

France’s willingness to back down would not only resolve the dispute quickly but also ensure that Spain suffered no losses. For Carlo and Spain, this was indeed the most suitable solution.

Although Spain’s relations with France had deteriorated due to colonization in Africa, Carlo was well aware that France was not Spain’s greatest enemy.

The main point of conflict and competition between Spain and France was the colonization of West Africa; beyond that, the two countries had no other rivalries.

Carlo’s colonial plan for Africa was basically complete, which meant Spain was unlikely to continue establishing new colonies on the continent. In fact, forget establishing new colonies; even the existing ones would likely not be expanded further.

Currently, Spain had a total of four colonies in Africa: the colony of Southern Morocco, the West African Colony, the Guinea colony, and the Congo Territory.

The colony of Southern Morocco, needless to say, had no room for expansion. The West African Colony and the Guinea colony could indeed expand further into the African interior, but the costs of doing so would increase exponentially.

The African continent was already rife with various diseases and viruses, making development extremely difficult. The region of Sub-Saharan Africa, east of the West African Colony and north of the Guinea colony, happened to be the area where viruses and diseases were most rampant.

Since Spain currently only occupied key colonial outposts along the coast, the diseases and viruses of Sub-Saharan Africa did not yet pose a threat.

But if it were to expand its territory further into the African interior, the Spanish government would have to consider the threat posed by the continent’s diseases and viruses.

For Spain, continuing to push into the African interior was a case where the gain does not outweigh the loss. Even if Spain could acquire vast tracts of land measuring hundreds of thousands or even millions of square kilometers, it lacked the capital to develop them.

This brought back the previously mentioned problem: Spain’s population deficit. Compared to other European countries, Spain did not have as much capacity to develop colonies.

It was no exaggeration to say that Spain’s current population would find it difficult just to develop the Congo Territory, let alone its other colonies, including those in West Africa and Guinea.

The reason Spain occupied so much land at present was precisely to use it for future exchanges of interests with Britain, France, or even other countries.

Looking across the whole of Africa, the only land Carlo truly desired was Morocco. For Spain, Morocco’s territory could be easily integrated, and its white population could be assimilated through various means. Compared to the black populations who could never be integrated into Spain, the value of developing Morocco was much higher.

To completely annex Morocco, Spain would have to face pressure from Britain and France. In this situation, an exchange of interests became extremely important.

An exchange of interests was not just an extra option for Spain, but for Britain and France as well.

When Spain grew strong enough, Britain and France would also become wary of its power. At that point, unless absolutely necessary, no one would be willing to have a falling out.

If no one was willing to have a falling out, a Colonial Exchange would allow the parties to reach a compromise without suffering heavy losses.

As long as he could pacify either Britain or France through an exchange of interests or a Colonial Exchange, Carlo did not fear the remaining one.

For the British, the upcoming Boer War would be enough to give them a headache for some time. For the French, Germany, which was growing ever stronger with the Second Industrial Revolution, was their true arch-enemy.

With neither France nor Spain willing to have a falling out, their negotiations were concluded in a very short time, and a compromise was reached.

First, regarding the accidental conflict, the French government admitted its fault in the incident and expressed its willingness to provide a certain amount of compensation.

The French government also promised to increase its supervision over the military in the future and would absolutely not allow such an incident to happen again.

For its part, Spain apologized for its rash retaliatory actions and stated that Spain and France shared a good cooperative relationship, which should be maintained in a friendly manner.

After setting this tone for the negotiations, the next important issue was the division of land in West Africa.

With Britain and Portugal successively withdrawing from the colonization of West Africa, only two countries remained: France and Spain, the very participants of this meeting.

How to carry out the demarcation of regions in West Africa and define the respective colonial spheres of the two countries was of great importance to both France and Spain.

Because Spain had already held internal discussions on the matter, and Carlo had made it clear that he did not want Spain to continue expanding in West Africa, Spain did not maintain its usual tough stance in these negotiations, choosing to concede to France on certain points.

Of course, these concessions were not made for nothing. For any point on which Spain yielded, France was required to provide some form of compensation.

After all, both were great powers and needed to respect each other’s interests. France couldn’t be the only one to benefit; Spain also needed to gain enough to appease public support at home.

In this meeting, France and Spain clearly demarcated the lands of West Africa. Spain would maintain its current colonial size and pledged not to expand its colonial territory.

This meant Spain was handing over the remaining lands in West Africa to France on a platter, making France the only country with the right to colonize in the region.

Of course, the compensation Spain received in return was quite substantial.

Due to Spain’s proactive concessions, the French, with a wave of their hand, ceded tens of thousands of square kilometers of land in the northern French Congo to Spain.

This piece of land was located on the lower Congo River and still had some development value.

Spain accepted without ceremony, immediately incorporating the territory into the Congo Territory after France ceded it.

In addition to the tens of thousands of square kilometers in the Congo region, France also made some concessions in the lands south of its Senegal colony.

This portion of land was not large, but it was highly suitable for agricultural development and held a certain value for Spain.

Besides these two small plots of land, Spain and France also reached a compromise on the most critical area, Morocco.

Regarding this land, which was clearly coveted by both nations, the two governments tacitly chose to shelve the issue for the time being and not actively initiate colonization of Morocco.

Spain’s reason for shelving the issue was simple: besides France, Britain, the world’s strongest nation, was also eyeing this piece of land. It would be extremely difficult for Spain to annex Morocco.

France, for its part, faced a similar concern.

Spain was already watching Morocco intently, just as France was watching Algeria. In fact, Morocco’s importance to Spain was even greater than Algeria’s importance to France.

If France wanted to annex Morocco alone, it would either have to offer Spain concessions of equivalent value or start a war with Spain.

Even if it could resolve the significant threat posed by Spain, the unpredictable factor of Britain also needed to be considered.

Britain had seized Gibraltar from Spain to control the strait. If France were to occupy Morocco, it would certainly have an impact on Britain’s control over the strait.

It was precisely because of the high level of attention from Britain, France, and Spain on the region of Morocco that, despite being a very weak country, no single nation was able to annex it.

Jointly shelving the Morocco issue was a relatively suitable choice for both Spain and France. The best time to annex Morocco would perhaps only come when the situation in Europe shifted and the other great powers were too preoccupied to interfere.

Chapter 325: The Sokoto War

After concluding negotiations with the French government, Spain turned its attention to the unification of its Guinea colony.

At this time, the Gold Coast had already been incorporated into the Guinea colony. What the Spanish government needed to do was connect these two non-adjacent colonies and establish a mega-colony with an area of over one million square kilometers.

The good news was that Spain had already cleared out most of the natives in this region, leaving only the most powerful, the Sokoto Caliphate, yet to be conquered by Spanish military force.

The Sokoto Caliphate was indeed powerful. Compared to other native states in the Gulf of Guinea with populations of just over one million, or even less than one million, the Sokoto Caliphate boasted a population of over ten million at its peak. Currently, it had nearly ten million people plus two to three million slaves.

This meant the Sokoto Caliphate could arm an army of hundreds of thousands, or even millions. For Spain, which could barely scrape together one hundred thousand troops from its Guinea colony and Congo Territory combined, the Sokoto Caliphate was undoubtedly its greatest challenge.

Of course, Spain’s greatest advantage was its technological superiority, an advantage sufficient to decide the outcome of a war.

Moreover, the Sokoto Caliphate was not a monolithic entity internally. This country, spanning over a million square kilometers with nearly ten million people, was internally divided into dozens of states of various sizes.

These states had their own rulers, known as Emirs, and each state possessed considerable autonomy. Apart from having to pay tribute to the supreme ruler, the Sokoto Caliph, these dozens of states of varying sizes were no different from independent countries.

Each state had its own army, and the reigning Emir held command over these forces.

This led to the seemingly unified Sokoto Caliphate being, in reality, highly fragmented. Not all states were willing to unconditionally obey the rule of the Sokoto Caliph. Where there were those who submitted, there were naturally also those who opposed.

At this point, it was clear that Spain’s method for dealing with the Sokoto Caliphate was somewhat similar to its approach with the Ashanti Federation.

Although one was a federation of states and the other was a truly unified nation, there was essentially no difference between the two because the power of the states within the Sokoto Caliphate had grown increasingly large.

The emirates closer to the south, in particular, were more opposed to the Sokoto Caliph’s rule.

The economic backbones of most countries in the Gulf of Guinea were the same: revenue from local agricultural products and the slave trade.

Both agricultural products and the slave trade required ports for transport. This led to a common phenomenon in the Gulf of Guinea: the closer a country was to the coast, the wealthier it became.

From this, one could also see why the southern emirates opposed the Sokoto Caliph’s rule. Although all emirates had to pay tribute to the Sokoto Caliph, the problem was, how much tax could those poor, inland countries possibly pay?

The bulk of the tribute was borne by these southern emirates, which made these states very dissatisfied with the Sokoto Caliph’s rule.

It must also be mentioned here that the Sokoto Caliphate had trade relations with the British.

As early as 1853, the British government had signed a trade treaty with the Sokoto Caliphate. With the British government’s withdrawal from the competition for West African colonies, Spain naturally inherited the trade relationship with the Sokoto Caliphate.

Spain’s African Fleet was stationed in the Guinea colony precisely to protect local merchant ships from pirate harassment.

This trade relationship was beneficial for both sides. Spain obtained large quantities of agricultural and mineral products from the Sokoto Caliphate, while the Caliphate received industrial goods and other needed supplies from Spain, including even firearms.

But it was undeniable that as this trade relationship grew closer, Spain’s economic influence over the Sokoto Caliphate also grew larger.

This was especially true for the few states in the southern part of the Sokoto Caliphate. Due to their coastal location, their trade ties with Spain were the closest.

It would not be an exaggeration to say that the reason these states explicitly opposed the Sokoto Caliph’s rule was precisely because of Spanish support.

Especially in recent years, Spain had provided the southern states of the Sokoto Caliphate, such as Oyo, Iwo, and Ijebu, with a considerable quantity of firearms, greatly boosting their confidence in resisting the Sokoto Caliph.

Yes, resisting the Sokoto Caliph. How fierce was their resistance? The annual tribute they paid grew smaller and smaller, to the point where it was less than that paid by the poorer inland states.

And yet, the Sokoto Caliph could do little about it. Although any one of these states alone could not resist the central authority of the Caliphate, if several of them united, the Caliph could not quickly eliminate these rebellious factions.

Especially with Spanish support, it was exceedingly difficult to kill a chicken to scare the monkeys and ensure domestic stability.

In fact, according to Spain’s original plan, the approach towards the Sokoto Caliphate was supposed to be a slow one, based on economic infiltration and supporting the opposition.

Although this method would be quite slow, the advantage was that Spain would not need to commit too many troops. It could infiltrate the entire Sokoto Caliphate over ten or twenty years and firmly establish its colonial rule there.

But because the Berlin Conference had accelerated the pace of African colonization for all countries, Spain had no choice but to opt for a more effective and rapid method to establish its colonial rule.

Fortunately, through prior economic infiltration, Spain had already secured the support of several native states, meaning it would not have to face the entire Sokoto Caliphate.

In reality, this seemingly powerful native state was already rotten to the core. When the Sokoto Caliphate was founded through a holy war, its fighting strength was formidable.

As the state was passed down through generations, things called power and desire replaced religious fervor, and the devout warriors were destined to become pleasure-seeking dragons.

In July 1885, Spain officially launched its attack on the Sokoto Caliphate, intending to swiftly destroy this seemingly powerful native state.

Although Spain could be said to be in an invincible position, it did not show the slightest bit of contempt or complacency towards this behemoth with a population of nearly ten million.

To eliminate this vast country in a single war, after mobilization by the Department of Colonial Affairs and the Ministry of Defense, Spain decided to dispatch three colonial divisions plus ten colonial garrison regiments, managing to scrape together a force of eighty thousand men.

During the war, the West African Colony would temporarily halt shipments of food and supplies to the Spanish mainland. All of this food would be sent to the Guinea front as strategic war material.

In addition, Spain would also dispatch a transport fleet to ship large quantities of weapons, equipment, and ammunition supplies from the mainland to the Guinea colony.

The Spanish government was very serious about this war. This might also be Spain’s last colonial expansion in Africa. After this, aside from Morocco, Spain would have little interest in African territory.

The reason for this lack of interest was simple: the barrier of the Sahara Desert. Because the Sahara spanned the entire continent, it was impossible to connect West Africa and North Africa.

Although they might appear as a single entity on a map, the section in the middle, located in the Sahara Desert, could not be effectively controlled.

Moreover, Spain already had enough colonies to develop. The agricultural development of the West African Colony alone would require Spain to invest a massive amount of manpower and resources, and would take several years to complete.

Not to mention the development of the Guinea colony and the Congo Territory. Unless Spain had a sufficient population, it might see results within ten years.

Without a sufficient population, they would have to wait at least several decades to see the fruits of developing Guinea and the Congo Territory.

This eighty-thousand-strong army would be divided into two prongs, attacking the Sokoto Caliphate from the east and west respectively.

The western army was the main Spanish attack force, composed of two colonial divisions and five colonial garrison regiments, totaling about fifty thousand men.

The main combat mission of the western army was to advance eastward from the Dahomey region, integrate the forces of the southern states that opposed the Caliph, and then make a direct push for the Sokoto Caliphate’s capital, Oyo-Igboho.

Oyo-Igboho was only a little over two hundred kilometers from the Dahomey region of the Guinea colony. The western army hoped to surround the Caliphate’s capital before the Sokoto Caliph could react, crushing the hopes of the states still loyal to him.

As long as they could deal with the Sokoto Caliph and his government, the Spanish army would hardly need to do anything further. Those states already dissatisfied with the Caliph would naturally step forward to express their loyalty and ensure their own safety by guiding the Spanish forces.

As for the other army, it consisted of one colonial division and five colonial garrison regiments, for a total of thirty thousand men.

The main mission of this force was to advance north from the Cameroon region and intercept reinforcements from the northern states sent to support the Sokoto Caliph before the western army could capture Oyo-Igboho.

Although the Sokoto Caliphate did not have many firearms, their population was something Spain had to be wary of. If the western army could not capture Oyo-Igboho quickly, the eastern army’s ability to block reinforcements would become crucial.

If the enemy managed to counter-encircle the Spanish forces, it would be a very difficult situation for the Spanish army.

Although the Spanish army possessed powerful firearms, if they were encircled, their logistics would sooner or later become a problem.

Firearms without logistical support would become useless fire pokers. At that point, the Spanish army would lose its sharpest weapon, and defeating the Sokoto Caliphate’s army would become exceedingly difficult.

Once the entire battle plan was formulated, Spain immediately began to act.

Spain did not intend to reveal its battle plan to the southern states that opposed the Sokoto Caliph. Although these states could be used, no one could guarantee that there weren’t people still loyal to the Caliph within them.

If these unexpected factors led to the battle plan being leaked, allowing the Sokoto Caliph to strengthen the defenses of the capital, Oyo-Igboho, then the gain would not outweigh the loss.

In any case, once the Spanish army reached the territories of these southern states, it could easily take control of their armies.

The only reason they had remained safe while openly defying the Sokoto Caliph was because of Spanish support.

They had no choice but to agree to Spain’s demand for command of their armies. After all, the ammunition supply for their firearms depended entirely on Spain. Without Spanish support, their firearms would be useless.

Without firearm-equipped troops, what would they use to resist the Sokoto Caliph’s rule? There was a reason the Caliph was able to rule over more than thirty states of various sizes and maintain stability; he possessed a powerful army. Before this army, these small states, without firearms, were simply no match for him.

The western army’s advance went quite smoothly. Moving east from the Dahomey region, all the native states they encountered were opposed to the Sokoto Caliph.

As a result, the Spanish army acquired large swathes of territory without firing a single shot, and also gained command of tens of thousands of native troops.

Of course, while they had “command,” the Spanish had no intention of frequently directing the native troops.

For Spain, the greatest use for these native armies was to exhaust the enemy’s effective strength during the attack on the capital, Oyo-Igboho. In other words, they were cannon fodder for the siege.

Since they were cannon fodder, there was naturally no need for sophisticated command.

When the siege began, they just needed to swarm forward. Whether they survived or not would depend entirely on the heavens’ favor.

To convince these native states to peacefully hand over command of their armies, Spain had promised them some benefits.

After the defeat of the Sokoto Caliphate, these native states would be incorporated into the Spanish colony, continuing to exist as protectorates.

Their trade relations with Spain would also continue. It could be said that aside from the recipient of their annual tribute changing from the Sokoto Caliphate to Spain, nothing else would change.

This served as a guarantee for these native states. After all, when conquering the other scattered native states, Spain had employed rather harsh methods.

Not only were the conquered native states completely wiped out, but a considerable portion of their populations was also massacred.

For these native states, unable to resist Spanish colonial rule, their only choice was to ensure their own safety as best as they could.

As for the ruler above them, the great Sokoto Caliph, who would care about his future after Spain launched its war?

Chapter 326: Encounter

The success of Spain’s offensive in the Sokoto Caliphate was something the Spaniards themselves had not anticipated.

Spain was extremely cautious and took this great African power, one thousand six hundred kilometers wide from east to west and nearly one thousand kilometers long from north to south, very seriously.

In all of Spain’s colonial wars, there had never been a single one that required the deployment of more than eighty thousand troops.

Although these eighty thousand men were all colonial troops, it was undeniable that they constituted a modern army equipped with standard-issue rifles.

While their combat effectiveness could not compare to the regular armies of European nations, they were undoubtedly among the best when ranked against the colonial troops, auxiliary troops, and regular armies of other non-European countries.

Initially, the Spanish planners of this war—Carlo, Minister of Colonial Affairs William, Minister of Defense Evan, and Commander-in-Chief of the Congo Territory garrison Andrew—had all agreed that the conflict would last for several months, perhaps even more than a year.

They expected the Spanish army to encounter fierce resistance from the Sokoto Caliphate, resulting in considerable casualties even among the colonial troops.

This was why Spain had spent several months preparing for the war. Unexpectedly, these extensive preparations seemed somewhat excessive.

Within a few days of the war’s start, the Spanish western column had successfully gained control of the kingdoms of Oyo, Ijebu, and Iwo.

These three states provided Spain with tens of thousands of soldiers, swelling the ranks of the Spanish western army to over one hundred thousand men.

Although the troops provided by these native states were only meant to serve as cannon fodder, having several tens of thousands of them for the Sokoto Caliphate’s army to kill would still take them several days.

The enemy was not an army like Spain’s, equipped with a large number of advanced weapons. Most of their soldiers still used cold weapons; only a small number of elite troops, or rather the Sokoto Caliph’s Royal Guards, were armed with firearms.

It was true that the Sokoto Caliphate possessed firearms, but their technology lagged far behind that of European nations.

As a result, several days after Spain had launched the war, the news had only just reached the Sokoto Caliphate’s capital, Oyo-Igboho, which was over one hundred kilometers from the Spanish colony.

Clearly, the Sokoto Caliph had received the news too late. The reason was simple: the northern border of the Oyo state was less than sixty kilometers from Oyo-Igboho.

By the time the Sokoto Caliph received the news and began to summon the armies of the various states, the Spanish army was already closing in on the capital.

Without reinforcements from the vassal states, the Sokoto Caliph’s direct forces numbered only a few tens of thousands.

More than half of these men were armed with cold weapons. Only the Royal Guards, numbering less than eight thousand, used firearms—and a hodgepodge of foreign makes at that, of all different models.

In fact, upon closer inspection, one could even spot Spanish-made weapons in the hands of these natives.

Of course, the Spanish weapons they could obtain were not the previous generation standard-issue Vetterli M1872 rifle, but even older muzzle-loading rifles.

Due to the delayed response, by the time the two armies met, the Spanish forces were less than ten kilometers from the Sokoto Caliphate’s capital, Oyo-Igboho.

This proximity was extremely dangerous. The troops of the Sokoto Caliphate had absolutely no room for retreat. They could only defend their positions to the death; otherwise, their capital would fall to the Spaniards.

What made matters worse was that although the Sokoto Caliph had assembled tens of thousands of troops in a short time, he clearly had no time to construct defensive positions.

Then again, these natives were obviously not well-versed in firearm warfare, which meant they had little understanding of digging trenches and other such defensive measures.

The consequence of this was that the Spanish army faced a native army with virtually no defensive fortifications. Tens of thousands of native soldiers were arrayed in a single line. Although the scene looked magnificent, Andrew, the Commander-in-Chief of the Congo Territory garrison leading the western column, was already beaming with joy.

Why was he so happy? To counter the Sokoto Caliphate’s vast manpower, Spain would be deploying the powerful machine gun in this war.

To end the war in Africa sooner, Carlo had, with a wave of the hand, equipped Andrew’s army with several dozen of the latest model machine guns, freshly modified by Maxim himself.

This latest model, an improvement on the original, used cartridges made exclusively with smokeless powder. This not only instantly solved the problem of obscured vision but also significantly increased the machine gun’s range and the bullet’s power.

With dozens of such powerful machine guns, Andrew was confident he could rout the enemy in a single battle, even if their numbers increased to one hundred thousand, let alone the tens of thousands before him.

He had personally experienced the power of this formidable weapon and naturally understood how devastating it was against soldiers.

The natives’ clustered formations were especially perfect targets for machine guns. A single burst could fell dozens of them. Given the current power of the machine guns, even those who were lucky enough to avoid a fatal hit were unlikely to survive.

The moment the two armies encountered each other, the tens of thousands of native troops immediately launched a charge against the Spanish army.

With no room to retreat, the Sokoto Caliphate’s forces could only attempt to break through the Spanish formation while it was still getting into position, hoping to gain an advantage.

Watching the massive, dark wave of natives rushing toward him, Andrew couldn’t suppress a grin. With a smile, he issued his orders: “Deploy all the machine guns to the front line. I want to give these natives a taste of their power.

“Artillery, be ready. As soon as the natives get close to our machine gun positions, drive them back. I don’t want anything to happen to these precious things. They are the army’s treasures; even the Royal Guards don’t have many of them yet.

“Have the native troops get ready. The moment the Sokoto Caliphate’s army breaks, that will be their chance to press the advantage.

“Tell the officers of these native troops that if they distinguish themselves in battle, I will personally send a telegram to the capital to request a reward for them from His Majesty the King.

“But if anyone dares to shirk from battle, they shouldn’t blame me for being merciless. Disciplinary squads, keep a close watch on these natives. Anyone who hesitates or attempts to desert will be executed on the spot!”

“Yes, Your Excellency, Commander!”

At this moment, Andrew was truly High-spirited and vigorous. Due to Spain’s remarkably successful expansion in Africa, he had become a rising star in the Spanish military.

Unlike Kaman, who had been steadily rising through the ranks back in Spain, Andrew seemed poised to overtake him.

Not long ago, Carlo had commended Andrew for his merits and promised that after the war in Africa concluded, he would personally award him with honors and a noble title in Spain.

Andrew himself already held the title of Baron. If he could advance further in rank, he could at least become a Count of Spain.

Although a Count was not considered a great noble in Spain, for Andrew, who was just an ordinary graduate of the Royal Military Academy of Turin in Italy, everything he had achieved so far was already incredibly precious.

Because his own future was at stake, Andrew took this war very seriously. He was applying nearly everything he had learned in his life, all for the sake of ending this war as soon as possible and maximizing its gains.

Following Andrew’s command, the Spanish army began to move.

Carlo had provided Andrew with not only dozens of machine guns but also machine gunners secretly trained in their use from Spain.

The reason for dispatching a large number of machine gunners to Africa was that Carlo was worried the soldiers of the colonial armies were not familiar with operating the weapons.

The machine gun was a devastating weapon, and Carlo had no desire for any information about it to be leaked to the natives or other European nations.

How could leaks be prevented? The best way was to ensure a complete victory in the war, making it impossible for the enemy to capture any Spanish weapons.

Compared to the colonial soldiers, the machine gunners Carlo dispatched from the mainland were far more loyal. Since they were already undergoing training related to the machine gun, it was naturally impossible for them to leak any data about it.

The colonial soldiers, having never been exposed to the machine gun, could at most leak the news that Spain possessed a type of gun with much greater firepower.

Without Maxim’s involvement, this level of secrecy could delay other European nations’ acquisition of the machine gun. If they obtained it later than Spain, their progress up the machine gun Technology tree would naturally lag behind.

If nothing else, Spain’s existing smokeless powder machine guns, including the principles of their water-cooled and air-cooled systems, would be enough to keep the other European nations busy researching for several years.

Historically, the Maxim machine gun was practically open-source, and various European countries developed their own versions based on it.

But now, due to the high level of secrecy within Spain, other European nations could not use the Maxim gun as a reference to develop their own, and their progress on machine guns was naturally very slow.

This was essentially the limit of what a blockade on information could achieve. Although Spain was doing its best to maintain secrecy, the other European nations were still making some progress in their machine gun research.

It was fundamentally impossible to maintain complete secrecy and prevent other European nations from obtaining machine guns. After all, if not Maxim, some other firearms expert would inevitably invent a new machine gun similar to his.

Seeing the natives drawing ever closer, Andrew couldn’t help but feel a little anxious. The deployment of the Spanish machine guns would still take a few minutes. Before they were in position, he couldn’t let the native soldiers get too close to the machine gun emplacements.

“First Colonial Division, advance and hold them back. I want you to prevent those natives from approaching our machine gun positions for the next five minutes.

“Once our machine guns and artillery are set up, the First Colonial Division can withdraw in an orderly fashion,” Andrew immediately commanded, altering his original plan.

At Andrew’s command, the First Colonial Division advanced toward the front line, vast and mighty.

As the first colonial division established by Spain, the First Colonial Division had the highest level of training, and its overall combat effectiveness was the best among Spain’s three colonial divisions.

Tasking the First Colonial Division to resist the native army’s attack, holding them off for five hours, or even five days, would be no problem, let alone a mere five minutes.

Of course, the longer they held out, the more casualties the First Colonial Division would certainly suffer.

But at this moment, with neither the machine gun nor the artillery positions fully deployed, sending in the infantry was the only option.

He couldn’t just let the enemy charge into the machine gun and artillery positions. If that happened, far from giving the natives a taste of the machine gun’s power, the weapons themselves would likely be destroyed by the natives at the first opportunity.

Although these natives didn’t know what a machine gun was, they would certainly not leave a weapon that looked somewhat similar to a rifle for the Spanish army to use.

If they managed to break into the Spanish machine gun and artillery positions, the first thing these native soldiers would do is destroy them.

These machine guns and cannons were great treasures to the colonial army. If not for the need to attack the Sokoto Caliphate, Andrew’s Congo Territory army would never have received so many machine guns.

It was clear that any machine guns damaged in the war would not be replaced in the short term. After all, this newly improved model also needed to be widely equipped in the Spanish home army, and the priority for equipping the home army was much higher than that for the colonial forces.

By the time it was the colonial armies’ turn, it could be years.

This was just like Spain’s current newest standard-issue rifle, the Maxim M1884 Rifle.

Although the Maxim M1884 Rifle had been around for some time, it had only just been fully issued to the troops in Spain proper.

None of the colonial armies were equipped with the Maxim M1884 Rifle, and it was unlikely they would be in the next few years.

The reason was simple. First, re-equipping so many colonial troops with the latest rifle was a huge expense. Since the colonial armies were mainly composed of natives, with Spaniards serving only as officers, there was no need to equip so many of them with new rifles.

Furthermore, the new rifle not only increased range and power but also the rate of fire. If the colonial armies were fully equipped with the Maxim M1884 Rifle, the logistics of supplying ammunition would be a considerable problem.

Among Spain’s many colonies, only the Philippines currently had a small military factory capable of independently producing weapons and ammunition.

The reason the Philippines had a small military factory was straightforward: it was too far from the Spanish mainland, and the cost of transporting weapons and equipment there was too high.

Even so, the small factory in the Philippines could only produce the now-obsolete Vetterli M1872 rifle, and its output was very small, so there was little concern about the problems that would arise if the factory were captured by the enemy.

The main purpose of this small factory was to produce ammunition for the colonial army in the Philippines; rifle production was merely a secondary function.

Besides the Philippines, only the Guinea colony currently had a small military industry, and it too could only produce ammunition.

To re-equip the colonial armies with the latest rifles would mean that these small factories would also need to replace their production lines.

The cost of doing so would be too great, an unnecessary expense for both the Spanish government and the various colonial governments.

Only when the finances of the various colonies became quite strong would Spain consider equipping all colonial armies with the latest rifles.

Chapter 327: The Death of the Caliph

With Andrew’s timely command, the First Colonial Division swiftly moved up to engage, buying enough time for the machine guns and cannons to be deployed.

The rest of the battle was simple. Under the torrent of firepower from Spain’s machine guns and cannons, the natives had no means of fighting back.

It was true they possessed firearms, but in the face of such an enormous disparity in firepower, a few thousand rifles were useless, let alone tens of thousands.

After all, the Spanish colonial troops were equipped with standard-issue rifles. On what grounds could these native armies possibly resist them?

This encounter battle with the natives also powerfully demonstrated the effectiveness of machine guns in colonial warfare.

Because the natives were unaware of such a powerful weapon, they swarmed forward all at once when they launched their attack on the Spanish army.

The Spanish machine guns needed only to sweep across them once, and the native soldiers fell one after another. It was a shocking sight.

Of course, it was only shocking to the Spanish colonial army. As for the native soldiers suffering this baptism of fire, their only feelings were panic and terror.

When had the soldiers of the Sokoto Caliphate ever experienced such warfare? The enemy was using a weapon that looked somewhat similar to a rifle, yet it inflicted immense casualties on their side with incredible speed.

The loyal warriors of this Muslim nation, founded through holy war, suddenly discovered that Allah, the God they believed in, might not be so effective after all.

Their faith was the last thing on their minds. The native soldiers ran as fast as their legs could carry them. The slow ones were all fed Spanish bullets. On the bright side, the smokeless powder rounds were indeed more painless than black powder, which was perhaps the only good news for the native soldiers.

The current Sokoto Caliph, Omar bin Ali, was dumbfounded. He never expected the Spanish army to possess a weapon with such devastating power.

What he expected even less was that his prized Royal Guards would crumble in a matter of minutes before the overwhelming firepower of the Spanish army.

And what do you know, the regular training for the Royal Guards had indeed paid off. The fastest runners on the battlefield were, in fact, Omar’s Royal Guards.

Because the Royal Guards received more generous food supplies, their soldiers were physically stronger than the common soldiers, even though they all served the same Caliph.

At this moment, Sokoto Caliph Omar bin Ali didn’t know whether to laugh or cry. Because his Royal Guards ran so fast, the force of over eight thousand men didn’t suffer many casualties.

The problem was, their swift retreat caused the entire front line to collapse. Although the eight thousand Royal Guards were saved, it looked as if very few of the remaining tens of thousands of soldiers would survive, especially the more than ten thousand at the very front.

The ruler, who had only inherited the title of Caliph in 1881, was now completely panicked by the situation. He didn’t know whether to rally his troops and organize another line of defense or to lead the remnants back into the city of Oyo-Igboho and engage the Spaniards in street fighting within the capital.

It is well known that street fighting is one of the deadliest forms of combat. The complex terrain and layout of different urban districts could effectively slow down an enemy’s advance.

The defending side, familiar with the terrain, could use it to launch effective counterattacks, inflicting massive casualties on the enemy.

In a best-case scenario, they could turn the tide of battle, force the Spanish army to retreat, and win the war.

In a worst-case scenario, they could at least increase the Spanish army’s casualties, which, while preserving their own forces, would give them leverage in negotiations.

Before Omar bin Ali could make up his mind, the Spanish army had already made the choice for him.

The moment he saw the native army collapsing, Andrew ordered the forces of the native states to give chase, further disrupting the order of their retreat.

As expected, with the pursuers drawing closer to the enemy’s position, the fleeing native soldiers couldn’t help but quicken their pace, terrified of being left behind by their own people to become a sacrificial lamb for their comrades.

This threw the Sokoto Caliphate’s army into even greater chaos. It was now almost impossible for Caliph Omar bin Ali to issue any commands.

No one could reorganize a routed and chaotic army in a short amount of time, especially not natives whose military discipline was poor to begin with.

A large horde of routed native soldiers fled frantically toward the capital, Oyo-Igboho. They scrambled to get inside the city, some not even looking back as they ran straight for their homes.

A few hundred meters behind these fleeing soldiers were the pursuing state armies. Since both sides were local natives, the pursuing state armies met no resistance and entered Oyo-Igboho with ease.

Upon seeing the pursuers enter the capital, Caliph Omar bin Ali knew his country was doomed.

Compared to the unfamiliar Spanish army, these state armies, who were their own people, were far more familiar with the terrain of Oyo-Igboho.

Furthermore, since they were all Muslim African natives, it was very difficult to tell them apart. This meant that the Sokoto Caliphate’s last hope of resisting through street fighting had completely vanished. They could only lie on Spain’s chopping block, waiting to be carved up.

“Is our country actually going to fall at my hands?” Omar bin Ali’s face was etched with despair as he watched the pursuing state armies in the distance, a sense of unwillingness in his heart.

“Great Caliph, perhaps we have one last resort to turn this situation around.” Just as Omar bin Ali despaired, a man stepped forward, still attempting to save his country.

“Speak quickly, what is it?” Hearing that there was still a way to salvage the situation, Omar bin Ali looked quickly at the speaker, a glimmer of hope in his eyes.

“I have two ways to remedy the current situation.” Seeing the Caliph’s gaze fall upon him, the man was not nervous. He calmly and unhurriedly stated his proposal: “Although the enemy is in the city, the troops that have entered are all from our own states.

“Their reasons for turning against the country are simple, the biggest being the previously harsh tribute. If you, Caliph, were to personally issue an order reducing the tribute for these states by more than half, we might be able to convince them to turn on the Spanish army.

“Even if we can’t make them rebel against Spain, it will sow suspicion among the Spaniards, buying us more time and opportunities.

“The second way is to seek external aid to help us mediate this war. The British, with whom we have had trade relations, and the French, who have contacted us before, can both be targets for our pleas.

“If we can gain their support, even if it means losing some land and people, we can at least ensure the continuation of our country.

“As long as we have a period to rest and reorganize, we might be able to fight back and reclaim our lands.”

“Reducing the tribute from these states by more than half… won’t that affect our tax revenue?” Omar bin Ali was still hesitant. The tribute from these southern states accounted for a significant portion of the Sokoto Caliphate’s total fiscal revenue. Giving it up just like that was truly a painful thought.

“Great Caliph, this is no time to be concerned about the tribute. If we cannot secure external support, and these southern state armies are unwilling to support us, I’m afraid we will be at the mercy of the Spaniards.

“Judging by how the Spaniards have dealt with other nations, it is highly likely that our country will be partitioned, and your title of Caliph may also be abolished by them.” Seeing the Caliph’s pained reluctance, the advisor who made the suggestion felt an exasperated frustration, and continued to persuade him.

At a time of national crisis, anything could be sacrificed. As long as the country and his own position were secure, there was always a chance for a comeback.

Omar bin Ali could clearly understand this reasoning. After a few seconds of deep thought, he nodded with pained reluctance and instructed, “Then do as you say.

“Contact the armies of those southern states for me. Ask them how they ended up with the Spaniards. Are their treasonous actions worthy of the great Allah? Are they worthy of all their Muslim brethren?

“Tell them that if they are willing to help us defend the city, I am willing to let bygones be bygones and forgive their transgressions in this war.

“But if they are still unwilling to cut ties with the Spaniards, they will be traitors to the country, shameful apostates! If they do not wish to suffer Allah’s punishment, they must stop colluding with those damnable Spaniards.”

“Yes.” Although he was somewhat surprised by the Caliph’s still somewhat forceful tone, he was not the one delivering the message. The message could be modified to a certain extent.

Therefore, the official who proposed the idea agreed readily. If they could win the support of these state armies before the Spanish army entered the city, defending Oyo-Igboho would not be a problem.

This meant they had to act fast. They had to successfully instigate a mutiny among the state armies before the Spanish arrived.

The officials present were quite confident about turning the state armies. After all, compared to the foreign Spaniards, they and these states were truly their own people.

Although there had been a rift due to the high tribute, as long as the tribute issue was resolved, it would not be difficult to mend the relationship between the states and the empire.

As long as they could hold the capital, Oyo-Igboho, and wait for reinforcements from the dozens of northern states, this crisis could essentially be resolved.

They might not even need support from European nations like Britain and France; they could potentially repel the Spanish invasion on their own.

After finalizing the plan, most of the officials of the Sokoto Caliphate, including Omar bin Ali, clearly breathed a sigh of relief, and a glimmer of hope returned to their faces.

But soon, a cruel reality slapped them in the face.

The official sent to win over the state armies never returned. It wasn’t that he had also betrayed the Caliph; the real reason was that he was shot on the orders of the state army’s commander before he could even try to persuade them.

This poor official, who thought he could save his country, lost his life before he could even say more than a few words.

Why were these state armies so decisive?

The main reason was that they were well aware of the cruelty and selfishness of the Sokoto Caliph, Omar bin Ali himself.

Although he had only held the noble title of Caliph for four years, Omar bin Ali had already shown himself to be quite incompetent and cruel.

Originally, the tribute from the southern states was not so high, and everyone managed to get by, so there was no major conflict with the Caliph’s government.

But after Omar bin Ali became the new Caliph, the relatively stable situation underwent a massive change.

In his first year as Caliph, Omar bin Ali expanded the Royal Guards from five thousand to eight thousand men and equipped them all with firearms.

Both expanding the army and equipping it were enormous expenses for the Caliph’s government. Where was the money to come from? Omar bin Ali was certainly not willing to pay out of his own pocket.

He chose to have the more prosperous southern states bear the military expenditure, his method being to continuously raise their tribute.

In just four years, the tribute from these southern states had nearly doubled. Originally, the natives of these southern states had the best lives; they may not have been wealthy, but at least they could fill their stomachs.

But as the tribute to be paid to the Caliph grew higher and higher, the state governments had no choice but to increase taxes on the natives.

This led to a sharp decline in the standard of living for the natives of the southern states. By now, a significant portion of the population could no longer get enough to eat.

It was worth noting that the Sokoto Caliphate, with a population of nearly ten million, also had over one million non-Muslim slaves.

The labor of these one million-plus slaves alone generated a large amount of food and income each year. Coupled with trade with European nations, the overall standard of living for the people of the Sokoto Caliphate was a cut above that of other neighboring African native states.

Under such circumstances, the southern states, which had once been relatively prosperous, were now experiencing food shortages. This was a clear testament to how ruthlessly Omar bin Ali exploited them.

Having already taken up arms in rebellion against the Caliph, the Emirs of these southern states had long since made their plans.

If the Spaniards’ words had some credibility, then the words of the Caliph’s government had none whatsoever.

Even if the Caliph’s government fulfilled its promises now, after the war ended, these states that had once rebelled, along with their rulers, would surely be purged.

That being the case, they might as well rebel with vigor.

If the Spaniards kept their word, they could continue to exist as protectorates within Spain’s colony.

With the fall of the Sokoto Caliphate, these southern states might even have the chance to expand their territories, carving up the Caliphate’s lands for themselves.

Meanwhile, upon hearing that his dispatched envoy had been killed before he could even state his terms, the Caliph, who had just been smiling, froze.

He hadn’t expected the states’ resistance to him to be so resolute, not even giving his envoy a chance to speak.

Now, the armies of these southern states had charged into the capital. If they couldn’t be dealt with, the war would basically be over once the Spanish army also entered the city.

“Does anyone else have a way to salvage the current situation?” Omar bin Ali’s gaze held a hint of pleading as he looked at his officials, who all stood with their heads bowed in silence.

Clearly, even the officials of the Caliph’s government could think of no way to save the situation.

Reinforcements from the northern states would take a long time to arrive, and seeking help from European nations would take even longer. It was obvious that such slow remedies couldn’t solve this urgent crisis.

The only immediate solution, the southern state armies, were completely unwilling to help the Caliph. What did this mean? It meant that the once supreme government of the Caliph was now an object of universal scorn.

Seeing his officials remain silent, Omar bin Ali knew the situation was hopeless.

He fell silent. His gaze suddenly became very calm. After looking at all the officials, he said, word by word, “Since none of you have any way to salvage the situation, then let us surrender to the Spaniards.

“I hope the Spaniards will be civilized and allow you to live. As for me, the great Caliph of Sokoto, I will share the fate of my country.

“May Allah bless you, and may the people of Sokoto be spared the hardships of war!”

With that, Omar bin Ali calmly returned to his Royal Palace, where a pistol reserved for the Caliph himself was kept.

Originally, the pistol was merely an ornament. Now, it had found its purpose: to allow the Caliph to end his life with dignity.

Hearing the Caliph’s final farewell, a touch of emotion appeared in the eyes of the officials present. Someone’s throat moved, but no words came out.

Clearly, at this moment of life and death, they too were panicked. Although some wanted to save the Caliph, in what way could they?

Besides praying that the Spaniards wouldn’t massacre innocents after entering the city, could they dare to hope the Spaniards would spare them, and spare the Caliph?

Obviously, that was impossible. Though the Europeans prided themselves on being civilized, their colonization had always been cruel and bloody.

Forget about sparing the Caliph and them, the officials; if the Spaniards killed even a few fewer Sokoto people, it would be considered an act of mercy.

Chapter 328: The Policy of Using Natives to Control Natives

As it turned out, Omar bin Ali was rather wise.

Spain would never have let him, the Caliph, live. As long as he was alive, the Sokoto Caliphate would continue to exist, at least in name.

With his death, Spain could abolish the title of Caliph and legitimately incorporate Sokoto into its dominion.

Once all of Sokoto was under Spanish colonial rule, no matter how cruel Spain might be, it would not exterminate the natives of Sokoto.

After all, European nations prided themselves on being representatives of civilization; they had to maintain appearances. Historically, Belgium had done a poor job of this, which ultimately resulted in the other great powers of Europe forcibly intervening to prevent Belgium from further tarnishing the image of European nations.

Examples could also be seen in Spain’s governance of its other colonies. The entire nation of Spain was rife with anti-black sentiment, and black people were the only race that could not obtain Spanish citizenship.

But Spain had not carried out genocide-like massacres against black people. Since Carlo’s coronation, the total number of black people killed by Spain did not exceed one million.

Moreover, many of these so-called massacres were deaths from forced labor, a common tactic used by the great powers, so they naturally weren’t counted as massacres.

The number of people directly killed by the sword was likely only a few hundred thousand. This figure was not even a fraction of the total number of colonial natives massacred by Britain and France, so it naturally wouldn’t attract any special attention from other European countries.

Only after confirming that the deceased was indeed the Caliph, Omar bin Ali, did Andrew have the army take control of Oyo-Igboho and establish a short period of military rule.

Andrew did not execute the Sokoto officials who had surrendered to the Spanish army; he merely ordered them to be kept under close guard.

After all, taking over the administration of the entire Sokoto Caliphate would require the help of these officials. In the future, even ruling all of Sokoto would depend on them.

The strategy Spain implemented in its colonies was one of using natives to control natives. Letting local natives manage their own people not only reduced resistance but also allowed for more effective control over the colony.

If nothing else, these natives were truly ruthless toward their own people. For the various benefits promised by Spain and for their own futures, they would not hesitate to raise their butcher knives against their own kind.

It was thanks to the administration of these native officials that Spain’s colonies in Africa remained relatively stable.

When the news that the Sokoto Caliph was dead and the Spanish army had occupied Oyo-Igboho reached Spain, it immediately captured the attention of the Spanish people.

Unlike the previous minor skirmishes with native states, the Sokoto Caliphate was a vast country. Annexing such a nation meant that Spain’s colonial territory would expand significantly.

Colonial expansion not only signified an increase in Spain’s sphere of influence and overall power but also represented a wealth of opportunities to get rich.

Of course, the most important task at present was to solidify Spain’s de facto occupation of the Sokoto Caliphate. After the Berlin Conference, such nominal matters had become very important.

Although Omar bin Ali was dead, the previous Caliph had other sons. Spain temporarily appointed Omar bin Ali’s younger brother as the new Caliph. After he signed a colonial treaty with Spain’s Guinea colonial government, Spain promptly abolished his title.

Though the title of Sokoto Caliph was abolished, Spain did not abolish the titles of the Emirs of the various states.

Of course, Sokoto currently had nearly thirty Emirs, and Spain would certainly not keep that many in the end. Considering the size of the Sokoto Caliphate, retaining fewer than ten Emir titles would help Spain better manage the territory.

Naturally, the Emirs of the three southern states that had aided Spain in the war—Oyo, Iwo, and Ijebu—were allowed to keep their titles. They would also have the opportunity to acquire large swathes of land, serving as models of cooperation with Spain and the benefits it brought.

Establishing such models was also very effective. When the natives of other states saw the benefits these three states received, they would, having no other choice, also try to engage with Spain and obediently submit to its rule.

After all, they had previously been under the rule of the Sokoto Caliph; it was merely a matter of a heretic replacing their ruler.

There were undoubtedly some religious fanatics among these states who were filled with prejudice and hatred toward non-Muslim heretics.

But these people clearly could not hinder Spain’s rule over Sokoto. If anyone dared to resist Spanish rule, the Guinea colonial government wouldn’t mind sending them to meet their true God.

After completely securing the situation in Oyo-Igboho, Andrew immediately led his army north to take control of the numerous states.

If there were sensible natives like those in the southern states, Andrew didn’t mind cooperating with them and letting them continue as Emirs.

And how did one determine if they were sensible and willing to submit to Spanish rule? The method was simple: it depended on whether these states were willing to surrender their armies.

For any state that was willing to hand over its army, Spain would not deal with them for the time being. But if a state was unwilling to relinquish command of its own army, it surely harbored treacherous intentions.

Andrew would show no mercy to such people. He would directly order an attack, and after conquering the state’s capital, he would execute its ruler, the Emir.

Compared to the time it took to attack the Caliph’s government, the conquest of the nearly thirty states took much longer.

The reason was simple: these thirty states were scattered across a land that was 1,600 kilometers wide from east to west and over 900 kilometers long from north to south. The most time-consuming part was traveling to each emirate.

The actual time spent attacking each state was not long. After all, none of them had a large population; they were even smaller than the native states Spain had already conquered, like the Kingdom of Bamum and the Aro Confederacy.

The Sokoto Caliphate had a population of nearly ten million people and nearly thirty native states. This meant that each state had, on average, only a little over three hundred thousand people. What could a population that small possibly do?

After nearly two months of consolidation, Andrew had eliminated more than ten of the native states, leaving exactly ten to rule the Sokoto region.

In addition to the three southern states that had originally submitted to Spanish rule, Andrew also kept the emirates of Mandara, Wukari, Bauchi, Bedde, Kano, Borgu, and Kebbi. Together, they formed the ten major states ruling the Sokoto region.

To prevent anyone from reintegrating these ten states into a powerful resistance force, the Guinea colonial government, after discussion, decided to abolish the military authority of each emirate.

These ten emirates were only allowed to maintain an army of a thousand men to protect their own security.

As for protecting the sovereignty of the land, that was now the responsibility of the Spanish colonial army, rendering these native armies unnecessary.

In addition to reducing the armies of these ten states, Spain also continued the Sokoto Caliphate’s previous policy. The ten emirates were required to pay tribute to the Guinea colony, and those who failed to pay the full amount would be punished.

Although the number of emirates was reduced from nearly thirty to ten, these ten did not inherit the full territory of the Sokoto Caliphate.

The core lands that once belonged directly to the Caliph were taken over by the Guinea colony. The ten emirates mostly annexed the lands of other states, which meant that the population of each of these emirates was generally under one million.

To prevent collusion among these emirates, Spain also established a corresponding set of rules within them.

If the ruler of one state discovered that another state intended to resist Spanish colonial rule, they could report it to the Guinea colonial government.

If the report was found to be true, not only would the emirate that planned the rebellion be punished, but the state that reported it would also receive its own reward.

What kind of reward? Naturally, the land and people of the rebellious emirate.

The direct benefit of this rule was that it placed any state planning a rebellion in opposition to the others. In the future, if an emirate wanted to plot a rebellion against Spain, it would not only have to avoid being discovered by the Spanish colonial government but also by the other emirates.

Because reporting could earn them land and people as a reward, these emirates would proactively monitor the situations and actions of other states.

Thus, the emirates that could have cooperated became enemies. Since they were all in hostile relationships, there was naturally no longer any possibility of cooperation.

This method of handling things had been implemented before in federal-style native states like the Ashanti Empire, so Spain was no stranger to it.

After completely taking control of the Sokoto Caliphate, Spain established this system of rule in less than half a month.

During this period, Spain also rounded up about five hundred thousand people and transported them from the Sokoto Caliphate to other regions of the Guinea colony.

This was done not only to reduce the population in the Sokoto region and increase stability but also to provide more manpower to other areas.

Spain had discovered new gold mines in the Gold Coast. These people could be sent there to mine gold or to the Congo region to clear new land for Spain.

Of course, a certain amount of manpower had to be kept in the Sokoto region. Now that Spain was in full control of the area, the next most important task was to build a railway in Sokoto.

The railway would not only facilitate Spain’s access to the resources of the various states but also allow the Spanish colonial army to reach any state more quickly.

As long as the railway connected the lands of the various states, any future rebellions would not be difficult for Spain to deal with.

It is worth mentioning that because the entire Sokoto region was incorporated into the Guinea colony, this made the Guinea colony Spain’s largest in Africa.

In addition to being the largest in area, the Guinea colony also had the longest coastline and the largest native population of any Spanish colony in Africa.

While a large area and a long coastline were good news, how to handle such a massive native population was no small trouble for Spain.

Killing them all was certainly impossible. To exterminate all the natives in this region would mean killing at least ten million people.

Such a massacre would be too insane, and the resulting public pressure would be unbearable for the Spanish government. If they really did that, not only the government but Carlo himself would earn the reputation of a tyrant.

It would have a huge impact on the international influence, status, and prestige of both the Spanish government and Carlo.

Although Europeans might not care about African lives, if news broke that Spain had massacred ten million natives, almost all Europeans would condemn the Spanish government’s cruelty.

Spain’s diplomatic environment would become extremely poor, and other European countries could use it as an excuse to extort a hefty price from Spain.

It was precisely for this reason that Spain’s policy for dealing with the black African population had long since shifted from massacre to relocation.

Currently, the relocation of the black population was proving very effective. Over several years, Spain had transferred over a million natives.

Of these million Africans, more than half had traveled by ship to the Americas. And of that half, the majority had gone to the United States.

Why? Because the United States was the country with the greatest appeal for immigrants at the time. It had only been a little over a century since its founding, yet its population had already surpassed that of many European great powers.

By the time of World War I, the population of the United States would dwarf that of the European great powers, making it one of the most populous nations in the world.

The rapid growth of the US population was fueled by its appeal to immigrants. Since the US was so attractive to immigrants, Carlo didn’t mind giving the Americans a helping hand to make their population grow even faster.

In the future, Spain would only invest more heavily in relocating the black population. Carlo had even discussed this matter with the Minister of Colonial Affairs, William, who told him that the Department of Colonial Affairs expected to send at least another three million black people abroad in the next five years.

Three million black people might sound like a lot, but in reality, it would be quite easy to achieve.

Population transfers within Africa alone could accomplish most of this goal. Combined with the people sent to countries like the United States, three million was an easily achievable number.

At this rate of population transfer, by around 1890, the African population of the Guinea colony could be reduced by about one-eighth, and the population of the Congo Territory could be reduced by about one-tenth.

Perhaps one day in the future, one of Spain’s African colonies could achieve the milestone of having zero black people.

Of course, Southern Morocco, the most special colony, could not be included in this calculation. Morocco was a unique African country to begin with, having virtually no black population, so it was not part of the equation.

For now, among the remaining three African colonies, the one with the best hope of achieving zero black population was the West African Colony.

The main reason was simple: it had the smallest African population. In addition, as Spain’s main region for agricultural development, it received the most support from the Spanish government.

Perhaps before the outbreak of World War II, the West African Colony might truly have a chance to become a zero-black colony. At that point, it would be time for its full integration into the nation.

Chapter 329: 1886

As predicted by the Department of Colonial Affairs, Spain successfully completed its African colonial unification plan by the end of 1885.

With the war against the Sokoto Caliphate concluded, Spain had only four colonies left in Africa: the colony of Southern Morocco, the West African Colony, the Guinea colony, and the Congo Territory.

As for Ceuta and Melilla in northern Morocco, although these two cities were also part of the African territory occupied by Spain, they were effectively integrated due to Spain’s control over them for hundreds of years.

Ceuta and Melilla are not large, only a dozen square kilometers each. Because of their small size, these cities are mainly used for military purposes, with military fortresses being the largest buildings.

After hundreds of years of development, the main population of the two cities is made up of Spaniards or Portuguese, so it’s impossible to treat them as colonies.

Spain’s integration campaign in Southern Morocco partially drew inspiration from Ceuta and Melilla. The current capital of the colony of Southern Morocco, Agadir, is no different from Spanish-dominated cities like Ceuta and Melilla.

In fact, there is already discussion within Spain about the naming of the city of Agadir. Since integration is the goal, the name “Agadir” will definitely need to be modified to sound more Spanish.

Europeans name new places and cities in a fairly straightforward way. Either they add the word “New” to an existing European place name, such as New Orleans, Newfoundland, or New York.

Yes, the naming of New York is actually in this form. The English name of New York is “New York,” and this “York” actually refers to the Duke of York’s fief in Yorkshire, Britain.

The real meaning of New York is “New Yorkshire,” and the name “New York” is simply a new name based on transliteration.

There are too many examples of adding “New” to an existing place name to create a new one, so there is no need to elaborate.

The second common naming method is to name the place after a historically or currently prestigious figure.

For example, the capital of Tsarist Russia, St. Petersburg, is named after the famous Peter the Great of Russia. The United States also has such cities; San Francisco’s official name is Saint Francis, and Francis is a fairly well-known Catholic saint.

There are also many cities named with the prefix “Saint.” These two naming methods are the more mainstream ways in Europe to name new places and cities.

Currently in Spain, there are several mainstream names for the capital city of the colony of Southern Morocco, Agadir.

First, there is the “New” prefix naming method, and names like New Madrid and New Barcelona have received some support.

There is also the naming method with the “Saint” prefix, such as San Carlos, San Felipe, and so on.

The Carlos here does not refer to the Carlos of the Carlists, but the first Spanish king of the House of Habsburg, Holy Roman Emperor Carlos V.

During his reign in Spain, Spanish territory spanned Europe and the Americas, making it a true global hegemon at the time. He is considered the second greatest king of Spain.

As for the greatest king, that would naturally be the Catholic Monarchs who created Spain, Queen Isabella I and King Fernando II, who united the kingdoms of Castille and Aragon through marriage.

Because Spanish history only spans about four hundred years, the number of noteworthy kings that Spain can boast of is actually just a few.

Coupled with the media’s praise of Carlos’s achievements, in the minds of many Spanish media and civilians, Carlos, who only served as king of Spain for sixteen years, could already rank among the top five Spanish kings, second only to the Habsburg kings who created the empire on which the sun never set.

In other words, the contributions of the Bourbon dynasty’s Spanish kings have been almost completely weakened. Although not all members of the House of Bourbon were foolish monarchs like the hot-tempered King Fernando VII and the previous foolish Queen Isabella II, they belong to the Bourbon dynasty.

In order to weaken the influence of the Bourbon dynasty in Spain, it is very necessary to weaken the contributions of the Bourbon dynasty’s Spanish kings.

Of course, these kings’ contributions cannot be weakened too blatantly. The best way to do this is to praise the kings of the House of Habsburg.

Anyway, Carlos’s Queen came from the House of Habsburg, so she can be considered their own people. By strengthening the contributions of the Habsburg kings and weakening the contributions of the Bourbon kings, the stability of Spain can be greatly ensured, avoiding the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty in Spain.

The historical trajectory of Spain during this period shows that the Bourbon dynasty, which ruled Spain for nearly two hundred years, still has a great influence in Spain.

In history, Spain established a republic twice after Queen Isabella, but ultimately allowed the Bourbon dynasty to be restored. The Spanish monarchy even persisted into later generations, which is enough to demonstrate the huge influence of the Bourbon dynasty in Spain.

After Carlos’s various means of weakening the prestige of the Bourbon dynasty, the influence of the Bourbon family in Spain is now minimal.

The nobility and royalist faction have also been purged once, and those nobles and royalist faction who support the Bourbon family have basically been purged by Carlos under various names.

It is worth mentioning that there is no proposal to name Agadir after Carlos in the proposal to rename Agadir.

Although this seems a little strange, it is actually normal.

Because Carlos’s name in Spanish is Carlos, this actually means that the Saint Carlos proposal can also be said to be named after Carlos.

In fact, according to the naming tradition of Spanish kings, since Carlos’s name in Spanish is Carlos, then Carlos should also be the fifth Spanish king named Carlos, that is, Carlos V.

However, because the Carlists of the Bourbon dynasty successively supported the false king “Carlos V” and “Carlos VI”, Carlos chose to be maverick and declared himself Carlos I of Spain, not Carlos V.

At that time, because the focus from top to bottom in Spain was on the establishment of the new government and the reform of political laws, people weren’t so concerned about the order number of an elected king.

Prime Minister Primo, who had the highest decision-making power at the time, expressed his support for Carlos’s title of Carlos I because Carlos did not fight for power independently, which also settled the debate on the name of Carlos I.

Now, because Carlos has gradually been recognized as a great monarch, Spaniards are less picky about whether the naming is Carlos I or Carlos V.

Of course, this is also related to the previous Spanish king named Carlos, Carlos IV. Because of a series of major wrong decisions by Carlos IV, Spain faced a series of crises in the early nineteenth century.

During the reign of Carlos IV, Spain first mistakenly became involved in the anti-French war and became a pawn for France against Britain.

This decision resulted in the Spanish Navy being completely annihilated by the British Navy in 1805, and the Spanish government also suffered heavy losses due to its confrontation with Britain.

Before this was over, only two years after fighting the British, Napoleon invaded Spain. The war with France made things worse for Spain. It can be said that it was the terrible rule of Carlos IV and his son and granddaughter that led Spain to face a dark century from the early 19th century.

With these Carlos’s shining precedent, Spain is not so repulsive to their king being called Carlos.

After all, for the Spanish people, the most important thing is whether their monarch is virtuous, and whether their living environment and living standards can be improved under his rule.

In fact, Carlos doesn’t pay much attention to the naming of Agadir. Because this kind of thing is really not important, Carlos can accept whatever name Agadir will have in the future.

Of course, the naming of the city should be done as much as possible to get rid of the influence of the Bourbon dynasty. Carlos has no objection if it is named after the king of the House of Habsburg or after a Spanish place name.

In addition to Agadir, many colonial cities in the future will be renamed. Some colonies are named entirely after local culture, while others are named after former owners.

Since they already belong to Spain, they should naturally be renamed with Spanish-style names.

Spain launched the war against the Sokoto Caliphate in July 1885, and the war ended at the end of September. The entire war took about two and a half months.

The next two months were used to stabilize the situation in the Sokoto region. Because Spain’s colonial unification plan has been successfully completed, there will basically be no more colonial war in Africa in the future.

Spain’s only remaining goal is Morocco, and it still needs to wait for a suitable opportunity before Spain can ensure that its war against Morocco will not be interfered with by Britain and France.

The war against the Sokoto Caliphate was also the last major event Spain experienced in 1885. In the two months that followed, the situation in Spain had been peaceful, and time had slowly come to 1886.

For Carlos, the most convincing sign that his age is increasing is the age of his children.

Carlos’s eldest son, Prince Juan Fernando, was born in 1875. If calculated according to the time of 1886, Prince Juan Fernando will soon be eleven years old.

Carlos is quite satisfied with this little guy who is almost eleven years old. As the first heir to the throne, Prince Juan Fernando has not only a noble status, but also extremely heavy responsibilities.

As he grows older, the little guy has gradually become sensible. He knows what kind of responsibilities he should shoulder. Not only does Prince Juan Fernando not resist the strict aristocratic education that Carlos has arranged for him, but he also eagerly absorbs all kinds of knowledge.

Carlos has found him the best teachers in Spain, and even the top professors and experts from all over Europe.

These people have expressed to Carlos more than once how sensible Prince Juan Fernando is. Although he is only ten years old, Juan Fernando has shown enough intelligence. He has even completed many of the primary school courses customized for him by professors and experts in advance, and is taking secondary school courses in advance.

In later generations, it would be quite exaggerated to start secondary school at the age of eleven. It should be known that the courses that Carlos has arranged for Juan Fernando are elite Noble education, and the little guy naturally has to learn more than in primary school in later generations.

Under such circumstances, Juan Fernando can still complete primary school studies in advance, which is already a talent.

After entering secondary school studies, Juan Fernando will have more to learn. In addition to basic cultural knowledge, he must also understand and learn about history, science, physics, chemistry, and psychology, and even aristocratic education, such as Noble etiquette, horsemanship, simple medical knowledge, etc.

So many subjects are enough to drive a middle school student in later generations crazy, but for Juan Fernando, this is just his normal learning range.

It can be predicted that when Juan Fernando completes the education customized for him by Carlos, he will definitely be able to grow into a monarch above the qualification line.

When he undergoes certain training in the army and the government, even if he cannot become a pioneering and great monarch, he can at least grow into a qualified preserver of the status quo.

Although Carlos attaches great importance to the education of Juan Fernando, he has not ignored the education of his other children.

In addition to Juan Fernando, Carlos also has two sons and two daughters, namely Sofia, Martin, Alexander, and Christina.

The eldest Sofia was born in 1876, and is now ten years old.

The youngest Christina was born in 1885, and is not yet one year old.

Carlos also expressed his love for these little guys of different ages. Although the affairs of state are very busy as a king, Carlos still took the time to accompany them in their childhood.

Except for Juan Fernando, who cannot enjoy Carlos’s company because he accepted education early as the heir to the throne, the other princes and princess all have Carlos’s company.

Even ten-year-old Sofia would pester her father from time to time, asking her father to take her to play in the Royal Palace’s garden.

Carlos would not refuse his daughter’s request every time this happened.

The good news is that as one of the largest palaces in Europe, Madrid Royal Palace has a large enough garden, and this garden is also one of the places where several little guys often play together.

Under Carlos’s beneficial management and cultivation, the feelings between the little guys are relatively warm and intimate.

This is the best news for the Spanish royal family and Carlos. No one wants to see intense competition between their children, and no one wants their children to hate or even resent them.

At present, Carlos is doing relatively well in this regard, and the little guys obviously like Carlos very much, and will stick to their father from time to time.

When the affairs of state are not busy, Carlos is happy to enjoy such leisure time. Anyway, Carlos already has inexhaustible wealth in his hands, and it is very important for Carlos to stop appropriately and enjoy life.

Chapter 330: As If Money Grew on Trees

Carlo, who had not been relaxing in the Royal Palace for long, soon felt as if money grew on trees.

On January 5, 1886, Steward Loren found Carlo, his face beaming with excitement, to report a piece of good news: the development of the Spanish royal family’s wine industry.

To be precise, it was not just the Spanish royal family’s wine industry that had developed, but the entire wine industry of Spain.

What was this good news?

Last year, in 1885, the total export volume of all Spanish wine brands had exceeded one million tons.

What kind of staggering concept was one million tons of wine? The standard European wine bottle at the time was 750 milliliters, and one ton of wine could fill about 1,333 bottles.

One million tons of wine was equivalent to 1.333 billion bottles. For Spain’s population of just over twenty-three million, these exports amounted to more than fifty-seven bottles per person per year.

Of course, selling wine was not actually that profitable.

Although Spain had sold 1.3 billion bottles of wine, the vast majority of these were mid-to-low-end products, with low-end products being especially prevalent.

While wine was popular throughout Europe, the largest group of consumers were the commoners. Commoners could not afford expensive wines, which kept the average price per bottle relatively low, and a bottle’s cost of production was naturally not much higher.

Currently, the Spanish royal family primarily operated two wine brands. The Royal Winery’s wine focused on the high-end market, with a single bottle of the current year’s regular edition selling for a high price of over a hundred pesetas.

Special editions, such as the collector’s edition released for the tenth anniversary of Carlo’s coronation, sold for several hundred pesetas per bottle and were still virtually impossible to buy due to high demand.

But it was clear that such high-priced wines were out of reach for ordinary people.

Besides the Royal Winery, the royal family had another brand focused on the mid-to-low-end market and value for money: Iberian Estates.

Wine produced by Iberian Estates was generally priced between three to five pesetas a bottle. For an ordinary person to buy such a bottle, it would cost about a week’s salary.

The wines truly accessible to the common person were the low-end wines produced by other wineries. Some were not even sold by the bottle, but by the barrel.

The prices for such wines were quite low, with the average cost per 750-milliliter bottle being less than one peseta. At such a price, it could be said that everyone in Spain could afford it.

It was precisely because of the low prices of cheap wine that the royal family did not enter the extremely low-end market. This allowed Spain’s wine industry to develop; without competition from royal enterprises, these smaller wine brands survived quite well.

Based on Spain’s export volume of 1.3 billion bottles of wine, even if the vast majority were low-end, these exports could still generate several hundred million pesetas in revenue for Spain’s wine industry.

After all, export prices were certainly different from domestic ones. Anything involving export—transportation, spoilage, and tariffs—would increase costs, making even low-end wines much more expensive abroad.

It is worth mentioning that at the time of the Spanish Revolution in 1868, Spain’s wine exports were actually less than two hundred thousand tons.

So the question arises: why had Spain’s wine export volume rapidly multiplied fivefold in just over a decade?

The main reason was the phylloxera epidemic across Europe, which had reduced the wine production of various countries, leading to a contraction in the scale of wine exports.

The country most severely affected by the phylloxera epidemic was, coincidentally, France—the most famous wine-producing country of the era.

Even more coincidentally, the region in France hardest hit by the phylloxera epidemic was Bordeaux, the very heart of its wine industry.

In fact, starting in 1868, France, originally a major wine-exporting nation, began to continuously import wine from Spain.

As a major wine exporter, France was also a major wine consumer. Wine held a similar status in Europe to that of spirits in Asia; it was enjoyed not just by European men, but women as well.

France’s importation of Spanish wine not only fueled the booming development of Spain’s wine industry but also brought many advanced winemaking techniques to Spain.

Originally, Spain’s winemaking technology was relatively backward. Compared to France’s famous Bordeaux wine region, Spain’s techniques could only be considered passable.

After acquiring winemaking technology from France, Spain’s wine industry developed rapidly and began to sell to the rest of Europe beyond France.

During the period when France’s wine industry had to scale back due to the blight, Spain’s wine industry took over nearly half of the market originally belonging to French wine exports.

Thanks to relationships with several royal families and publicity from newspapers, the Spanish royal family’s Royal Winery brand of wine became a bestseller among the European nobility, becoming a high-end, well-known red wine second only to a few luxury brands.

The low-end wines were even more impressive, having made their way into every household in France.

According to reports from French newspapers, for every three bottles of wine a French person drank, one was produced in Spain.

Keep in mind, France had once been Europe’s largest wine producer. For Spanish wine to capture one-third of the French wine market was a testament to how rapidly Spain’s wine industry had developed during this period.

Of course, besides Spain, the wine industries of other countries also saw considerable development during this time.

The main beneficiaries were the wine industries of Italy and Portugal. These three Southern European countries were among the few wine-exporting nations unaffected by the phylloxera epidemic.

However, unlike Spanish wine, which was sold to France, Portuguese wine was mostly exported to Britain, while Italian wine was sold to Austria and Germany.

While wine exports exceeded one million tons, Spain’s domestic wine sales also reached an astonishing two hundred seventy-six thousand tons, or three hundred sixty-eight million bottles.

Although three hundred sixty-eight million bottles of wine might seem like a lot, when spread across every Spaniard, it actually amounted to a consumption of less than sixteen bottles per person per year, averaging a little over one bottle a month.

This level of consumption was quite reasonable, as not everyone liked wine, nor could everyone afford the expense of one bottle a month.

Even for the cheapest wine, drinking one bottle a month would cost over ten pesetas a year, which was nearly one-twentieth of an average Spaniard’s annual income.

Clearly, not everyone was willing to spend this money. Furthermore, many children did not drink, so the actual consumption for those who truly loved wine was much higher.

For Carlo, wine had already become an essential part of his meals. A glass of the finest wine from the Royal Winery after dinner was truly a refreshing and delightful experience.

Currently, the most expensive wines from the Royal Winery were the limited edition vintage from the year Carlo became king of Spain and the collector’s edition from the tenth anniversary of his coronation.

Either of these wines was priced at over a thousand pesetas, and they could not be bought with money alone.

These precious wines were usually only seen when rewarding meritorious subjects or at banquets held by the royal family. If ordinary noblemen and capitalists wanted to taste such limited-edition wines, they could only wait for the annual limited sales events hosted by the Royal Winery.

Although the official price of a bottle of wine was less than a thousand pesetas, to actually acquire one, it was impossible without spending more than a thousand, or even two thousand pesetas.

Even so, many noblemen and capitalists scrambled for them. They took pride in obtaining a bottle of the limited-edition wine, which they would use to entertain their most, most, most treasured guests.

In reality, such wine was indeed precious.

In the year of Carlo’s coronation, the Royal Winery was not large, so the total wine output for that year was only a few hundred tons.

Most of the wine was sold as regular stock. Only the wine of exceptionally high quality, with a rich body and unique flavor, was preserved to become the commemorative edition for Carlo’s coronation.

The total number of bottles of this commemorative edition was less than one hundred thousand, and nearly a tenth of them had been consumed over the past decade.

With age, the price of such wine grew increasingly expensive. Currently, the highest auction price for a bottle of the coronation commemorative edition had surpassed two thousand pesetas—the equivalent of ten years’ income for an ordinary Spaniard.

As for the tenth-anniversary limited-edition wine, because it was not as old and the Royal Winery’s production had increased, its price was not as exorbitant.

Currently, a bottle of the tenth-anniversary limited-edition wine cost a little over one thousand pesetas and was the primary wine used by Spanish nobles to entertain distinguished guests.

Of course, the nobles of Spain also owned their own wineries. As for why they chose to use the Royal Winery’s limited-edition wine when entertaining distinguished guests, it was firstly to highlight the wine’s preciousness and rarity, and secondly as an indirect way to curry favor with Carlo.

Moreover, unlike the small-scale operations of the noble wineries, Carlo’s investment in his own wine industry was substantial.

Since Carlo established the Royal Winery, he had not only introduced advanced winemaking techniques from France but also studied wine preservation and grape selection.

It could be said that, apart from differences in taste due to terroir, the wine produced by Carlo’s Royal Winery was practically indistinguishable from the high-end wines from France’s Bordeaux region.

This was why Spanish wine was so well-received by the French public after entering their market. On one hand, they truly had little choice. France’s domestic wine production had plummeted due to the phylloxera epidemic, and their main source of imported wine was Spain. Besides the domestically produced wine, the only good option left on the market was Spanish wine.

On the other hand, the quality of Spanish wine was genuinely high, considered quite good in the current wine market, so the French were willing to drink it.

Hearing the news reported by Steward Loren, Carlo nodded with a smile, gladly accepting this unexpected fortune.

At present, the royal family’s assets were already innumerable. The fact that the wine industry had made a fortune was, to Carlo, just a relatively ordinary piece of good news.

Even upon learning that the royal family could earn over ten million pesetas annually from wine exports, Carlo merely nodded slightly, without much excitement.

Just how absurdly fast was the Spanish royal family making money at this point?

The royal family’s total assets amounted to at least one billion pesetas, and many real estate holdings were not even included in this figure. The most profitable royal enterprises were the Royal Joint Bank, the Benz Automobile Company, and the Royal Grain Company.

Each of these three large enterprises brought tens of millions of pesetas in revenue to the royal family annually. Combined, the income they provided to the royal family had long surpassed one hundred million.

If all the other miscellaneous industries and assets were included, the Spanish royal family’s annual net income had already exceeded two hundred million pesetas and was advancing toward the three-hundred-million-peseta mark.

This was annual income. How staggering was two hundred million pesetas? Considering the current cost of an ironclad was between five hundred and seven hundred thousand pounds, the royal family’s annual income was enough to build more than ten of the most advanced ironclads.

Even for the more expensive battleships of the future, the royal family’s income could build five or six each year. In other words, if Carlo were willing to invest his income into Spain’s naval construction, the Spanish Navy could potentially become the second-strongest naval power after Britain within five years.

Of course, building a navy was by no means that simple, and Carlo could not possibly invest all his income into naval construction.

On one hand, building a navy with such fanfare would easily arouse the vigilance of other countries. On the other hand, Spain’s national finances could not support such a large-scale navy.

The British Royal Navy’s dominance was due to Britain’s possession of colonies spread across the globe. After two Colonial Exchanges, Spain’s main colonies were primarily in Africa, with only the Philippines in Asia and Puerto Rico in the Americas.

A small island like Puerto Rico was naturally not worth stationing a large-scale navy, and there were no powerful naval rivals near the Philippines, so there was no need to station a sizable squadron there either.

Although Africa had several large colonies, its proximity to mainland Spain meant there was no necessity to station a large naval fleet there.

This resulted in the Spanish Royal Navy having only one main fleet: the Spanish Home Fleet.

The combined size of the remaining fleets, including the African Fleet, the Asian Fleet, and the American Fleet, did not even match the scale of the Home Fleet. Although they were called squadrons, they were, in fact, small-scale navies at the level of a colonial force.

In addition to the growing income from the royal family’s two wine brands, the revenue of one of the royal family’s three major enterprises, the Royal Grain Company, was also constantly increasing.

The Royal Grain Company was an official enterprise jointly established by the royal family and the Spanish government, with the aim of controlling Spain’s grain imports and exports to balance domestic grain prices.

Having gained control of the bulk grain trade, the Royal Grain Company became a behemoth among Spanish companies in just a few short years, and its income naturally soared.

The reason the Royal Grain Company’s income had continued to rise in recent years was mainly due to Spain’s achievements in agricultural exports, particularly in vegetables and fruits.

Speaking of the growth in vegetable and fruit production, one had to mention Spain’s agricultural development plan in West Africa.

As mentioned before, the agricultural development of the West African Colony provided a large amount of grain to mainland Spain. This not only lowered domestic grain prices but also eased the pressure on grain production caused by Spain’s infertile land.

With a sufficient supply of grain, some lands less suitable for grain production could be used to grow vegetables or fruits.

This shift in land use could compensate for the peasants’ income, as lower grain prices would otherwise reduce their earnings. The infertile land of mainland Spain could not compete with the African lands capable of three harvests a year when it came to growing grain, but it was exceptionally suitable for producing vegetables and fruits.

After all, in later generations, Spain would become Europe’s largest vegetable exporter, with its fruit production also ranking among the top in Europe.

After a portion of the homeland’s land shifted from producing grain to producing vegetables and fruits, Spain’s domestic vegetable and fruit output increased dramatically.

In this era, European countries were mainly focused on grain production and did not pay much attention to vegetables and fruits. After all, to put it bluntly, if the populace did not even have enough grain to eat, what was the point of producing vegetables and fruits?

Although a balanced diet would be emphasized in the future, in this era, it was grain that filled the belly and meat that provided nourishment.

After the significant increase in Spain’s vegetable and fruit production, not only did the dining tables of the Spaniards become more varied, but it also effectively expanded the scale of Spain’s agricultural exports.

While the poor were not very interested in vegetables and fruits, the rich were quite keen on things that could enrich their dining tables.

The growth in Spain’s export scale also showed that Europeans were very receptive to vegetables and fruits.

Reports from the Spanish Ministry of Agriculture also indicated that Spain’s grain, vegetable, and fruit production had all seen considerable increases in the last five years.

In 1885, Spain’s grain production was 1.3 times that of 1880, vegetable production was 1.4 times, and fruit production was 1.6 times, with the total agricultural output increasing by about 34%.

Spaniards could not only buy enough food at lower prices but also make their meals more diverse.

In addition to the increase in grain, vegetable, and fruit production, beef and mutton production in 1885 had also increased by about 10% compared to five years ago.

With a greater variety of food on their tables, the physique of the Spanish people also changed considerably. The new generation of Spaniards, compared to the previous one, was not only taller and more robust but also looked healthier.

Walking through the streets and alleys of Spain, one could no longer see people with sallow, gaunt faces and slender bodies caused by hunger.

Everyone had a healthy complexion, and some, due to the improved standard of living, even had a little extra fat on their faces and bellies.

The increase in total agricultural output not only represented a growth in Spain’s export scale but also an increase in the income of the royal family and the government.

Compared to 1880, the annual net profit of the Royal Grain Company in 1885 had surpassed fifty million pesetas. Based on the 60% stake held by the royal family, Carlo could receive an income of about thirty million pesetas annually from the Royal Grain Company.

This money was after taxes, which meant the government’s income was not just twenty million pesetas, but also included the tens of millions in taxes that the Royal Grain Company paid to the government each year.

Chapter 331: Good Economic News

The growth in the export scale of wine and various agricultural products was already a clear indicator that Spain’s economic situation was improving steadily. It could be said that the country was experiencing a relatively prosperous era.

Precisely because of this, Spain’s per capita income was constantly climbing, and the standard and quality of life for its residents were no longer at the lower end of the spectrum in Europe.

This improvement in the standard and quality of life significantly enhanced Spain’s appeal to immigrants, leading to many immigrants and tourists coming to Spain each year.

Whether they were captivated by Spain’s scenery or saw better opportunities to make money, many chose to stay in Spain, renouncing their former nationalities.

The continuous arrival of these people not only stimulated Spain’s domestic population growth but also bolstered its economic advancement.

A few days after hearing Steward Loren’s report on the development of the royal enterprises, Carlo attended a Cabinet government meeting to listen to their report on the government’s various developments in 1885.

Although Spain had mobilized tens of thousands of troops in 1885 to launch an attack on the Sokoto Caliphate, an operation of this small scale did not impact Spain’s economy or industrial production.

According to the Cabinet government’s rough estimates, for the entire year of 1885, Spain’s Gross National Product could reach the astounding level of 15.767 billion pesetas, an increase of approximately 7% compared to the previous year.

In an environment of such high economic growth, statistics from the Department of Public Welfare showed that Spain’s average annual income per capita had risen to 212.17 pesetas.

This per capita figure was calculated including all non-productive elderly and children, which meant that the actual income level of Spain’s adult labor force was even higher.

Take Spain’s current working class as an example. The income levels of workers in the two major cities of Madrid and Barcelona were the highest, reaching 287.33 pesetas and 253.57 pesetas, respectively.

The presence of many apprentices and low-skilled workers in the Barcelona Industrial Base meant that the average income level for workers in Barcelona was slightly lower than in Madrid.

However, as these workers’ technical skills improved, their income levels in Barcelona were also continuously rising. Moreover, Barcelona itself was a major city, and the income level of its workers was second only to Madrid in all of Spain.

It is worth mentioning that amid the general trend of rising per capita income in Spain, the salaries of Spanish soldiers were also constantly increasing.

Based on the current military expenditure ratios from the Ministry of Defense, the average annual income for a Spanish soldier was approximately 287.32 pesetas.

Among them, general officers had the highest annual income. The lowest-ranking Brigadier General earned 1,755 pesetas a year, while the highest-ranking General’s annual income already exceeded 3,525 pesetas.

The income of field-grade officers was lower than that of general officers, but their numbers were far greater. It is noteworthy that the ranks of field-grade officers across Spain showed a pattern of many majors and colonels, but fewer lieutenant colonels.

Many officers whose seniority or ability fell short of reaching Brigadier General were forced to remain at the rank of colonel. The high number of majors was due to the earliest military academy graduates, lieutenants and captains who, after several years or even more than a decade of military service, had earned promotions through seniority and military merit.

Although graduates from the Royal Military Academy could achieve rapid promotions within a few years of graduation, generally reaching the rank of major by around the age of thirty.

But the next step up, lieutenant colonel, was a small hurdle. One either had to accumulate sufficient seniority or achieve significant merits to be promoted.

This resulted in many field officers without military merits getting stuck at the rank of major, which was the reason for the pattern of many majors and colonels but fewer lieutenant colonels in Spain.

An officer with the rank of colonel could earn 1,025 pesetas a year, exactly five times the average annual income in Spain.

The income of a major, the lowest-ranking field officer, was relatively lower, with a salary of only about 775 pesetas.

As for company-grade officers, who were the most numerous, their income was also several times the national average. A Captain, the highest rank in this category, could earn 575 pesetas a year, while a Warrant Officer, the lowest, still earned 425 pesetas.

The income of NCOs was the lowest among all officer levels in Spain. A Lance Corporal’s annual income was only 300 pesetas, with each subsequent promotion in rank increasing the annual income by about 25 pesetas.

It was clear from the standard officer salaries that even the lowest-ranking Lance Corporal earned more than an ordinary soldier.

As long as one could achieve a promotion in rank, even if they were stuck at Lance Corporal for their entire career, their income would be much higher than that of a regular soldier.

What’s more, officers enjoyed additional benefits and allowances, which, when combined, could increase their income by another twenty to thirty percent.

This created a significant income gap between officers and ordinary soldiers, which was why Spain’s military academies were so popular.

Whether it was the regular military academies that high school graduates could apply for, or the training academies that ordinary soldiers could attend, both offered opportunities for rapid promotion.

For example, students who enrolled in military academies after graduating from an ordinary high school would, upon successful graduation, be granted at least the rank of lieutenant. The new corresponding annual salary for a lieutenant was 525 pesetas, and with various benefits and allowances, their actual income could even exceed 600 pesetas.

With such an income, how could the soldiers who joined the army not be deeply grateful to Carlo?

After all, the fact that they could enjoy such high incomes was inseparable from Carlo’s repeated efforts.

In the decade-plus since Carlo’s coronation as king of Spain, the salaries of soldiers in the Spanish army had been raised three times, both large and small raises.

It was these three salary increases that turned a career as a soldier in Spain into a dream profession for all Spaniards, which was why they eagerly signed up whenever the army recruited.

The popularity of Spain’s military academies could also be seen from the annual number of applicants and enrollments.

In 1885 alone, the total number of applicants for Spain’s military academies exceeded two thousand. These were all applicants who met the preliminary admission standards; those who didn’t were not even eligible to apply.

And what was the total enrollment capacity of Spain’s military academies? Less than five hundred.

This meant that of all the high school graduates who met the admission criteria for Spanish military academies, less than 25% were able to get in.

This ratio was enough to demonstrate how fierce the competition was to enter Spain’s military academies, and how outstanding the admitted students were.

Of course, the efforts of these high school students would not be in vain. As long as they successfully entered a military academy, their future guaranteed minimum annual income would be two to three times that of an ordinary Spaniard.

Even if they could only advance through accumulated seniority, it would be no problem to eventually become a field-grade officer at the rank of major. A major’s income was the sum of four ordinary Spaniards’ annual incomes, an amount of wealth that was absolutely unimaginable for an ordinary Spanish family.

It was precisely because of the high income of officers that a military career constantly attracted a large number of Spanish youths.

Of course, all the officer income levels mentioned above were estimates for the total income of officers in the Royal Army. There were certain differences in the incomes of Navy officers and Royal Guards officers.

Due to the special nature of their service branch, Navy officers earned slightly more than Army officers. However, because Spain currently prioritized the Army over the Navy, the income of Navy officers was at most about ten percent higher than that of their Army counterparts.

The income of officers in the Royal Guards, directly commanded by Carlo, was roughly on par with that of Navy officers, about ten percent higher than Army officers of the same rank.

Because all salaries in the Royal Guards, from the generals down to the ordinary soldiers, were paid by the royal family, their benefits and welfare were better than those of the regular Army.

Of course, the Royal Guards were not without their drawbacks. Since the Royal Guards consisted of only one reinforced division, the career prospects for high-ranking officers were more limited than those for their counterparts in the Royal Army.

But then again, the earliest batch of locally trained Spanish officers were currently only field-grade officers; very few had reached a high position like divisional commander.

For these graduates of Spain’s local military academies, even with the more limited career prospects, they were more willing to serve in the Royal Guards.

Besides the more generous salaries and benefits compared to the regular Army, there was also the fact that the Royal Guards served their beloved king directly. By joining the Royal Guards, they would become the king’s loyalists.

Don’t be fooled by the fact that Spain’s army was also called the Royal Army; the treatment in the Royal Army and the Royal Guards was worlds apart.

The best weapons and equipment were always issued to the Royal Guards first, and their soldiers’ ammunition consumption was several times that of ordinary Army soldiers.

After all, Spain’s Royal Army had a strength of 175,000 men. Such a large force meant that ammunition consumption was an astronomical figure.

Without certain controls, the ammunition consumed in daily target practice alone would be enough to squander the Ministry of Defense’s military budget.

Compared to the 175,000-strong Royal Army, the 15,000-strong Guard Division had far fewer worries.

Although the royal family’s wealth could not compare to the government’s, the government’s funds were not entirely allocated to military expenditure. With only the 15,000 men of the Guard Division to look after, Carlo could even afford to let his soldiers train at the firing range without restraint.

If not for the concern that their bodies couldn’t withstand continuous target practice, Carlo would have seriously considered having the Guard Division soldiers expend hundreds of rounds in each session, training every man to be a crack shot.

Currently, the Guard Division soldiers had target practice twice a week, with each person expending 25 rounds of ammunition per session.

It wasn’t that Carlo was being stingy; it was mainly that the firearms of this era, breech-loading rifles, had a much slower rate of fire than the fully automatic rifles of later generations.

It would take a Royal Guards soldier about a minute and a half to fire all 25 rounds.

Coupled with the physical damage caused by the gun’s recoil, expending 25 rounds per training session was a reasonable number. It allowed the soldiers to gain experience in target practice without getting injured from frequent shooting.

Of course, the time required was also an important consideration. The Guard Division had 15,000 men, and all of them needed to conduct target practice twice a week.

How to reasonably schedule all the soldiers for target practice was an issue the Royal Guards officers needed to consider in detail.

Returning to Spain’s economy. Due to the significant increase in the Gross National Product, Spain’s Total fiscal revenue in the previous year, 1885, reached a new high of 1.2021 billion.

Even with a total fiscal expenditure of 1.0862 billion pesetas, the Spanish government still achieved a fiscal surplus of 115.9 million last year.

However, because of debt repayment, the Spanish government’s actual surplus was only 15.9 million, as 100 million pesetas were used to pay off foreign debt.

After several years of repaying foreign debt, Spain had now paid off a little over half of the debt accumulated over many years.

If they could set aside 100 million pesetas each year for debt repayment, it was estimated that by around 1890, the Spanish government would be able to clear all its debts and truly be unburdened.

In fact, for the current Spanish government, if they wanted to repay this debt quickly, they would only need to slightly reduce military and fiscal spending, and they could hope to pay off all debts within the next two years.

But there was no real need to do so. The remaining debt was not large, and there was no rush. It was fine to continue paying it back slowly at 100 million pesetas a year.

Listening to the government’s financial report, Carlo felt a surge of emotion.

The Spanish government’s finances were now clearly in much better shape than when Carlo had just become king.

He had to admit that Prime Minister Primo’s reforms had made an outstanding contribution to Spain. If not for Primo’s reforms, which had breathed vigorous life into every sector of Spain, where would the country have found such enormous fiscal revenue?

Spain’s economy was able to take off rapidly mainly because various infrastructure projects had stimulated economic growth. The rapid expansion of the working class also led to a continuous increase in per capita income. With more money, people were more willing to consume, and consumption, in turn, stimulated further economic growth.

It was this virtuous cycle that had allowed Spain’s economy to develop rapidly over the past decade and successfully reach its current, very impressive level.

Of course, it was also Prime Minister Primo’s reforms that had liberated Spain’s peasants. Even landless peasants saw their incomes rise significantly due to rent reductions.

In addition, over the past decade, Carlo and the Spanish government had released a large amount of farmland into the market, which returned to the hands of the peasants through rental or sale.

As the amount of farmland in the hands of Spanish peasants grew, their incomes naturally rose steadily.

Chapter 332: A Spring Outing

March 12, 1886. The weather was clear, not a cloud in the sky.

A rather large carriage made its way slowly along the road, the crest of the Spanish House of Savoy clearly visible on its side.

To pull this somewhat cumbersome carriage, six handsome white horses were hitched to the front. Their strong, powerful hooves moved with ease, pulling the luxurious carriage slowly forward.

In front of the carriage were two fine horses. Both were white. One was handsome and spirited, ridden by a nobly dressed man of about thirty. The other horse was younger, appearing to be just a colt. However, due to its excellent breeding, the young horse carried a boy with no difficulty. The two horses guided the carriage forward together.

Several armed and equipped knights rode dispersed to their left and right. The knights carefully observed the surroundings of the road, and in their spare moments, they would gaze with respectful and fervent eyes at the men on the two central steeds.

Behind the carriage was a line of specially modified automobiles, carrying the palace servants and all sorts of equipment and supplies.

At the very rear of the procession were several hundred cavalrymen, responsible for escorting the entire group and ensuring its safety.

“Little White, faster, we’re about to fall behind Father!” Atop the little white colt, an excited Juan Fernando spoke with some dissatisfaction to the pony beneath him.

The white colt, as if it understood, snorted and quickened its pace after Little Juan Fernando spoke, managing to catch up to the larger horse ahead.

“Father, wait for us!” The two leading horses suddenly sped up, much to the dissatisfaction of the little ones in the carriage.

They had been leisurely admiring the scenery along the road, but seeing their father and brother riding away, they all began to call out.

“Hahaha!” Carlo, who was riding fastest at the front, heard the little ones’ cries and pulled on the reins to slow his horse. He didn’t forget to say to Little Juan Fernando, “Have your colt slow down a bit. Don’t tire him out before we even reach our destination.”

The little one nodded obediently and, mimicking his father, tightened the reins to bring his colt to a halt.

Although not yet eleven this year, Crown Prince Juan Fernando had already been introduced to and was learning horsemanship. While his skills were not yet as refined as Carlo’s, he could ride a small colt at a relatively slow pace with ease.

The royal family’s horses were all specially trained. They were selected not only for being strapping and strong, but also for having gentle temperaments, freed of their wild nature.

A colt with such a nature would never cause any accidents. As long as the speed was controlled, even someone who couldn’t ride could amble along slowly on its back.

“Carlo, does the Palace of Aranjuez really have gardens larger than the ones at the Palace of Madrid?” Queen Sophie was somewhat curious. She was quite satisfied with the large gardens of the Palace of Madrid, but if there were gardens even more immense, she certainly wouldn’t mind admiring them.

“Of course, Sophie.” Carlo smiled and nodded, saying to his queen, “The gardens of the Palace of Aranjuez contain seeds of trees and flowers brought back from all over the world by Spain’s botanists and explorers over the past several hundred years. It’s probably the place with the greatest variety of plant seeds in all of Spain.

Knowing you love flowers, I had vast fields of them planted last year. Now is the perfect time to enjoy them.”

“Really? I want to see, I want to see!” Before Queen Sophie could even nod in response, Princess Sofia, who had been admiring the view from the carriage window, stuck her head out and said excitedly to her father.

“Haha, of course, you’ll get to see them too, Sofia.” Carlo nodded, naturally not refusing the request of his most beloved princess.

The Palace of Aranjuez was the destination of Carlo’s trip and one of the summer residences he had selected for the Spanish royal family.

It was originally the property of the Bourbon royal family, so after Carlo became King of Spain, these palaces that had belonged to the Bourbons naturally became his.

Aranjuez is not far from Madrid, located in the southernmost part of the Special Municipality of Madrid. It forms a triangular area with Madrid and Toledo.

This triangular area is also where Spain’s palace and castle clusters are most dense, and it is home to a large number of old-style nobles.

Carlo had his reasons for choosing Aranjuez as a summer residence. First, the Palace of Aranjuez was already a summer residence for the Spanish royal family, possessing beautiful scenery and a quiet environment, making it perfectly suited for the royal family’s stay.

Second, the palace at Aranjuez is not far from Madrid. If the government had any urgent state affairs that required Carlo’s attention, one could travel from Madrid to Aranjuez in just a few hours.

Although this royal palace is not the most famous among all of Spain’s palaces, in terms of historical depth and scenery, the Palace of Aranjuez ranks among the very best.

The Palace of Aranjuez is known as the Versailles of Spain. Besides its impressive gardens and lake views, it also has a porcelain room, an armory, and a jewelry room, containing a vast number of gold and silver items and ornaments.

When Queen Isabella fled Spain, the revolutionary army was about to reach Madrid, so she had no time to pack up these golden artifacts.

This allowed Carlo, who took over the palaces, to reap the benefits. According to Steward Loren’s inventory, the collection and various jewels left behind by the Bourbon dynasty in these palaces were worth at least fifty million pesetas.

The weight of the gold items and ornaments alone exceeded ten tons. The value of this gold alone, if converted into wealth, would have been enough to make one the richest person in Spain at the time.

This gives an idea of just how extravagantly the Bourbon royal family had exploited Spain. Almost all the money earned during Spain’s colonial era went into the pockets of the royal family, the nobility, and the Church, making the Bourbon royal family filthy rich.

The reason the Palace of Madrid became one of the three great palaces of Europe was precisely because of the funds the Spanish royal family poured into its renovation and modification. If that money had been invested in national development and the spread of industry, Spain might well have achieved something during the first Industrial Revolution.

When Carlo had little money, he repurposed some of this property and liquidated it, which is what allowed the royal family’s enterprises to develop so quickly.

Once Carlo began to accumulate his own wealth, he barely touched the treasures stored in these palaces.

The collection at the Palace of Aranjuez remains in its various treasure rooms, including many exquisite porcelain pieces, calligraphy and paintings from around the world, and other antiques.

Because the distance between Madrid and Aranjuez is only about fifty kilometers, even though the procession moved very slowly, it still arrived at the Palace of Aranjuez a few hours after setting out.

Of course, Carlo and Little Juan Fernando did not ride their horses the entire way. Although the royal horses were carefully selected, such a slow and prolonged ride is quite tiring.

In fact, Carlo and Little Juan Fernando only rode for less than an hour before returning to the spacious and comfortable carriage.

This carriage was the exclusive property of the Spanish royal family, generally used only when the king or queen traveled.

Because it was exclusively for the royal family, the carriage had undergone incredibly fine and luxurious modifications. Almost everything in the carriage was a luxury item; a single blanket covering the floor could be worth several decades of a Spanish family’s income.

Because the carriage was so spacious, it did not feel crowded even with Carlo, Queen Sophie, and the five little ones inside.

Large sofas were placed on the north and south sides of the carriage, and the space in the middle, where a table would normally be, was left empty for a custom-made crib.

It goes without saying that lying in the crib was Carlo’s youngest daughter, Princess Christina, who was not yet one year old.

Prince Alexander, a year and a half older than Princess Christina, was already two this year. He didn’t need a crib and was currently being held in his mother Queen Sophie’s arms, obediently admiring the scenery outside the carriage.

Carlo sat opposite Queen Sophie, with his eldest son, Juan Fernando, and his eldest daughter, Sofia, on his left and right.

Carlo had specifically brought his eldest son on this outing, wanting to give him a break from his busy studies so he wouldn’t be constantly under pressure.

During the journey, however, Carlo still briefly inquired about Prince Juan Fernando’s studies.

Currently, only his studies were particularly busy. Carlo’s second son, Martin, was just six years old, and since he was not the heir to the throne, his curriculum was not as complex as his older brother Prince Juan Fernando’s.

Of course, Carlo was still impartial when it came to his children’s education. The education Martin and Alexander received was also specially designed for them by Carlo, with the goal of making them traditional noblemen while also ensuring they took into account and kept up with the development of the times.

Carlo did not want his sons to be mere pleasure-seeking nobles. Carlo hoped the two of them could become Juan Fernando’s right and left hands, working together to contribute to Spain’s development and the growth of the House of Savoy.

Besides, it was not impossible for the two little ones to acquire their own fiefdoms in the future.

The political situation in Europe would change in the future, and more European nations would gain independence from the control of the existing great powers. With monarchy as the dominant system, it was highly likely these European nations would become monarchical kingdoms.

When the time came, it would be quite easy to secure two thrones for his two sons. Whether they wanted to be kings would be up to them.

Of course, the prerequisite for securing thrones for them was that Carlo was certain they could become competent kings.

If their abilities were insufficient to suppress local officials and other forces, then it would be better for them to remain obediently as nobles of Spain.

Although a king symbolizes supreme power, the Crown also represents an obligation as heavy as a mountain.

If a king could properly fulfill his obligations, he could naturally enjoy his power with confidence. But if a king could not even fulfill his obligations, how could the people be willing to let him enjoy his power wantonly?

After quizzing Prince Juan Fernando on his studies, Carlo picked up a book and began to read with great interest.

The cover clearly displayed the title History of Spain in large letters. The entire book was brand new, seeming not to have been published for very long.

Speaking of which, the publication of this History of Spain had a great deal to do with Carlo. As mentioned before, Carlo wanted to downplay the contributions of the Bourbon dynasty to Spain and emphasize the harm they had caused.

Propaganda in the newspapers was one method; subtly altering the Spaniards’ perception of history through various means was another.

Then again, it wasn’t as if Carlo was rewriting history. On the whole, the book was relatively objective, describing Spanish history from its unification to the present.

However, when introducing the kings of the Bourbon royal family, the book briefly glossed over the deeds of the earlier monarchs and focused on the stories of Charles IV, his son, and his granddaughter.

The stories of the last three monarchs of the Bourbon dynasty—Charles IV, Fernando VII, and Isabella II—were outrageously absurd, each more so than the last.

A full third of the History of Spain was devoted to describing their “achievements,” detailing how the once-great Spanish empire on which the sun never set had declined so severely in their hands, creating the tragic situation where Spain became one of the countries with the lowest per capita income at the time.

In any case, the House of Bourbon had already left Spain for good, so they were made to carry the full blame for the shortcomings of the monarchy.

For Carlo, he had to establish one fact clearly: the monarchy was not at fault; the fault lay with the monarchs of that time, the Bourbon royal family.

And it worked. With the two-pronged approach of newspaper propaganda and detailed historical accounts, the Spaniards’ hatred for the Bourbon royal family indeed deepened.

Indeed, no one would have a favorable impression of an entire family of incompetent royals. What’s more, besides the monarchs being incompetent, the Bourbon royal family had also caused the outbreak of the decades-long Carlist Wars, one of the reasons for Spain’s further decline.

As Carlo was reading the book, the procession was already slowly approaching the Palace of Aranjuez. A rider from the vanguard approached the carriage and respectfully reported to Carlo, “Your Majesty, we have arrived at the Palace of Aranjuez.”

Hearing this, Carlo put down his book and said to his children, who were already waiting with eager impatience, “Alright, little ones, the Palace of Aranjuez is waiting for you.

Let’s go. Enjoy a wonderful holiday. I don’t mind if you keep the flowers company tonight.”

The carriage stopped in the square in front of the Palace of Aranjuez, from where the entire palace could be taken in at a glance. Because it was only a residence, the palace building was not particularly tall, reaching only about four stories at its highest.

But it was undeniable that after several centuries of renovations and expansions by Spanish kings, the palace before them was indeed of a considerable scale.

The Palace of Aranjuez was located in the town of Aranjuez, which is where the residence got its name. Previous Spanish kings, seeking tranquility for the residence, had specifically chosen to build it several kilometers away from the town.

This left the entire Palace of Aranjuez virtually undisturbed, a peaceful and contented abode. Blue skies, white clouds, and beautiful scenery—this was the most accurate depiction of the Palace of Aranjuez.

Chapter 333: High Birth, High Death

In a later era, the world-famous “Aranjuez Concerto” would have elevated the town’s renown. But for now, the Palace of Aranjuez had little presence in Spain, and even the town itself was only sparsely populated by Spaniards.

For Carlo, such a tranquil environment made for a good travel destination. The special status of the royal family meant that this quiet setting not only protected their privacy but also ensured that their travels would not disturb the lives of ordinary Spaniards.

And indeed, upon arriving at the Palace of Aranjuez, Carlo immediately felt the tranquility and peace of the palace and the surrounding town.

For the members of the royal family, this was undoubtedly a precious environment. The little ones could play here to their hearts’ content, and Carlo could also enjoy a period of relaxation and leisure, free from the worries of Spain’s affairs of state.

Carlo was relatively at ease entrusting state matters to Prime Minister Canovas. Perhaps Canovas was not as capable as Prime Minister Primo, but he was more loyal to Carlo and more obedient.

After residing at the Palace of Aranjuez for half a year to pass the hot summer, Carlo returned to the Royal Palace in Madrid with his family.

Although the scenery at the Palace of Aranjuez was certainly pleasant, Carlo could not stay away from Madrid, the political center of Spain, for too long.

Starting in 1886, the focus of Spain’s colonial efforts shifted from territorial expansion to the development of its colonies.

Large numbers of immigrants from various parts of Europe and Spain were transported to the colonies, while a few select colonial subjects who passed assessments were transported to mainland Spain to become true Spaniards.

Throughout 1885, mainland Spain’s net population growth was nearly 700,000. The most encouraging aspect was the birth rate. According to statistics on newborns collected by all levels of the Spanish government, there were approximately 920,000 newborns in Spain in 1885, with a birth rate as high as 40 per mille.

With 920,000 newborns alone, one could already anticipate how staggering Spain’s population growth would be in 1885.

Of course, before calculating population growth, one also had to account for population inflow and outflow, as well as the scale of mortality.

Due to the relatively poor medical technology of this era, all European countries exhibited high birth rates and high death rates.

This was especially true for agrarian nations, where a world-leading birth rate was accompanied by a world-leading death rate.

Spain had indeed been like this before its reforms and industrial revival. However, after the reforms and a series of medical subsidies enacted by the government, Spain’s death rate, particularly the infant mortality rate, had seen a significant decline.

According to the government’s retrospective statistics on infants born in 1885, of the 920,000 newborns, over 800,000 survived, resulting in an infant survival rate as high as 87%.

Although 120,000 newborns still tragically died for various reasons, for nearly ninety percent of infants to survive was quite remarkable in an era of relatively backward medical technology.

It is worth mentioning that the number of deaths among the elderly population over 65 was even lower than the number of infant deaths.

The main reason was that the average life expectancy in this era was not long; only three or four people out of a hundred lived past the age of 60.

Due to industrial pollution and poor medical conditions, Spain’s overall death rate was also as high as 21.7 per mille, with a total death count of nearly 500,000 people.

Subtracting the number of deaths from the number of newborns, mainland Spain’s population growth was only around 420,000. Though 920,000 births resulted in only 420,000 in growth, this was actually quite an excellent figure by European standards.

Even other European countries with populations of thirty or forty million did not necessarily have a higher net population growth than Spain.

The primary reason was that other European countries were more industrially developed, meaning they had more workers. A distinct characteristic among European nations was that agrarian countries had higher population growth than industrial ones.

The main reason for this was that besides farming, peasants could manage most of their own time. In other words, they could choose to spend their time outside of work in more relaxed ways, with having children being a very important form of recreation.

But it was different for workers. Although workers’ incomes were higher than those of peasants, their working hours were also longer. Furthermore, workers had fixed workplaces, requiring them to move away from their hometowns, and even their families, to work in large cities.

This meant that workers of this era had little free time at their disposal. A full day of work was exhausting, leaving them with little inclination to have children.

In addition to the net domestic population growth of 420,000, Spain also experienced a massive influx of foreign immigrants.

With Spain’s expansion into its colonies, many Spaniards chose to go to the colonies in search of more opportunities to make a fortune. This meant that despite the population growth on the mainland, the amount of farmland per capita actually increased.

The economic prosperity of the mainland increased its appeal to immigrants. Italy, Germany, and Austria alone provided Spain with a large number of immigrants.

For people from these countries wanting to travel to Africa or the Americas, they had to pass through the Mediterranean’s sea outlet and cross the Atlantic Ocean.

This meant that Spain was a necessary stop on their journey. Many saw the various welfare benefits for immigrants advertised locally while stopping in Spanish ports and ultimately chose to immigrate and take up Spanish citizenship.

Because of the population trade with Russia at the time, Spain experienced a boom in shipping fleets. Although Spain had only a few presentable military shipyards, it actually had quite a number of civilian ones.

Furthermore, Spain’s location at the western outlet of the Mediterranean gave it a natural geographical advantage. Currently, Spain controlled nearly one-third of the shipping fleets traveling from the Mediterranean coast to North and South America.

This led the fleets under Spanish control to make frequent stops at Spanish ports. They mostly cooperated with the local governments with the goal of enticing some immigrants to stay in Spain and ultimately add to its population.

Since Spain’s administrative division reforms, the Cabinet government and parliament had become stricter in their performance evaluations of all levels of government.

From the Cabinet government down to the provincial and municipal governments, all underwent annual performance evaluations. The main criteria for these assessments were growth in population, industrial scale, and total economic output.

Although these criteria were somewhat general, for this era, an official who could achieve simultaneous growth in population, industry, and the economy was, if not exceptionally outstanding, at least above the passing mark.

In such an environment, all levels of government placed great importance on population growth within their territories. However, the Spanish government also had very strict restrictions on population intake, and local governments could not bring in people arbitrarily.

First and foremost, all black people were excluded from Spain’s population intake. Of course, this rule was currently limited to mainland Spain; black people still had the opportunity to join Spain’s colonies and become local residents.

However, even in the colonies, the intake of the black population was strictly regulated. For a black person to become a Spanish-recognized colonial resident, they either had to create significant economic value for Spain or be a skilled technical professional that Spain needed.

In the dozen or so years since Carlo became king of Spain, the number of black people who actually had the opportunity to become residents of a Spanish colony could be counted on one hand.

The reason these black people were able to become residents of Spanish colonies was due to their special status. For example, chieftains and Emirs of some native African states could obtain the status of a Spanish colonial resident.

This was also a way to divide the local black populace, splitting them from a single entity into two factions: those who shared common interests with Spain and those who opposed them.

For these Spanish-recognized black colonial residents to protect their rights, they had to promote Spanish colonial rule and reduce local resistance.

If an entire native state openly opposed Spanish colonial rule, then there would naturally be no need for that native state’s Emir or chieftain to continue to exist.

From this, it was clear that even when Spain recognized black people, it was mostly for exploitative purposes.

When these black people lost their utility, Spain would no longer continue to recognize their rights. The masters of this land would always and only be the Spaniards.

According to the results compiled from various cities, for the full year of 1885, all cities in mainland Spain received a cumulative total of over 300,000 immigrants.

According to information registered by the immigration departments of various cities, of these 300,000 immigrants, Russia and Italy ranked first and second, contributing 120,000 and 80,000 immigrants to Spain, respectively.

Immigrants from the Austro-Hungarian Empire ranked third, with a total of around 30,000. Following them were immigrants from many countries in the Balkan Peninsula, who all told added up to about 20,000 people.

After that came immigrants from Germany and France, with the two countries combined contributing just over 10,000. This showed that Spain’s appeal to immigrants from Germany and France was lacking.

The remaining European countries combined contributed several thousand immigrants, with Portugal being the largest contributor, providing over 3,000.

If the Portuguese government had not enacted policies to restrict emigration, Portugal alone could likely have contributed another 2,000 immigrants.

For the great powers, the loss of several thousand or even tens of thousands of emigrants would not be a crippling blow. But for a country like Portugal, with a population of only a few million, losing several thousand people each year could have a significant impact on the nation’s development.

In fact, if one were to apply Spain’s formulas for population growth and death rates to calculate Portugal’s actual population growth, it would become clear that for a country like Portugal with fewer than five million people, the actual annual population growth was less than 100,000.

Considering that Portugal’s medical standards and economic environment were worse than Spain’s, its population growth was likely even lower.

Under these circumstances, losing several thousand more people each year was enough to make the Portuguese government feel a pained reluctance over the loss. What’s more, these thousands were flowing to its only neighbor, Spain. Wasn’t this tantamount to the Portuguese government indirectly aiding the enemy?

Although it enacted corresponding policies to restrict emigration, under pressure from the Spanish government’s overbearing influence, the Portuguese government did not dare to openly restrict emigration to Spain and could only create related obstacles through various policies.

This was why, even after the Portuguese government enacted restrictive emigration policies, more than 3,000 emigrants still went to Spain each year.

The reasons these Portuguese people went to Spain were also very simple: they could get higher-paying jobs there, and it was not difficult for Portuguese people to obtain Spanish citizenship.

The Portuguese could understand Spanish, and there were no significant differences between the two peoples in terms of appearance or culture.

This resulted in a very low cost for Portuguese people to become Spaniards, which was why so many chose to go to Spain.

Perhaps the Portuguese government should feel fortunate that Spain’s Extremadura province was a sparsely populated administrative region without much industry.

If France and Portugal were to swap places, and Portugal bordered Spain’s Catalonia, the Barcelona Industrial Base alone would be enough to attract massive numbers of Portuguese to flock over.

Spain’s current per capita income was in the upper-middle range in Europe, somewhat higher than Portugal’s.

And Spanish workers’ incomes were even higher than the national average. If there were any large industrial bases on the Spanish-Portuguese border, these Portuguese people would be completely unable to resist the lure of high-paying jobs.

All European countries combined provided Spain with nearly 270,000 immigrants, while the remaining 30,000 were provided by Spain’s colonies.

These 30,000 immigrants were mainly composed of Moroccans, with a small number of natives from the Philippine colony and people from Lanfang mixed in.

Spain had established Spanish-language schools in both the Philippines and Lanfang, and had corresponding immigrant recruitment programs.

Currently, these two regions could also provide Spain with several thousand immigrants each year. Although not a large number, it was a relatively stable source of immigrants.

The main reason was that these two regions were too far from mainland Spain, and immigrants had to bear the cost of their own passage. Unless they qualified for Spain’s talent recruitment program, Spain would not provide tickets to the mainland.

But the fact that Spain could still attract several thousand immigrants to the mainland each year, even when they had to pay their own way, showed Spain’s appeal to the populations of these two regions.

Despite an inflow of 300,000 people, this did not mean Spain had no population outflow.

According to customs and municipal statistics, in 1885 alone, Spain lost a population of about 30,000 people.

However, nearly 20,000 of these were people Spain actively transported out, a significant portion of whom were Catalans or Basques.

Transporting them to Spain’s colonies not only filled the shortage of Spanish population in the colonies but also addressed the issue of these two ethnic groups in Navarre and Catalonia wanting independence. It was truly killing two birds with one stone.

Besides these 20,000 who were actively transported out by Spain, the remaining more than 10,000 were true emigrants who chose to move to other countries.

As for those who wished to leave Spain for other countries and lands, Carlo would neither try to keep them nor stop them.

The inflow and outflow of immigrants were very normal in this era. For Carlo, only those who willingly stayed in Spain and loved and recognized the country were his subjects.

Naturally, Spain’s various welfare policies and subsidies were also aimed only at these true Spaniards who were Carlo’s subjects.

Those immigrants who chose to leave Spain for other countries would, of course, no longer be able to enjoy Spain’s various policies and subsidies.

Chapter 334: Turmoil in Germany

For the nations of Europe, the 1880s were an unquestionably fortunate decade. Although the situation in Europe was not entirely tranquil, no major wars involving the great powers broke out.

For Spain, this was an incredibly valuable period of development. Spain could advance its industry and economy in peace, quietly catching up to the great powers from an unnoticed corner.

For Carlo, the peaceful situation meant more leisure time. He preferred to spend these moments with his family, watching his children grow up together.

Amidst this calm, time quickly passed, and the year 1888 arrived.

Normally, 1888 should have been another peaceful year, but the death of a monarch sent ripples through Europe’s otherwise placid state of affairs.

Kaiser Wilhelm I was born in 1797, making him undisputedly the oldest monarch in Europe at the time. During his reign, the Kingdom of Prussia won the Prusso-Danish War, the Austro-Prussian War, and the Franco-Prussian War, directly leading to the founding of the German Empire, the current hegemon of Europe.

But whether a king or an emperor, Wilhelm I was still just an ordinary man. And as an ordinary man, he naturally had to face what all people must: birth, aging, sickness, and death.

By 1888, Kaiser Wilhelm I was nearly ninety-one years old. In an era when the average life expectancy in Europe was only in the thirties or forties, ninety was an advanced age even among the elderly.

But it was clear that the limits of a human lifespan were being reached. Since the beginning of 1888, reports from Germany indicated that Wilhelm I’s health was gradually failing, to the point where he could no longer handle affairs of state.

Everyone understood that the founder of the empire would eventually die. The foremost concern for all was the political shift in Germany following his death and whether these changes would affect the European landscape.

Even Spain was awaiting news from Germany and closely monitoring its allies, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy.

Carlo did not have to wait long. On March 9, 1888, the Head of the Guard, Brad Herrera, hurried in and delivered the news everyone had been anticipating: “Your Majesty, according to a telegram from the German government, His Majesty Kaiser Wilhelm I of Germany passed away a few hours ago.”

In truth, Carlo only knew that Wilhelm I would be succeeded by his son, Frederick III, the “Hundred Days’ Emperor,” who would in turn be followed by the infamous Kaiser Wilhelm II.

As for the exact date of Wilhelm I’s death, Carlo only knew it would be this year, but not the specific day.

Hearing the guard’s report, Carlo nodded, his expression largely unchanged.

Carlo had already endured the deaths of his father, Vittorio Emanuele II, and his dear mentor and friend, Prime Minister Primo. Such news no longer moved him deeply.

Moreover, Wilhelm I had died of old age, a peaceful end. His passing was good news for both Germany and himself.

Even with Germany at the apex of its power, the nation did not need an emperor who reigned for too long. His son, Frederick III, was known as the “Hundred Days’ Emperor” primarily because he suffered from throat cancer, which was incurable with the medical technology of the era.

But then again, if Wilhelm I had lived a few years less, would his son have been able to enjoy a few more years as emperor?

Wilhelm I’s longevity and Frederick III’s short life had a profound impact on Germany and indirectly contributed to its defeat in World War I.

Why was this so? A mere three months after Wilhelm I’s death, his son Frederick III followed his father to heaven.

This meant the throne of the German Empire quickly passed to Wilhelm I’s grandson, Wilhelm II, the monarch who would lose his country.

At this time, Wilhelm II was only twenty-nine years old. This, combined with a physical disability, made him exceedingly arrogant and sensitive.

It was difficult for a young monarch and an aged Prime Minister, who wielded real power and immense influence, to form any sort of close partnership.

And indeed, this proved to be the case. After Wilhelm II ascended to the throne, the political career of the Iron Chancellor, Bismarck, essentially came to an end.

The greatest difference between the German Empire under Wilhelm I and under Wilhelm II was the diplomatic situation Germany faced.

During Wilhelm I’s era, Germany’s primary enemy was France, while its allies included the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Italy, and Russia.

But during Wilhelm II’s era, as the German government changed its strategy and revealed greater ambitions for colonies and sea power, its diplomatic relations with Britain deteriorated, and it could no longer maintain even a nominal alliance with Russia.

This resulted in Germany’s enemies growing from just France to a trio of great powers—Britain, France, and Russia—while its allies remained only the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy.

The outcome of the eventual World War I was already clear. Wilhelm II’s German Empire could neither defeat its external enemies nor resolve its internal ones.

Toward the end of the war, Wilhelm II had been largely sidelined, which was why he became the scapegoat after the war and was forced to abdicate.

Without time for further reflection, Carlo’s main focus was on the reactions of the European nations to the Kaiser’s death.

Although Carlo knew how the European situation would react to Wilhelm I’s death, who could guarantee that the world would still develop as it had in history?

Any small change could trigger a larger shift in the situation. For his own sake and for Spain’s, Carlo had to pay attention to the movements of every country.

“By now, all the European nations should have received the news, but so far, none have made any significant moves in response,” Kadir of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau answered Carlo’s query.

“Keep a close watch on France and Russia. If either country makes any move, you must report to me immediately,” Carlo ordered.

For Germany at this moment, Wilhelm I’s death was arguably the beginning of a period of turmoil.

Frederick III’s throat cancer was not discovered after he became emperor; it had been found last year. However, a misdiagnosis by a British doctor led to the cancellation of a scheduled surgery at the time.

Just a month before Wilhelm I’s death, Crown Prince Frederick had undergone a life-saving procedure. To prevent him from suffocating due to the swelling of the tumor, the Crown Prince’s personal doctor had no choice but to perform a tracheotomy and insert a silver cannula.

While this saved Crown Prince Frederick’s life, it also left the man who was about to become emperor unable to speak, forced to communicate his thoughts only through writing.

The old emperor had just died, and the new emperor’s life was in peril. At such a critical juncture, Carlo couldn’t believe France would have no intentions.

Since the end of the Franco-Prussian War, the French had been constantly seeking an opportunity for revenge against Germany. However, Bismarck had managed his foreign policy so well, and Germany’s internal situation had remained so stable, that the French had never found a chance to start a war.

The period following Wilhelm I’s death was a relatively good opportunity. Even if they couldn’t completely defeat Germany, they could throw its internal situation into greater chaos.

Although the Iron Chancellor Bismarck was still in control of the German government, he was only eighteen years younger than the ninety-one-year-old Wilhelm I, making him a venerable seventy-three this year.

Germany’s current situation was so delicate that a single misstep could trigger its collapse.

Would the French let such an opportunity pass? Carlo wasn’t sure. He wasn’t even sure if a new German-French war would be a good or bad thing for Spain.

But this did not stop Carlo from ordering the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau to pay close attention to the movements of France and Russia. If France showed any inclination to start a war, Spain would certainly have to prepare in advance.

Carlo and Spain definitely did not want to see France emerge victorious in a war against Germany. If France were to become the hegemon of Europe again, the colonial balance in North and West Africa would be shattered.

Spain could negotiate terms with France as the current number two power on the European continent, but it could not negotiate with the number one.

If France became the continental hegemon again, Spain would have to consider aligning with Germany to avoid being invaded or having its colonies seized.

But if Germany could defeat France, or if the war never happened, Spain would not need to worry about the threat from France.

After all, France’s greatest concern was Germany. As long as Spain did not cross France’s bottom line, France would not have a falling out with Spain.

Wilhelm I’s death was not entirely unrelated to Spain. Spain would certainly have to attend the funeral, and it would need to dispatch a high-ranking official at the prime minister level to show the importance it attached to the event.

Sending only an official at the foreign secretary level would imply a lack of respect for Germany. After all, Germany was one of the most powerful nations in the world, and Wilhelm I was the founder of that great empire.

Of course, Carlo would not personally travel to Germany for the funeral. European kings and emperors were essentially of equal rank, and Spain and Germany did not have an overly close relationship, so there was no need for Carlo to attend in person.

Only the monarchs of Germany’s allies, countries like the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy, might feel the need to personally attend the funeral.

After all, allies needed to demonstrate the importance they placed on each other, and the alliance needed to be maintained.

Sure enough, over the next day, the nations of Europe expressed their sorrow over Wilhelm I’s death and announced their attendance at his funeral.

The lineup of attendees was quite impressive, including emperors, kings, and prime ministers from various countries.

Among all the guests attending the funeral, the highest in status was Emperor Franz Joseph I of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

As the emperor of a fellow great power and being of advanced age himself, Franz Joseph I’s personal attendance at Wilhelm I’s funeral was a great show of respect to Germany.

Usually, in such situations, one could send their adult crown prince. This would both train the heir and allow the crown prince to fully represent the royal family abroad.

This was exactly what Germany’s other ally, Russia, did. Tsar Alexander III did not personally attend Wilhelm I’s funeral but sent his crown prince, Nicholas.

In truth, this was related to the deteriorating relationship between Germany and Russia. Any discerning observer could see that relations between the two countries were no longer as close as they once were.

This led the two once-close allies to take various precautions against each other, stopping just short of directly reinforcing their borders and moving all their troops to the frontier.

Of course, a crown prince’s attendance was more than sufficient. The crown prince was the future Tsar of Russia; aside from his current status not being as high as the Tsar’s, he was otherwise comparable.

That Alexander III sent his crown prince to attend Wilhelm I’s funeral was also indicative of Russia’s attitude. At the very least, Russia did not intend to completely abandon its relationship with Germany. They still wanted to maintain the alliance but were somewhat displeased by Germany’s distancing, so they sent the Crown Prince as a middle-ground figure to the funeral.

If they had wanted to completely break the alliance with Germany, Russia could have simply sent a foreign minister.

Only countries with particularly distant relations, or even those in competition or conflict, would dispatch an official at the foreign minister level. Otherwise, they would send a prime minister or a crown prince; at the very least, appearances had to be maintained.

Even France, despite its poor and even hostile relationship with Germany, sent an impressive delegation led by its Premier to attend Wilhelm I’s funeral.

This demonstrated how much importance the European nations placed on keeping up appearances. After all, among the nobility and gentry, this was considered a form of etiquette.

Spain sent Prime Minister Canovas, while Italy’s King Umberto I attended in person.

Like the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Italy needed Germany’s diplomatic influence to help expand its international standing. Italy placed great importance on its alliance with Germany, and upon learning of Wilhelm I’s death, Umberto I immediately confirmed his travel plans.

Britain did not send Queen Victoria, as the queen was famous for not involving herself in state affairs. However, the British government did send Prime Minister Gladstone, doing more than enough to keep up appearances.

In addition to these great powers, other European nations also sent their own impressive delegations to the funeral.

This allowed Wilhelm I’s funeral to set a record, becoming the one attended by the most monarchs or prime ministers.

Of course, such a record was no great honor for Germany itself. The empire’s successor, Frederick III, was unable to even personally greet the guests, having to entrust German Chancellor Bismarck and the Foreign Minister to welcome them on his behalf.

After Wilhelm I’s death, Crown Prince Frederick had already been confirmed with the regnal name Frederick III. Under normal circumstances, Crown Prince Wilhelm would now be the new Emperor of the German Empire.

But this new emperor was currently bedridden. Because the tumor in his throat had not been removed, his life was in constant danger.

This created the awkward situation of the new emperor being unable to attend his own father’s funeral. Fortunately, the monarchs and prime ministers in attendance were all rigorously trained. Even if they had various thoughts about Germany’s embarrassing predicament, no one would show it. They would all maintain expressions of grief and proceed with the unremarkable funeral as planned.

Chapter 335: Another Kaiser’s Demise, The Struggle for the Canal

Just as Carlo had predicted, while Germany was holding the funeral for Wilhelm I, France was discussing whether to launch a war against Germany.

Carlo learned of this not because of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau’s exceptional intelligence work, but because the French debate over war with Germany was already out in the open.

The war faction and the peace faction in France had a massive argument, nearly coming to blows in parliament. The war faction accused the peace faction of being a group of cowards who feared the enemy, willing to forget the nation’s shame for their own benefit.

The peace faction, in turn, accused the war faction of being reckless fools who, in their thirst for revenge against Germany, were completely disregarding France’s diplomatic situation.

The dispute was intensely heated, and news of the debate was even reported by the French media, becoming one of the most talked-about topics among the public across Europe.

When Carlo learned of the fierce arguments between the war and peace factions within the French parliament, he knew it was almost impossible for France to declare war on Germany.

If France genuinely had such war plans, they would never have leaked them in such a comical fashion. Success lies in secrecy; France would surely make preparations in secret before launching a war, and by the time other countries discovered their intentions, the war would have already begun.

The current situation of endless quarreling seemed more like a performance staged by the two factions to win the support of the French public. More radical individuals would naturally support the war faction’s ideas, while more rational people would give greater consideration to the peace faction’s perspective.

For both political parties, this was a way to rally public support without any real cost—a surefire profit.

The French Prime Minister’s personal attendance at Wilhelm I’s funeral in Germany also indicated that the French government itself did not wish for war with Germany. Perhaps what France also desired was long-term stability and peace.

On the German side, Prime Minister Bismarck was also fully prepared for any potential aggression from the French government.

Since the new Emperor, Frederick III, was unable to meet with guests, Prime Minister Bismarck acted as his plenipotentiary representative, responsible for receiving all the dignitaries who had come to Germany for the funeral.

Naturally, Bismarck’s meeting list included Franz Joseph I and Umberto I.

In a private meeting room prepared by the German government, Prime Minister Bismarck, Franz Joseph I, and Umberto I held a secret meeting. They reaffirmed the terms of the Triple Alliance treaty, declaring that the diplomatic alliance between the three nations would not change due to any unforeseen circumstances.

After the representatives of the three nations mutually pledged that the treaty would remain unchanged, a palpable sense of relief filled the room. The current Triple Alliance of Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Italy was clearly in a state of mutual dependence and need.

This led to a very close relationship between the three signatory nations, one that would not be terminated by the death of Wilhelm I.

This Triple Alliance treaty was Bismarck’s true trump card against any potential French aggression. The contents of the treaty were still highly confidential, and no other country was aware that these three nations had already formed a military alliance.

It was for this very reason that Russia had not fully aligned itself with France, but had instead chosen to play a balancing act, accepting help from French capital while being unwilling to completely sever ties with Germany.

Bismarck was confident that, in such a turbulent time, he could rely on the Triple Alliance treaty to deliver a fatal blow to France. If the French dared to initiate a war, Prime Minister Bismarck would, just as in the last Franco-Prussian War, march his troops to the gates of Paris once more and force the French government to sign a treaty with reparations as high as five billion francs.

Fortunately, the French government had no immediate plans to start a war. For a moment, it was unclear whether the absence of conflict was truly a good thing for Germany and France.

Wilhelm I’s funeral was conducted swiftly, though the scale was quite large. As the first Emperor of the German Empire, his contributions were widely recognized by the German people.

On the day of the burial, hundreds of thousands of Germans thronged the streets of Berlin. They watched the sarcophagus carrying Wilhelm I with deep reluctance, following it all the way to the burial site before finally dispersing.

After the funeral, the representatives from various countries who had attended quickly departed from Germany.

However, many foreign diplomats continued to monitor the situation in Germany, primarily the health of the new Emperor, Frederick III.

Frederick III did not disappoint Carlo. He quickly lived up to his historical reputation, passing away in less than one hundred days after becoming Emperor. The German throne swiftly passed to Crown Prince William.

Less than one hundred days after Wilhelm I’s funeral had concluded, Germany held another funeral for its Emperor. Such frequent changes on the German throne attracted the attention of all European nations. The deeply unfortunate Frederick III, who reigned for less than one hundred days, was mockingly dubbed the “Hundred Days’ Emperor” by the European media and public.

Clearly, the frequent succession of the throne was a heavy blow to Germany’s international status and influence. Prime Minister Bismarck, having arranged two imperial funerals in quick succession, was visibly aged. His body was now stooped, and his spirit was not as robust as it had been in previous years.

For the funeral of Kaiser Frederick III, Spain once again sent Prime Minister Canovas. By now, Prime Minister Canovas was quite familiar with German funerals.

It is worth noting that Emperor Franz Joseph I of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and King Umberto I of Italy chose not to attend this time, instead sending their respective heirs, Crown Prince Rudolf and Crown Prince Vittorio Emanuele.

Franz Joseph I’s only son, Rudolf, had not yet met his tragic end. According to historical records, Crown Prince Rudolf would commit suicide with his mistress the following year.

It was now the middle of 1888, and the Crown Prince had not yet reached such an extreme state.

As for Crown Prince Vittorio Emanuele, sent by King Umberto I of Italy, he was also quite famous in history.

The reason Italy played a balancing act during World War I, ultimately betraying the Triple Alliance to join the Entente, was in large part due to the decision of the then-king, Vittorio Emanuele III, who was this very same Crown Prince Vittorio Emanuele.

The Italian royal family still possessed a certain amount of power. Before Mussolini seized control, the King of Italy had a degree of personal rule.

After Vittorio Emanuele II unified Italy, the Italian people were very welcoming towards the House of Savoy.

This allowed his successor, Umberto I, to gain considerable power, which he even used to push for the expansion of Italy’s army and navy.

Naturally, the next heir to the throne, Vittorio Emanuele III, also inherited a portion of this power.

However, unlike Umberto I, who stood firmly with Germany and Austria-Hungary, Vittorio Emanuele III was a man who played a balancing act.

On the one hand, he maintained the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary, and on several occasions engaged in exchanges with them, solidifying the lineup of the Central Powers, one of Europe’s two major military blocs.

On the other hand, for the sake of his own colonies, Vittorio Emanuele III also strengthened ties with Britain, France, and Russia.

After the outbreak of World War I, due to continuous courting from Britain and France, he ultimately chose to have Italy join their side, decisively abandoning the alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary.

From the outcome, Vittorio Emanuele III’s choice was correct. He successfully placed Italy on the winning side, allowing the Italian royal family to avoid the tragic fate of their German and Austro-Hungarian counterparts.

But on the other hand, it was precisely because of Italy’s swift betrayal that the military pressure faced by Germany and Austria-Hungary became much more severe.

Russia, a powerful nation, had withdrawn from the war shortly after it began. If Italy had remained on the side of Germany and Austria-Hungary, the outcome of World War I would have been far from certain.

If his decision to choose the winning side in World War I could be considered reasonable, then Vittorio Emanuele III’s decisions in World War II were somewhat baffling.

After Mussolini’s Fascist forces launched their March on Rome, Vittorio Emanuele III initially supported the Italian government’s proposal for military action and martial law against the Fascists. However, he subsequently refused to sign the martial law decree and accepted the suggestion from the leaders of the Nationalist Party and the right-wing of the Liberal Party to allow Mussolini to form a Cabinet.

The ultimate result of this was that Mussolini successfully established a military dictatorship, the Italian royal family was completely sidelined, and the monarchy was eventually abolished following Italy’s defeat in World War II.

Although the Italian monarchy officially ended under his son, Umberto II, in reality, the institution was already on precarious ground during Vittorio Emanuele III’s reign.

Carlo did not have much of an impression of this nephew of his.

Before Vittorio Emanuele III was born, Carlo had already arrived in Spain and become its king.

This meant that Carlo and his nephew had only met a few times. Although they were closely related as uncle and nephew, their actual relationship was quite distant.

As the nations of Europe once again sent representatives to attend the funeral of a German Emperor, the French government was already taking steps to change its diplomatic situation.

At present, France’s diplomatic situation was rather difficult, as it had no real allies.

Although the domestic situation in Germany was chaotic, Germany nominally still maintained the League of the Three Emperors with the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia.

At this time of great change in Germany, France was determined to do something to alter its diplomatic predicament.

What to do? The French surveyed their options and finally set their sights on the Suez Canal.

The importance of the Suez Canal was self-evident. It was the vital channel connecting Europe to the Indian Ocean, and at the time, its importance far surpassed that of the Strait of Malacca.

Britain’s connection to its Indian colony, France and Spain’s links to their Asian colonies, and the European nations’ access to the East African coast all depended on this crucial maritime passage.

This kept the Suez Canal constantly in the spotlight, and Egypt, where the canal was located, became a primary focus of colonial competition among the nations.

The Suez Canal officially opened to navigation in 1869 and had been controlled by Britain and France ever since. At that time, Britain and France were the two most powerful countries in the world, and other nations had no objections to their joint control.

But soon, the situation changed.

Following France’s failure in the competition for Egypt, Britain successfully gained the decision-making power in the country. The ultimate result was that Britain purchased a large number of the canal’s shares from Egypt, achieving control over the Suez Canal.

This single-handedly altered the dynamics of the canal, transforming the situation from joint Anglo-French administration to a single party becoming dominant, with Britain holding the majority of the decision-making power in the canal’s operation and management.

For France, and indeed for most European nations, this was unacceptable.

A single party becoming dominant over the canal meant that Britain could open or close it at will. If Britain were to blockade the canal and deny passage to other nations, would that not mean that their vital maritime routes would be severed?

It could be said that ever since Britain took control of the Suez Canal, the question of how to fairly ensure passage rights for all nations had become a constantly debated topic in Europe.

To change their diplomatic predicament, the French decided to go all out. They intended to unite many European nations to initiate discussions on the canal’s management rights and negotiate a fair plan that all countries could accept.

If France could genuinely succeed in ensuring that all nations enjoyed fair transit rights through the canal, it would have an extremely beneficial impact on France’s diplomatic standing.

At that point, it would be almost impossible for Germany to isolate France through diplomatic blockades, as other nations, if only for the sake of their access to the Suez Canal, would do their utmost to maintain good relations with France.

However, to ensure transit rights through the canal meant that they would have to confront the British head-on.

In order not to be at a disadvantage in this competition, France immediately contacted several countries, including their old adversary, Germany.

Why were the French willing to contact Germany?

The reasons were quite simple. Firstly, Germany also had colonies on the East African coast and required passage through the Suez Canal.

Secondly, Germany’s navy was not powerful. Even if they had transit rights through the Suez Canal, they could not pose a threat to the French navy.

Furthermore, bringing Germany into the fold would strengthen their position, forcing Britain to either concede or relinquish a significant portion of its control over the canal. This was why the French ultimately decided to include Germany.

In addition to the two great powers of France and Germany, the French government also contacted the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russia, Spain, the Netherlands, Portugal, and the Ottoman Empire. If these nations could unite, even Britain would be forced to yield under their combined pressure.

Chapter 336: Preparations for War

Prime Minister Canovas, having just attended the funeral of German Emperor Frederick III, soon accepted an invitation from the French government to travel to France for talks.

These talks regarding passage rights for the canal attracted the participation of many nations, most of which were countries with a vested interest in the canal.

Countries like Spain, France, Germany, Portugal, and the Netherlands all had vast colonies to the east or south of the canal, and communication between these colonies and their homelands was heavily reliant on the Suez Canal.

Russia could also be counted among them. After all, the Trans-Siberian Railway connecting its European and Asian territories was not yet complete. For Russia’s Far East to transport goods and trade with its European heartland or other European nations, it had to use the Suez Canal, following the sea route from Asia to Europe.

Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire had no overseas colonies, it, like Italy, was a purely Mediterranean coastal nation. Its navy and transport ships could be blockaded within the Mediterranean at any time.

To avoid having their navies blockaded, they had to control the Suez Canal. Failing that, they at least needed to secure fair passage rights to ensure their import-export trade and other logistical transport remained unaffected.

The collective influence of all the nations participating in these talks was immense, which highlighted their deep concerns about the Mediterranean situation following Britain’s seizure of the Suez Canal.

There was no alternative; the Suez Canal was vital not only for the Mediterranean coastal states but for all European nations. Especially since the British also controlled the Strait of Gibraltar, the threat they posed to the Mediterranean and the rest of Europe was a source of universal concern.

To put it bluntly, even Britain’s ally, Portugal, was unwilling to see the Suez Canal fall under complete British control.

It was as if a sword of Damocles hung over the heads of all European nations, a sword held by the British, ready to fall at any moment and deliver a fatal blow.

Even though the canal was controlled by the most powerful nation in the world, the British Empire, the other countries would not yield. Unless Britain guaranteed fair navigation for all nations through the Suez Canal, their worries would persist.

In fact, much like Spain, the other European nations accepted the French government’s invitation almost immediately and without hesitation.

Even Germany, France’s old rival, agreed. After hearing the French government’s request and the purpose of the conference, Prime Minister Bismarck gave his consent.

For Germany, there was little downside to these talks. If the conference could be used to publicly pressure Britain into relinquishing ownership of the canal, it would be an excellent outcome for them.

Of course, one of the reasons Prime Minister Bismarck agreed so quickly was to prevent France from ending up with control of the Suez Canal, just like Britain.

Britain relinquishing control of the canal would be good news. However, if control were to fall into the hands of the French, the organizers of this conference, it would be preferable for Germany if it simply remained with the British.

Germany’s other objective in attending the conference was to prevent France from gaining control of the canal.

With its military allies, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy, also participating, Germany even had a real chance of supplanting France and ultimately gaining control of the canal itself.

Of course, even if it couldn’t gain control, free and fair navigation for all nations through the canal would still be beneficial for Germany.

For all these reasons, Germany had every incentive to participate in the talks, which is why Prime Minister Bismarck had hardly hesitated.

Prime Minister Canovas had been in France for only a few days when he sent Carlo a copy of the resolution France had proposed at the conference regarding Suez Canal passage rights.

This proposed resolution was divided into several major articles, the first of which clearly addressed the division of passage rights—the primary concern of all nations.

Since many European nations were so reliant on the Suez Canal, it was highly unlikely that any single country could monopolize it.

The French leveraged this very point. The first article of their proposal stipulated that the Suez Canal should remain open in times of war, just as in times of peace, to all merchant vessels and warships, regardless of their flag. No nation, in wartime or peacetime, would be permitted to interfere with the free use of the canal.

No nation would have the right to blockade the Suez Canal, deny any other country its free use, or in any way impede or obstruct the passage rights of other nations.

Simply put, the French proposal was for the complete internationalization of the Suez Canal. All nations, great or small, would be able to pass through it freely, completely allaying the fears of it being controlled and blockaded by any single power.

Reading just the first article of the proposal, Carlo could already imagine how enthusiastically the nations at the conference would have embraced it.

Moreover, the second and third articles added several more layers of guarantees, all built upon the premise of free use for all nations.

The second article stipulated that, as the Suez Canal was a vital waterway for all nations, its freshwater canal sections should also be under the joint supervision and protection of the signatory powers.

This article was designed to prevent Egypt, where the canal was located, or its controller, Britain, from interfering with the canal’s tributaries. If Egypt or the British deliberately damaged these tributaries, navigation through the Suez Canal would be severely affected.

Worse, the British could resort to a pyrrhic tactic, scuttling several large transport ships within the Suez Canal to forcibly block it.

This measure was intended to prevent such occurrences, ensuring that the canal’s normal operations would not be disrupted by the local government or other forces.

As for the third article, it built upon the previous two to further safeguard the interests of all nations in the Suez Canal.

The specifics of Article 3 focused on protecting the factories, facilities, buildings, and various engineering works of all nations along both the maritime and river canals, further securing their interests in the Suez Canal.

These three articles clearly defined the rights of all nations regarding the Suez Canal and guaranteed that these rights would not be infringed upon by the local Egyptian government or the controlling British government.

For Spain and all the other participating nations, these three articles proposed by France were entirely beneficial.

This alone made it clear that the other nations would certainly support the French proposal. Through these three points, France could win the goodwill of the other countries and improve its own diplomatic standing.

The only party that stood to lose was Britain. For France to invite multiple European nations to a conference about the ownership of the Suez Canal—without even inviting the British, who actually controlled it—was a blatant provocation of British authority.

The problem was, the British had no effective countermeasures. The very reason for the conference was the collective apprehension of the nations regarding British control of the Suez Canal.

This meant that as long as the British refused to relinquish control, even if this conference failed, others would surely follow in the future.

Britain was now in opposition to all the participating nations. Even if France hadn’t taken the lead, another country would have eventually brought this conflict to a head.

So, the question was: faced with France’s blatant provocation, would Britain concede, or would it resist to the very end?

For Carlo, this was perhaps the most intriguing question of 1888. Just as France’s actions during the funerals of the two German emperors could have sparked a war, Britain’s response now could very well ignite a war for control of the canal.

And much like the French at that time, Britain was also isolated. Although France appeared to be the sole target of a potential war, there was no guarantee that other nations wouldn’t join the fight against Britain to secure ownership of the canal.

In reality, Spain, like many other nations at the conference, participated with the mindset that there was nothing to lose.

If France succeeded in wresting control of the canal from Britain, it would be the best possible outcome for the participating countries.

Even if France failed to reclaim control of the canal, the other participants would suffer no loss, since it was France, not them, confronting Britain.

Britain couldn’t possibly hold every nation accountable just for attending a conference, could it? Firstly, it was questionable whether Britain could even manage to reprimand so many countries. Secondly, the pretext itself was weak. The British government wasn’t foolish enough to position itself against every other nation in Europe.

Regardless of what the British thought, the conference convened by the French was progressing with great vigor.

The nations engaged in various discussions regarding the use of the Suez Canal, and a set of new regulations concerning its ownership and operation was being drafted.

Since the talks were expected to be lengthy, Prime Minister Canovas attended for the first few days to help establish a general direction before leaving France, leaving the Foreign Secretary to represent Spain for the remainder of the negotiations.

Upon his return to Spain, Prime Minister Canovas’s first order of business was to report the details of the conference to Carlo and discuss the potential shifts in the European landscape it could trigger.

“Your Majesty,” Prime Minister Canovas said to Carlo, his face alight with excitement, “if a war breaks out between France and Britain, should we prepare to invade Morocco?”

If a war were to break out between Britain and France, it would be the perfect opportunity Spain had been awaiting for more than a decade.

Britain and France were the two nations preventing Spain from annexing Morocco. If they were preoccupied, no other country in Europe could stop Spain from doing so.

The reason for Prime Minister Canovas’s excitement was simple: during his term, he had the chance to accomplish a glorious feat even Prime Minister Primo had not—the annexation of Morocco.

If Spain could annex Morocco, it would officially become a super great power on par with Britain, France, and Germany. Annexing Morocco would also create an opportunity to annex Portugal.

If Spain truly succeeded in annexing both Morocco and Portugal, monopolizing the Iberian Peninsula, could it not then be called a powerful empire?

Of course, the greatest beneficiary would undoubtedly be King Carlo himself. Even if he didn’t seize the chance to become an emperor, he could be hailed proudly by the Spaniards as their greatest monarch, earning the epithet “the Great.”

This would immensely strengthen Carlo’s personal influence and authority, as well as the status of the royal family. The House of Savoy would firmly secure its throne in Spain, impervious to any external interference in its succession.

Although Carlo stood to gain the most, Prime Minister Canovas, as head of the government, also had much to gain.

Currently, Canovas held the title of Count. At his current trajectory, he could expect to be elevated to Duke after completing three terms as Prime Minister.

But if he could orchestrate the successive annexations of Morocco and Portugal, Prime Minister Canovas would not only be rapidly promoted to Duke, but might even be made a Grand Duke.

As a mere Duke, Canovas’s contributions would inevitably be seen as lesser than Prime Minister Primo’s. But if he earned the title of Grand Duke through his own merits, it would be difficult to say which of them had contributed more to Spain. They could then be jointly hailed as the most outstanding prime ministers of Carlo’s reign, the Twin Pillars of the Spanish Revival.

Clearly, achieving this would tremendously enhance his own power, status, and influence. It was no wonder Prime Minister Canovas was excited; he had the chance to achieve everything a prime minister could hope for, to be forever remembered in Spanish history as a great figure celebrated by future generations.

Hearing the Prime Minister’s question, Carlo first nodded, then said, “The government must closely monitor Britain’s and France’s actions while simultaneously preparing to wage war on Morocco.

“Regardless of whether war breaks out between Britain and France, the Ministry of Defense must make all necessary preparations. The moment they go to war, we must conquer all of Morocco with the utmost speed.

“If no war breaks out, we will hold our forces in reserve and await another shift in the European situation.

“In the meantime, I don’t want any part of the operational plan to be leaked. The government must maintain the strictest secrecy.”

“Yes, I understand, Your Majesty.” Prime Minister Canovas nodded, clearly aware of the importance of secrecy.

If a war was set to erupt between Britain and France, but they called it off because Spain’s plans for Morocco were leaked, the gain would not outweigh the loss.

Both Britain and France placed great importance on Morocco. It was entirely possible they would abandon their own conflict if it meant preventing Spain from annexing the country.

A Leave of Absence I Had to Take

A Leave of Absence I Had to Take

The author fell down the stairs. The rest of me is fine, but my tailbone is killing me. I can’t sit down at all right now, so I’m taking a day off. If it’s better tomorrow, I’ll try to update while lying on my stomach. Sigh, just thinking about how I’m supposed to sleep tonight is giving me a headache.

Chapter 337: 1889

The turn of events disappointed Carlo. Although the French had aimed their spearhead directly at Britain, which controlled the Suez Canal, during the talks, Anglo-French relations did not deteriorate rapidly, let alone reach the point of war.

This also meant that Carlo’s plan to annex Morocco during a potential Anglo-French war had fallen through. As long as no conflict or war broke out between Britain and France, it would be impossible for Spain to annex Morocco.

Since nothing happened, Spain could only pretend it had done nothing and quietly await the final outcome of the talks.

After several months of negotiations, the participating nations finally reached a relatively clear consensus on the contents of a treaty regarding the free navigation of the Suez Canal, and they agreed to sign it in Constantinople.

On October 29, 1888, under the leadership of France, European nations including Germany, Italy, Spain, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Netherlands, Russia, the Ottoman Empire, and Portugal formally signed the Convention of Constantinople. They declared that the Suez Canal was an international waterway open to free navigation by all nations and should not be under the sole control of any single country.

Britain was furious about the French-led Convention of Constantinople, but there was nothing they could do.

If the British voiced any opposition at this point, it would be tantamount to confirming that their claim to ownership of the Suez Canal stood in direct opposition to all the signatory nations.

It was important to note that every great power in Europe, aside from Britain, had signed the Convention of Constantinople. This meant that if the British dared to oppose the treaty, they would be setting themselves against the entirety of Europe.

The British government was clever. After the various nations announced the signing of the treaty, they showed no reaction whatsoever.

The British government adopted an attitude of “no attention, no response, no existence,” pretending that nothing had happened at the conference. This left the signatory nations with no pretext to interfere with Britain’s control over the canal.

If they wanted to wrest control of the canal from British hands, their only option was war. And while these countries had been quick to sign the treaty, if it came to actually fighting a war against the British, it was doubtful many would be willing to participate.

Unless super great powers like Germany, France, and Russia were willing to step forward and bear the pressure, the other European nations would probably not even consider a war with Britain.

Obviously, since the French had led the signing of the treaty, if anyone were to step forward, it would have to be them.

Britain and France did indeed have irreconcilable conflicts. Logically, it was possible that the French would step up and start a war with Britain to seize control of the canal.

But it was clear that the France of this era was not the same France that had been the hegemon of Europe before the Franco-Prussian War. In that period, due to its monarchy, Emperor Napoleon III could easily mobilize the entire nation for war, committing all of the country’s material, financial, and military resources.

But now, France was a republic. It was not so easy for either the president or the premier to launch a war.

Moreover, this would be a war against Britain, the most powerful of the great powers. For France, at any point in its history, launching such a war would require profound deliberation.

After a period of careful consideration, the French government ultimately decided not to press the issue with the British.

As a result, the Convention of Constantinople, which should have been highly beneficial to the nations of Europe, became, to a certain extent, empty talk. Many of the treaty’s provisions could not be effectively guaranteed.

Of course, with so many countries having signed the treaty, Britain did not dare to flagrantly violate the terms of the Convention of Constantinople either.

Since Britain and France took no action after the treaty was signed, a disappointed Carlo could only turn his attention back to Spain’s domestic development.

It was worth noting that after the completion of Spain’s political reforms, the annual work reports submitted by the provinces and municipal governments to the Cabinet and parliament had become much thicker.

Because the Cabinet and parliament could determine the careers of officials at all levels, the work attitude of local governments had become considerably more proactive.

Most apparent was the significant improvement in Spain’s population, industrial, and economic growth data. It was clear that a substantial number of officials had made real political achievements.

The most prominent example was the population growth in Spain’s twin star cities, Madrid and Barcelona.

As Spain’s capital and most populous city, Madrid officially announced in early 1889 that its population had surpassed one million, becoming the first Spanish city to reach this milestone.

This was a landmark moment absolutely worthy of being recorded in history, an unprecedented achievement in the annals of Spain.

In early 1889, Carlo personally summoned the mayor of Madrid, not only praising his performance in recent years but also promising that the nation’s great contributors would not be forgotten.

Although Barcelona’s population was slightly smaller than Madrid’s, its growth rate was in no way inferior.

According to a report from the Barcelona municipal government at the end of 1888, the city’s total population had reached 884,900, bringing it incredibly close to the million mark.

It was foreseeable that Barcelona would become Spain’s second city with over a million people within the next two years. The gap in population, industry, and economy between the twin star cities and the rest of Spain would continue to widen.

For Spain, such an issue was unavoidable. The population disparity between the two major cities and other small to medium-sized cities was already large. In the ten to twenty years since Carlo had become king, the development speed of these two cities had been unparalleled. This led to ever-increasing populations in the twin cities, while the growth rates of other cities clearly could not keep up with Madrid and Barcelona.

In the short term, a larger population in the twin star cities was more beneficial for Spain. The Barcelona Industrial Base offered hundreds of thousands of jobs, yet Barcelona itself only had a population of 880,000, which was quite unreasonable.

Currently, many people who worked in Barcelona were not yet permanent residents of the city. A large number of them would eventually choose to register their households in Barcelona; after all, it was where they worked, and it was highly probable they would put down roots there in the future.

As the capital of Spain, it was natural for Madrid to attract a large number of immigrants. In most countries around the world, the capital is typically the largest city.

Barring geographical or other hindrances, a capital’s development is almost always among the top, if not the absolute leader, of all cities in a country.

Madrid did face certain geographical constraints, making it almost impossible to become a city with millions of inhabitants like London or Paris.

The Cabinet and the Madrid municipal government had their own plans for the capital’s development. In the future, Madrid’s population growth rate would be slowed, and its total population would need to be controlled at around 1.5 million. Any more would lead to traffic congestion.

This meant that within the next ten to twenty years, Barcelona would surpass Madrid to become Spain’s most populous city.

Considering Barcelona’s industrial base and its geographical advantage on the coast, it would likely surpass Madrid not just in population but completely in terms of industry and economy as well.

Of course, no matter how developed Barcelona became, only Madrid could be the capital of Spain. Madrid’s location at the center of the Iberian Peninsula was of immense strategic importance.

Even if Spain were to annex Portugal or Morocco in the future, Carlo would not consider relocating the capital.

It is worth mentioning that the mayorship of Barcelona had changed hands long ago. After serving for nearly ten years as the Director of the Barcelona Industrial Zone, Baron Angelo Orcajo, whom Carlo had long favored, was finally promoted to be the mayor of Barcelona.

Barcelona’s population explosion occurred during his term of office. In the few years since he became mayor, Barcelona’s population had increased by nearly 200,000, an outstanding political achievement.

If it weren’t too early for the next Cabinet election, Carlo would have even considered promoting Baron Angelo to Minister of Industry or another cabinet minister position, allowing him to gain greater experience and grow within the Cabinet government.

To Carlo, Baron Angelo was a potential candidate for the next Prime Minister.

He came from a noble background, so his loyalty to the royal family was assured. More importantly, Baron Angelo Orcajo’s family had long since fallen from grace, which meant he was no longer a member of the traditional nobility.

Carlo was already considering granting him the title of Count. This would serve, first, to recognize his political achievements in the industrial zone and in Barcelona, and second, to elevate him as a member of the new-style nobility, completely separating him from the influence of the old-style nobles.

Because of their vast landholdings, the old-style nobles were more conservative in their thinking, and their loyalty to the royal family was not as high as one might imagine.

After all, King Carlo was a foreigner. It would be a miracle if these native nobles were highly loyal to a foreign king.

But the new-style nobles were different. Although the issue of a foreign king remained, they had all been personally promoted by Carlo, so their loyalty to him was higher and more dependable.

More importantly, since the new-style nobles did not possess large tracts of land or other traditional assets, their ideas and strategies were less conservative, making them more suitable for the Spain of Carlo’s reign.

Although the Conservative Party currently held half the seats in the Spanish Parliament, Carlo had not completely dismantled the Liberal and Progressive Parties. This was partly because he was reluctant to let the Conservatives gain absolute power.

The Conservative Party strengthened royal authority, but for an emerging Spain, their complete control of power was not necessarily a good thing.

Compared to the more conservative Prime Minister Canovas, Baron Angelo, with some more training, could perhaps become a more outstanding Prime Minister.

The real reason Carlo was scouting for the next prime minister was Prime Minister Canovas’s advancing age.

As things stood, Carlo’s collaboration with Prime Minister Canovas was going quite smoothly. Ever since Count Canovas became Prime Minister in 1872, Carlo had truly gained the power of a king and had continuously deepened the reforms that Prime Minister Primo had left unfinished.

Eleven years had now passed, and Prime Minister Canovas was a man of great power and influence in Spain.

But no matter how much Carlo trusted him, the traditions established by the constitution could not be broken.

For Prime Minister Canovas, once his current term ended, he would not have the opportunity to stand in the election after the next one.

There were still three years left in his current term. Adding the five-year term of the intervening prime minister, that made a total of eight years.

Prime Minister Canovas was born in 1828 and was already sixty-one years old. In another eight years, he would be sixty-nine. Even if he could be elected Prime Minister at that time, at such an age, what energy would he have to manage the countless affairs of state?

Throughout his government reforms, Carlo had constantly emphasized the necessity of rejuvenating the ranks of officials at all levels.

For both Spain and Carlo, the Spain of the future had no need for a sixty-nine-year-old prime minister.

This meant one thing: when Prime Minister Canovas’s term ended, Carlo would have to select a trusted official to serve as the prime minister of the new Cabinet government.

Besides having Carlo’s trust, this official also needed to be capable. Baron Angelo Orcajo was clearly a very suitable candidate.

Of course, Carlo had backup candidates as well.

The current Minister of Industry, Jovellar Soler, was a member of the Conservative Party and a nobleman. Carlo had full confidence in his loyalty.

However, compared to Angelo and Prime Minister Canovas, Jovellar Soler was somewhat less capable.

But Minister Jovellar Soler held high prestige within the Conservative Party. If Baron Angelo was unable to secure the premiership, Minister Jovellar Soler would be an excellent backup choice.

Besides Minister Jovellar Soler, the current Minister of Defense, Evan Bradley, was another option.

Evan Bradley was suited to play the role of Grand Duke Serrano—that of a nominal prime minister who could control the government and stabilize the situation for a short period.

Evan Bradley had served three consecutive terms as Minister of Defense in the Cabinet and enjoyed extremely high prestige within the military. He would have no problem controlling the government for a short time.

Moreover, Minister Evan Bradley’s loyalty was exceptionally high, making him another trustworthy candidate for Carlo.

These backup candidates also revealed Carlo’s approach to selecting a Prime Minister for Spain: loyalty came first, ability second.

In any case, Carlo was the one who controlled Spain’s development, so the prime minister’s ability was not of utmost importance. What mattered was the prime minister’s loyalty to Carlo. Only by ensuring this loyalty could Spain’s situation remain stable.

Carlo had no desire to deal with an ambitious prime minister. Such a person would not only threaten his royal authority but also interfere with the reforms and development he had so carefully laid out for Spain over many years.

For Carlo, unless he could find a prime minister of exceptional ability and unique vision, he would not delegate significant power.

The Prime Minister of Spain would have his own authority, but this authority could not interfere with the king’s. Throughout Carlo’s reign, this would be the unwavering division of power between the sovereign and the premier.

Only in his later years would Carlo consider reallocating these powers. To prevent an incompetent heir from leading the country into an abyss, he would then consider weakening the royal authority.

Chapter 338: Balkan Crisis

The seemingly calm situation in Europe was anything but. The slightest interference from any power could shatter the continent’s tranquility.

As it turned out, the Balkan Peninsula’s moniker as a ‘powder keg’ was no exaggeration. Carlo had thought Europe would maintain a brief period of peace, but he hadn’t expected a minor incident in the Balkans to nearly trigger a war between two great powers.

The matter had to be traced back to the previous Russo-Turkish War. Although the Russians had won the war, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Britain, through forceful intervention, had successfully replaced Russia as the primary beneficiaries of the conflict.

This left the Russian Emperor, Alexander III, feeling deeply aggrieved. The war he had meticulously planned had not only failed to bring Russia vast new territories and populations but had also led to the failure of Russia’s expansion in the Balkan Peninsula.

The war had clearly destroyed the once-good relations between Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, turning the two neighboring countries from friendly neighbors into mortal enemies.

After this war, Russia temporarily halted its territorial expansion. But in the Balkan Peninsula, the Russians’ actions never ceased.

Although Russia had not gained any land from the Balkan Peninsula, as the most powerful nation among the Slavic people, it still maintained very close ties with the Slavic nations of the Balkans.

The Russians could also be called East Slavs, and the Balkan Peninsula was home to a large number of South Slav nations. The already independent Serbia and the autonomous Bulgaria were both Slavic nations, and these countries had a natural affinity with Russia. This was Russia’s advantage over the Austro-Hungarian Empire in expanding its influence in the Balkans.

Here, one must also mention Serbia, a country that would have a profound impact on the future of Europe. Although the countries of the Balkan Peninsula were small in area and population, their military prowess was undeniable.

Due to their long resistance against the rule of the Ottoman Empire, followed by various internal conflicts and wars after their independence, the armies of the Balkan nations were all quite formidable.

Serbia was a particularly typical example, and it had its own political ambitions. Just as there were ideas of unification in the German lands and the Italian peninsula, there were similar ideological currents in the South Slav region advocating for the unification of the South Slavs.

As the most powerful of the South Slav nations, Serbia naturally took up the mantle of supporting and promoting this doctrine.

As fate would have it, the spoils of war that the Austro-Hungarian Empire had obtained through forceful intervention, the region of Bosnia and Herzegovina, was precisely what Serbia considered a crucial step toward unifying the South Slavs.

This essentially meant that there was an irreconcilable conflict between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Serbia over the region of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

As fellow Slavs, Serbia also had the backing of Russia. This made it very difficult for the Austro-Hungarian Empire to resolve the trouble afoot on its doorstep, and the rivalry with Serbia severely damaged relations between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia.

The current situation between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia was that Russia could not abandon its support for Serbia. Doing so would completely erase Russia’s dominant position among the Slavs in the Balkan Peninsula and would allow the Austro-Hungarian Empire to expand there without restraint.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire, on the other hand, could not possibly relinquish Bosnia and Herzegovina. The region served as the empire’s bridgehead for expansion into the Balkan Peninsula. Whether due to the pride of a great power or its strategic planning for the nation’s future, abandoning Bosnia and Herzegovina to Russia or Serbia was out of the question.

With neither side able to take a step back, a conflict in the Balkan Peninsula was only a matter of time.

This time, the conflict erupted on the border between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia, involving the armies of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Serbian border guards.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire had occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina for nearly ten years, but in that time, they had not officially announced the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The main reason for this was the resistance of the local inhabitants to Austro-Hungarian rule, as well as the support these resistance fighters received from Serbia, and behind Serbia, Russia.

Because the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Serbians both belonged to the South Slavs, the relationship between the two was extremely close.

With the support of the Serbian government, a resistance army was established in Bosnia and Herzegovina to fight against Austro-Hungarian rule, and it gained the support of many of the region’s inhabitants.

This was unacceptable in the eyes of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which subsequently dispatched a large number of troops to suppress the local resistance forces and restore order in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Under the immense pressure from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the local resistance forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina certainly could not hold out. Some of the high-ranking members of the resistance chose to flee to Serbia, seeking the protection of the Serbian army.

In hot pursuit of these high-ranking resistance members were the Austro-Hungarian troops, who chased them all the way to the border region.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was not about to let these high-ranking resistance members go so easily. Even after seeing them flee to the Serbian border, the Austro-Hungarian army still demanded that the Serbian army hand over the leaders to be taken back to Bosnia and Herzegovina for trial and punishment.

Faced with the demand of the Austro-Hungarian army, the Serbian side could not possibly agree. Serbia was continuously promoting theories of South Slav unification and a Greater Serbia. If Serbia could not even protect its own compatriots who had fled into its territory, who would believe the various theories it espoused?

Therefore, the Serbian side staunchly refused the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s demand, stating that the empire had no right to take anyone from within Serbian territory.

The Serbian government’s explicit refusal immediately infuriated the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Judging from this incident alone, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was certainly in the right.

The fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire had been determined in the last peace negotiation. The actions of the resistance fighters were undermining the domestic peace of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and were completely illegal.

It was only natural for the Austro-Hungarian Empire to crush them, and even demanding the fugitives from Serbia was normal. After all, there was a considerable gap in stature between the two countries; a small nation like Serbia ought to show the Austro-Hungarian Empire some respect.

But it was precisely at this final step that a problem arose. Regardless of Serbia’s overall strength, they had no intention of giving the Austro-Hungarian Empire any face in this matter.

Because giving the Austro-Hungarian Empire face would be tantamount to slapping their own, completely undermining all their previous strategic plans.

The Serbian government was highly ambitious; they could not possibly yield to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. After all, Serbia also had a super great power behind it in Russia. If it came down to a simple comparison of strength, Russia’s overall power was greater than that of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The Austro-Hungarian forces on the scene had not expected Serbia to reject their demand so decisively. Upon hearing the refusal, the commanding officer was visibly angered.

But border affairs were a matter of great importance, and a minor officer like him could not give the order to open fire on the Serbian army. After casting a resentful glance at the Serbian troops, the Austro-Hungarian commander ordered a retreat and reported the incident at the border to his superiors.

As the news was reported back to Vienna, the incident immediately drew the attention of all levels of the Austro-Hungarian government.

While it seemed on the surface that Serbia had simply refused the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s request for the handover of fugitives, a deeper look revealed that the incident carried a far greater meaning.

First, the resistance fighters themselves had the support of Serbia and Russia. To so brazenly support resistance forces within the Austro-Hungarian Empire was in itself a provocation against the empire.

For a small nation to dare provoke a mighty great power, if the Austro-Hungarian Empire did not respond forcefully, this incident alone would be enough to deal a heavy blow to its international prestige.

On the second day of the incident, Emperor Franz Joseph I of the Austro-Hungarian Empire summoned the Serbian Ambassador to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, sternly questioning the Serbian government’s attitude regarding the incident. He demanded that the Serbian government hand over the high-ranking resistance members within three days and apologize to the Austro-Hungarian Empire for the incident.

The Serbian Ambassador’s attitude was non-committal; he neither showed an overly strong refusal nor agreed to any of Franz Joseph I’s demands.

Just as Franz Joseph I was waiting for Serbia’s response, a piece of news completely enraged him.

On the very day he had summoned the Serbian Ambassador, the ambassador had relayed the relevant information back to his country, conveying Franz Joseph I’s queries verbatim.

Not only did the Serbian government not agree to any of Franz Joseph I’s demands, but it also published the Emperor’s demands in the news for the Serbian public to see.

This immediately ignited the fury of the Serbian people. The relationship between the two countries was already fraught with contradictions, and with the Serbian government’s news summary stripping away all context, Franz Joseph I was instantly made the most hated European ruler in all of Serbia.

The Serbian government had achieved its goal. With the entire nation united in its hatred for Franz Joseph I, the Serbian government would not, and had no reason to, agree to the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s demands.

By the time Franz Joseph I received this news, it was already the day after he had summoned the Serbian Ambassador.

Since Serbia had no intention of showing him or the Austro-Hungarian Empire any respect, Franz Joseph I had no intention of showing any mercy either.

On February 11, 1889, Emperor Franz Joseph I of the Austro-Hungarian Empire summoned the Prime Ministers of Austria and Hungary and ordered the Austro-Hungarian army to prepare for war.

On February 12, the Austro-Hungarian Empire issued an ultimatum to the Serbian government. If the Serbian government did not hand over the high-ranking resistance members within three days, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would forcefully invade Serbia and capture them on Serbian soil.

With the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum, the eyes of all of Europe immediately turned to the situation in the Balkan Peninsula.

To be honest, even the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s allies, Italy and Germany, had not expected Franz Joseph I’s ultimatum to come so swiftly.

But on second thought, it was understandable. Franz Joseph I’s only son, the heir to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, had just died less than half a month ago.

Franz Joseph I had suffered such a heavy blow, and yet Serbia chose this moment to provoke the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Wasn’t this just doing something reckless?

To prevent a rift in their alliance, Germany expressed its support for the Austro-Hungarian Empire and condemned the Serbian government for harboring the high-ranking resistance members from Bosnia and Herzegovina and inciting internal unrest in other countries.

When the Austro-Hungarian Empire issued its ultimatum to Serbia, Carlo also immediately sent a telegram to Franz Joseph I.

Perhaps it was the course correction of history. Carlo had once tried to save Crown Prince Rudolf, but in the end, he could not change his fate.

The prince, who had been the heir to the throne of the Austro-Hungarian Empire from birth, ultimately lost his life by committing suicide for love.

This was a great scandal for the Austro-Hungarian imperial family and a devastating blow to Franz Joseph I.

Kings in Europe who chose love over their thrones were rare enough to be lamented, but a nobleman like Crown Prince Rudolf, who would forsake both his future throne and his own life for a woman, was certainly one of a kind.

When she learned that Crown Prince Rudolf had committed suicide for love, Queen Sophie cried for a whole night.

She had a very good relationship with her younger brother, Crown Prince Rudolf. The three siblings had grown up together and were very close.

Carlo had wanted to save Crown Prince Rudolf’s life precisely because he wanted to maintain a long-term alliance with the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

If Crown Prince Rudolf were still alive, Spain would have had at least one steadfast ally during the future period of the World Wars, which would have been incredibly valuable.

Even now that Crown Prince Rudolf had passed away, Carlo was still unwilling to give up the good relationship with the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

After the Austro-Hungarian Empire issued its ultimatum to Serbia, Carlo sent a personal telegram to Franz Joseph I, stating that the Spanish royal family would stand with the Austro-Hungarian imperial family in this incident and would provide Franz Joseph I with all possible support.

Although this telegram was not sent in the name of the Spanish government, any discerning person knew that this was a very clear expression of Carlo’s stance.

Although Spain was a constitutional monarchy, Carlo’s influence on the government was undeniable. Carlo’s statement was no different from a statement from the Spanish government. If a war were to break out, the Spanish government would certainly stand on the side of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Carlo’s stance also made the situation in this incident seem one-sided. On the surface alone, the Austro-Hungarian Empire now had the support of Germany and Spain. Although the combined strength of these three great powers was not as great as the former League of the Three Emperors, it was definitely the most powerful force in the world at present.

On Serbia’s side, there was at most only Russia. Whether Russia could still support Serbia under the pressure of three great powers was a question worth pondering.

Chapter 339: The War Begins

Truth be told, Carlo found a certain novelty in this Balkan crisis. If this crisis were to trigger a war between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia, or even a World War, Carlo genuinely couldn’t predict how the situation in Europe would unfold.

This was because Russia had not yet formed an alliance with France, whereas the Austro-Hungarian Empire had Germany as its greatest ally.

Even if Russia rapidly moved closer to France under diplomatic pressure, Britain, isolated from the European continent, would be unlikely to join a Franco-Russian Alliance.

This meant that if war broke out, the European situation would enter a new phase. Although following the known course of history was more advantageous for Carlo, a new development in European affairs might also present more possibilities for Spain.

Returning to the Balkan crisis at hand.

The moment the Austro-Hungarian Empire issued its ultimatum, Serbia first contacted the Russian Ambassador to Serbia. Only after receiving a clear affirmation of support from Russia did it reject Austria-Hungary’s demands.

This also showed that the Serbian government was not foolish. No matter how loudly they shouted the slogans of Greater Serbianism, when facing a formidable great power like the Austro-Hungarian Empire alone, Serbia was doomed to fall quickly without external aid.

The weakest of the great powers was still a great power, and the strongest of ordinary nations was still no match for one. The Austro-Hungarian Empire completely crushed Serbia in terms of industry, population, economy, and comprehensive national strength. If Russia were unwilling to support it, Serbia would never have resolutely resisted Austria-Hungary.

So the question was, why was Russia willing to risk war to support Serbia?

The main reason was that two years prior, Bulgaria’s new Grand Duke had come from the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha.

The prestige of this house needed no introduction. Its influence was no less than that of the German imperial family, the Hohenzollerns, making it one of the most famous families in the German lands and all of Europe.

Besides ruling its own Duchy of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha also held the thrones of Belgium, Portugal, and Bulgaria.

And because Queen Victoria’s husband, Prince Albert, also came from the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, once Queen Victoria passed away and her son became king, Britain would also enter the era of the Saxe-Coburg and Gotha dynasty.

For Russia, the glorious history of the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha was not important. What mattered was where the family came from and which country it favored.

Clearly, this family from the German lands would be pro-German, which meant Russia would lose Bulgaria, a very important South Slavic nation.

It was worth noting that Romania and Greece were not considered South Slavic nations. There were only two major South Slavic nations: Bulgaria and Serbia.

The Bulgarian throne had been taken by the Germans. If the Russians couldn’t hold on to Serbia, the last sizable South Slavic nation, the Pan-Slavism that Russia championed would crumble into nothing.

This was why Russia supported Serbia. They could not abandon Serbia, as it was their only remaining hope for expansion in the Balkan Peninsula.

With Russia’s support, Serbia was fearless. But with the support of Germany, Italy, and Spain, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was equally fearless.

As the deadline for the ultimatum set by Austria-Hungary approached, all nations were speculating whether Austria-Hungary would launch a war over this and whether Russia would refuse to back down under the pressure.

On February 14, 1889, Emperor Franz Joseph I of the Austro-Hungarian Empire signed a mobilization order, partially mobilizing the armies in the regions of Hungary and Croatia, and transferring some troops stationed in Austria to Croatia and Hungary.

Serbia, not to be outdone, issued a national mobilization order. Conflicts flared up frequently along the border, and it seemed war was imminent.

On Russia’s side, Alexander III was instructing his diplomatic service to solicit France’s opinion.

Alexander III understood that once this war began, Russia would no longer have a say in when it would end.

Given that the situation concerned the Balkan Peninsula, the British would not necessarily remain neutral. If Britain had to choose a side, they would most likely support the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The reason was simple: Austria-Hungary had no overseas territories. The Austro-Hungarian Empire had almost no conflicts with Britain, whereas Russia’s conflicts with Britain in the Balkans and Central Asia were extensive.

Under these circumstances, Russia had to secure the support of another great power to enter this war with confidence.

Since almost all the European great powers except Britain and France had declared their positions, Alexander III could only place his hopes on the French.

In fact, since Russia’s defeat in the Russo-Turkish War, the ties between Russia and France had grown much closer.

Both Germany and Russia understood that the League of the Three Emperors could no longer be sustained. Germany was wary of Russia’s constant expansion, and Russia was full of resentment toward Germany for not supporting it.

And this proved to be the case. After the treaty for the League of the Three Emperors expired, Germany and Russia chose not to renew it, instead signing a new Reinsurance Treaty, which was similar to a non-aggression pact.

The main purpose of this treaty was to achieve non-aggression, ensuring a brief period of peace on the German-Russian border.

As for the disputes in the Balkan Peninsula, the Reinsurance Treaty barely mentioned them. This essentially implied one thing: in future matters concerning the Balkans, Germany would stand firmly with the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Russia, of course, understood what this Reinsurance Treaty represented. At the same time it was signed, Russia reached a related treaty with France for further cooperation.

However, at the time, Russia did not wish to damage its relationship with Germany, so the Franco-Russian Alliance that the French hoped for did not materialize. Nevertheless, the relationship between France and Russia did indeed become closer.

Now, France was the only country that could possibly support Russia, and Alexander III could no longer afford to worry about his relationship with Germany.

In fact, if this war broke out, Germany and Russia would very likely become enemies. In such a situation, a France that might support Russia was obviously more important.

As the Russian Ambassador contacted the French government, the pressure of the European situation shifted onto their shoulders.

At this time, the Prime Minister of France was Charles Thomas Floquet, a radical Republican.

Although he was quite fierce in his ideals, he did not display a particularly decisive attitude when dealing with such major international affairs.

When the Russian ambassador contacted the French government, Charles Thomas Floquet was faced with a very difficult choice.

While agreeing to the Russians’ request would likely facilitate a Franco-Russian Alliance, which would completely break the diplomatic isolation France had endured since the Franco-Prussian War, there was a problem.

Doing so could very well trigger an extremely large-scale war. The military strength of a Franco-Russian Alliance would certainly be formidable, but this alliance would have to face three enemies: Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and possibly even Spain.

Italy’s close relationship with Germany and Austria-Hungary was well-known, which meant Italy would likely join in as well.

What was even more worrying was that neither France nor Russia had good relations with Britain, which might also join the German-Austrian Alliance to counterbalance them.

If France’s support for Russia were to trigger an even larger upheaval in Europe, the gain would not outweigh the loss for France.

While the French government was still hesitating, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was already preparing for war.

At the same time, Austria-Hungary contacted Germany and Italy, requesting military support during the war.

According to the military alliance treaty signed by the three countries, if Russia declared war on Austria-Hungary, Germany and Italy were to immediately declare a state of war and send troops to support the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Faced with his ally’s request, King Umberto I of Italy immediately ordered his government to agree.

However, Italy was not without its own ambitions. Italy also wanted to expand in the Balkan Peninsula. They did not intend to compete with Austria-Hungary for Bosnia and Herzegovina, but rather set their sights on Montenegro and Albania, south of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

These two regions were just across the sea from Italy, at one point separated by a distance of only a little over seventy kilometers. For Italy, acquiring these regions would be an extremely important supplement to their homeland.

When the alliance treaty was signed, Austria-Hungary and Italy had already discussed the division of the Balkan Peninsula. The lands of Montenegro and Albania were good, but they were too far for Austria-Hungary to effectively annex.

If they could use these two territories, which they couldn’t acquire themselves, to entice Italy to support their war, it was undoubtedly the best possible choice.

Therefore, after Italy put forward its request, Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria quickly agreed.

Compared to Italy’s decisiveness, Germany’s attitude was not as resolute.

The German Emperor at this time was Wilhelm II, and the Prime Minister was Bismarck. The administrative philosophies of these two clashed significantly, and their views on this war were worlds apart.

For Bismarck, this war would not only exacerbate the conflict between Germany and Russia but could also force Russia to quickly align with France.

For Germany, this would not only destroy the diplomatic environment of isolating France that Bismarck had previously established, but it would also make the Franco-Russian Alliance Germany’s greatest threat.

Theoretically, the comprehensive strength of a Franco-Russian Alliance would exceed that of a German-Austrian-Italian one. Germany’s military might could defeat either France or Russia alone, but the combined forces of Germany and Austria-Hungary could not defeat the combined armies of France and Russia.

As for Italy, given its current military strength, although it was a great power, it would ultimately only be a supporting character in a war of this scale.

Bismarck was not optimistic about Italy’s military capabilities, nor did he believe Italy could play a crucial role in a war of this magnitude.

If the European continent truly formed into a situation with a Franco-Russian Alliance confronting a German-Austrian one, for Germany, situated right in the middle, it would be a hellish outcome.

Once war broke out, France and Russia would surely attack Germany first. If Germany’s industry and agriculture were destroyed, the German-Austrian Alliance would lose its ability to resist.

Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s territory was no smaller than Germany’s, if Germany were to be defeated first by the Franco-Russian Alliance, Austria-Hungary would be utterly defenseless against two super great powers.

After all, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had once been Germany’s enemy, and Bismarck knew this defeated foe very well.

If the Austro-Hungarian Empire consisted only of Austria and Bohemia, Bismarck would be willing to regard it as a medium-sized great power.

But with the addition of Hungary, Galicia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and other regions, the comprehensive strength of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in its complete form was actually much weaker.

Hungary, the largest state within the empire, was already unenthusiastic about the Austrian Empire. Coupled with the multitude of other ethnic groups and the fact that the core German population was not a majority, the strength of this powerful great power was greatly diminished.

In contrast to Bismarck, who was pessimistic about the war, Wilhelm II, who had just become Emperor, was very optimistic.

Wilhelm II believed that the current war was one of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy against a single enemy, Russia. Moreover, Spain had also expressed its support for Austria-Hungary. If the four great powers could unite to eliminate Russia first, the hellish outcome Bismarck spoke of would naturally never come to pass.

Even if a Franco-Russian Alliance were eventually formed, it would not necessarily mean a disastrous end for Germany.

Yes, Germany was indeed caught between France and Russia from the east and west. But the problem was, if they could draw Spain into the alliance, France would also find itself caught between two fronts.

Although Germany was caught between two fronts, its northern and southern borders were secure. As long as they could eliminate either France or Russia first, the war could still be ended quickly.

Whether they defeated France again or defeated Russia, it would be a good thing for Germany.

Defeating France would bring massive reparations and even allow them to seize France’s colonies in Africa. Defeating Russia would allow them to seize the Polish territories occupied by Russia; the Polish plains were also extremely valuable land.

Due to the conflict in ideals between the new Emperor and the long-reigning statesman, Germany did not express its stance immediately.

In Vienna, the old Emperor Franz Joseph I’s gaze was profound. After confirming there was no news from Germany, he stared at the map of the Balkan Peninsula for a long time before finally issuing his order to the government: “Go to war!”

Chapter 340: The Makings of a Great War

On February 15, 1889, the Austro-Hungarian Empire formally announced that due to Serbia’s refusal to cooperate in the capture of rebels, a state of war now existed between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Serbia.

War was declared!

When the Austro-Hungarian Empire issued its ultimatum, many nations believed it would declare a state of war upon the ultimatum’s expiration.

After all, this so-called ultimatum was a double-edged sword. It had reached the point of no return. Once a nation issues an ultimatum to another, it also signifies that the issuing nation is already prepared for war.

When the other party rejects its demands, it must resort to war to forcibly compel them to comply.

If the ultimatum were rejected and war not declared, such an action would not only be ridiculed by foreign governments but also furiously condemned by its own people.

National prestige was paramount. For the old Emperor Franz Joseph I, this was a war that had to be fought.

The moment the Emperor declared war, over one hundred thousand Austro-Hungarian troops marched south in a vast and mighty procession.

It is worth mentioning that Serbia’s territory at this time was different from that of later eras. All land north of the Danube River was occupied by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, with all Serbian territory lying to the south.

This meant that Serbia’s capital, Belgrade, was directly on the border, facing the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s southern border forces across the river.

This made the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s military objective exceedingly clear: to cross the river, capture Belgrade, and swiftly end the war.

To be safe, the Austro-Hungarian Empire decided to attack on two fronts. One, the main force, would attack Belgrade from north of the Danube River. The other, a supporting force, would advance eastward from the region of Bosnia to outflank Belgrade from the south.

Because the Danube River served as the border between Serbia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the frontier between the two nations was winding and convoluted, with many twists and turns.

As it happened, Belgrade was situated on one of these bends, at the very tip of a salient.

Although the confluence of two rivers gave Belgrade excellent defensive terrain, from the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s perspective, Belgrade was undeniably within the bombardment range of its border forces.

Since it was within range, the Austro-Hungarian Empire showed no restraint. On the very day war was declared, they launched a ferocious bombardment on the Serbian capital of Belgrade, expending tens of thousands of shells on that day alone.

And this was with the border forces having only a limited number of cannons. As the war progressed, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would certainly transfer a large number of cannons from other regions to bombard Belgrade.

This meant that the future bombardments Belgrade would face would be even more intense than the present one.

The Serbians, of course, could not withstand such a violent shelling. The moment the state of war was declared, they urgently contacted Russia to request its support.

Tsar Alexander III was also stunned by Franz Joseph I’s decisive declaration of war. He hadn’t expected the war to erupt so quickly, and more critically, Russia’s domestic mobilization had made no progress whatsoever.

Indeed, compared to Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s war mobilization was relatively slow, its organization was weaker, and its military’s combat effectiveness was not particularly high.

The problem was, Russia shared the same weaknesses, and Russia’s were even more critical than those of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The combat effectiveness of the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s Austrian forces was still quite excellent. After all, the so-called Austrians and Germans both belonged to the Germanic people, a very brave and skilled warrior race.

The Russians were by no means inferior in terms of bravery and fighting skill, but they were far behind in administrative efficiency, military organization, logistics, and financial strength.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia had announced their war mobilizations at around the same time, but while Austria-Hungary had already mobilized over one hundred thousand troops to launch the war, Russia had mobilized very few.

Of course, the Russian government was not entirely to blame. The Austro-Hungarian capital, Vienna, was only 500 kilometers from the Serbian capital, Belgrade, which meant that troops from the Austrian region could quickly reach the vicinity of Belgrade in a short time.

In contrast, Russia’s St. Petersburg was nearly 1800 kilometers from Belgrade. Even the closest Russian border to Serbia was over 600 kilometers away.

To put it simply, it would be very difficult for the Russian army to cross that 600-kilometer distance to support Serbia. Unless the Russian army could pass through Romania, but even that journey was nearly 500 kilometers long.

Judging from the current situation, it would be difficult for Russia to provide effective support to Serbia in a short time. Compared to taking a detour through Romania to reach Serbia, a direct attack on the Austro-Hungarian region of Galicia and Lodomeria might be a better way to relieve the pressure on Serbia’s front.

The problem was that if Russia were to attack the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the war could escalate at any moment into a larger-scale conflict between the great powers.

Currently, Russia’s standing army numbered around six hundred seventy thousand soldiers, the largest in all of Europe. If Russia joined the war, Germany would certainly join as well to help its ally and counter the Russian pressure.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire had a standing army of only about two hundred sixty thousand, but Germany’s standing army was as high as five hundred thousand. The combined armies of these two nations were not inferior to Russia’s, which meant the war would evolve into a prolonged war of attrition.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire and Germany were both highly powerful industrial nations. Although Russia had more abundant resources on its home soil, its economy was quite poor.

If it turned into a war of attrition, it was truly hard to say who would win or lose. This made Alexander III hesitate; he wasn’t sure if interfering in this war was a wise decision.

It is worth mentioning that Russia’s power had been centralized by Alexander III at this time. Tsarist Russia was already an absolute monarchy, and with this further centralization, all manner of powers were now concentrated in the hands of the Tsar alone.

The head of the Tsarist government was not elected by the people but personally appointed by the Tsar, who held absolute appointment authority.

In other words, under the Tsarist system, the Prime Minister was merely an aide to the Tsar’s rule. The Prime Minister had little independent authority and was reduced to a political tool for the Tsar to exercise his power.

Since he couldn’t ask the Prime Minister for an opinion, Alexander III could only turn his gaze to the high command of the Russian army.

The good news was that the Russian army’s combat effectiveness had indeed improved considerably after the Russo-Turkish War. Although a great deal of benefit was not the ultimate outcome for Russia, Russia had been on the winning side of the war itself.

The victory in the war had also led to the promotion of many military generals. There were many high-ranking military commanders Alexander III could consult, and among them were not only members of the imperial family but also talented individuals who had genuinely risen through the ranks on military merit.

The attitude of these high-ranking military officials was quite consistent: they supported the war. This was, in fact, the situation in most countries. After all, the military advanced through military merit, and without a war, their greatest channel for promotion would be closed.

After questioning several generals and receiving opinions all in favor of the war, Alexander III finally made a decision.

On February 16, 1889, the day after the Austro-Hungarian Empire declared war on Serbia, the Russian government also declared war on the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The reason given by the Russian government was that Russia, as the protector of the Slavic peoples, had a duty and obligation to ensure the safety of all their Slavic brethren. The Austro-Hungarian Empire’s blind declaration of war on Serbia was unjust, and the Slavic peoples should unite to resist Austria-Hungary’s aggression.

On the same day war was declared on the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Alexander III ordered the front-line troops to attack the Austro-Hungarian border.

The main purpose of this was to disrupt the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s strategic preparations, forcing them to withdraw some forces to defend their own border.

Although the Austro-Hungarian standing army of over two hundred thousand was not small, compared to a behemoth like Russia, this number was clearly insufficient.

Moreover, with over one hundred thousand Austrian troops already gathered on the Serbian border, this meant that there were actually fewer than two hundred thousand Austrian troops on the Russo-Austrian border.

The number of Russian troops stationed on the border was more than double that of the Austro-Hungarian forces. Once Russia began its attack on the Austro-Hungarian border, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would inevitably be at a disadvantage.

This was precisely why the old Emperor Franz Joseph I had always wanted to align with Germany and establish an alliance. After the Austro-Prussian War, Austria’s main enemy had shifted from Prussia to Russia.

Although the combat effectiveness of the Russian army was not on par with that of the Austro-Hungarian army, in terms of reserve numbers and total troop strength, even if the Austro-Hungarian Empire could achieve a 1:2 loss ratio, Russia would still hold the advantage on the battlefield.

On the Austro-Hungarian side, when Franz Joseph I received the news that Russia had declared war on him, the old Emperor’s face remained calm, but his tightly clenched fists betrayed him.

The conflict between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia had been ongoing for a long time, and Franz Joseph I knew his Russian enemy quite well.

Once Russia announced its entry into the war, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was no longer the main protagonist. From then on, it would have to rely on its allies. Only if Germany was willing to join the war and help the Austro-Hungarian Empire would it have any chance of winning.

“Send a telegram to Berlin. Request that the German government honor the alliance and help us resist the Russian army.” Franz Joseph I fell silent for a long moment before giving his order to the Foreign Secretary.

Then, the old Emperor looked at the prime ministers of Austria and Hungary and said in an unquestionable tone: “This war is of the utmost importance to us. I do not wish to see any infighting during the war.

“Gentlemen, winning this war and eliminating the Serbians is the highest priority. If we win this war, vast tracts of land in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia will be yours to divide.

“But if we lose this war, we could lose not only Croatia, but even parts of Hungary.

“Right now, we have a common goal and a common enemy. Only through sincere cooperation can we win this war and ensure we are not the ultimate losers.

“God will bless us. Only the Habsburgs can be the victors!”

Like Alexander III, Germany also faced the choice of whether to join the war.

If this were in the era of Wilhelm I, there would have been no such debate within the German government. In Wilhelm I’s time, Bismarck was the undisputed man in power, and his foreign policy received Wilhelm I’s full support.

Unfortunately, the German Emperor at this time was, after all, Wilhelm II.

Bismarck was certainly highly respected, but he was merely the Prime Minister of the German Empire. Kaiser Wilhelm II was the master of the country. When imperial power and prime ministerial power clashed intensely, and with the Emperor’s position being unchangeable, the only thing that could be changed was the choice of Prime Minister.

On February 17, 1889, Kaiser Wilhelm II personally ordered the government to prepare for war.

A few hours later, the German Foreign Secretary summoned the Russian Ambassador in Berlin and stated to the Russian government: “While we have no desire to tear up the Reinsurance Treaty, when your country’s army sets foot on our ally’s soil, we will be forced to take up arms to defend the peace.”

The Russian side had clearly anticipated Germany’s entry into the war. The Russian Ambassador showed no surprise. After the German Foreign Secretary expressed his rather firm stance, the Russian Ambassador simply nodded calmly and said, “His Majesty the Tsar also has no wish for war with your country, but the future can only be left for God to decide.

“The sovereignty of the Slavic peoples will not be violated. For Serbia, we are willing to face the attack of any powerful enemy.”

The meeting ended on a sour note, and the news of the breakdown in talks between Germany and Russia quickly became front-page headlines across the nations of Europe.

At this moment, the governments and peoples of Europe shared a thought that had never occurred to them before: a super war, the likes of which had never been seen, might erupt in Europe.

Two great powers, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia, had already joined the fray. Could a third great power be far behind?

In fact, to cope with the pressure from its formidable enemy Russia, Franz Joseph I not only contacted his most powerful ally, Germany, but also his secret ally, Italy, and his ally by marriage, Spain.

For Carlo, he too now faced a difficult choice.

Spain could join the war and become a participant in a potential super war. Alternatively, Spain could stay out of it, watching the entire great war unfold intently from the sidelines.

For Carlo, the choice had, in fact, already been made.

Spain didn’t mind joining a super war, but there was absolutely no need to fight to the death with the Russians over Serbia.

To put it bluntly, Spain had no interests in the Balkan Peninsula, and it was not worth starting a major war with Russia for the sake of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

If this war was won, Spain would not gain much. But if it was lost, the golden age that Spain had worked so hard to build would not only vanish into thin air, but it could also face massive reparations and industrial decline.

This sealed Carlo’s stance: even with their ties by marriage to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Spain would not personally enter the fray.

Of course, Carlo would not be stingy with material support. If the Austro-Hungarian Empire wished, Spain could certainly become its arms supplier.

Who ultimately won this great war was not that important to Spain. What mattered was which countries would participate in it.

For Spain, if Britain and France could both be drawn into this war, that would be the best possible news.

Only after all the European great powers had entered the fray would Spain consider entering itself. After all, the British Empire, isolated from the European continent, was still watching the situation. Before the British had expressed a clear stance, Carlo was not foolish enough to charge into battle for them.

Chapter 341: The British Reaction

Germany and Russia were not the only ones facing a difficult choice; in fact, the British, who seemed to have nothing to do with this war, were also in a predicament.

As early as the day the Austro-Hungarian Empire delivered its final ultimatum to Serbia, the British government had convened an emergency meeting to discuss the pros and cons of the developing situation for Britain, as well as the position Britain should take.

Ordinarily, if the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum led to a war between Austria-Hungary and Russia, it would certainly be advantageous for the British.

Britain only needed to support the Austro-Hungarian Empire from behind to weaken the military strength of two great powers simultaneously. Weakening Russia’s military, in particular, was of the utmost importance to the British.

As long as Russia could be defeated, it would be unable to expand in East Asia or the Balkan Peninsula for at least the next ten years.

But with Germany’s relatively firm stance, the British government had to consider a new turn of events in the European situation.

Because Britain had always subscribed to a policy of regional balance, its diplomatic stance was constantly shifting. Whichever country became stronger, Britain would turn to support the weaker party.

If it were just a war between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia, Britain would naturally support Austria-Hungary, which was weaker and had no significant conflicts with Britain.

But what if behind this Austro-Hungarian Empire stood the powerful German Empire? With Russia having no allies, the British were more inclined to watch the tigers fight from a safe mountain, letting Germany and Russia wear each other down until both were severely wounded.

However, a conflict between Germany and Russia would inevitably involve another European power: France.

In Britain’s balancing policy, Germany was a relatively important piece. The Franco-German rivalry was a crucial tool for Britain to maintain the balance of power on the European continent, which meant Germany could not suffer too heavy a loss in this war, or it would be suppressed by the French once more.

If France were to become the hegemon of Europe again, the threat it posed to Britain would be even greater than that of Russia. This was something the British had to consider. How to ensure that the European situation would not be affected after the war was a relatively difficult problem.

Inside the Prime Minister’s residence at 10 Downing Street, British Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil was holding a private meeting with several key cabinet ministers.

The content of the meeting was, naturally, the impact of this war on the European situation and what position Britain should adopt to navigate it.

First, a word about the current British Prime Minister, Robert Gascoyne-Cecil. He was a thorough conservative and a fervent follower of Britain’s “Splendid Isolation” policy and its policy of regional balance.

In the years he had served as Prime Minister, Britain had downplayed its influence on the European continent, consistently pursuing its policy of Splendid Isolation while balancing the situation in Europe and even around the world.

It was because of his Splendid Isolation that the British government had the energy to conquer colonies outside of Europe. During his term of office, the colonial territory Britain had expanded into already amounted to over one million square kilometers, equivalent to the area of several British homelands.

“Gentlemen, let’s hear your thoughts. The Austro-Hungarian Empire has declared war on Serbia. Judging by the reactions of Germany and Russia, it’s highly likely that both countries will also join this war.

“If the situation truly develops this way, what started as a small border conflict could ultimately evolve into a super-war involving several great powers.

“What position should we maintain in this super-war? Should we join one side, or should we continue to pursue our isolationism?” Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil looked toward the key cabinet ministers attending the meeting.

The Minister of War, William Henry Smith, was the first to stand, expressing his viewpoint without reservation. “Mr. Prime Minister, allow me to present the perspective of the War Department.”

After seeing the Prime Minister nod, Minister Smith continued, “If both Germany and Russia enter the war, its scale could reach a historical high.

“Both Germany and Russia possess standing armies of several hundred thousand, and they both have the capacity to mobilize millions of reserves to join the war.

“And what about us? Our home army consists of only one hundred thirty thousand men, and our reserves are less than five hundred thousand. For us, this will be a war we simply cannot interfere in. The course of the war can only be determined by the level of commitment each country invests in it.”

What Minister Smith said was, in fact, an old problem for Britain: heavy investment in the Navy, but little in the Army.

While the British Navy remained the world’s number one, its army was the smallest among the great powers, with the regular army at home numbering just over one hundred thousand.

Currently, Britain had the smallest standing army in all of Europe. The only nation with a smaller one was the United States, across the ocean.

Although Britain had hundreds of thousands of colonial troops stationed in colonies around the globe, these troops clearly could not be deployed to the Balkan battlefield.

The combatants in the Balkan Peninsula were countries with powerful armies like Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Russia. If colonial troops were deployed, they would truly become cannon fodder, the kind that wouldn’t even make a ripple.

The meaning behind Minister of War William’s words was simple: he was reminding the Prime Minister that the current British Army was incapable of intervening in this war breaking out on the European continent, and the British government should consider its own position and capabilities before making any decisions.

Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil nodded with an unchanged expression. He was clearly aware of Britain’s shortcomings in terms of its army.

It couldn’t be called a shortcoming, exactly. After all, Britain was an island nation, detached from the European continent. As long as it could defend the North Sea and the English Channel, no country could threaten the British homeland.

This was also why Britain focused on building up its navy while somewhat neglecting its army. After all, if the enemy couldn’t even reach your homeland, what was the point of maintaining such a large regular army? It would only increase military expenditure.

On this point, the United States, which could be called Britain’s child, had learned its lesson so well that the student had surpassed the master.

While America’s industry and economy grew rapidly, its military strength remained at the bottom among the great powers. This was especially true for its army. With no strong nations to its north or south and two great oceans to its east and west, the size of the US Army had always been pitifully small.

It was only during the American Civil War that the US Army instantly expanded to over one million soldiers, but it shrank again just as quickly afterward. To this day, the regular US Army numbers only a paltry few tens of thousands, not even a fraction of the armies of European nations.

An insufficient standing army meant that in the event of a large-scale war, a rapidly expanded military would have poor combat effectiveness, and even its command structure would be chaotic, thereby affecting the war’s outcome.

But from another perspective, a smaller army meant more manpower could be devoted to industrial and civilian production.

The reduced military expenditure could also be transferred to other government departments, or at the very least, invested in the Department of Public Welfare to increase subsidies to various industries and enterprises, promoting industrial and economic development.

The difference of a mere one or two hundred thousand soldiers might not seem like much, but the gap in military expenditure was an enormous figure.

Currently, Spain’s annual military expenditure was as high as one hundred million pesetas, which was how it could maintain a domestic standing army of over two hundred thousand in addition to a large number of colonial troops.

If the army could be reduced to the size of America’s, Spain’s annual financial budget would increase by more than one hundred million pesetas, a very considerable sum of money.

Of course, for Carlo, it was impossible to reduce the army to such a small scale, no matter the circumstances.

Spain was not like the United States or Britain. Spain was a part of the European continent, which meant it had to guard against enemies from that direction.

“Mr. Prime Minister. I am not worried about the scale of this great war; I am worried that in this war, the Russians are already showing a tendency to lean towards France.

“At present, it seems Russia is still quite wary of the German-Austrian Alliance. If they were to form an alliance with France to counter it, that would be a very bad situation for us.

“In terms of comprehensive national strength, we, France, Germany, and Russia are the four most powerful countries on the European continent. Once a Franco-Russian Alliance becomes a reality, our advantage over the various European nations will cease to exist.

“Germany still has the Austro-Hungarian Empire as an ally, but what about us? We have no allies (among the great powers) on the European continent.

“This great war may have nothing to do with us, but what if the next great war of a similar scale breaks out, and it is highly relevant to us? What can we do then?” the Colonial Secretary offered his perspective.

This problem was, in fact, the essence of Britain’s policy of Splendid Isolation and regional balance: Britain maintained an advantageous position over other countries from its stance as the world’s number one power and hegemon.

Whether it was France, Germany, or Russia, they were all slightly inferior when facing Britain.

But if a Franco-Russian Alliance were to be formed, Britain’s original advantage against either the German-Austrian or the Franco-Russian bloc would seem much less pronounced.

It was no exaggeration to say that the comprehensive strength of either the German-Austrian or the Franco-Russian bloc might not be weaker than Britain’s.

If they truly united, Britain’s Splendid Isolation would become genuine isolation. This was not what Britain wanted. Britain’s Splendid Isolation was about avoiding entanglement while still maintaining decision-making power over the European situation.

But if Britain were to be isolated by the united European great powers, it would lose not just its decision-making power; perhaps even the British homeland itself would be implicated.

“German-Austrian, Franco-Russian…” Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil’s gaze fell upon the map of Europe hanging in the meeting room, then shifted to the European great powers outside the scope of the current conversation.

Spain? Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil decisively shook his head.

Putting aside the poor relations between Spain and Britain, if Britain were to form a strategic alliance with Spain, it would mean abandoning its current ally, Portugal.

What would abandoning Portugal mean? It would mean Spain would annex Portugal. A unified Iberian Peninsula would pose a great threat, which was something the British were unwilling to see.

Moreover, although Spain had achieved rapid growth in its comprehensive national strength through reforms, with respectable achievements in industry and economy, the problem was its inherently small population. For a great power, this was the greatest flaw.

Other countries had populations in the tens of millions, meaning they could mobilize millions of troops. Spain’s population was still only just over twenty million, which meant it could only mobilize a little over two million.

Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil’s gaze moved away from Spain and then fell on Italy in the center of the Mediterranean.

But soon, Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil shook his head again.

If the rejection of Spain was due to poor relations with Britain and Britain’s unwillingness to see the unification of the Iberian Peninsula, then the rejection of Italy was purely because Italy was not strong enough.

Even though Italy had a larger population, the consensus among the European powers was that Spain was the stronger nation.

Although Italy was also a great power, if it were to face a super-war involving multiple great powers, it would be of little use.

Scanning the whole of Europe, Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil was startled to find that Britain was indeed in a rather awkward position.

Britain was certainly powerful, but the problem was that the other great powers had allies. Was a Britain without allies still powerful?

This was a debatable question.

“Then what is your opinion? Should we try to prevent a Franco-Russian Alliance in this war? But if we do prevent it, will the Russians still be a match for the German-Austrian Alliance?” Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil turned his gaze back to the Colonial Secretary who had raised this point and continued his inquiry.

“For our part, perhaps we truly must prevent the Franco-Russian Alliance from happening,” the Colonial Secretary continued. “The comprehensive strength of the German-Austrian Alliance is not that great, and the Germans and Austrians do not have many conflicts or competitions with us.

“But a Franco-Russian Alliance is different. Both France and Russia are our enemies, and both are formidable great powers. If they are allowed to unite, it won’t just be the Germans who suffer, but us as well.

“A united Franco-Russian Alliance would certainly engage in a greater contest with us in Western Europe, the Mediterranean, and Central Asia. This would divert our energies and disrupt our colonial plans in Africa and other regions.

“The Russians have a larger population, and the French have a developed economy and industry. The combination of these two countries would be a deadly enemy.

“Rather than letting a Franco-Russian Alliance run rampant across Europe, it would be better to let the Austrians defeat the Russians. As long as this war does not affect the Russian homeland, future European competition will take place between Germany, Austria, and Russia.”

In truth, matters and opinions like these should have been expressed by the Foreign Secretary, but this particular Cabinet government was somewhat special.

The Prime Minister, Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, did not hold the concurrent post of Minister of Finance, as was common for prime ministers. Instead, he held another important cabinet position: Foreign Secretary.

This meant that if Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil overlooked a matter related to the diplomatic service, the heads of other departments needed to remind him.

After listening to the Colonial Secretary’s words, Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil finally nodded and said, “Then let it be so. We will do everything in our power to prevent a Franco-Russian Alliance from happening.

“As for this war, we shall observe its development from a neutral position. I do not wish to see any great power other than Germany and Russia join this war. Please convey my views to the other nations.”

Chapter 342: The Possibility of Surpassing France

The British were not just paying lip service to the idea of stopping a French alliance. To prevent the birth of a Franco-Russian Alliance, a super-bloc that would far surpass the German-Austrian Alliance, British Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil expressed his views on the Balkan War during a press interview with Reuters on February 17, 1889.

Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil first called on the warring parties—the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Serbia, and Russia—to calm down and resolve the conflict on the Balkan Peninsula peacefully.

Next, the Prime Minister stated that Britain would not intervene in this war and would act as a neutral party to prevent its further escalation as much as possible.

To spare the people of the Balkan Peninsula and the belligerent nations from the hardships of war, Britain announced it would do its utmost to prevent other countries from joining the conflict. It also called on other European nations to stop the war from expanding and to mediate as much as possible.

Although Prime Minister Robert Gascoyne-Cecil merely called on European nations not to escalate the war during the interview, no country would take his words lightly.

This was the most powerful man in the most powerful country in the world. If anyone truly ignored Britain’s advice and allowed the war to expand, who could guarantee that the British would continue to maintain their stated neutrality?

The British threat was very effective. At least on the surface, the progress of the Franco-Russian Alliance’s negotiations slowed considerably.

Regardless of whether the French feared Britain, the Russians were certainly afraid of them at this moment.

After all, the rivalry between Russia and Britain was common knowledge. If Russia were to offend Britain by wooing France, causing Britain to directly intervene in the war on the side of Germany and Austria-Hungary, the Russians would truly have no way out.

Besides, for the Russians, limiting the scale of the war was not necessarily a bad thing.

If the participating nations were only Germany and Austria-Hungary versus Russia and Serbia, Russia would be at a slight disadvantage, but the situation would not be hopeless.

While the Russians could certainly pull in France, the Austro-Hungarian Empire also seemed capable of attracting many allies. Italy, which had a secret treaty with Austria-Hungary, and Spain, which had expressed support for Austria-Hungary before the war even broke out, were both great powers.

As the saying goes, a flurry of wild punches can take down a master. Although the combined strength of Spain and Italy could not match super great powers like France and Russia, the outcome of a multi-front battle was far from certain.

Coupled with the veiled threats from the British, the Russians were successfully persuaded to limit the scale of the war, with no intention of starting a super-war that would engulf all of Europe.

Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire shared the same decision as Russia.

To be honest, the news of Russia and France growing closer had terrified the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Even the German Empire, which had once defeated France, broke into a cold sweat upon hearing of a potential Franco-Russian union.

Although Europeans often spoke of five great powers, the idea of four great powers was more widely accepted. These four—Britain, France, Germany, and Russia—led other great powers in industry, population, economy, and military strength.

If two of these four great powers were to form an alliance, it would be difficult for any single super great power to resist them unless the remaining two also formed an alliance.

The German-Austrian Alliance was clearly no match for a Franco-Russian Alliance. Unless the Germans could also bring in Italy and Spain, they might only win through a four-versus-two scenario.

Because both sides did not want the war to spiral out of control, and with Britain’s overt and covert threats, the conflict was ultimately confined to just four countries.

Although only four countries participated in the war, three of them were great powers. While the scale of the conflict was limited, it could still theoretically be considered a large-scale war.

Since the outbreak of the war, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had also contacted Spain. It was not just the Austro-Hungarian government contacting the Spanish government; Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria was also in touch with Carlo, asking if Spain could join the war to help Austria-Hungary.

Initially, Carlo had employed delaying tactics, planning to make a decision after the British made their stance clear. Now that the British government had taken a position, Carlo naturally would not delay any longer.

The day after the British government’s statement, on February 18, 1889, Carlo summoned the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador to Madrid to convey Spain’s attitude toward the war.

First, the Spanish royal family and government supported the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s war against Serbia. However, for various reasons, including the stance expressed by the British Prime Minister the day before, Spain could not join the war.

Nevertheless, due to the alliance between Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Spain was still willing to provide any material resources to Austria-Hungary at pre-war market prices.

This was quite significant. Although the war had only been going on for a few days, it was certain that the price of strategic materials would only increase in the future.

This mainly included food, medical supplies, weapons, and ammunition. The prices of these goods were bound to soar. For Spain to be able to sell these supplies to the Austro-Hungarian Empire at pre-war market prices was, in fact, fulfilling its duties as an ally.

After all, during wartime, the prices of various goods rise very rapidly. This was not the usual incremental increase; wartime price hikes could involve doubling or even multiplying, and the price difference was enormous.

Of course, Carlo’s willingness to sell supplies to Austria-Hungary at pre-war cost was not entirely due to their alliance.

The main reason was that not many of Europe’s great powers were participating. Britain and France, the two main powers, were not involved, and they certainly wouldn’t miss the opportunity to make a fortune from the war.

As a result, while prices would rise during the war, the increase would likely be limited. By selling supplies at pre-war market prices, Spain would earn a little less but would gain the goodwill of Austria-Hungary and Germany, which was also quite important.

In addition to promising to sell supplies to Austria-Hungary at pre-war market prices, Carlo also had the Spanish government reach a military agreement with the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The main content of this military agreement was that the Spanish Ministry of Defense would send a military observer group to the main front in the Balkan Peninsula to observe the war from the sidelines and learn from the strengths and weaknesses of each country’s military operations.

The term “military observer group” was not unfamiliar, and the Austro-Hungarian side did not refuse.

Carlo’s purpose in dispatching the military observer group was simple: to allow the Spanish army to properly observe this war between European great powers and learn from the advanced military ideas and strategic deployments of various nations.

Although Spain had demonstrated considerable combat effectiveness in its operations against African natives, the enemies were, after all, unsophisticated African natives, completely different from the European great powers.

The Spanish army could not afford to be arrogant and complacent. Given such a good learning environment, dispatching an observer group was a necessity.

In addition to sending a military observer group, Spain also gifted a batch of rifles and cannons, along with their corresponding bullets and shells, to the Austro-Hungarian Empire free of charge.

The reason for gifting this batch of equipment was also simple: to use the Austro-Hungarian Empire to test its practicality. Again, the battlefield environment in Africa was completely different from that in Europe. One could be careless when fighting natives, but one must be extremely cautious when fighting European nations.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire naturally understood Spain’s thinking behind the free equipment. But for Austria-Hungary, a free batch of weapons was something they couldn’t refuse.

After reaching the relevant cooperation agreement with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Spanish government also revealed its stance to the outside world. Similar to the British Prime Minister’s position, the Spanish government advocated for the warring parties to calm down and avoid unnecessary casualties.

Nations not involved in the war should maintain a neutral role to avoid being drawn in and thus expanding the conflict.

The successive statements from Britain and Spain effectively set the tone for this war.

France and Italy, who had yet to state their positions, would find it difficult to join the war now, as they lacked sufficient pretext.

France and Russia currently had no alliance. If France wanted to join the war, it would have to hastily form one with Russia.

But doing so would make their objective too obvious, which would not only cause France to lose public support for the war but also put it in a more awkward diplomatic position.

A Franco-Russian Alliance would make every other great power in Europe wary. It was not unthinkable that the Franco-Russian Alliance itself would end up being isolated.

As for Italy, as long as they did not want to publicize the Triple Alliance treaty with Germany and Austria-Hungary, they had no excuse to join the war.

Furthermore, with both Britain and Spain having stated their positions, Italy’s hands were tied, even if it wanted to participate.

Inside the Royal Palace of Madrid, after confirming that the war would only involve three great powers—Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia—Carlo’s focus on the conflict diminished.

For Carlo, the outcome of the war was no longer important. What Carlo truly cared about was how long the war would last and what Spain could gain from it.

Judging from the current situation in Europe, once Germany and Russia were mired in war, Spain would have more opportunities to catch up to the four great powers.

Among the remaining European nations, perhaps only Britain could surpass Spain in terms of development speed and economic prosperity. The pace of French development had stagnated significantly since the Franco-Prussian War.

Within the Spanish government, slogans about catching up to the four great powers were already circulating, with the most exaggerated even calling to surpass Britain.

However, the slogan most recognized by government officials was “Surpass France in five years, catch up to Germany in ten.”

As for surpassing the British, that was indeed just a fantasy for Spain at present.

Putting aside whether catching up to Germany was achievable, surpassing France was certainly more than just a slogan for Spain at this time.

Let’s first look at steel production, an important measure of industrial scale.

For the entire year of 1888, Spain’s annual steel production reached about five hundred thousand tons, a level that was already first-rate in Europe.

In the entire world, only four countries could surpass Spain in steel production: Britain, the United States, Germany, and France. Among them, only Britain, the US, and Germany had a significant lead over Spain.

Although France’s steel production exceeded Spain’s, it was only a little over six hundred thousand tons, just over one hundred thousand tons more than Spain’s.

Based on the growth rate of French industry in recent years, even if Spanish industry could not surpass France’s in five years, it could basically maintain the same level, with the gap being within fifty thousand tons.

Of course, in terms of pig iron production, France still held a slight lead over Spain. However, France’s lead was due to its larger population and colonies, and this gap was continually being closed by Spain.

In the chemical industry and other industrial sectors, France also maintained a slight lead. But in the Second Industrial Revolution, the French had clearly fallen behind Spain.

Spain did not have much of an industrial base during the First Industrial Revolution, but this was not entirely a bad thing. After all, the First Industrial Revolution was more foundational. As long as Spain could catch up with the Second Industrial Revolution, it could compensate for the shortcomings of the first.

As things stood, Spain could no longer be said to be just catching up to the Second Industrial Revolution; it was one of its leading nations.

This was especially true in the field of electricity. The “City that Never Sleeps” was pioneered by Spain, and large-scale power generation equipment spread from Spain to other European countries.

Although various European countries were now blossoming in power generation and application, Spain, as a pioneering nation, remained at the top of Europe in its electrical achievements.

Even though Spain’s population was smaller than other European countries, it was still among the European leaders in terms of power generation and per capita electricity consumption.

Currently in Madrid and Barcelona, over sixty percent and over fifty percent of factories, respectively, used electrical equipment.

These two most industrialized cities in Spain were also representative of the current state of electricity’s application in the Spanish industrial sector.

Compared to industrial electricity use, residential electricity use was somewhat poorer.

Even in Spain’s two most developed cities, the number of households with access to electricity was only about one-third of the total number of households in those two cities.

This achievement was only possible after continuous updates to power generation equipment, which led to lower electricity costs as generation capacity grew.

In comparison to Spain, the situation in other countries was even worse. Even in the capitals of the great powers, few nations had achieved an electricity penetration rate of over one-third.

Currently, two European capitals had the lowest electricity penetration rates. The first was Russia’s capital, St. Petersburg, and the second was France’s capital, Paris.

St. Petersburg’s low electricity penetration was normal, as the Russian government did not have much money to invest in electricity, and current technology could not support electrifying such a vast country.

Paris’s low electricity penetration also had its reasons. Compared to Berlin, Vienna, and Rome, Paris had a larger population, which made widespread electrification more difficult.

Even though many wealthy Parisian merchants and capitalists enjoyed electricity, a large number of commoners and middle-class citizens would not have access to this new energy source in the short term.

Furthermore, the French government’s investment in the industrial revolution was dwindling, and French factories were unwilling to adopt electricity and increase their costs.

This resulted in France, despite being one of the four great powers of Europe, lagging behind many other European nations in the use and popularization of electricity.

Chapter 343: Bismarck Resigns

The first great change brought by this war had arrived.

Kaiser Wilhelm II, against all advice, had Germany join the war. However, his pre-war argument with Prime Minister Bismarck became a topic of even greater public interest than the war itself.

This new Kaiser was not like his grandfather. Due to a congenital disability, Wilhelm II had an extreme sense of pride and would naturally not tolerate a Prime Minister like Bismarck, who would openly refute and even furiously rebuke him during Cabinet meetings.

As for Bismarck, he had given everything for this country. The creation of the German Empire was inseparable from the contributions of the Iron Chancellor, Bismarck. It was under his leadership that the former Kingdom of Prussia had defeated Denmark, Austria, and France in succession, building the mighty German Empire.

When the flying birds are gone, the good bows are stored away; when the cunning hares are dead, the hunting dogs are boiled for food. Prime Minister Bismarck, who had held the reins of power in Germany for over twenty years, was stunned to find that there was no longer a place for him in the empire he had worked so hard to build.

Disappointed with the current situation, Prime Minister Bismarck submitted his resignation to Kaiser Wilhelm II, which could also be considered a final warning to the Kaiser.

Wilhelm II gave no response to Prime Minister Bismarck’s resignation. In such moments, silence often signifies consent.

In endless disappointment and sorrow, German Prime Minister Bismarck formally submitted his resignation to the Cabinet and presented a six-page letter of resignation to Wilhelm II.

Having done all this, Prime Minister Bismarck did not linger. He furiously left Berlin and retired to his country estate.

After Prime Minister Bismarck left the German Cabinet, it officially came under the control of the new Kaiser, Wilhelm II. Bismarck’s successor as the Prime Minister of Germany was Leo von Caprivi, a high-ranking military official with some experience.

From this, one could also see Wilhelm II’s reason for forcing out Prime Minister Bismarck. It was mainly because Bismarck commanded immense prestige in both the German government and the military, and this prestige and status had begun to affect Wilhelm II’s power.

This situation was similar to the environment in Spain when Carlo first arrived. However, Carlo didn’t have much power at the time and could only bide his time and build his strength.

Furthermore, Prime Minister Primo at the time was not as dominant as Prime Minister Bismarck. In many respects, Prime Minister Primo was willing to grant the new king, Carlo, a certain degree of decision-making power. This led to a much better outcome for Prime Minister Primo compared to Bismarck.

Prime Minister Bismarck’s somber departure became the biggest news in Germany, and for a short time, it was also the hottest news in all of Europe.

As an influential figure in Europe during the late nineteenth century, Prime Minister Bismarck had always been the person European nations paid the most attention to. His resignation immediately garnered the attention of all European countries. Nations with poor relations with Germany, like France, actually cheered.

Everyone understood that Prime Minister Bismarck’s departure was a weakening for Germany. As one of the greatest contributors to the establishment of the German Empire, Prime Minister Bismarck played a crucial role in Germany.

He controlled Germany’s politics, diplomacy, military, and economy. He single-handedly orchestrated the European situation that isolated France, allowing the newly established German Empire to become one of the four great powers of Europe, with a subtle trend towards becoming the hegemon of Europe.

From this point alone, no amount of praise for Bismarck’s political achievements would be excessive. Before Bismarck became the Prime Minister of Prussia, Prussia was just an ordinary second-rate country on the European continent, unable to even compete with Austria in the German lands.

But after he became the Prime Minister of Prussia, he transformed Prussia into a European power through various reforms.

It was precisely because of Bismarck that Prussia was able to exclude Austria from Germany and establish the German Empire itself.

The fundamental reason why Austrians are also considered Germans is that Austria is part of the German lands. Hundreds of years ago, the German lands were ruled by the Holy Roman Empire, and the House of Habsburg, which ruled Austria, was also the imperial family of the Holy Roman Empire centuries ago.

If not for Bismarck, the imperial family in the region of the Holy Roman Empire would still be the Habsburgs, and the German Empire would have had little to do with Prussia.

Compared to Bismarck, his successor, Prime Minister Leo von Caprivi, did not possess such high prestige or power.

The main reason Wilhelm II appointed him as the Prime Minister of Germany was that, while Leo von Caprivi was competent, he had no party affiliation, making him a relatively easy person to control.

After replacing the Prime Minister, Wilhelm II issued orders to the new Cabinet, demanding that they make thorough war preparations and strive to defeat Russia in this war.

As soon as Prime Minister Leo von Caprivi took office, he accelerated the pace of Germany’s investment in the war.

Previously, during Prime Minister Bismarck’s tenure, he had consistently opposed Germany’s entry into the war, which resulted in Germany being unprepared for it.

Although war had been declared on Russia, Germany could currently only mobilize about two hundred thousand troops on its eastern border, which was clearly not enough to win the war.

In just a few short days, Prime Minister Leo von Caprivi produced a comprehensive plan for military expansion, which quickly received Wilhelm II’s approval.

According to this new expansion plan, Germany would deploy at least five hundred thousand active-duty troops and mobilize at least five hundred thousand reserve troops for this war.

This meant that Germany’s total military strength in this war would soon exceed one million men. Germany’s goal was not just to defeat Russia; they also wanted to occupy the Polish territories held by Russia.

As can be seen on a map, the Russian-occupied Polish territories formed a salient, situated right between the territories of Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Germany’s war plan was very simple: to advance in two prongs with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, directly encircle the Polish territories, annihilate the Russian defenders there, and occupy all of Poland.

If they could occupy all of Poland, the Austro-Hungarian region of Galicia and Lodomeria would also be secured. It would no longer be so easy for the Russian army to attack Germany or the Austro-Hungarian Empire from this salient.

This German battle plan also meant that the Polish territories would become the main site of offense and defense for Germany and Russia, as well as the primary battlefield of this war.

As for the war between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Serbia, although the conflict between these two nations was the source that triggered this major war, its scale was destined to be small. After all, the Russians were unable to support Serbia.

For Serbia, aside from receiving weapons and equipment from Russia, they were almost completely isolated and without aid.

It was because of the successive declarations by the British and the Spanish that the various European nations gave up the idea of intervening in this war.

Romania, located between Serbia and Russia, also declared neutrality and non-interference in the war. This meant that the Russian army could not pass through Romania, and thus could not support the isolated Serbia.

About half a month after the war broke out, Spain’s military observer group officially arrived in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, planning to travel to the region of Galicia and Lodomeria to observe the war situation among Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia in detail.

Compared to the small-scale war between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Serbia, Spain’s military observer group was clearly more focused on the battle between the three great powers.

And the battle between these three great powers did not disappoint the Spanish military observer group. On the very day the military advisory group arrived in the region of Galicia and Lodomeria, a large-scale battle broke out there among the three nations.

Due to Russia’s slow mobilization speed, it adopted a defensive posture on the border, with the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Germany on the offensive.

Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire had prepared over three hundred thousand troops in southern Poland. This army’s mission was to advance north from southern Poland and cut off the retreat of the Russian forces stationed in Poland.

Another army of less than two hundred thousand men would advance south from northern Poland to encircle the Polish territories along with the southern army.

The offensive and defensive battles in the Polish territories clearly demonstrated the different characteristics of the three nations’ armies.

In terms of combat effectiveness, the German army was the strongest and had the best equipment. The actual casualty ratios also showed that German soldiers were better trained, showing little panic in battle.

Compared to the German army, the Austro-Hungarian and Russian armies were on the same level. Although the overall combat effectiveness of the Russian army was quite poor, their border defense forces were still commendable.

This was especially true for the troops on the German-Russian border; these were the main forces of the Russian army, and their performance in battle was commendable.

The most elite part of the Austro-Hungarian army was composed of Austrians. The combat effectiveness of the remaining troops, made up of soldiers from Hungary, the Czech lands, or other ethnic groups, was hard to describe; their quality could be said to be uneven.

Such an army could still play a role in defensive battles, but in offensive battles, their contribution was practically nonexistent.

If not for the exceedingly valiant performance of the German army, the combined German-Austrian forces probably wouldn’t have been able to push the front line very far.

Being at the front lines, the military observer group had a relatively clear understanding of the war situation.

Across the entire Polish region, Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire had mobilized over five hundred thousand troops, while Russia had fewer than four hundred thousand.

Although Russia had large numbers of troops en route to the front, Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were also continuously mobilizing.

From this, the outcome of the Battle of Poland could be foreseen; the scales of victory were gradually tipping in favor of Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

This was Russia’s greatest weakness: its mobilization speed was indeed too slow. Not only was mobilization slow, but Russia’s transportation infrastructure was also the worst among the European great powers.

Coupled with its vast territory, it took mobilized troops from various regions several times longer to reach the front than it did for their German and Austro-Hungarian counterparts.

This doomed Russia to be at a disadvantage in the early stages of any war, unless it had made thorough preparations and nearly completed mobilization before the war began. Only then might it be able to change its early-stage disadvantage.

Obviously, this war had broken out suddenly for Russia. This led to Russia’s pre-war preparations being completely inadequate. Not only was troop mobilization slow, but even various strategic materials took a very long time to be transported to the front.

Carlo, for his part, attached considerable importance to this war.

The military observer group sent by Spain was composed of two types of officers: one group consisted of relatively young field-grade officers, and the other consisted of young officers who had either graduated from military academies a few years ago or were still studying in them.

These men were the future of the Spanish army, and perhaps many future generals would emerge from their ranks. Carlo had high hopes for them, wishing they would learn more knowledge and gain more experience from this war.

It is worth mentioning that even though Carlo had blocked information related to machine guns, the various European nations were still conducting their own research.

The German army was equipped with some automatic firearms similar to machine guns, and these weapons played a certain role in the war.

The world’s first true fully automatic machine gun was designed by Maxim, but before him, the American Gatling had already designed a hand-cranked, semi-automatic machine gun.

The European nations had evidently also paid attention to this type of hand-cranked, semi-automatic machine gun and were exploring the design of fully automatic machine guns based on its principles.

As Germany’s ally, the Austro-Hungarian army also had such machine guns. However, one could clearly see certain differences between the German and Austro-Hungarian models, indicating that both countries had their own progress in machine gun development.

Unlike Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, there was no sign of machine guns in the Russian army.

The Russian army was still equipped with the same old things: standard-issue rifles and artillery. Because the Polish territories bordered both Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the two nations were essentially fighting on their own doorstep, making logistics and supply relatively easy.

But for Russia, although Russian Poland was its own territory, this land was simply too far from Russia’s core.

The Polish territories were nearly a thousand kilometers away from the Russian capital of St. Petersburg, and even farther from other cities.

This meant that even though they were fighting on their own soil, Russia’s logistical pressure was actually greater than that of Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

As the saying goes, “when the cannons roar, a fortune in gold is spent.” Besides their logistical troubles, the Russian military also had significant worries about military expenditure.

Although Russia had a larger population, its economy was much weaker compared to those of Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The longer the war dragged on, the greater Russia’s logistical and economic pressures would become. To a certain extent, this was a war that Russia could not afford to prolong.

In the week after the Spanish military observer group arrived at the front, fierce fighting raged among Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia in the Polish territories.

In just one week, the total casualties for the three nations had already exceeded one hundred thousand. This fully demonstrated the brutality of war; any war is a considerable loss for the people of every nation.

Russia bore the most casualties, with tens of thousands of Russian soldiers killed.

Under the relentless attacks of Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Russian defensive lines in the Polish territories were constantly pushed back. As one piece of victorious news after another reached Berlin and Vienna, Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire grew increasingly optimistic about the war.

As a fellow member of the Triple Alliance, Italy could only feel regret about this war. If Italy had joined the war earlier, they too would now be playing the role of a victor.

Moreover, by joining the war, they could have demanded more benefits. Italy could have set foot on the Balkan Peninsula instead of continuing to stagnate on the Apennine Peninsula.

Chapter 344: The Arms Trade

Although the successive declarations from Britain and Spain effectively prevented the war from escalating further, any discerning observer could see that the situation in Europe had undergone an earth-shattering transformation after Germany and Russia went to war.

The League of the Three Emperors was now a thing of the past, replaced by the confrontation between the German-Austrian Alliance and Russia.

Although Germany, Austria, and Italy guarded the treaty of the Triple Alliance well, Italy’s relationship with the German-Austrian duo was no secret.

It wasn’t just Spain; many European countries, including France, Russia, and even Britain, believed that Italy had already signed an undisclosed treaty of alliance with Germany and Austria.

The purpose of this supposed treaty was simple: for Germany and Austria, it was to fill the void left by Russia’s departure, as Italy was, after all, a great power.

As for Italy, it was to find a powerful backer, for the performance of the Italian Army was well-known throughout Europe.

Despite Italy’s population being much larger than Spain’s, in terms of decision-making power on the European continent, Italy could not compare to Spain.

The main reason for this was the relatively poor combat effectiveness of the Italian army. The Spanish army, even in the final stages of the Bourbon dynasty’s rule, was considered to have at least above-average fighting strength.

After Carlo’s multiple reforms and improvements to weaponry, the current combat effectiveness of the Spanish army, while not necessarily the best in Europe, was certainly among the strongest.

Although the Italian Army’s combat strength was lacking, bringing Italy into their alliance was not without its benefits for Germany and Austria.

First, Italy’s agricultural and industrial scale was commendable. While its industry couldn’t match that of the other great powers, it was far superior to that of non-great powers.

Italy bordered the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which in turn bordered Germany. This geographical position was crucial, as it meant that during wartime, Italian resources could be transported to Germany through Austria-Hungary.

As mentioned before, Germany was located in the battleground state of Central Europe, flanked to the east and west by two powerful great powers, France and Russia, with the Baltic Sea, the North Sea, and Denmark to the north.

Furthermore, Germany’s naval power was not superior to its rivals, making it easy for its logistics and supply lines to be cut off in wartime, leaving it isolated and helpless.

Italy was clearly a good supplement. While it couldn’t offer much military assistance to Germany, it could prove its depth as a great power in other areas.

Faced with the burgeoning Triple Alliance, even if the Germans looked down on Italy, they understood the need to find other partners to bolster their alliance.

Although Britain’s warning had dissuaded France from joining the war, the French had no intention of abandoning their gradual rapprochement with Russia.

While they might not sign a formal treaty of alliance during this war, they would certainly grow closer to Russia.

If Russia were to win the war, it might slow the formation of the Franco-Russian Alliance. But if the German-Austrian Alliance were to win, the terms of a Franco-Russian Alliance might well be drafted before the war was even over.

Unlike these nations, which either had allies or were actively seeking them, Britain and Spain found themselves in a more awkward position regarding alliances.

Of course, Britain’s situation was the truly awkward one.

Britain had significant conflicts with both France and Russia. Meanwhile, the German-Austrian-Italian alliance consisted of three great powers, which meant Britain could not join either side. Instead, it would focus on balancing the power between the two military blocs, thereby granting the unique entity of Britain more decision-making power.

For Spain, however, it could join either military bloc if it so wished.

First, Spain’s geographical location was too important. Second, its comprehensive national strength was not weak—it was even a cut above Italy’s, placing it on roughly the same level as the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire’s overall strength was hampered by the small size of its dominant ethnic group and the strong independence of states like Hungary.

If the tens of millions of people in the Austro-Hungarian Empire were all Austrians, its national strength might not have been inferior to Germany’s.

Spain’s weakness, on the other hand, was its relatively small population, which was even smaller than that of the up-and-coming Italy.

Spain had been a dominant European power for centuries, while Italy had only unified after Carlo became king of Spain.

Logically, Spain’s population should have been larger than Italy’s. But in reality, Spain’s population not only lagged behind the other great powers but was also far smaller than Italy’s.

However, because of its overall national strength, this population gap was largely overlooked by other countries.

Compared to Spain, the British found themselves in a slightly more awkward position.

While Britain was undoubtedly the most powerful nation in the world, its Splendid Isolation policy increasingly distanced it from the European continent.

Furthermore, the British possessed the world’s largest number of colonies, including the incredibly wealthy colony of India, creating a significant rift between them and other European nations.

Looking at all the great powers of Europe, one would be hard-pressed to find a single country with good relations with Britain. The conflicts with France and Russia were self-evident, and there was deep-seated animosity with Spain as well.

Relations between Britain and the German-Austrian Alliance, however, were not so poor, making it perhaps the only alliance Britain could potentially join.

This was indeed true historically. In the late nineteenth century, Britain came very close to reaching an alliance treaty with Germany. Had such a treaty been signed, the outcome of World War I would have been drastically different.

Unfortunately, the conservative and isolationist Prime Minister, Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, vehemently opposed the proposal by Chamberlain to form an alliance with the German Empire, ultimately causing the potential Anglo-German alliance to miscarry.

Of course, the Chamberlain mentioned here was not Arthur Neville Chamberlain, the British Prime Minister who championed the appeasement policy in World War II, but his father, Joseph Chamberlain.

At this time, the Chamberlain family was a rising force in British politics. Although Joseph Chamberlain never reached the highest office of Prime Minister, he made waves in the British political scene as the leader of the opposition.

Aside from his second son, Arthur Neville Chamberlain, who successfully became Prime Minister and was recorded in world history, his eldest son, Austen Chamberlain, also served multiple times in the British Cabinet in the early twentieth century, holding important positions such as Minister of Finance or Foreign Secretary.

Although Britain’s current situation was awkward, only the British themselves seemed concerned about it.

On the European continent, everyone was more focused on the war.

Following the trade agreement between Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, France and Russia also hastened to sign their own trade pact after the war broke out.

The main content of this agreement was France supplying Russia with needed strategic materials. After all, relying solely on Russia’s own industry to compete with the industrial might of two powerhouses like Germany and Austria was a bit of a stretch.

In addition to the trade deal, France also signed a loan agreement with Russia. Having already paid off its five billion franc indemnity, the French government was quite wealthy at this time. The several hundred million francs loaned to Russia were a mere drop in the bucket for them.

This French support was the source of Russia’s confidence to continue the war. If Russia had to rely solely on its own economy and industry, it would likely face bankruptcy within a few months.

As for France backing Russia, Germany and Austria could only watch with anxiety.

With France propping up Russia, Germany and Austria might not necessarily win a war of attrition. Russia’s main weaknesses were its economy and industry, which France could precisely compensate for.

Russia itself had a population of over one hundred million, and for them, losing tens of thousands of men in a relatively small-scale war was acceptable.

For Germany and Austria-Hungary, however, suffering heavy casualties in this war was unacceptable. Their combined population was smaller than Russia’s, and their population growth rate was far slower.

In a contest of manpower, even if German and Austrian soldiers could achieve a 1:3 kill-death ratio against the Russians, it would still be a net loss for the two empires.

This was especially true for the Austro-Hungarian Empire, where the number of Austrians, the dominant ethnic group, was limited and simply could not sustain such high losses.

This meant that Germany and Austria had to seek a swift victory; otherwise, their only option would be to find an opportunity for peace talks with Russia.

France’s continuous support for Russia was actually good news for Spain. It meant that it would not be easy for Germany and Austria to win the war.

The longer the war dragged on, the more money and benefits a neutral country like Spain could gain.

In the first month of the war, the three belligerents—Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia—were all in a state of emergency mobilization.

Vast quantities of weapons, equipment, and strategic materials were moved to the front lines. Many reserves and able-bodied men were conscripted and began several months of emergency training.

As all three nations expanded their armies, they faced a severe shortage of weapons.

Take the Austro-Hungarian Empire, for example.

Before the war, the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s standing army had only about two hundred and seventy thousand men. A month later, that number had swelled to nearly four hundred thousand.

Although nations typically stockpiled a certain amount of weapons and equipment as strategic reserves, it was impossible for the Austro-Hungarian Empire, with a standing army of only two hundred and seventy thousand, to hoard too much.

Military technology in this era advanced rapidly, and if war didn’t break out, a large stockpile of weapons would become obsolete scrap metal after the next upgrade cycle.

The combined arsenals of the Austro-Hungarian Empire held a stockpile of fewer than one hundred thousand rifles. After arming their expanded army, they were still short by more than thirty thousand rifles.

This shortfall was naturally filled by Austria-Hungary’s allies, Italy and Spain, with Spain being the largest contributor.

Spain sold two models of rifles abroad: the first was its current service rifle, the Maxim M1884 Rifle, and the other was the obsolete Vetterli M1872 rifle, which had been phased out.

There was a significant performance gap between the two rifles, as well as a large difference in price.

The Vetterli M1872 rifles that Spain currently possessed were mostly second-hand weapons phased out by the Royal Guards, the Royal Army, and the colonial forces, sold at less than half the price of a new rifle.

In contrast, since the brand-new Maxim M1884 Rifle was the current service weapon, most of the available stock consisted of the latest models produced by the Royal Arsenal.

As a result, a single Maxim M1884 Rifle cost nearly three times as much as a Vetterli M1872 rifle, and its smokeless powder cartridges were more than twice as expensive as the black powder cartridges.

In its arms trade with Spain, the Austro-Hungarian Empire did not choose one rifle over the other but opted to purchase both types simultaneously to equip its army.

The more elite units, composed of Austrians, were naturally equipped with the more advanced Maxim M1884 Rifle.

As for the armies composed of Czechs, Hungarians, and soldiers of other ethnicities, they had to make do with the second-hand Vetterli M1872 rifles.

However, because black powder cartridges were cheaper to produce than smokeless powder, these soldiers with second-hand rifles did receive one benefit: their ammunition supply was more plentiful than that of the soldiers with new rifles.

In the first month of the war alone, the Austro-Hungarian Empire ordered over twenty thousand rifles from Spain and over ten thousand from Italy.

It was also this war that prompted Spain to begin the process of re-equipping some of its colonial forces.

The first units to be re-equipped were a few divisions of the colonial army, whose combat effectiveness was quite commendable.

In combat against African natives, the colonial divisions were far more effective than the colonial garrison regiments. These divisions were battle-hardened, and if a war were to break out on the European continent, they could play a significant role on the Spanish front.

Compared to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Germany’s weapon shortages were not as severe.

On one hand, Germany’s own military industry was more powerful. On the other, it had a larger number of reserves and a much larger stockpile of weapons than Austria-Hungary.

In fact, for Austria-Hungary to have stockpiled over one hundred thousand rifles for a standing army of two hundred thousand was already quite impressive.

Germany, with a regular army of nearly five hundred thousand, had a stockpile approaching two hundred thousand rifles.

Combined with the accelerated production from its domestic arsenals, Germany was able to expand its army by hundreds of thousands in the first month of the war without facing any equipment shortages.

Germany was even able to supply the Austro-Hungarian Empire with some weaponry, including the light artillery it desperately needed.

Although the Polish territories were a vast plain, the border between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Poland was marked by many mountains and hilly terrain.

This terrain was unsuitable for large-caliber heavy artillery, whereas smaller-caliber cannons could play a crucial role.

First, the shells for small-caliber cannons were easier to transport. With ample logistical support, their rate of fire was superior to that of large-caliber artillery.

Second, small-caliber cannons were easier to move. The situation on the front lines was highly fluid, and heavy artillery might not be disassembled in time, leading to its capture by the enemy.

Light artillery had no such problems. If necessary, soldiers could dismantle the cannons at any time and move them to a new position.

Chapter 345: The African Railway

Just one month after the war between Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia began, Spain sold over twenty thousand rifles and one hundred cannons to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This was fantastic news for Spain’s military industry.

Although this massive arms trade was due to a weapons shortage caused by the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s major military expansion, as the war progressed and its domestic stockpiles of strategic materials dwindled, the amount of supplies the Austro-Hungarian Empire purchased from Spain would only increase.

Thanks to this major client, Spanish arms factories would have no shortage of orders for the next few months, effectively boosting the growth of Spain’s military industry.

While the military industry was booming because of the war, for Carlo, this good news was no longer as important.

The reason was simple: after several years of arduous construction, Spain’s development of its African colonies had finally made some progress.

The biggest development was the full opening of the great railway known domestically as the African Railway, which signified a significant strengthening of Spain’s control over its African colonies.

The so-called African Railway was, in fact, the railway line running from the westernmost part of the former Gold Coast to the southernmost part of the Congo Territory.

Why was it called the African Railway? First, its total length reached an incredible 4,500 kilometers.

This mileage was nearly equal to the total length of railways in Spain before Carlo became king. From this, one could see that Spain’s efforts in developing Africa were not insignificant.

More importantly, the railway passed through the former Ashanti Empire, Togo, the Kingdom of Dahomey, the Sokoto Caliphate, the Kingdom of Benin, the Kingdom of Niger, the Aro Confederacy, and the Kingdom of Bamum before entering lands controlled by the Baka and Bantu peoples.

Its significance was not just in connecting these former native regions; it also allowed Spanish colonial troops to easily reach the areas where natives congregated.

In the future, no matter where a rebellion or other crisis broke out, the Spanish army could arrive in the shortest possible time, greatly enhancing the stability of the Spanish colonies.

Unfortunately, the West African Colony was not connected to the African Railway.

After all, French colonies separated the West African Colony from the Guinea colony and the Congo Territory, and a railway could not be built on French land.

However, the Department of Colonial Affairs placed great importance on railway construction within the West African Colony. Nearly a thousand kilometers of railway had already been built there, connecting several important grain-producing regions within the colony.

During every harvest season, large quantities of grain were transported by train to the port and then shipped to mainland Spain.

This grain would be transferred in mainland Spain, either transported to domestic grain storage warehouses to enter the local market…

…or be further packaged and sent for sale in other European countries.

Nearly one-third of the grain Spain exported to Europe annually came from the West African Colony, which was already an astonishing scale.

If not for the grain shortages on the mainland, the West African Colony could likely export an even larger volume of grain.

Grain exports meant foreign exchange earnings, which were extremely important for Spain and a crucial part of the government’s tax revenue.

The full opening of the African Railway was a relatively important milestone for Spain.

However, Carlo did not plan to personally attend the railway’s completion ceremony in Africa; instead, the Spanish Minister of Colonial Affairs would go.

Also attending the ceremony were the Governors-General of the Guinea colony and the Congo Territory. Both were personally appointed by Carlo and were his loyalists.

It had to be admitted that after nearly twenty years of development, Carlo now wielded a power that could not be underestimated.

First, the Governors-General of Spain’s more important colonies were essentially all appointed by Carlo. Although some were nobles promoted from the aristocracy, and most went to the colonies merely to burnish their credentials…

…no one could deny that Carlo had completely reclaimed the authority to appoint Governors-General, which signified his extremely high influence in the colonies.

It was important to note that each colony had a sizable garrison. This also meant that Carlo’s military power was not limited to the Royal Guards; hundreds of thousands of colonial troops were also at his command.

These armies under his control were the foundation of his confidence in carrying out continuous reforms. With their support, no one in Spain could defy his orders.

Taking advantage of the African Railway’s opening, Carlo also awarded extensive commendations to the colonial armies in Africa and promoted many young officers.

For Spain, this war against the African natives was considered a large-scale conflict.

This war alone saw the promotion of dozens of field officers, and a few high-ranking officers with outstanding performance were successfully promoted from colonel to Brigadier General.

Along with the promotions in military rank, various rewards were also given out, including land, property, and money.

Of course, the rewarded land was mostly in the colonies; very little was from mainland Spain.

After all, the colonies conquered by Spain possessed vast tracts of fertile land, while the fertile land in mainland Spain had already been almost entirely divided up.

Although the soldiers in these colonial armies were natives, they could naturally obtain Spanish citizenship after fighting for Spain.

Of course, these soldiers were prioritized for settlement in the local colonies. Carlo even specially transported large numbers of native women from other colonies to help these colonial soldiers start families and settle down permanently in the colonies.

However, among both the colonial soldiers and the transported native women, there was no sign of any black people.

Carlo was well aware of how quickly black lineage could spread within a population; even in Spain’s own colonies, he was unwilling to let them set foot.

Currently, in Spain’s colonies, a relatively strict racial segregation system existed between black and non-black groups.

There were no black people in Spanish colonial cities and strongholds; instead, black natives were concentrated in the native states within the colonies.

The two groups generally kept to themselves. Except for necessary activities like paying taxes or transporting goods, neither side would enter the other’s territory.

To prevent these black people from exploiting loopholes to obtain Spanish citizenship, the Department of Colonial Affairs and the various colonial governments had corresponding regulations.

The descendants of both male and female black people were all considered black and were to be driven into the native territories to live.

Only the descendants of non-black people could live in the Spanish colonies. This was done to eliminate any ideas black people might have of changing their descendants’ status.

Even if a black woman married a Spaniard or another non-black native, their descendants could not obtain Spanish citizenship.

Intermarriage with black people was also a violation of the colonial government’s illegal marriage law. The crime carried a minimum fine of several hundred pesetas and a maximum sentence of several years to more than a decade of imprisonment.

Of course, the colonial government would not actually imprison them. Imprisonment meant providing food, and the colonial government would not support them for free.

For criminals who broke the law, their ultimate fate was to labor on plantations or in mines.

Of course, if a European immigrant committed a crime, the punishment would be reduced accordingly. They would not be forced to labor on plantations or in mines but would serve their sentences in colonial prisons.

In prison, they would be given some light work to do, and as long as they completed their tasks on time, they could have their sentences reduced.

This situation was common in the colonies of all nations; the treatment of their own citizens, other European immigrants, and the local natives was completely different.

The difference in attitude towards European immigrants and local natives, in particular, was night and day.

Take Britain’s most important colony, India, for example. If a British person broke the law in the Indian colony, it was highly unlikely anything too serious would happen to them.

But if an Indian broke the law, especially against a British person, they would be punished severely, with no hope of escape.

It wasn’t even limited to breaking the law. If a slightly powerful British person took a dislike to a particular Indian, they had all sorts of ways to get them killed.

This was the reality in all colonies of that era. The natives at the bottom of the colonial hierarchy had no decision-making power; even their right to survive depended on the local European immigrants.

It is worth mentioning that with the outbreak of the war between Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia, the number of European immigrants Spain received was constantly increasing.

This was especially true for immigrants from the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia. In the first month of the war alone, the number of immigrants nearly doubled compared to the same period last year.

This was actually quite normal to think about, as war and famine were almost always the main reasons for an increase in immigration.

Only these two reasons would make it impossible for people to continue living in their own countries. At other times, most people held the attitude of enduring as long as they could.

After all, immigrating meant leaving one’s home and traveling to a strange and unfamiliar foreign land. Not everyone could bear the feeling of leaving their familiar environment and loved ones, which was why immigration numbers were not so exaggerated in this era.

Furthermore, the transportation of the era was too basic; the main methods were essentially just trains and steamships.

Both were too slow, and traveling to any distant place would easily take weeks.

Even traveling from mainland Spain to the African colonies took one to two weeks by a faster warship. A slower steamship would extend the journey to two to three weeks.

Such a long journey alone was enough to make many people give up the idea of immigrating abroad, not to mention that tickets for ocean voyages were very expensive in this era, and many people simply could not afford them.

Actually, coming back to it, the situation was similar in later generations.

International plane tickets in later eras were also quite expensive, and traveling by ship still took a long time.

This led to a situation where even in later, more economically and industrially developed times, countless people had never been abroad, never flown on an international flight, or taken an ocean cruise.

Spain chose to transfer all of these surging numbers of immigrants to its African colonies.

Compared to the previous, more even distribution among the various colonies, the Spanish government had now changed its strategy for relocating these immigrants.

The main destinations for these European immigrants were the West African Colony or the colony of Southern Morocco, as one was an important agricultural development zone and the other was a region Spain planned for integration.

As for the Guinea colony and the Congo Territory, they could only take their pick from the immigrants the first two colonies could not accommodate.

Although they were getting the leftovers, both the Guinea colony and the Congo Territory were massive colonies, hundreds or even several hundred square kilometers in area. Because they were severely lacking in population, they were not picky.

Experience proved that these immigrants who had come all the way from Russia were indeed very skilled at farming.

There was less oppression in the Spanish colonies. After arriving, they had the same status as other immigrants.

This meant that as long as they paid enough taxes, the rest of the grain and other income belonged to them.

Under these circumstances, the Russian immigrants demonstrated extremely strong motivation. They were even more enthusiastic about agricultural labor than the Spaniards and had now become an important farming community in the West African Colony.

Some of these Russian immigrants had even become large landlords, holding hundreds of acres of land at a time.

As for how to work these hundreds of acres, it was actually quite simple. Most of the time, the busy farm work was done by the local native population.

These European immigrants only needed to manage the natives, telling them to clear the land and plant crops.

Although some European immigrants also performed agricultural work, the farm and plantation owners paid them adequate wages.

The income and meals of the European immigrants were vastly different from those of the natives. For the natives on these plantations and farms, forget about eating meat; whether they could even eat their fill was a question.

As for the European immigrants working on the plantations and farms, not only did they receive a handsome income, but the farm owners also provided them with meat twice a week.

Where did this meat come from? From the livestock farms in the West African Colony, of course, as well as the wild grasslands and forests.

In addition to the various animals raised in the Spanish colonies for meat, the local natives also handed over animals obtained through hunting to the Spaniards.

The colonial government would purchase various animals from the natives at a set price, which was why the colonial population could receive an ample supply of meat.

If it were transported from mainland Spain, the one to two-week journey alone would be enough for the meat to rot and spoil in transit.

Furthermore, Spain itself was not a major livestock country; its domestic production of meat and dairy products was barely enough to meet the needs of its own people.

This meant that in addition to cultivating agricultural products, the West African Colony also needed to develop its livestock industry.

Spain’s various colonies also organized hunting activities from time to time to reduce the local population of wild predators and allow herbivores to reproduce more quickly.

Once the herbivore population reached a certain size, hunts targeting them would be organized to harvest a larger quantity of meat at once.

It was precisely because of the development of the livestock industry and the prevalence of hunting that Spain’s colonies could ensure that the supply of grain and meat was not affected, even as the population grew rapidly.

Chapter 346: Collapse of the Defense Line

Although only four countries were involved in this war, its impact spread throughout all of Europe.

Among the four participating nations, apart from Serbia, which was relatively small in both population and area, the other three—Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia—were all major grain-exporting great powers in Europe.

This was especially true for Russia. As the most populous country in Europe, Russia’s grain production was also the highest on the continent.

The Ukrainian Plains were known as the breadbasket of Europe, and the grain produced there was sold throughout Europe annually, serving as a primary source of foreign exchange income for Russia.

The main crops produced in Russia included barley, wheat, rice, corn, potatoes, and sugar beets. The planting season for the most important of these, wheat and rice, was in April and May each year.

This meant the war was very likely to affect grain cultivation in the warring nations, and could even impact the harvest several months later.

Setting aside the issue of the harvest, the planting of wheat and rice was certain to be affected.

Although Russia’s climate was colder, causing the planting and harvesting times for crops to be delayed, the Ukrainian Plains were hardly a cold, northern region compared to Germany and Austria-Hungary.

The planting time for wheat and rice in the Ukrainian Plains was from late April to early May. With it now being mid-to-late March, this meant that in about a month, grain planting would begin in the Ukrainian region.

Although the war was being fought on the Polish Plains, Russia’s mobilization had drawn away a massive amount of manpower, which would undoubtedly affect grain cultivation in the Ukrainian Plains.

This was because, in any era and in any country, the vast majority of soldiers mobilized once war broke out were peasants.

The reason was simple: peasants always constituted the majority of a nation’s population.

With a guaranteed reduction in Europe’s grain production, Spain’s Ministry of Agriculture submitted a new agricultural development plan to the Cabinet government, intending to expand grain cultivation on a larger scale in both mainland Spain and its colonies to seize the European grain market.

With the outbreak of war, not only would Europe’s total grain production decrease, but its total grain consumption would also rise sharply.

This was partly due to the demands of warfare, and partly due to losses during grain transportation amidst the conflict.

For Spain, as long as it could increase its grain production, it was guaranteed to profit from grain exports.

After all, mainland Spain was unaffected by the war, which meant the cost for peasants to grow grain would not increase. With costs remaining stable, the more grain they sold, the more profit they would make.

It was a shame about this war; Carlo’s two greatest threats, Britain and France, had not joined the conflict.

If Britain and France had both entered the war, Spain would have undoubtedly launched its plan to annex Morocco and Portugal.

But now, with the British still watching menacingly, Spain could only cancel any military plans and quietly await the war’s development.

While the war raged on in the Polish territories, the Austro-Hungarian Empire also launched a large-scale offensive against Serbia.

Ultimately, the war had erupted due to the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, making this clash the true focal point of the war.

Russia holding back hundreds of thousands of German-Austrian allied forces in the Polish territories was good news for Serbia. However, this good news could not change the reality that Serbia was suffering one defeat after another on the main front. If Serbia could not secure reinforcements, the war would not actually last much longer.

From the very beginning of the war, the Serbian capital of Belgrade became a primary target for the Austro-Hungarian offensive.

Under the continuous bombardment of a massive number of cannons, the areas of Belgrade near the border were quickly reduced to rubble.

The Serbian government was forced to relocate to the southern suburbs of Belgrade, far from the range of the Austro-Hungarian cannons.

As for completely abandoning the capital, Belgrade, this was something the Serbian government had never considered.

Relocating the capital from Belgrade would, in effect, signal that Serbia had conceded. If the government had already backed down, the troops on the front lines would naturally have little will to fight.

This was why the Serbian government did not evacuate; after all, they still wanted to win this war.

If they lost the war, they would be forced to hand over the leaders of the rebels in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Handing over these rebel leaders would mean a complete loss of control over the region.

And with that, the dream of a “Greater Serbia” would become a fantasy. What could they achieve with just the population and land they currently had? In terms of its current size and population, Serbia was completely outmatched by Romania, another major power on the Balkan Peninsula, and was in a similar plight as the not-yet-fully-independent Bulgaria.

On March 21, 1889, Austro-Hungarian forces engaged in fierce combat with the Serbian army on the border between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire dispatched three divisions with over forty thousand men, while the Serbian defenders numbered nearly twenty thousand.

The Austro-Hungarian army crossed the river to attack the Serbian border town of Loznica on the opposite bank. After several days of intense assaults, they forced the Serbian defenders to abandon the town.

However, the Serbian army’s valiant counterattack inflicted heavy casualties on the Austro-Hungarian forces. After the battle, fewer than thirty thousand of the forty thousand Austro-Hungarian troops deployed were still fit for combat, while the Serbians had nearly fifteen thousand who could continue to fight.

After the fall of the border town of Loznica, the Serbian army established a new defensive position about ten kilometers to the east.

The disadvantage of being a small country was evident here. Serbia’s longest east-west and north-south distances were less than three hundred kilometers. The border town of Loznica was only about one hundred kilometers from the capital, Belgrade.

This meant the Serbian army had limited room to retreat. They could not fall back tens of kilometers to establish a new position; they could only make small withdrawals to find defensible terrain and build makeshift fortifications.

In this respect, the advantage of Russia’s vast territory was on full display.

In the first month of the war, the Russian army had its share of victories and defeats against the German-Austrian allied forces. Although they lost more battles than they won, Russia’s immense size allowed them to retreat with impunity and form new defensive lines.

The German-Austrian allied forces could do little against such a Russian army. After all, their own military mobilization was not yet complete, making it impossible for their armies to advance tens or even hundreds of kilometers in pursuit of the Russians.

A rash advance would risk being encircled by the Russian army.

It was for this reason that after more than a month of fighting in the Polish territories, the front line had advanced a pitiful distance of less than thirty kilometers.

One could even say that all three sides—Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia—were still in a probing phase. Everyone knew that the enemy’s main force was still intact, and without a suitable opportunity, there was no reason to engage in a decisive, head-on battle.

This left Serbia to suffer, struggling to hold on in the south.

After breaking through Loznica, the Austro-Hungarian army immediately pushed east in pursuit of the retreating Serbian forces.

After several more days of bitter fighting, and realizing that Serbia had fortified the area west of Belgrade well, the Austro-Hungarian army made a decisive change of plan. They abandoned their eastward advance and turned south to attack Valjevo.

If Loznica was to the west of Belgrade, then Valjevo was already to the south of the capital.

More importantly, Valjevo was a major transportation hub. To its north lay the Serbian capital of Belgrade, to its south was the important Serbian town of Užice, and further south was the border city of Priboj.

Even if they couldn’t capture Belgrade by advancing north from Valjevo, the Austro-Hungarian army could still move south to occupy Serbia’s western border.

Once the entire western border fell, whether Belgrade was captured or not would become less important.

Without the protection of its western frontier, Serbia’s small territory would be open for the Austro-Hungarian army to roam at will.

The border between Serbia and Austria-Hungary was primarily demarcated by the Drina River, which the Serbian army relied on for its defense.

The fall of Loznica was tantamount to a breach in this defensive line. Following this, a continuous stream of Austro-Hungarian forces could pour through the gap, cross the river, and attack Serbian territory with impunity.

Understanding the importance of the western border, Serbia redeployed nearly twenty thousand troops after the fall of Loznica, planning to retake the vital border town from Austro-Hungarian hands.

As luck would have it, at that very moment, the Austro-Hungarian army was preparing to march from Loznica southeast toward Valjevo.

This reorganized Serbian army ran straight into the waiting Austro-Hungarian forces. The attacking Serbian army numbered thirty-five thousand, while the defending Austro-Hungarian army had fifty thousand.

The sheer numbers revealed which side held the decisive advantage. A month and a half had passed since the war began, and Austria-Hungary had received large shipments of weapons and equipment from Spain and Italy, a considerable portion of which—rifles and cannons—had been transported to the southern front.

Serbia was unfortunate enough to become a victim of Spanish weaponry.

The moment the two armies encountered each other, their respective commanders issued the order to attack.

A clash between European armies was a contest of weapons, but it was also a contest of logistics and supply.

The Austro-Hungarian army’s weaponry was a motley assortment of their own domestically produced arms and those supplied by Germany, Italy, and Spain.

However, their own weapons and those from Germany were being used on the Polish front. The weapons from Italy and Spain, due to their closer proximity, were deployed on the Serbian front.

Since the invasion of Serbia was a key part of the Austro-Hungarian army’s plan, they placed great importance on equipping their offensive forces.

This fifty-thousand-strong army was entirely equipped with more advanced rifles, including the Maxim M1884 Rifles purchased from Spain.

Because this rifle was based on Spain’s previous standard-issue rifle, its handling was familiar.

Wielding these rifles, the Austro-Hungarian soldiers quickly made the Serbian army feel the meaning of fire superiority.

As a nation that had only recently gained independence from the Ottoman Empire, Serbia lacked a well-developed industrial or economic base.

This meant that the Serbian army’s equipment was mostly imported from other countries, primarily Russia and Britain.

As Austria-Hungary’s occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina caused relations between the two countries to plummet, Serbia had turned to purchasing Russian and British arms. They needed to build an army of a certain size to defend against Austria-Hungary.

Being fellow Slavs, Serbia ultimately allied itself with Russia.

This led to the Serbian army predominantly using Russian equipment. The Russians were generous, selling the Serbians the same rifles their own troops used.

But it was clear that the rifles used by the Russian army were far more backward compared to those from Spain.

Ever since the birth of the breech-loading rifle, Spain had been one of the first to try something new. Later, with the invention of smokeless powder, Spain once again became a leader, which ensured that its weapons and equipment were consistently top-tier in Europe and popular with other nations.

During the previous Russo-Turkish War, Russia had used the population trade to purchase a large batch of weapons and equipment from Spain.

They had experienced the performance of Spanish weaponry firsthand. Their ally Serbia was now simply experiencing it in a different way.

The encounter battle lasted for about three hours and ended with the complete rout of the Serbian army.

Austria-Hungary had prepared thoroughly for this offensive. Not only did they have superior rifles, but they also completely outmatched the Serbian army in the number of cannons.

The Serbians, who had only ever fought against the Ottoman army, had never experienced such overwhelming artillery suppression.

After holding on for less than three hours, the Serbian troops’ morale collapsed.

In the end, total casualties from the encounter battle exceeded ten thousand.

Because the Austro-Hungarian forces were fighting from behind the city’s defenses, their casualties were lower than the Serbian army’s.

After the battle, the thirty-five-thousand-strong Serbian army had fewer than thirty thousand combat-effective soldiers remaining.

The Austro-Hungarian casualties were better than Serbia’s; they still had over forty-seven thousand men who could be committed to the next engagement.

Leaving behind a small garrison, the Austro-Hungarian army pushed toward Valjevo to the southeast without the slightest hesitation.

The Serbian army had just suffered a devastating defeat and did not expect the Austro-Hungarian counterattack to be so swift. They were even more surprised that the Austro-Hungarians were not advancing on Belgrade but instead on Valjevo, further to the south.

It was important to remember that Serbia’s total population at this time was only around 2.7 million.

After the war broke out, the Serbian government had issued a general mobilization order, expanding the army to about one hundred thousand men.

An army of one hundred thousand was already a great deal for Serbia, with its population of less than three million. But for the Austro-Hungarian Empire, with its tens of millions, an army of this size was clearly insignificant.

While fighting a two-front war, Austria-Hungary had already committed one hundred fifty thousand troops to the southern front, and this was the number after accounting for casualties from continuous fighting.

On the Serbian side, although mobilization was ongoing, the number of men available for conscription was steadily decreasing.

After all, it was a country of only 2.7 million people. Under extreme mobilization, they could at most raise an army of three hundred thousand.

But extreme mobilization would completely cripple the country’s civil production, industry, economy, agriculture, and every other sector would be severely affected.

If Serbia really did this, even if it could win the war, the post-victory Serbia would be doomed, unable to rise again.

The Serbian government was still relatively rational at this point. The mobilization limit they set was only one hundred fifty thousand men.

This meant that once Serbia mobilized one hundred fifty thousand troops, it would be very difficult to raise any additional forces.

After a month and a half of general mobilization, Serbia still maintained a combat-effective force of nearly one hundred thousand soldiers.

But the price for this was that the mobilization quota of one hundred fifty thousand was almost filled, and tens of thousands of wounded soldiers lay in hospitals behind the lines.

Over ten thousand soldiers had already died in the war, and nearly ten thousand more with serious injuries lay half-dead in hospitals. More than half of them were still in critical condition, their survival left to fate.

Even if the war stopped now, Serbia’s population loss would exceed twenty thousand people. This meant that Serbia was likely to experience its first year of net population decline since its independence.

And this was not a decline in the elderly population, but in the young and able-bodied. Such a population loss was extremely serious, affecting not just the next few years, but potentially the development of the next decade or more.

Although the Serbian side still maintained an army of one hundred thousand, nearly half of these troops were needed to protect the capital, Belgrade.

This was the disadvantage of having a capital located on the border: a significant portion of forces had to be diverted to ensure its security.

The importance of a capital goes without saying; if the capital falls, the entire nation is likely to fall.

After subtracting half of its forces, Serbia had only fifty thousand available troops.

A portion of these fifty thousand had to be kept as reserves, ready to be dispatched to plug any gaps in the defensive line should a section be breached, preventing a total collapse of the front.

To put it simply, these thirty-five thousand men were practically the last mobile force Serbia could muster.

The remaining troops were either defending the northern border or the western border and simply could not be redeployed.

This army of thirty-five thousand was retreating eastward, as they had to protect the capital. This effectively opened a massive gap for the Austro-Hungarian army, allowing them to advance toward their destination, Valjevo, without any opposition.

Chapter 347: Saint Primo High School

While the war in the Balkan Peninsula raged, back in Spain, Carlo was also carrying out new reforms.

It was less a reform and more some minor planning for the future.

The “future” here wasn’t for Carlo, but for the next heir to the throne, Prince Juan Fernando.

Prince Juan Fernando was born in May 1875 and was about to turn fourteen.

As mentioned before, the young man was quite serious about his studies. His grades in all subjects were excellent, earning high praise from the tutors specially hired by Carlo.

Now that he was fourteen, the preliminary education Carlo had arranged for him was complete. The next step was a higher level of advanced education, along with training in military and political skills.

Carlo had his own ambitions and plans for the education of future heirs to the Spanish throne.

To prevent future Spanish kings from becoming incompetent monarchs like those of the Bourbon dynasty, the years between the heir’s fourteenth birthday and their coming of age would be the most crucial educational period.

Carlo would spare no expense to hire the best teachers from around the world and even create specific scenarios to help him hone his abilities.

Besides the heir’s own abilities, it was also crucial for the next king of Spain to gain his own supporters during this period.

A king obviously couldn’t manage a country well on his own. He needed a certain number of capable subordinates to handle the numerous affairs of state.

Carlo had been considering this for a long time and finally decided to establish Saint Primo High School, where Prince Juan Fernando and future heirs could train their abilities and find their future aides.

Saint Primo High School would integrate the former Royal Order of Knights, recruiting talented young people from the nobility to be trained as the prince’s study companions.

Consolidating the power of the nobility was something Carlo had to do, and something future kings of Spain would have to do as well.

At all times, the nobility was the king’s greatest support and the most loyal and reliable class.

Times had changed. Carlo had been king of Spain for twenty years. The native Spanish nobles had no choice but to pledge their loyalty to him. The former Bourbon dynasty was a thing of the past, and the Remnants of the Bourbons had no hope of being restored in Spain.

The actions of these old-style nobles showed that they were gradually aligning themselves with Carlo and the Spanish royal family.

When Carlo proposed the West Africa development plan, these old-style nobles mobilized a great deal of manpower and resources to develop the lands in Africa.

The nobles tactfully sold some of their lands on the mainland to the government and the royal family. This ensured that while Spain’s population boomed, the per capita farmland did not decrease significantly.

Although a large number of nobles still controlled a considerable portion of Spain’s land, the situation was much better than when Carlo first became king.

Carlo didn’t expect to take all the nobles’ land into his own hands. After all, for the old-style nobles, this land was their livelihood.

As long as the rents they charged for leasing the land were not too harsh, it would ensure that the Spanish peasants had enough income to feed themselves.

It was because these nobles were so sensible that Spain’s African development plan went so smoothly.

Spain’s major industrial construction began during Carlo’s reign. As a result, apart from the official capital led by the royal family and the government, private capital in Spain was not particularly strong.

The nobility became a crucial source of support at this time. They held considerable wealth, and their investment in African development was highly important for the construction of the African colonies.

Naturally, Carlo would not be stingy with these sensible nobles.

If a nobleman was willing to focus their efforts on developing land in Africa, Spain was willing to purchase their land on the mainland at a price higher than the market rate.

If they were unwilling to sell, they could opt for a land swap.

The ratio for the land swap varied depending on the land in the different colonies.

The land in the colony of Southern Morocco had the lowest value. One acre of land on the Spanish mainland could be exchanged for ten acres in the colony of Southern Morocco.

For the more fertile lands in the West African Colony, the exchange ratio with mainland Spanish land was only 1:3, meaning one acre of mainland land for three acres in the West African Colony.

Although this exchange ratio was not particularly high, the advantage was that the African colonies had a large amount of free labor.

After swapping their land for plots in the African colonies, these nobles could unscrupulously exploit and oppress the local African natives, whose lives and deaths nobody cared about.

The grain produced on the land could either be shipped and sold by themselves in Spain or other European countries, or sold at market price to the official grain trading company.

On this point, Carlo would not shortchange their own people. The prices offered by the import-export company were quite reasonable, and he would never let the nobles deeply involved in the colonies suffer a loss.

In other words, when these nobles went to the colonies to develop land, they were engaged in a business that was practically a surefire profit.

Those who wanted to acquire large tracts of land at once could choose the land swap option. They could exchange their mainland Spanish land for vast plots of already-cleared farmland, then hire some nearly-free African natives and start their own plantation business.

If they felt the land swap wasn’t a good deal, they could also sell their land for enough funds to clear farmland themselves in the African colonies.

Again, it was precisely because the African colonies had sufficient labor that these nobles had more options.

After the first group of nobles who went to the African colonies made a profit, the remaining ones naturally did not hesitate, flocking to invest in the development of the African colonies and joining the tide of making big money.

As of May 1889, the total amount of land swapped by these nobles exceeded one million acres, which is equivalent to over four thousand square kilometers.

Because the land in the West African Colony was the most fertile and best suited for agriculture, most of the land the nobles swapped for was located there.

Through the 1:3 exchange ratio, the nobles quickly gained control of over twelve thousand square kilometers of land in the West African Colony. These lands were covered with plantations or farms, each a workplace for African natives.

This was why agricultural production in the West African Colony grew so rapidly. This land, totaling twelve thousand square kilometers, was equivalent to three million acres, or 1,214,000 hectares.

Just how staggering was this amount of farmland?

This meant that the grain production of the West African Colony had the potential to surpass that of Spain in the future, and that “future” was not far off.

It was worth noting that the current crop yield in the West African Colony was higher than on the Spanish mainland. Firstly, the West African Colony could support two or even three harvests a year, which doubled or tripled the crop yield.

Secondly, the West African Colony made extensive use of fertilizer technology and, since the entire colony was traversed by rivers, there was no shortage of water for irrigation.

The Spanish mainland was relatively arid, and with its numerous mountains, its crop yield was actually lower than that of other European countries.

The land in the West African Colony compensated for this deficiency well. The crop yield there was more than double that of the Spanish mainland.

Under these circumstances, these 1,214,000 hectares of land could easily produce close to 1.5 million tons of grain.

Such a grain output already exceeded one-third of the mainland’s production, and this was only counting the land controlled by the nobles in the West African Colony.

Of course, the actual grain production from the land controlled by the nobles would not be this exaggerated, as it was impossible for all this land to be used for farming.

Buildings, roads, and other water conservancy facilities would all consume a large amount of land.

However, it was certain that once the land held by the nobles in the West African Colony was fully cultivated, the grain production could still rise to the level of a million tons, which was a quarter of the mainland’s grain production.

Based on the estimate that four million tons of grain could feed twenty million people, this one million tons could feed five million people.

In addition to the land controlled by the nobles, many immigrants had also cleared large areas of land, along with the land cleared by the Spanish government through the West Africa development plan. Together, these lands could also provide close to a million tons of grain.

Based on Spain’s current total food production, including all grains, vegetables, and fruits, the annual output could feed at least thirty-five million people.

This also meant that even if Spain’s agricultural sector did not grow much in the coming years, the country would not face any food crisis.

With the nobles making great fortunes in Africa, they naturally rallied more unitedly around the royal family and Carlo.

Carlo certainly wouldn’t refuse the nobles’ allegiance. This was why he wanted to consolidate the power of all the nobles and use it as much as possible for himself and the future heir to the throne.

The aforementioned Saint Primo High School was obviously named after Spain’s former Prime Minister, Primo.

Although Prime Minister Primo’s reputation was not entirely positive—after all, he had single-handedly pushed through far-reaching reforms that harmed the interests of many classes—

—for Carlo, Prime Minister Primo’s ability and loyalty were commendable. Naming this high school, which would educate members of the royal and noble families, after Prime Minister Primo also represented Carlo’s hope that it would produce more talented individuals like him.

Ability was important, but so was loyalty.

Carlo had gone over the concept for such a high school in his mind many times. Once he finalized his plan, the Ministry of Education sprang into action.

The high school would be funded by the royal family and would invite the most famous teachers and experts from all over Spain, and even all of Europe, to teach the students a wealth of cultural knowledge and related theories.

In addition to regular academic classes, the high school would also offer courses related to politics and military affairs to cultivate students’ interest and abilities in these two areas.

If a student showed a certain aptitude and interest, upon graduating from Saint Primo High School, they could proceed to a corresponding university to further their professional skills.

To put it bluntly, this high school was designed to cultivate political and military talent for Spain’s heir to the throne.

Studying together from the high school stage would also allow the heir and the nobles to develop deeper bonds and strengthen their loyalty.

For the nobles, they would certainly not pass up the opportunity for their children to study alongside the future king.

Nobles and the king rise and fall together. Only by gaining the king’s full trust could the nobles give full play to their abilities.

This was, in a way, cultivating a core team for his son, Prince Juan Fernando, in advance. Given the young man’s age, by the time his classmates acquired sufficient skills and entered the upper echelons of the state, it would be about time for Carlo to step aside for someone more capable and let the younger heir take the helm of the country.

At that time, the new king would have his own loyalists in both politics and the military, so there would be no fear of being sidelined by the Prime Minister and parliament.

If he was an ambitious and capable monarch, he could naturally use his abilities to gradually control the government and the army, and then realize his own aspirations and ambitions.

If he lacked ability and ambition, he could still maintain a certain degree of influence through his loyalists, ensuring the throne was passed down safely without having to pay too much attention to the affairs of the government and the army.

This was more or less another trump card Carlo was leaving for future heirs to the throne.

Historically, the reason Kaiser Wilhelm II was sidelined in the late stages of World War I was partly because the influence of the Junker nobility had become so immense that he could no longer control them.

On the other hand, his grandfather and father died in quick succession, forcing Wilhelm II to hastily ascend the throne before he had cultivated enough influence and prestige. Naturally, he did not have strong control over the government and the military.

Sure enough, once news of the establishment of Saint Primo High School spread, Spanish nobles scrambled to find excuses to seek an audience with Carlo, hoping to get their children admitted.

On one hand, their children would have the chance to be classmates with the future king. On the other, it was an excellent opportunity for the children of the nobility to expand their network of connections.

Into such a high school, only the children of nobles or dignitaries could enter. At most, some capitalists could get their children in through donations, but those were a minority.

Most students came from powerful family backgrounds. Having one’s child study among them would certainly bring far more advantages than disadvantages.

The school was located in a manor on the outskirts of Madrid. The advantage was that it could be opened without much renovation.

It wasn’t far from the city center of Madrid, and being in the suburbs, the grounds were quite large, allowing for the cultivation of students’ hobbies like equestrianism and marksmanship during their free time.

There were four months from May until the start of school in September, which was more than enough time for the Ministry of Education to get the school up and running.

A shortage of teachers initially wasn’t a major problem. At worst, they could transfer teachers from Spanish universities and other high schools and then gradually hire teachers from abroad to fill the vacancies.

In any case, after twenty years of development, Spain’s education sector was not lacking in excellent teaching talent.

To nurture the students’ interest and abilities in politics and military affairs, Carlo even planned to have military generals come and give lectures periodically, sharing interesting stories from their army life to foster patriotic feelings in these noble children.

Students of this age were quite passionate. With a little cultivation of their patriotic sentiments, they could grow into fervent young patriots.

Making them fanatically patriotic was better than them developing other interests. The children of nobles should serve their country; establishing merits could also ensure their family’s noble titles were passed down through generations.

As soon as the news of Saint Primo High School’s establishment was announced, a large number of nobles eagerly signed up.

According to a report from the high school principal appointed by Carlo, hundreds of children from over a hundred noble families had already submitted their applications, meaning this year’s enrollment for the nobility was already full.

Saint Primo High School would certainly not be like an ordinary high school; the number of students enrolled each year would not exceed two hundred.

About 160 of these spots were for nobles, over ten were for the children of high-ranking officials who were not nobles, and the remaining twenty to thirty spots were reserved for the children of capitalists.

The reason some spots were reserved for capitalists was mainly to obtain some operating funds for the school from their hands.

Although it was just a high school, Saint Primo High School’s annual operating costs would be at least several hundred thousand pesetas.

After all, it provided the most elite education, not only teaching students ordinary academic subjects but also cultivating their interests and hobbies in politics, military affairs, and even other fields.

Not to mention, Carlo had also arranged monthly target practice for these students. For European nobles of this era, equestrianism and target practice were mandatory skills.

The nobility in many countries even practiced dueling. In fact, videos of duels from this era can be found on the internet by later generations.

When a conflict arose between two nobles that could not be resolved, they would arrange a duel.

The duel typically involved two nobles standing within ten meters of each other, each holding a revolver, to see who could shoot the other dead.

Generally, such close-range duels did not end well. Only a very few lucky individuals could kill their opponent without being shot themselves.

After all, at a distance of less than ten meters, it was hard for a nobleman with even a little marksmanship training to miss.

The nobleman who won the duel would also win the argument, whether it was a dispute over land or property. In short, the victor of the duel won it all.

Although dueling was a near-certain death, the nobility of this era did not shy away from it. Nobles even took pride in dueling and looked down on those who showed cowardice in a duel.

After Carlo vigorously promoted bullfighting, the Spanish nobles’ method of dueling also changed from gun duels to bullfighting duels.

When an irreconcilable conflict broke out between nobles, they would arrange to meet at a bullring to settle the score through bullfighting.

Although bullfighting was also dangerous, the survival rate was much higher compared to close-range gun duels.

Moreover, bullfighting could also cultivate the nobles’ martial and courageous spirit. Other than giving the nobles a higher chance of survival, a bullfighting duel was not much different from the previous gun duels.

Since this was the first intake for Saint Primo High School, Carlo ordered the principal to carefully select from the registered noble children, choosing those with genuine ability and talent to join the school.

This was the first selection criterion. The second was to select the children of Grand Dukes, Dukes, and Marquises as much as possible.

It couldn’t be helped; the number of nobles in Spain was simply too large, and those with lower titles like Count and Baron received little respect.

The number of Spanish nobles holding high titles like Grand Duke, Duke, and Marquis alone numbered in the hundreds.

Under these circumstances, if Saint Primo High School’s admissions also had to accommodate the children of Counts and Barons, the two hundred available spots would clearly be insufficient.

Chapter 348: The Collapse of Serbia

Carlo had originally thought the war in Europe would drag on for a long time. He never expected that with the start of the school year at Saint Primo High School still far off, the war already seemed to be ending.

The breakthrough in the war came in Serbia.

There was nothing to be done; compared to Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Serbia was far too weak.

With the Russian army unable to reach them, even if Serbia mustered all its strength, it could at best merely delay its defeat.

It only took the Austro-Hungarian Empire a few days to breach Loznica, tearing a hole in Serbia’s western border.

Serbia’s subsequent attempt to counterattack and retake Loznica was meant to plug this gap, but unfortunately for them, they were completely outmatched by the Austro-Hungarian Empire in both numbers and weaponry.

After the failure of their counterattack, the Serbian army retreated toward Belgrade. Their intention was sound: to defend their capital.

As mentioned before, Belgrade was situated on a salient at the mouth of a river, facing the Austro-Hungarian Empire across the water on three sides.

If they could not hold the land south of Belgrade, the Serbian capital would be completely encircled by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, a fatal blow to the small nation.

Retreating toward Belgrade could certainly protect the capital, but for the cities in the southern part of the western border, this was hardly good news.

The Austro-Hungarian army had tried to attack Belgrade from the east before and had learned firsthand just how formidable the Serbian defense lines along that route were.

Although they could advance with a steady and careful approach, the time and manpower required were unacceptable to the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Since the Belgrade front was so heavily fortified, Austria-Hungary ceased its attacks there. After all, Serbia was a small country, and for them, the loss of any territory was a painful blow.

After discussions, the southern army on the Austro-Hungarian southern front decided to continue southeast and attack Valjevo, a crucial supply city on Serbia’s western border.

Valjevo’s geographical location was vital. Situated in the central part of Serbia’s western border, it could supply the entire western front.

For this very reason, Serbia had stockpiled a large quantity of supplies there, using it as a transit station to continuously transport resources to the western front lines.

If they could capture Valjevo, not only would they cut off supplies to Serbia’s western border, but they would also open up a main route for the Austro-Hungarian army, laying the foundation for future offensives.

To the north, Valjevo connected to Belgrade; to the south, it connected to the important transportation hub of Užice, making its strategic position incredibly significant.

Before Serbia launched its counterattack, the city had been heavily defended.

Originally, the border from Loznica northward had only twenty thousand troops, while the supply city of Valjevo itself had a garrison of nearly twenty thousand soldiers.

But when Serbia planned its counterattack, most of the garrison here was redeployed north to support the offensive against Loznica.

After the counterattack failed, thirty-five thousand Serbian soldiers retreated in a panic toward Belgrade, and the supply city of Valjevo was overlooked by the Serbian army.

Now, fewer than ten thousand defenders remained in Valjevo, most of whom had been hastily mobilized after the war began. There were almost no regular army soldiers with real combat experience, which was excellent news for the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Austria-Hungary naturally knew the extent of Serbia’s strength. The fact that Serbia could organize a counterattack meant that the defenses of central cities like Valjevo must be quite thin.

After Serbia’s defensive battle failed, Austria-Hungary left about twenty thousand troops to defend Loznica, drew another twenty thousand from the Bosnia region, and formed a new army of forty thousand to attack Valjevo.

Under the Austro-Hungarian assault, the vital supply city of Valjevo held out for less than two days before it was breached.

After capturing Valjevo, the Austro-Hungarian forces did not linger. Leaving behind a portion of their troops to defend the city, the rest continued their push south to attack the transportation hub of Užice.

For the entire western border, the supply city of Valjevo was certainly more important. But for Serbia as a whole, the transportation hub of Užice was undoubtedly more critical.

Užice was located at a three-way crossroads: to the north was Valjevo, to the south was Serbia’s southern border, and to the east lay the Serbian heartland.

If the Austro-Hungarian Empire could capture Užice, the cities in Serbia’s interior would be defenseless against their army.

This was an extremely dire prospect for Serbia, but at this moment, the Serbian army had very few troops left to mobilize.

Northwestern Serbia, north of Valjevo, had a concentration of over eighty thousand troops. Together with the forces on the southern part of the western border, this constituted nearly all of Serbia’s current main fighting force.

The remaining soldiers were either lying in hospitals, their fates unknown, or were newly mobilized recruits who had yet to be trained and possessed no real combat effectiveness.

When the Serbian government learned that Valjevo had fallen and the Austro-Hungarian army was advancing south toward Užice, they descended into a full-blown panic.

They ordered the newly mobilized troops from the heartland cities to rush to Užice while also hastily destroying the roads north and east of the city to prevent the Austrian army from using them to launch rapid突击s on other Serbian cities.

In truth, the war’s outcome was already clear. Serbia was simply incapable of resisting the Austro-Hungarian offensive. No matter what they tried, they were only delaying the speed of the enemy’s advance.

Especially with Valjevo fallen, the countdown to Serbia’s defeat had begun.

The supply city was critically important to Serbia’s western border. From the moment Austria-Hungary breached Valjevo, it signified the complete collapse of the western border defenses that Serbia had painstakingly built up for over a decade.

Without the strong defensive lines of the western border, Serbia’s interior had no favorable terrain to defend against the Austro-Hungarian invasion.

As April arrived, the armies of Austria-Hungary and Serbia clashed in another large-scale battle for Užice.

The Austro-Hungarian army numbered forty thousand strong. Riding the momentum from their victory at Valjevo, they pursued with great vigor, their morale soaring.

On the Serbian side, the soldiers sent to Užice were either peasants with little training or lightly and heavily wounded soldiers forced back to the front lines—men who had clearly been written off.

Pinning hopes on these men to defend Užice was less realistic than hoping the Russians could swiftly defeat Germany and Austria-Hungary and end the war from another angle.

The final result of this not-so-small battle was also clear. The Austro-Hungarian army secured victory with almost no effort.

Over the course of a week-long offensive, the transportation hub was reduced to a pile of rubble, a ruin burying the bodies of tens of thousands of Serbian and Austrian soldiers.

But there was no time to mourn the fallen, for what awaited Serbia was a hellscape even more brutal than this.

The capture of Užice was tremendous news for Austria, becoming the front-page headline in Austrian and Hungarian newspapers that day.

The various European nations had also sent their own military observer groups, which meant the news was reported in newspapers across the continent with almost no delay.

For Germany and Austria-Hungary, this was, of course, excellent news.

But for Serbia and Russia, it was like a death knell, signaling that their defeat in this war was not far off.

Russia urgently altered its strategic deployment, deciding to fight one good battle before the war ended to gain some bargaining chips for the peace talks.

As for the Serbian government, Russia could no longer be bothered with them.

This war had shown Russia the power of the German-Austrian Alliance and, more importantly, the disadvantages of fighting alone.

For Russia, an ally of little consequence like Serbia was no longer important. Regardless of the war’s outcome, Russia was determined to find more allies and sign a treaty to form the Franco-Russian Alliance after the war.

Only a Franco-Russian Alliance could counter the German-Austrian Alliance. this was the sole thought of Alexander III and the Russian officials.

In Spain, Carlo also received news of Užice’s fall almost immediately.

Carlo felt a slight sense of regret. This meant the war was about to end, and with it, the expansion of Spain’s arms industry.

More importantly, this war would change the political landscape of Europe.

It was now entirely predictable that the confrontation between the two military blocs, the Central Powers and the Entente, would happen much sooner.

In fact, if the British had not stressed the importance of limiting the scale of the war when it first broke out, Russia and France might have already been discussing how to defeat the Germans in this conflict.

Britain’s actions did indeed prevent the war from escalating into a World War, but for the British themselves, this was not good news.

The future European landscape would become a standoff between the German-Austrian Alliance and the Franco-Russian Alliance. With Italy clearly on the side of the German-Austrian Alliance, the British would, for the first time in history, be relegated to the role of a mere supporting actor in Europe.

This was not the kind of supporting role the British had deliberately cultivated by staying out of affairs, but one where they wanted to be involved in European matters but could not.

Both military blocs were now stronger than Britain, and for Britain, this was the most fatal news of all.

Carlo had also considered what the British might choose to do at such a critical juncture and had even contemplated whether they would approach Spain to form an alliance.

After all, among the great powers of Europe, only Britain and Spain remained without a clear alignment.

However, after some thought, Carlo dismissed the idea.

There was an irreconcilable conflict between Britain and Spain. Unless the British were willing to give up Gibraltar, it was impossible for Spain to ally with them.

Even if Spain wanted to ally with a country, it had better options.

To the two military blocs that were about to form, Spain would be an excellent ally.

France needed Spain to secure its southern border, and Germany needed Spain to create trouble on France’s southern border.

Although Spain’s army and navy were not among the world’s top three, they were both in the top five. Overall, its military strength was quite respectable.

This meant that in the future bipolar standoff between the two military blocs, Spain would become a hot commodity, a nation that both sides would try to win over.

This was different from Britain’s awkward situation, and it was why Carlo was not the least bit worried, because Spain still had choices.

Unlike Spain, Britain’s options were rather limited.

Britain’s established policies of isolation and regional balance made it impossible for them to personally intervene when the two military blocs faced off.

Furthermore, Britain’s relations with these European great powers were not particularly good. Even if the British wanted to choose a side, the great powers might not be willing to let them join.

Although Britain’s inclusion would make an alliance stronger, it also meant that Britain would get a piece of the pie from any benefits the alliance gained.

And since Britain was the most powerful nation, it meant that when it came time to divide the cake, the British would take the largest slice.

Yet Britain remained detached from the European continent, which meant they would not be greatly affected even if war broke out.

If Britain were truly allowed to join an alliance, it was possible that when the war was won, the only one to benefit would be Britain.

Upon learning that the front lines had successfully captured Užice, Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria personally sent a telegram to his generals, praising their outstanding performance in the war and stating that he would personally award them medals and honors after the war ended.

The old Emperor’s personal praise filled the generals with motivation. They planned to enrich their records of achievements to gain more benefits during the post-war process of rewarding based on merit.

This was one of the advantages of a monarchy. Noble titles and land could be given as rewards to officers and soldiers who performed exceptionally in war.

The monarchy and the aristocracy had been part of Europe’s heritage for over a thousand years, and the nobility of aristocrats was deeply ingrained in the minds of the European public.

Faced with the opportunity to become a member of the nobility, most officers would be extremely tempted. Those who weren’t were likely already nobles with titles so high that military merit could not elevate them further.

In stark contrast to the soaring morale of the Austro-Hungarian army, the Serbian army’s spirits were extremely low.

Because nations across Europe were reporting the news, even the most slow-to-react Serbians were now aware of the series of defeats on the front lines.

If Serbia were simply the victim of an invasion, it would have been better; a war of defense could inspire more morale and public support.

But the problem was that this war had started because of the Serbian government’s harboring of high-ranking members of the rebel forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a fact widely reported by the Austrian media and spread to Serbia.

If the war had been victorious, this would not have been a problem for Serbia. After all, who wouldn’t want their country to become stronger?

Weren’t the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina also Serbian compatriots? What was wrong with protecting one’s own people?

But with the war ending in defeat, this became a massive problem and responsibility for the Serbian government.

If the Serbian government hadn’t harbored these rebel leaders, the war would not have started. If the war hadn’t started, the Serbian people would not have lost their loved ones.

The Serbian people lost their relatives for this war, only to have the enemy invade their homes? How could the Serbian people tolerate this?

Serbia’s terrible situation was not limited to the complete collapse of its western border; its capital, Belgrade, in the north, was also in a dire state.

More than half of the capital had been plowed over by Austro-Hungarian cannons, and the war had turned the homes of hundreds of thousands of Serbian citizens into ruins.

Given this situation, how could the Serbian people not be furious? The moment news of Užice’s fall reached Belgrade, large-scale protests erupted in the southern districts of the city.

The Serbian people gathered, deeply dissatisfied with the incompetent government that had started the war, and they were no longer willing to let such a government ruin their country.

The public protests gave the Serbian government a massive headache. They had yet to deal with the Austro-Hungarian army and now had to face accountability from their own people.

But at this moment, they could not solve either problem. The Austro-Hungarian army was unbeatable, unless Serbia could magically conjure another one hundred thousand troops or more.

This was obviously impossible. Perhaps only the God of legend could do such a thing. But it was clear that even if God existed, He would not favor Serbia.

The second problem was even more unsolvable. In normal times, there were many ways to handle public protests.

They could either send officials to persuade them with kind words, promising to meet their demands to get them to disperse quickly. Or, they could mobilize the police or army for a violent crackdown, then control public opinion to resolve the trouble.

But the current situation could no longer be solved with kind words. The public was extremely skeptical of the Serbian government’s competence and deeply dissatisfied with the army’s poor performance in the war.

Unless the Serbian army could win a victory now, this crisis of trust could not be resolved.

Using the police or army for a violent crackdown was out of the question. The limited military forces around Belgrade had all been sent to the front lines. It was impossible to mobilize police or troops at this time.

Even if they could mobilize an armed force, could they really bring themselves to suppress the protests in such a situation?

The army was losing the war, only to turn its guns on its own people. Wouldn’t that just hasten the people’s overthrow of the government?

Peaceful means wouldn’t work, and forceful means were not an option. This left the Serbian government with no good solutions, forcing them to act like turtles hiding in their shells.

But hiding was clearly only a temporary solution; it could not resolve the crisis of the public protests.

What was even more fatal was that the situation at the front was getting worse and worse for Serbia. Beset by internal turmoil and external threats, the Serbian Prime Minister’s hair turned white almost overnight.

Chapter 349: Surrender

At this moment, the Austro-Hungarian army was completely unaware of the chaos within Serbia, but that didn’t stop them from launching major assaults on Serbian cities.

After conquering Užice, the Austro-Hungarian army did not head north to attack Belgrade as the Serbians expected. Instead, they continued eastward along the road to attack Stalać, another key transportation hub within Serbia.

Compared to Užice, Stalać was a smaller city. But in terms of strategic importance as a transportation hub, Stalać was in no way inferior to Užice.

As long as they captured Stalać, the Serbian government would be forced to surrender, even if they still held Belgrade.

This was because it would mean that almost all of Serbia’s heartland had been occupied by the Austro-Hungarian Empire. While the capital, Belgrade, was important, without the rest of the country, Serbia would exist in name only.

Marching east from Užice, the Austro-Hungarian army once again felt the benefits of having roads.

The soldiers marched along the highways, which not only increased their speed but also allowed supplies from the Austro-Hungarian Empire to be delivered to them more efficiently.

Although continuing the eastward offensive was somewhat of a rash advance, the Austrian army had made detailed preparations.

In Loznica and Valjevo, twenty thousand troops were stationed in each city. The purpose of these two garrisons was precisely to protect the Austro-Hungarian forces advancing deep into the Serbian heartland, preventing their line of retreat from being cut off by the Serbian army.

As it turned out, these two forces protecting the line of retreat proved to be of great use.

Even after the scales of war had tipped completely in favor of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Serbian government still attempted one last gamble. This final, desperate attempt involved mobilizing all available forces to attack the Austro-Hungarian-occupied city of Loznica.

Loznica was the westernmost border town and the breach in the defensive line that the Austro-Hungarian Empire had torn open. If they could plug this gap, the Austro-Hungarian army that had penetrated deep into Serbia’s heartland would have its rear completely cut off. Then, Serbia could fully encircle this force.

If they could annihilate this army, the outcome of the war would truly be uncertain. After all, the main body of the Austro-Hungarian army was on the Polish Plains to the north; the southern army actually consisted of only these hundred thousand-odd men.

But the ideal was grand, and reality was cruel.

Serbia reorganized a force of over forty thousand men and launched a vast and mighty offensive against Loznica.

The twenty thousand Austro-Hungarian troops defending the city managed to hold off the forty thousand attackers for several days. Finally, twenty thousand reinforcements arrived from Valjevo and successfully repelled Serbia’s last counterattack.

Seeing that even their final counterattack had failed, the Serbian government completely lost its will to fight.

On May 3, 1889, the Austro-Hungarian army broke through Stalać, a city in Serbia’s heartland. An army of eighty thousand men marched vast and mighty from Loznica, Valjevo, and Stalać to attack Belgrade from the north.

For Serbia, this was like the apocalypse. Not only would the capital, Belgrade, face a pincer attack from the north and south, but many other cities in Serbia would also face the wrath of the Austro-Hungarian army.

This was a war, after all, and the Austrians would not be overly merciful in their treatment of the Serbians.

Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire made great efforts to maintain order after occupying Serbian cities, many incidents of arson, murder, and looting still occurred.

To maintain the army’s combat effectiveness, such incidents could only be discouraged, not entirely prevented.

This created great suffering for the Serbians in the occupied cities. On one hand, they harbored a deep hatred for the Austrian invaders; on the other, they felt a bitter enmity toward their own ineffectual Serbian government.

Under the watchful eyes of the various European nations, a great turmoil erupted in Serbia’s capital, Belgrade.

First, protesters stormed the government and parliament buildings, holding banners calling for the ousting of the Cabinet and venting their dissatisfaction with the government and parliament.

Belgrade was the capital, after all. If it were just civilian protests, it would be impossible to threaten the government’s rule.

But this was precisely where the turning point occurred. King Milan Obrenović of Serbia decisively announced the abolition of the Cabinet, the dissolution of parliament, and the establishment of a Wartime Provisional Cabinet. He declared his commitment to ending the war and rescuing the Serbian people in the occupied territories.

If this had happened before the war broke out, King Milan Obrenović would certainly not have received the support of the people.

After all, he himself was a monarch who favored absolute monarchy, and his throne depended on foreign support to remain stable.

But with the Cabinet having lost all public support, King Milan Obrenović’s act of forcibly dissolving the Cabinet and parliament actually won him a measure of public favor.

Not long after announcing the dissolution of the Cabinet, Milan Obrenović, in his capacity as king, issued an order to the Serbian army at the front, demanding they surrender to the Austro-Hungarian forces and end this war that should never have happened.

Although the Serbian troops at the front were astonished by the orders from their home country, they had no choice but to obey.

After all, the Serbian army’s logistics and supplies came entirely from the government. If the government no longer supported the war, it was pointless for them to persist.

That very day, the resisting Serbian forces surrendered to the Austro-Hungarian army one after another.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire accepted these surrenders with considerable magnanimity, providing them with reasonably plentiful three meals a day.

This was one of the ways the Austro-Hungarian Empire sought to win over the people. Serbia was like a nail, severely obstructing the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s expansion into the Balkan Peninsula.

This meant that if the Austro-Hungarian Empire wanted to expand further south, it had to solve the problem of Serbia, its biggest obstacle.

Placing all the responsibility and consequences of the war on Serbia’s Cabinet government, thereby absolving the Austro-Hungarian Empire of its crimes against the Serbian people in this war, was a rather clever approach.

Although some Serbians would still hate the Austro-Hungarian Empire, at least the Serbian government would be there to share the blame as a scapegoat.

Furthermore, making the Serbian government take the blame served other purposes. The reason this war broke out was that the pro-Russian Serbian government was extremely hostile toward the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The pro-Russian Serbian government had strong ambitions for the Austro-Hungarian-occupied territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. With Russia’s support, they even managed to sideline the pro-Austrian Serbian king, Milan Obrenović.

If the responsibility for the war could be pinned on the pro-Russian Serbian government, allowing the pro-Austrian Serbian king to take the reins of power, it would be excellent news for the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

A Serbia that reverted to being pro-Austrian would not only cease to be an obstacle to the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s continued expansion but could even become a powerful ally in its confrontation with Russia.

Balkan nations like Serbia and Bulgaria, although small in territory and population, possessed formidable fighting capabilities.

This region had been a battleground state since ancient times. After the fall of the Byzantine Empire, it became the front line for European nations against the Ottoman Empire.

Now, although the Ottoman Empire had declined, the area had become the front line of the Russo-Austrian confrontation. It was because of these numerous experiences that the people here developed a fierce and warlike character.

A Serbian army of equal size could put up a good fight against the Austro-Hungarian army. If not for their terribly poor weapons, equipment, and logistics, it would have been quite difficult for the Austro-Hungarian Empire to win this war so easily.

For the Austro-Hungarian Empire, if they could arm a Serbian army of one hundred thousand men, its effect would be comparable to one hundred thousand of their most elite troops.

These one hundred thousand men could tie down at least two hundred thousand Russian soldiers. In any future war with Russia, the Serbians’ role would clearly be quite significant.

The news of Serbia’s surrender caused a great stir in Europe, and it also turned the attention of almost every country to the ongoing war on the Polish Plains.

In fact, none of the three parties—Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia—had any intention of going all-out in this war.

This led to the war on the Polish Plains being more like a live-fire military exercise for each nation. The three countries deployed a certain number of troops, on one hand testing their various newly developed weapons and equipment, and on the other, experimenting with different formations and tactical concepts.

The Austro-Prussian War and the Franco-Prussian War had thoroughly consigned line infantry to the dustbin of history, but the European powers had not yet reached clear conclusions regarding strategic deployments and tactical ideas for modern warfare.

This war between three great powers was clearly an excellent way to explore these concepts. The battles waged by the three countries on the Polish Plains attracted military observer groups from many other great powers, who meticulously recorded the details of each battle, fearing they might miss any crucial moments.

After Serbia announced its defeat, the three nations knew that this war would not last long.

There was no need for any of them to fight to the death, as the main focus of the war had always been the Balkan Peninsula, and the conflict there had now ended.

Five days after Serbia’s surrender, the envoy sent by Tsar Alexander III officially arrived in the German capital, Berlin, and proposed a request for peace negotiations.

For Germany at this time, the war had fulfilled its objectives.

After all, Germany had not experienced a large-scale war since the Franco-Prussian War, and this conflict with the Russians served as a good litmus test.

It proved that even after nearly twenty years, the German army was still one of the most powerful in the world.

In the limited-scale battles fought on the Polish Plains, the German army achieved the greatest results while suffering the lowest number of casualties—the best evidence and proof of the German army’s formidable combat strength.

Among the current casualty ratios of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia, Germany’s ratio was as high as 1:3, meaning that on average, every German soldier could take out three Russian soldiers.

The most elite troops of the Austro-Hungarian Empire could achieve a casualty ratio of 1:2, while ordinary troops could only manage 1:1 or 1:1.5.

The Russian army had the worst combat effectiveness. It wasn’t that there were no elite Russian army units capable of fighting to a 1:1 ratio against German and Austrian forces, but the number of such elite troops was very limited.

The casualty ratios for most of their forces were terrible, and for the hastily mobilized troops, the ratios were an utter mess.

It was the drag from these less effective troops that made Russia’s overall casualty ratio look so abysmal.

However, this was not necessarily a bad thing for Russia. After all, Russia’s population was several times that of Germany and Austria-Hungary combined. Such a casualty ratio was not too severe for Russia to bear.

Russia could grit its teeth and endure tens of millions of casualties, but the question was, would Germany and Austria-Hungary dare to sustain several million?

This was not the era of World War I; the populations of Germany and Austria-Hungary were not yet as large as they would be then.

According to current estimates from various sources, Germany’s population was around 47.8 million, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s was about 39.8 million. Compared to other European nations, these were already at a respectable level.

Consider that Britain’s population at this time was only thirty-two million, and France’s was only 39.5 million. Any country with a population approaching forty million could be considered a major demographic power in the world.

Spain’s population, after much effort to catch up, was still only 25.6 million. This was the greatest advantage other European nations had over Spain; population growth continuously boosted their comprehensive national strength, allowing them to expand their mobilizable armies from a few hundred thousand to over a million or even several million men.

Although the populations of Germany and Austria-Hungary were large, they seemed insignificant when compared to Russia.

Statistics on Russia’s population could only be confined to a rough range. There was no helping it; Russia’s territory was simply too vast, so vast that it was fundamentally difficult to count the population living on this land.

Moreover, Russia’s internal administrative system was relatively chaotic and corrupt. If a streamlined, post-reform government like Spain’s could not accurately count its population, it was even less likely for the more corrupt Tsarist government, facing greater statistical challenges, to do so.

The Tsarist government could only provide a rough estimate of its population, which was around 110 million people.

After analyzing Russia’s birth and death rates in recent years, Spain’s estimated figure for Russia’s population was potentially as high as 112 million.

Don’t underestimate those two decimal places. Even just 0.02, when applied to a base unit of one hundred million, represents a population of two million people.

And even such statistics were not precise; it was highly probable that several million Russians were omitted from the count.

After all, technology in this era was not advanced, and no country could conduct a particularly detailed population census.

But one thing was certain: Russia had the largest population among all the great powers, far exceeding the combined total of the second and third largest.

This demographic advantage was Russia’s greatest asset and the source of its confidence, allowing it to fear no war.

Merely considering Russia’s enormous population was enough to make the German government seriously consider the necessity of peace talks.

If they truly enraged Russia, and Russia mobilized several million troops, Germany and Austria-Hungary would have no choice but to follow suit and mobilize over a million troops themselves.

If a war could not achieve its objectives, it would be nothing but a waste of resources and money.

Although the war between Germany and Russia was fought on the Polish Plains, Germany had no designs on Russian Poland at this time.

The price Germany would have to pay to acquire this part of the Polish territories would be immense. Rather than that, it would be better to enter into peace negotiations with Russia sooner.

In any case, the initial objective of the war had been achieved. Not only had the Austro-Hungarian Empire solved the problem of Serbia, but it even had hopes of advancing further into the Balkan Peninsula.

An advance by the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the Balkan Peninsula meant that Russia’s influence must retreat. As one advanced, the other retreated; for the Austro-Hungarian Empire, it was a strengthening, while for Russia, it was a weakening.

Chapter 350: Austro-Serbian Peace Talks

Although the Russian Ambassador’s contacts with Germany were relatively secret, the news quickly reached the ears of every nation in Europe.

Once the most powerful nations on both sides of this great war began to engage in peace talks, it signaled that the war was drawing to a close—and would end through negotiation, rather than the complete defeat of one side by the other.

However, compared to the ongoing peace talks between Germany and Russia, the nations of Europe were clearly more concerned with the direction of the post-war situation.

The military bloc led by Germany and Austria-Hungary had already become quite clear, and another great power, Italy, also had inextricable ties to this bloc.

Confronting this powerful military alliance was, naturally, the other main protagonist of the war: Russia. If France and Russia were to conclude a treaty of alliance, Europe would be definitively split into two opposing military blocs.

In a situation with two rival military blocs, the relevance of other non-aligned nations would be drastically reduced. Even Britain would have little significant presence in the face of these two powerful alliances.

This also signaled one thing: it was time for the nations of Europe to declare their positions after the war.

There were at most three positions to take: either lean toward one of the two military blocs or strictly maintain neutrality.

Maintaining neutrality required faith in the principles of the two military blocs. After all, so-called neutrality was not something a country could simply declare for itself; it had to be recognized by other nations to ensure it would not be invaded.

Currently, the only recognized neutral country was Switzerland. A major reason for this, aside from Switzerland’s early declaration of permanent neutrality and its recognition by other European powers in the 1815 Declaration of the Congress of Vienna, was its mountainous geography and relatively unimportant strategic location. The great powers naturally saw no need to risk offending other nations by attacking this neutral state.

Aside from the permanently neutral Switzerland, all other European nations needed to consider their diplomatic stance in the new European landscape.

Whether to support one military bloc or remain neutral was not the most important question. What mattered was to fully commit to one’s chosen diplomatic stance and avoid indecisively playing both sides.

The peace negotiations between Germany and Russia dragged on for a long time. There was little dispute between the two sides regarding the Polish territories, as Germany knew it was impossible to seize them at this time.

The only point of contention was the Balkans. Russia was unwilling to lose its loyal little brother, Serbia, so quickly.

But it was clear that Russia no longer had the final say in Serbia’s situation.

After King Milan Obrenović of Serbia announced the dismissal of the pro-Russian Cabinet government, he immediately appointed nobles loyal to him to form a Provisional Military Government.

The first act of the Provisional Government after taking power was to launch a major purge of the previous pro-Russian Cabinet, using the power of public opinion to shift all blame for the war onto them.

In addition to mobilizing the pro-Russian faction’s power, King Milan Obrenović also skillfully exploited the popular protests in Belgrade.

Furious citizens stormed the homes of officials from the previous cabinet, subjecting these officials who had single-handedly provoked the war to the mob’s ‘righteous’ fury.

Although most of the officials were protected by police who arrived quickly, some still lost their lives in the crowd’s vengeful onslaught.

The anger of the Serbian people at this time was understandable, as the war had inflicted devastating losses on Serbia and all its people.

After gaining independence, Serbia’s total population was only two million seven hundred thousand, yet the casualties from this war were already over one hundred thousand.

The number of soldiers killed or so severely wounded that they were on the verge of death was nearly thirty thousand. This represented thirty thousand families, and more than one hundred thousand Serbians who had lost their loved ones.

In addition to the loss of life, the war had broken out right at a crucial time for agricultural planting, which meant Serbia’s farms yielded almost nothing.

It was foreseeable that this year’s agricultural harvest in Serbia would be the worst in a decade, and a large number of Serbians would not have enough food to survive.

Before the war, due to the struggle for control over the Serbian government between Russia and Austria-Hungary, this small, newly independent country had received a great deal of support.

The Serbian people had been living relatively well back then. This war had completely upended their lives, which was the source of their anger toward the government.

After successfully redirecting the public’s anger toward the previous cabinet, the Serbian king swiftly launched a purge against them.

He was from the pro-Austrian faction, and the previous cabinet was pro-Russian; they were enemies, so naturally, there was no reason to show mercy.

Those cabinet members who had not been beaten to death by the angry Serbian mobs had no time to feel relieved. They were immediately met with the king’s ‘righteous’ judgment.

Because this cabinet had left Serbia in ruins, their trials were not only swift but also severe.

The former Prime Minister, Nikola Hristić, was sentenced to death and executed the very next day.

The remaining cabinet ministers were all sentenced to prison terms of varying lengths. Among them, the Foreign Secretary, a loyalist of former Prime Minister Nikola Hristić, was sentenced to life imprisonment, with no possibility of parole or early release for any reason.

In contrast to these purged loyalists of the former prime minister, King Milan Obrenović’s own loyalists and some non-partisan military figures received widespread promotions.

The most representative of these was the Chief of the General Staff, Kosta Protić. To gain the support of the military, King Milan Obrenović directly appointed Chief of the General Staff Kosta Protić to lead the Provisional Military Government and promised him the position of Prime Minister in the next Cabinet government.

This was a political exchange of interests. After Chief of the General Staff Kosta Protić was promoted to the highest position in the government, King Milan Obrenović successfully placed several of his own loyalists within the military.

It was precisely because King Milan Obrenović had secured military support that his purge of the former cabinet government proceeded so smoothly.

Even though the previous cabinet had Russia’s backing, it could not withstand the combined crackdown from the military and the king.

In addition to the cabinet ministers who met their doom, many members of the prime minister’s party were also purged.

The more serious cases were directly expelled from Serbia, while those less involved were sentenced to prison for varying numbers of years.

It had to be admitted that King Milan Obrenović’s political maneuvering was rather skillful. He not only shifted all the blame for Serbia’s defeat onto the Cabinet but also managed to gain a certain degree of decision-making power by cooperating with the military.

Although he could not yet fully control the government, his collaboration with the military was more than enough to secure his throne.

In the original timeline, this king’s excessively pro-Austrian leanings had forced him to abdicate in favor of his son, Alexander, in 1889—the current year.

As things stood, due to the impact of the war, Milan Obrenović’s throne seemed stable for several more years.

Of course, Milan Obrenović’s ability to restabilize his reign through a series of machinations was inseparable from the support of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

When the pro-Russian cabinet was in power, the Austrian army’s offensive was relentless. The Austrian media also constantly spread bad news about the war to Serbia, inciting Serbian dissatisfaction with their government.

But after Milan Obrenović took control of the government through his series of maneuvers, the Austrian army not only began an orderly withdrawal from Serbia but also left behind a batch of supplies to help restore order.

Of course, officially, these supplies were not left voluntarily by the Austrians but were supposedly relinquished only after the great King Milan Obrenović of Serbia argued forcefully on the basis of reason.

In any case, regardless of the pretext, some of the afflicted Serbians did receive these provisions.

Although the supplies were not plentiful, they were enough to ensure that those whose families had been shattered would not starve for the time being.

Comparing this with the previous cabinet government that had brought ruin upon them, the Serbians could see that their current king did have some capability.

After temporarily restoring domestic order, the Serbian Provisional Government immediately contacted the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the two sides began peace negotiations.

Logically speaking, since the war had broken out due to a border conflict between Serbia and Austria-Hungary, the peace talks should have been conducted together to resolve the border issue as well.

But at present, the peace talks between Germany and Russia were deadlocked, mainly due to disputes over the Serbian issue.

Having already taken control of the situation through the pro-Austrian Serbian king, Austria-Hungary was certainly not going to wait foolishly for Russia to come to the negotiating table.

There was much to be said about this pro-Austrian king, Milan Obrenović.

After Serbia’s independence, there were extremely fierce debates and conflicts within the country between the pro-Austrian and pro-Russian factions.

As a pro-Austrian king, Milan Obrenović, in order to gain the support of Austria-Hungary, had signed a trade treaty and a secret agreement with the empire.

The trade treaty surrendered Serbia’s economic sovereignty, allowing Austro-Hungarian industrial products to flood the Serbian market instantly.

The secret agreement, on the other hand, effectively surrendered Serbia’s sovereignty. During that period, Serbia had no choice but to follow Austria-Hungary’s lead, maintaining the same diplomatic alignment.

It was precisely Serbia’s strong pro-Austrian stance that left Tsarist Russia, the self-proclaimed leader and protector of the Slavs, utterly dumbfounded.

Serbia’s geographical location was of immense importance, in some respects even more so than Bulgaria’s.

It was both Russia’s front line against Austria-Hungary and Austria-Hungary’s bridgehead for southward expansion.

Whoever could secure Serbia’s support would gain the upper hand in the struggle for the Balkan Peninsula.

To bring Serbia back into the pro-Russian camp, Tsarist Russia made all sorts of efforts, eventually cultivating a pro-Russian government that sidelined the king.

Of course, the reason the king could be sidelined was, in fact, due to Milan Obrenović’s own blunders.

Simply being close to Austria-Hungary was not an unforgivable sin. But while cozying up to Austria-Hungary, Milan Obrenović maintained a highly autocratic and despotic rule, which sparked dissatisfaction among the Serbian people.

The recently independent Serbian people had not yet been indoctrinated with Greater Serbian nationalism and had no strong claims on Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The Serbians were more concerned about whether their political rights would be protected, and in this context, the king’s autocratic rule was particularly conspicuous.

Numerous protests erupted across Serbia against the king’s despotic rule, and parliament was the scene of many related debates.

It was these protests and debates that allowed the Russians to exploit the situation, vigorously promoting Greater Serbian nationalism and showing the Serbians a seemingly brighter future.

However, this war had also proven that Greater Serbian nationalism was perhaps not so reliable. It was often not a good thing for a small country to harbor too many ambitions.

At this moment, how could the Serbians still be thinking about Greater Serbian nationalism? Simply being able to protect their own territory and maintain their hard-won peaceful life was already quite good.

While the Austro-Serbian peace talks were underway, Austria-Hungary did not forget to offer the Serbians a little something to sweeten the deal.

On the very day the peace talks began, the Austrian army fully withdrew from Serbia’s central cities, retreating toward the border city of Loznica.

As they withdrew, the Austrian army also left behind large quantities of food supplies and some leaflets.

The leaflets explained the cause of the war, stating that Austria had no intention of fighting Serbia, and that the war was only triggered after the previous Serbian cabinet, misled by Russia, harbored dangerous criminals from the Bosnia region.

The supplies left by Austria were, naturally, compensation for the Serbian people.

Although this was of no help to those Serbians who had already lost their loved ones, it at least pointed them in a specific direction, telling them who was truly responsible for the war.

With the former cabinet government already purged, the Serbians’ hatred naturally turned toward Russia.

Of course, this small gesture from Austria-Hungary was not enough to make Serbia completely switch to its side.

After all, the war had been fought between the Austrian and Serbian armies. It was clearly impossible for the Serbians to forgive Austria based on this small compensation and some leaflets.

While the peace talks between Germany and Russia remained deadlocked, Austria-Hungary quickly signed a peace agreement with Serbia, formally declaring an end to the war.

Most of the contents of this Peace treaty were made public, and its terms came as a great surprise to the Serbians.

Austria-Hungary did not demand any territorial concessions from Serbia. As the defeated party, Serbia only had to pay a symbolic indemnity payment.

Although the sum was not small, it was a very good deal for a defeated nation.

For context, in the Franco-Prussian War, France, as the defeated party, not only had to pay a staggering indemnity of five billion francs but also ceded Alsace and Lorraine to what was then Prussia.

Alsace and Lorraine were not ordinary regions; they were not only important French border strongholds but also contained extremely rich coal and iron ore resources.

The coal and iron from Alsace and Lorraine had played a significant role in the smooth industrialization of the German Empire.

Compared to France after the Franco-Prussian War, Serbia’s situation as a defeated nation was clearly much better.

The total indemnity Serbia had to pay to Austria-Hungary was only ten million florins, or just over twenty million pesetas.

This sum was likely not even enough to cover Austria-Hungary’s military expenditure for the war. From this, one could see Austria-Hungary’s attitude toward Serbia: prioritizing winning them over while using suppression as a secondary measure.

Chapter 351: Secret Franco-Russian Talks

After the peace talks between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Serbia concluded, the talks between Germany and Russia also quickly came to an end.

The Germans ultimately extorted an indemnity payment of twenty million Marks from Russia. The Russians had to pay this sum whether they wanted to or not.

However, there was good news for the Russians. The French Ambassador had spoken with the Russian government, expressing France’s willingness to provide Russia with a large loan to help it restore post-war order more quickly.

Although Germany and Russia had not truly engaged in heavy fighting, the mobilization of several hundred thousand troops was no bluff.

The reason for mobilizing so many troops was twofold: first, to test the other side’s commitment to the war, and second, to prevent them from launching a real attack after a swift mobilization.

As it turned out, Russia’s large-scale mobilization was quite effective.

Had they not mobilized so many troops, the garrisons in the Polish territories alone would not have been able to resist the offensive of the German-Austrian allied forces.

If the Germans had broken through their defensive line, it would have been a great disaster for Russia.

The primary reason Russia had been able to defend its homeland from the time of Napoleon to the present day was that the Russian winter was too cold; other countries were simply not suited for winter warfare in Eastern Europe.

The Russians had long since adapted to such a harsh climate; their capital, St. Petersburg, was even close to the Arctic Circle.

It is worth noting that the northeastern region of a certain country, famous in later times for its cold, was not as far north in terms of latitude as St. Petersburg.

This illustrates just how cold Russia truly is and also highlights the importance of the Ukrainian Plains and the Polish Plains to the nation.

The Ukrainian Plains, in particular, supplied Russia with vast amounts of grain, ensuring the sustenance of its population of over one hundred million.

The war had broken out just as winter ended and concluded right at the start of summer. If Serbia had not been defeated so early, Russia would have had a difficult time on the main front.

After all, temperatures in Eastern Europe are relatively high in the summer, an environment in which both the German and Austrian armies were well-suited to fight. Without the harsh cold restricting their logistics, the combat effectiveness of the German and Austro-Hungarian forces would not have been diminished.

The peace treaty signed between Germany and Russia was not particularly harsh. Aside from the hefty war reparations of twenty million Marks, Russia was not required to make any other concessions, which was why they agreed to the treaty.

The post-war situation in Europe was just heating up. The connections between the great powers drew the attention of all nations, everyone waiting for the formation and confrontation of the two major military blocs.

They were not disappointed. France and Russia soon strengthened their ties.

On June 20, 1889, an ambassador plenipotentiary representing Tsar Alexander III met with the French government in Paris. The two sides held secret talks for several days, finally signing an undisclosed agreement under the watch of the international media.

Most of the agreement’s contents were confidential, but some details were leaked.

This was mainly because these details were unrelated to military affairs; even with strict secrecy, economic matters could not be hidden for long.

The leaked contents primarily concerned a French loan to Russia. While the exact amount was unknown, the total value of the loan was at least two hundred million francs, or around ten million pounds.

This was no small sum, enough for Russia to build a powerful army and navy. It demonstrated the extent of French aid to Russia. They were sincere about forging an alliance with Russia and genuinely wanted to see it become a stronger nation to help divert Germany’s attention.

Of course, considering the high level of corruption within the Russian government, France also stipulated conditions for the use of the loan.

One-third of the loan was to be used to purchase grain and other goods from France to alleviate the agricultural crisis in Russia caused by the disruption to its food production.

The remaining two-thirds were to be used for military development, including procuring weapons and equipment, building up the Navy, and expanding the size of the standing army.

Although the war had not lasted long, it had thoroughly exposed some of the Russian army’s weaknesses.

The greatest of these was its outdated weaponry. In an era when breech-loading rifles were commonplace, some Russian army units were still using muzzle-loading rifles as their standard-issue weapon.

This problem was caused partly by Russia’s military industry being unable to keep up with the army’s demand, and partly by Russia’s finances being insufficient to support a comprehensive rearmament.

Russia had an army far larger than any other nation, earning it the moniker of the “European steamroller” and making other countries wary.

But a larger army not only meant greater military expenditure, it also meant additional costs when it came to upgrading weapons and equipment.

Even with Spain’s ever-growing and prosperous economy, it still took over a year to re-equip its standing army of some two hundred thousand men.

For Russia, with its much weaker economy, re-equipping a standing army of over six hundred thousand men was utterly crippling for its finances.

Moreover, Russia had fought in several wars in recent years, and the military spending had been a source of great misery.

If not for the previous Russo-Turkish War, Russia’s weaponry would have been in an even worse state. The French naturally understood the Russian government’s financial situation. They demanded that at least two million of the ten-million-pound loan be used to re-equip the Russian army to prevent a continuous decline in its combat effectiveness.

Faced with the French government’s demands, Russia’s ambassador plenipotentiary naturally nodded and agreed to everything.

The money came from the French, after all, so it was only natural for them to dictate how Russia used it. Besides, re-equipping the army was a good thing for Russia; once rearmed, it would truly be the European steamroller.

To demonstrate its sincerity to its ally, the ten-million-pound loan was interest-free. This was why Tsar Alexander III had dispatched a plenipotentiary representative and was so eager to conclude an alliance treaty with France.

There was no helping it; France was simply too wealthy at this time. Although its treasury was not as rich as Britain’s, much of Britain’s money had to be invested in domestic factories and enterprises, whereas French capital did not have such concerns.

Compared to investing in domestic French companies, French capitalists preferred to lend their money to other countries and sit back and earn interest.

At this time, France was known as the “moneylending empire,” and the number of countries that had received French loans was countless. Even Spain had cooperated with France on loans.

And it was worth mentioning that, in the eyes of French capitalists, Spain was a prime client. Due to the rapid growth of Spain’s domestic economy and industry, these French capitalists could quickly make a huge profit, principal and interest included, after investing in the country.

Coupled with Spain’s proximity to France, these French capitalists were not averse to investing in Spain; in fact, they were eager to participate in some of Spain’s construction projects.

It was no exaggeration to say that Spain’s rapid economic development was absolutely inseparable from the help of French capital.

In truth, one could not blame French capitalists for not investing in French companies. The main issue was that the French government changed far too frequently, which seriously affected the implementation of its decrees.

Only with political stability could there be more prosperous economic and industrial growth. It was clear that, compared to the politically turbulent France, Spain was the more stable country.

The Spanish government was also paying close attention to this influx of French capital. Currently, the most popular sectors for French capital were agriculture, the chemical industry, and machinery production. French investment in these three sectors had already reached hundreds of millions of francs.

French investment in agriculture was mainly concentrated in the vegetable and fruit industries, which was Spain’s specialty.

Currently, Spain’s total vegetable production accounted for one-fifth of Europe’s total, and its total fruit production accounted for one-third of Europe’s total, making it the continent’s leading exporter of fruits and vegetables.

In terms of olive and olive oil production, Spain accounted for 35% and 42% of Europe’s total output, respectively, and these figures were constantly growing.

It was no exaggeration to say that half of the olives and olive oil on the European market came from Spain, which was why it was known as the kingdom of fruits and vegetables.

As for citrus fruits, Spain’s total output accounted for nearly half of Europe’s total. Spanish citrus was famous for being sweet, delicious, and fragrant, selling well across Europe and even in the Americas.

Both Pepsi-Cola and Coca-Cola, in which Carlo had invested, had launched citrus- and lemon-flavored versions. These sodas with their unique tastes also sold well across Europe, and affiliated companies had even been established in the Americas.

Spain’s fruit and vegetable industry was able to reach such a scale due to, on one hand, the agricultural development of the West African Colony, which allowed domestic land to shift from grain cultivation to fruit and vegetable cultivation, and on the other hand, various government policies of support and subsidies, as well as significant investment from French capital.

Because Spain’s fruit and vegetable production accounted for a dominant share of Europe’s total output, Spanish fruit and vegetable export companies also had immense decision-making power when it came to prices.

This near-monopolistic position could earn several times more money than non-monopolistic enterprises, which was why the French were willing to invest.

It is worth mentioning that after investing in Spain’s fruit and vegetable industry, French capitalists would then ship the Spanish-produced fruits and vegetables back to France for sale.

Although France had a respectable agricultural sector, its larger population meant that its per capita production of fruits and vegetables was lower than Spain’s.

Combined with various promotional campaigns by French capitalists, fruits produced in Spain actually became more popular in France.

Thanks to the profit-driven promotions by French capitalists, Spanish wine also rapidly expanded its market in France, gradually becoming a part of the daily lives of the French people.

Regarding the massive investment of French capital in Spain, Carlo not only did not refuse it but warmly welcomed it.

In fact, if the French were not also interested in Morocco, an alliance between France and Spain would have been very likely.

Spain could have become France’s strong backing, and France could have helped Spain better build its Iberian fortress.

If France were Spain’s ally, the geographical advantage of the Iberian Peninsula would be infinitely enhanced. Any other country wishing to attack Spain would have to do so via a naval landing.

A naval landing has never been an easy undertaking, not to mention that Spain had made considerable progress in building up its army and navy.

To invade Spain from the sea, an enemy would need not only a navy stronger than Spain’s but also an army stronger than Spain’s.

Only by suppressing the Spanish Navy could an army have a chance to land on the coast. Every coastal landing would incur enormous casualties, a task that not even Britain or Germany could be one hundred percent certain of completing.

The reason Spain had yet to declare its position was that it was waiting to be courted by both the Franco-Russian Alliance and the German-Austrian Alliance.

As a nation with a strong army and navy, Spain had room to choose. It could even remain neutral; as long as Spain did not want to get involved in European affairs, no country could force it to take a side.

If France could provide Spain with substantial capital and technological support, and declare its willingness to abandon its claim to Morocco and support Spain’s annexation of it, Carlo really wouldn’t mind concluding a series of cooperation treaties with France.

After all, siding with Germany and Austria would mean that for Spain to take Morocco, it would have to face the dual pressure of Britain and France.

Although the main forces of Britain and France would be tied down by the German-Austrian Alliance, if Spain also entered the fray, Britain and France might decide to focus their fire on Spain first.

As for Italy, which had a history of flip-flopping, Carlo did not hold out much hope.

Even though Carlo was from the Italian royal family, he still couldn’t be certain that Italy would join the German-Austrian side in a war. If it were the current king, Umberto I, perhaps Italy would be more resolute.

Unfortunately, this older brother of Carlo’s reign was not long, and he did not live to see the outbreak of World War I. His son, Carlo’s nephew, did not possess his father’s firm resolve, which was why Italy flip-flopped during World War I.

Of course, even if Italy did not switch sides, its contribution to the war would have been quite limited.

When Carlo considered the two major European military blocs, he generally only considered the scenario of France and Russia versus Germany and Austria.

Britain was strong, but it did not exert much effort in the early stages of the war. The two sides that truly committed their strength were France and Germany, the two most powerful land armies on the European continent in the truest sense.

From a historical perspective, Spain had a decent chance of winning regardless of which side it joined.

The Entente, as the historical victors, certainly had a higher chance of success. If Spain joined the Franco-Russian side, it could wear Germany down even through a war of attrition.

If it joined the German side, the only hope of winning the war would be to defeat Russia first and then focus all forces on France.

Chapter 352: The Theory of Sea Power and the Shipbuilding Plan

Though the war was brief, its impact would undeniably alter the future landscape of European politics.

On the surface, Europe appeared placid, but beneath the calm, tensions were already surging.

While Germany, Austria, and France made no further mention of military expansion, their actions clearly indicated they were already preparing for war.

In July 1889, Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the victors of the war, held talks with Italy.

The conference emphasized the importance of the Triple Alliance and discussed the primary direction for its future military expansion.

This brings us to a famous American military theorist, Alfred Thayer Mahan.

Although Europe had seen many empires that dominated for a time due to their formidable sea power, many nations still placed greater importance on their land forces.

Countries like Germany, France, and Russia all had armies that were stronger than their navies. This was partly because their vast territories and populations necessitated powerful armies, and partly because their investment in their navies was indeed limited.

Germany now had the capability to build a powerful navy, but its investment in naval forces was far less than its investment in the army.

The German Empire’s army was strong enough to dominate Europe, but its navy was somewhat inferior when compared to the navies of other great powers, whether it be France or Russia.

In early 1890, Alfred Thayer Mahan published The Influence of Sea Power upon History, 1660–1783, the first book in his trilogy on sea power that would shock all of Europe, in which he expressed his own understanding and perception of sea power.

Alfred Thayer Mahan argued that a nation’s prosperity, development, and security were inextricably linked to its sea power. Sea power could not only determine the outcome of battles at sea and on land but could even influence the course of history.

The Influence of Sea Power upon History, 1660–1783 not only recorded the author Alfred Thayer Mahan’s views and propositions regarding naval military strength but also used numerous wars and battles in Europe and the Americas to substantiate his claims.

Upon its publication, the book became a sensation in many countries across Europe and the Americas, transforming the “theory of sea power” from a vague idea into a clear strategic doctrine.

Because of the forward-thinking views and ideas on sea power expressed in his book, Alfred Thayer Mahan was hailed as the father of the theory of sea power throughout Europe and the Americas, and as a military theorist with profound strategic thought.

Even before this book was published, the views of European nations on sea power had been growing clearer. Nations had begun to prioritize the development of their navies, viewing them as a military force in no way inferior to their armies.

Without a doubt, Alfred Thayer Mahan’s The Influence of Sea Power upon History, 1660–1783 accelerated this process, drawing the attention of nations in Europe and even around the world to naval development.

As the book became a bestseller, some of the classic naval battles it detailed were frequently mentioned, including those involving Spain, such as the Siege of Gibraltar from 1779 to 1782 and the Battle of Trafalgar in 1805.

Both of these classic naval battles ended with Britain defeating the combined Spanish and French fleets, and they remained etched in the memory of the Spanish people for decades.

Before that, Britain’s invasion of Gibraltar was known as an eternal sore spot for the Spanish people, one of the most humiliating wars in Spain’s modern history, constantly brought up by Spanish newspaper companies.

Perhaps even the author of The Influence of Sea Power upon History, 1660–1783, Alfred Thayer Mahan himself, never imagined that for Spain, the most memorable aspect of his work on sea power would be the wars against the British.

In February 1890, after the book swept through Europe and was eagerly published and reported on by various countries, vast and mighty anti-British demonstrations erupted across Spain.

Although Spain had grown rich and powerful, the Spanish people would never forget Gibraltar, which had been forcibly seized by Britain.

Some more extreme and radical politicians even openly proposed the idea of retaking Gibraltar in their speeches to win the support of those who still remembered it.

Relations between Spain and Britain were already poor. Under the influence of this book and certain politicians, the Spanish public’s perception of Britain plummeted.

If one were to ask which country was most friendly to Spain, the Spanish people might hesitate between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy.

But if one were to ask which country had the worst relationship with Spain, there was no doubt it was the British Empire.

The British Empire’s power was built upon the decline of the previous “empire on which the sun never set”—Spain. The enmity between Spain and Britain could be traced back centuries.

Faced with the rising tide of anti-British sentiment in the country, Carlo did nothing to stop it. Instead, he allowed it to flourish.

For Carlo, Spain had to stand in opposition to Britain.

Only by opposing Britain could Spain have a chance to retake Gibraltar and annex Portugal.

These two objectives were of immense strategic importance to Spain and were key to whether it could become a superpower.

For Carlo, accomplishing these two tasks within his reign was also crucial. If he succeeded, Carlo would become one of the greatest monarchs in Spanish history, and he would solidify the foundation of the Savoy family’s rule in Spain, ensuring his throne would be passed down through his descendants for centuries.

Furthermore, Britain had always obstructed Spain’s annexation of Morocco. Regardless of which of the two major military blocs Britain joined, Spain would always be on the opposite side.

If a country was willing to throw its full support behind Spain to retake Gibraltar, Carlo wouldn’t mind having Spain join its alliance and fully participate in a World War.

In any case, Spain’s geographical location meant it would be far from the main European theater of war. As long as its homeland was not affected by the conflict, Spain would not suffer significant losses.

Under the influence of the theory of sea power, European nations accelerated the build-up of their navies. As time went on into 1890, Carlo finally decided to speed up the development of battleships, specifically pre-dreadnoughts.

On February 22, 1890, Carlo, in the name of the royal family, increased investment in Spain’s major shipyards by over fifty million pesetas and offered a prize of ten million pesetas in a public bidding process open to all military shipyards in Spain for the design of the next-generation capital ship.

Carlo’s commitment to naval development was abundantly clear, and as Prime Minister, Count Canovas would certainly not oppose him.

A few days later, on February 27, the Spanish Cabinet government formally announced its shipbuilding plan for the next five years.

The Navy department decided to build at least five capital ships of the ten-thousand-ton class and ten secondary capital ships of the seven-thousand-ton class within the next five years.

This meant that in the next five years, Spain’s total tonnage of medium and large warships alone would exceed 120,000 tons.

If this plan could be successfully completed, the Spanish Navy would climb at least one or two places in the rankings, firmly establishing its status as a major naval power.

Of course, all of this was contingent on one condition: that the Navy department could obtain a relatively satisfactory design for its capital ships.

Considering the advanced shipbuilding industries in other European countries, Carlo naturally couldn’t place all his hopes on domestic shipyards.

Beginning in March 1890, the Spanish Navy department also sent out bidding notices to several of Europe’s more famous shipyards, inviting them to design a satisfactory naval vessel for Spain.

If a design satisfied the Navy department, Spain would not be stingy. Whether it was a Spanish domestic shipyard or a foreign one, a successful bid would unconditionally receive a reward of ten million pesetas.

Ten million pesetas was no small sum. During this period, as Spain’s economy prospered, the value of the peseta had also been steadily increasing.

It is worth mentioning that the peseta was not on a true gold standard but was in a transitional period from a silver standard to a gold standard.

Before Carlo’s coronation, the value of the peseta was measured in silver. This caused its value to fluctuate significantly with international silver prices, and its actual value was slightly lower than that of comparable currencies like the franc and the lira.

Since Carlo’s coronation, with the circulation of the new Spanish peseta bearing his likeness, the peseta began its transition from the silver standard to the gold standard.

The exchange rate between the peseta and the pound sterling had now stabilized at a relatively constant 25:1, meaning one pound could be exchanged for 25 pesetas.

The reason for converting against the pound was mainly because the pound’s exchange rate was quite stable. Britain had established its gold standard monetary system in 1816, which firmly fixed the value of one pound at 7.322 grams of gold. It was not only the most valuable currency in Europe but also one of the most stable.

In international trade, to prevent losses due to currency fluctuations, countries generally used their own currency along with the pound and the franc for settlement.

As the once most powerful nation in Europe, France’s currency was also relatively stable. The pound and the franc were recognized as the most popular world currencies, usable almost anywhere in the world, with relatively stable values.

Current currency exchange rates: 1 pound sterling = 4 taels of silver = 5 US dollars = 6.3 yen = 9 rubles = 12 Dutch guilders = 18 Swedish-Norwegian krone = 20 Marks = 24 Austrian krone = 25 francs, pesetas, or lira.

The ten million peseta reward offered by Spain was equivalent to 400,000 pounds sterling. For the large shipyards of Europe, this was a sum worth acting for.

Although building a single capital ironclad could bring in an income of over one hundred thousand pounds, a large shipyard couldn’t build more than a few such ships a year.

Four hundred thousand pounds might not seem like much, but at present, few shipyards in Europe could boast an annual net income of that level.

This was why Spain confidently offered ten million pesetas in a public bidding. Few shipyards could resist such a temptation, unless they were official shipyards completely controlled by other nations.

Having done all this, Carlo could only wait quietly for the naval designs to be delivered to his doorstep.

Although Carlo hoped a Spanish shipyard would win the prize, what was clearly more important than who received the reward was whether Spain could obtain a satisfactory warship design.

While Carlo waited quietly, the Spanish government was swamped with busy affairs following the announcement of the five-year shipbuilding plan.

The main issue was the cost of building these fifteen capital ships, which, after estimates from the Navy department, amounted to an astronomical figure.

Currently, a capital ironclad of the ten-thousand-ton class cost around 600,000 to 700,000 pounds. It was certain that the cost of a brand-new warship design would increase, with a minimum construction cost of 700,000 to 800,000 pounds.

The construction cost of the five ten-thousand-ton capital ships alone could reach up to four million pounds. Adding the ten smaller but more numerous seven-thousand-ton warships, the total funds required for this five-year shipbuilding plan would be between seven million and eight million pounds, which was between 175 million and 200 million pesetas.

And that wasn’t all. This was merely the cost of building these fifteen capital ships.

Other expenses included daily training for soldiers, the operation and maintenance of the warships, and the consumption of various supplies. Compared to the construction costs, these expenses were also no small sum.

According to the Navy department’s own estimates, the total cost of this five-year shipbuilding plan would exceed 250 million pesetas, with the absolute minimum being compressed to 253 million pesetas.

Once all fifteen of these capital ships entered service with the Navy, their annual operating and maintenance costs, plus sailors’ salaries and other material consumption, would require an additional tens of millions of pesetas each year.

This is why navies were said to be cash-intensive; apart from construction costs, other expenses represented an enormous outlay.

It was only because Spain’s current financial situation was relatively healthy that it could afford such a massive military expenditure. Since it was a five-year shipbuilding plan, this expenditure represented the total naval military expenses for five years.

Spreading the 253 million pesetas over five years, the annual naval expenditure was actually just over fifty million. For Spain’s current finances, increasing the annual military budget by fifty million pesetas was indeed not a large amount.

According to statistics from the Spanish Cabinet, for the full year of 1889, the Spanish government’s total fiscal revenue reached 1.3221 billion pesetas, setting a new record.

This was partly because Spain’s domestic economy and industry were prosperous, and the war had not affected the economic development of the homeland at all.

Another reason was that Spain had earned substantial income from its colonies. Whether it was the rubber trade or the development of various plantations, Spain had reaped considerable profits.

The only ones suffering were the natives in the African colonies, but with Spain’s domestic economy and finances in such great shape, no one cared about their contributions.

Although the total fiscal expenditure was also as high as 1.2021 billion pesetas, the government still had a fiscal surplus of 119 million pesetas. So what was the harm in spending fifty million pesetas a year on the navy?

By 1890, Spain had paid off most of its foreign debt, and the remaining amount was expected to be cleared within two years.

This was definitely good news for Spain. After all, being debt-free meant it would be easier to take out new loans for any major construction projects in the future.

Thanks to the prosperous domestic economy, the Spanish government could also raise more funds when faced with large-scale construction.

According to current estimates from the Financial Department, if a major event occurred or the government needed to undertake significant construction, Spain could raise over one billion pesetas in a short period.

If the fundraising period were extended, another 500 million pesetas could possibly be added to that one billion.

This was extremely important for Spain. Although it still couldn’t compare to the terrifying figure of France paying off its five billion franc indemnity payment in just a few years, for Spain, this was already immense progress.

The Cabinet government took only a few days to approve the naval budget for this shipbuilding plan, which meant the five-year plan was officially underway.

The consecutive announcements from the Spanish royal family and the government regarding their focus on the Navy immediately captured the attention of shipyards throughout Spain and even all of Europe.

Many famous shipyards were eagerly preparing to try their luck; they were not about to let this huge reward slip through their fingers.

In addition to the ten million peseta prize for the design of the new capital ship, the design for the seven-thousand-ton secondary capital ship could also win a reward of five million pesetas.

For Spain’s major shipyards, the design requirements for the next-generation capital ship demanded by the Spanish Navy were all too familiar.

To put it bluntly, there were three points: faster speed, stronger firepower, and thicker armor protection.

If they were to pursue only one of these, whether it was adding steam turbine units to increase power, adding more cannons to enhance firepower, or simply increasing armor thickness, it would not be a difficult task for any of the major shipyards.

Even achieving two of the three was possible. As long as one aspect could be sacrificed to accommodate the other two, a warship with superior performance but also a clear weakness could be built.

It was obvious that the Spanish Navy did not want a warship with glaring flaws. They wanted an all-around developed warship, and that was the most troublesome part.

Increasing firepower meant either adding more gun turrets or increasing the caliber of the cannons. Either choice would increase the warship’s tonnage, and an increase in tonnage would affect speed.

The same was true for armor protection. It would either mean stacking steel plates to make the steel armor thicker. But doing so would also make the warship heavier, and its speed would surely be much slower.

Naval design couldn’t just be a matter of stacking more on. This required the shipyards wishing to participate in the bidding to have their own technological breakthroughs in speed, firepower, and armor.

If there were more powerful turbine units, or a stronger and lighter steel material with better protection, they could meet the Spanish Navy’s requirements.

But technological breakthroughs are not so easy. Unless a shipyard was willing to invest in research and development of technology and materials at any cost, they could only rely on the accumulation of time.

It is no exaggeration to say that whichever shipyard’s warship design could meet the requirements of the Spanish Navy, it would signify that the shipyard’s level had reached the pinnacle of the world.

Whether for the prize money offered by Spain or for the technological challenge, it was worth it for these shipyards to give it their all.

Chapter 353: Monarch-class Battleship

It is often said in the military that great rewards bring forth brave men, and the same principle applies to the field of technology: heavy investment leads to breakthroughs.

Spurred by the generous offers from the Spanish royal family and the Navy, shipyards both at home and abroad began to design a type of warship that would satisfy the Spanish Navy.

To design a warship that would please the Spanish Navy, one first had to understand the shortcomings of Spain’s current mainstream ironclads.

As their name suggests, the earliest ironclads were little more than sailing warships clad in a layer of iron armor. Even though the ironclad designs of the major naval powers have since evolved to use steel frames, the reality is that the internal materials of most ironclads are still wood.

Compared to steel-framed ironclads, those with wooden internal materials have significant drawbacks. Firstly, a wooden-framed ironclad is certainly not as sturdy as a steel-framed one. In fact, a wooden frame can even limit the tonnage and size of the ironclad.

For this very reason, as the tonnage of ironclads approached ten thousand tons, their frames gradually shifted from wood to steel.

The warship requested by the Spanish Navy would certainly have a steel frame. Only a steel frame could support a displacement of over ten thousand tons and allow for superiority in firepower and armor protection.

After settling on the basic frame for the warship, designers from the major shipyards began to study the strengths and weaknesses of various nations’ ironclads, hoping to find inspiration for their own designs.

Seeing that the major domestic shipyards had been discussing for over a month with no results, Carlo decided to integrate the nation’s shipbuilding resources and have them collaborate on developing the battleship he needed.

The good news was that the royal family held shares in most of Spain’s top shipyards. Besides the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, which was wholly owned by the royal family, they also held nearly half the shares in the Valencia United Shipyard, and about a quarter of the shares in the El Ferrol Royal Naval Shipyard and the Cartagena Shipyard.

The combined influence of the royal family and the Spanish government was enough to compel these shipyards to work together to develop a powerful warship.

These major shipyards already had official backing, so when both the government and the royal family had a need, they were in no position to refuse their request.

In the months that followed, the top warship designers from the four major shipyards gathered to frequently discuss the pros and cons of various warship designs, contributing their ideas to the latest battleship design.

Although they hadn’t yet found much inspiration for the new warship design, after more than a month of discussions, these top experts at least clarified which shortcomings of existing ironclads the new battleship design should address.

Although ironclads were the most advanced warship design of the time, their design philosophy had some significant problems and contradictions.

Some low-freeboard turret ironclads and barbette ships struggled to maintain stability on rough seas. In more extreme conditions, the severe rolling and pitching of the ironclads would prevent them from using their cannons effectively.

This was particularly evident on turret ironclads. Because the main guns were very close to the waterline, their muzzles were often submerged in waves crashing over the forecastle.

Since low-freeboard ironclads were unstable in high winds and rough seas, it became necessary to consider a high-freeboard warship design to enhance stability.

But such a design could only improve the stability of the cannons, not significantly increase firepower. To boost firepower, it was necessary to continuously adopt the most advanced artillery technology and find ways to increase the caliber of the guns.

After lengthy discussions among the many shipbuilding experts from the four major shipyards, they finally unanimously decided to use 13.5-inch main guns, equivalent to a 343-millimeter caliber, for the new warship design.

Cannons of this caliber were already incredibly powerful. A battleship armed with 343-millimeter main guns would undoubtedly be top-tier in terms of firepower.

The shipbuilding experts debated the number of main guns for a long time, eventually deciding to mount two protected main guns each at the bow and stern.

Each main gun should have a firing arc of 260 degrees and be able to fire on both broadsides. This would drastically increase the cannons’ coverage, enhancing the warship’s ability to engage enemies from different directions.

As for the secondary armament, to enhance the battleship’s capability against cruisers, the number of secondary guns was increased to ten, placed on both broadsides between the main guns.

The secondary guns were of six-inch caliber, or 152.4 millimeters. They also required strong armor protection, and the designers tried their best to cover both the main and secondary guns with armor on the blueprints.

Considering that the smoke from the rapid-firing secondary guns would interfere with each other, a designer from the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard specifically proposed arranging the five secondary guns on each side on two separate decks, an upper and a lower, to minimize the impact of smoke from firing on the other batteries.

With this discussion, the design philosophy for this brand-new battleship, at least in terms of firepower, was beginning to take shape.

For propulsion, there was no hesitation. They would naturally use the most advanced steam engines, stacking as much power into the warship as possible.

After another two and a half months of discussions, in August of 1890, the warship design committee, established under the leadership of the royal family and the government, submitted the first set of design blueprints for the battleship to the Navy.

This warship design was the result of lengthy discussions and could be said to incorporate all the best features of contemporary naval designs from around the world, utilizing the most advanced modern science and technology.

In terms of propulsion, the design planned for two three-cylinder vertical triple-expansion steam engines, with an estimated output of 9,000 horsepower under normal draft.

The new warship’s power plant had about 2,000 more horsepower than that of the Matador-class ironclads, which meant the new ship would be faster.

Of course, even with this increased speed, it still couldn’t meet the Navy’s required speed of 18 knots.

The 18-knot requirement was too demanding. Even with the best efforts of the warship design experts from the four major shipyards, they couldn’t achieve such a theoretical speed.

With forced draft, the new warship’s power plant could reach an output of about eleven thousand horsepower. This output was quite extraordinary and was expected to increase the warship’s speed to around 16 knots.

The theoretical maximum speed of this warship was approximately 17.5 knots.

However, this was only a theoretical maximum speed; under normal circumstances, a warship could not reach such an extreme velocity.

Even if the warship could reach that speed at full power, traveling at maximum speed for an extended period would create stability risks.

After all, the vertical triple-expansion steam engines used by the warship were the latest technology, and such technology was not yet stable enough to operate at maximum output for long periods.

Disregarding its maximum theoretical speed, this new warship design, with a standard cruising speed of 15.5 knots and a full-power speed of 16.5 knots, was already one of the fastest warship designs available.

Judging from the data on the design blueprints, there were no major issues with this warship design in terms of firepower and propulsion.

The only slight problem was the thickness of the warship’s armor.

According to the blueprints, the main armor belt should be at least 460 millimeters thick, the upper extension should be at least 137 millimeters thick, and there should also be a protective deck of about 76 millimeters.

For the armor protection scheme, the blueprints also offered two different approaches.

The first was the central armored citadel type, which involved forming a box-shaped armored structure above the main armor belt to reinforce its protective capability.

The second was the barbette type, which focused on providing heavy armor protection only for the bases of the main guns above the main armor belt.

The purpose of the two armor schemes was quite clear. The first was to strengthen the protection of the main armor belt, while the second was to enhance the armor protection of the gun turrets.

From a protection standpoint, the armor thickness of this warship was actually fine. Compared to Spain’s previous two generations of ironclads, this battleship’s armor protection was a massive improvement.

But the problem lay precisely in it being too much.

The thicker the armor, the heavier it naturally became. Whether it was the main armor belt or the gun barbettes, the armor had to cover a large surface area, which meant the warship’s tonnage would continuously increase.

Originally, the Spanish Navy had requested a warship with a tonnage just over ten thousand tons, which would also help control the construction cost of each battleship.

If they followed the original armor thickness in the design, the tonnage of this ironclad would increase by at least 3,000 tons.

A ten-thousand-ton battleship becoming a thirteen-thousand-ton battleship didn’t just mean a 3,000-ton increase in displacement; it also meant higher requirements for the ship’s structure and higher construction costs.

This additional 3,000 tons was all for protective steel armor. Even 3,000 tons of ordinary steel would be a significant expense, not to mention specially manufactured protective armor with added materials.

If the warship were truly built to this design, the Navy’s original planned construction budget of 250 million pesetas would be insufficient. At least another 50 million pesetas would be needed.

Although 50 million pesetas wasn’t a huge sum for the Spanish government, they still had to consider the future costs of building battleships.

The era of the battleship, or pre-dreadnought, lasted only about fifteen years. Yet, in that time, Britain built 46 pre-dreadnoughts, firmly securing its position as the world’s number one naval power.

It was also during the pre-dreadnought era that the Royal Navy established the “two-power standard,” which stipulated that the size of the Royal Fleet must exceed the combined size of the world’s second and third largest navies.

If Spain’s hypothetical enemy was Britain, it would have to make a concerted effort in its naval development.

While not needing to be as fanatical as the British, who built an average of more than three battleships per year, Spain had to be able to produce one to two battleships annually to possess a military force capable of challenging the British Navy before a crucial juncture arrived.

For Spain, the nearest and most promising opportunity to conquer Morocco and Portugal would perhaps be during Britain’s Boer War.

The Second Boer War began on October 11, 1899, and lasted for two and a half years. Although it was a war between Britain and African states, the military spending and army sizes on both sides were substantial, and it was a war with far-reaching consequences.

According to historical records, Britain spent over two hundred million pounds on military expenditures during the Second Boer War, an enormous cost for a military conflict.

Currently, the Spanish government’s total annual fiscal revenue was only 1.3211 billion pesetas, roughly equivalent to 52.84 million pounds.

This meant that Britain’s investment in the Boer War was equivalent to about five years of Spain’s total fiscal revenue.

The peseta and the franc were currently at par. In other words, Britain’s military spending in the Boer War was even greater than the five billion franc indemnity payment France paid after its defeat in the Franco-Prussian War.

This was why Carlo believed the Boer War was a prime opportunity for Spain to annex Portugal and Morocco. The British were entirely focused on southern Africa, leaving them unable to effectively intervene in events on the Iberian Peninsula and in North Africa.

At the peak of the war, the British government’s monthly military expenditure reached as high as sixteen million pounds. The reason for such massive spending, besides the consumption of ammunition and supplies at the front, was mainly the production and transport of materials and the maintenance of the army.

According to some books from that period, just to transport weapons to the British forces at the front, Britain used at least three hundred fifty thousand horses, one hundred thousand mules, and 1,027 ships, with a total transport volume of up to 1.34 million tons.

Britain mobilized over four hundred fifty thousand troops for this war, a total number greater than the entire Boer population.

The total number of Boer combatants was less than ninety thousand, and this figure included militia and foreign volunteers.

Despite a numerical superiority of more than five to one, the British fought this war for a full two and a half years and suffered over seventy thousand casualties.

The Boers, on the other hand, had only about five thousand casualties. Even including the fifteen thousand civilians who died at the hands of the British army, their total casualties were only twenty thousand.

From this data and these records, a major issue becomes apparent: Britain’s performance in the Boer War was exceptionally poor.

The British army had not experienced a large-scale conventional war for a long time. Their tactical thinking was extremely rigid, and problems with colonial administration were frequent.

If not for the immense wealth provided to the British Empire by the prosperous Indian colony, this military expenditure of two hundred million pounds alone would have been enough to bankrupt the British government’s finances.

It was precisely because of Britain’s poor performance in the Boer War that Carlo was confident in opposing them.

Once the Boer War broke out, Spain was certain to launch a war against Morocco. Even if Britain declared war on Spain over Morocco, Carlo would not be the least bit flustered.

Britain’s performance in the Boer War was already poor; if it had to fight on two fronts, it would inevitably suffer the bitter consequences of defeat.

The reason the Boers held out so stubbornly in the war was not only because their guerrilla tactics played a crucial role, but also due to the support they received from other European countries.

Although Britain was the most powerful country in the world, its very strength had made it countless enemies.

France, Russia, and even Germany were all likely to cause trouble for the British during the Boer War. A hamstrung Britain, from Spain’s perspective, was not much of a threat.

Returning to the warship design, while thicker armor could significantly enhance a warship’s protection, it would also increase its construction cost.

After half a month of discussions, the warship design committee ultimately complied with the Navy’s request, reducing the thickness of the main armor belt from 460 millimeters to 457 millimeters, the upper extension from 137 millimeters to 102 millimeters, and the citadel armor from 356 millimeters to 305 millimeters.

Although the armor thickness was reduced somewhat, the overall protective capability was still far superior to Spain’s two classes of ironclads.

The final battleship design had a total length of 123 meters, a beam of 22.4 meters, an average draft of 8.2 meters, and a maximum draft of 8.95 meters.

The standard displacement was estimated at 12,300 tons, with a full load displacement of 13,500 tons, making it the largest-tonnage warship ever designed by Spain.

When the warship design committee submitted this revised design to the Navy, the naval authorities held a meeting and ultimately confirmed that this type of warship met their requirements.

While it didn’t meet the speed requirement, considering the technological limitations of the time, this level of performance was already quite impressive.

Spain would not have only this one battleship design in the future; there was no need to pursue perfection right at the start of the battleship era.

The battleship designs of all nations improved incrementally upon existing foundations. It would not be too late to pursue a speed of 18 knots with the next generation of battleships.

Once the warship design satisfied the Navy’s requirements, this brand-new battleship design was quickly named.

The official name for this battleship design was the “Monarch-class” battleship. The five Monarch-class battleships to be built over the next five years would be named after the five greatest monarchs in Spanish history.

The names of these five new battleships were: Fernando II, Isabel I, Carlos I, Felipe II, and Carlo I.

Yes, Carlo was also honored to be included among them, becoming one of the five greatest monarchs in Spanish history.

The other four were all famous figures. Fernando II and Isabel I were known as the Catholic Monarchs. Their marriage alliance united the kingdoms of Castille and Aragon, initiating the history of a unified Spain.

Carlos I, also known as Charles V, was the Holy Roman Emperor and King of Spain. During his reign, Spain’s dominion spanned Europe, the Americas, Africa, and Asia, successfully creating the world’s first empire on which the sun never set.

As for Felipe II, he was the son of Carlos I. His reign, along with his father’s, marked the most prosperous and powerful period for Spain, the era when the Invincible Armada dominated the Atlantic Ocean.

Furthermore, during Felipe II’s reign, he also annexed Portugal, making Spain the sole nation on the Iberian Peninsula at that time.

As for Carlo being ranked fifth, there was undoubtedly some element of flattery from the military.

Then again, Spain’s history truly didn’t have many monarchs of great vision and ambition. It had only been about four hundred years since Spain’s formation. Besides the Catholic Monarchs as the kingdom’s founders, the only other noteworthy periods were the Habsburg era and the early part of the Bourbon dynasty’s rule.

However, the Bourbon dynasty was now reviled in Spain, so even if they had a few decent kings, they wouldn’t be considered for a top-five ranking.

At best, they could only hope to squeeze into the top ten. It couldn’t be helped, what with the Bourbon dynasty having produced two foolish monarchs like Fernando VII and Isabella II.

They lost the throne themselves and left the country mired in corruption and chaos. Naturally, the Spaniards could not have much affection for the Bourbon dynasty.

With the names of the five Monarch-class battleships decided, the next step was to arrange for their construction.

The construction of the warships would be primarily undertaken by two major shipyards: the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard and the Valencia United Shipyard.

The reason for using only two major shipyards to build the battleships was mainly because the other two were needed to construct 7,000-ton class cruisers.

Building fifteen warships in five years, even with ten of them being 7,000-ton medium cruisers, was quite a difficult task for Spain

Of course, once this five-year shipbuilding plan was completed, Spain’s naval strength would be firmly established among the world’s top four. The battleship era was a critical period for Spain’s navy to catch up to and surpass the other great powers, so Carlo would naturally not be stingy with naval funding.

The reason for enacting only a five-year plan was mainly that after five years, warship design standards in various countries would likely be due for an upgrade.

It would not be too late for Spain to devise a more advanced shipbuilding plan after designing its next generation of battleships five years from now.

Chapter 354: Naval Arms Race

Once the design of the Monarch-class battleship received the Navy’s approval, construction work began without delay.

The first to start construction was the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, which was responsible for building the Fernando II, the future flagship of the Spanish Royal Fleet.

The construction period for the battleship Fernando II was set for one and a half years. Work would commence in September 1890, with an estimated launch date in March 1892.

Including the lengthy sea trial phase, the earliest this new battleship could enter service with the Navy would be three years later, in 1893.

The construction of the second Monarch-class battleship, the Isabel I, would begin slightly later. After all, the Valencia United Shipyard was not as large as the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

The Isabel I was scheduled to begin construction in November 1890, with the goal of completion by mid-1892. If construction proceeded smoothly, both new battleships could hopefully join the Navy’s ranks before 1894.

The remaining two shipyards, El Ferrol Royal Naval Shipyard and Cartagena Shipyard, also had their own assignments.

In fact, once the design for the capital ship of over ten thousand tons was finalized, designing a 7,000-ton cruiser became a matter of adapting the model; by sacrificing some performance, a new cruiser design could be derived.

It is worth mentioning Spain’s requirement for these 7,000-ton cruisers: they were to serve as secondary capital ships. This meant these 7,000-ton warships were also destined for the main front, expected to play a crucial role in naval battles.

After several days of deliberation, the warship design committee quickly finalized the general design for the 7,000-ton cruiser.

With a tonnage of only 7,000 tons, it was impossible for this class of cruiser to balance firepower, armor protection, and speed as comprehensively as a battleship.

Because it was intended for decisive fleet engagements, firepower was prioritized over armor and speed, while speed was considered more important than armor protection.

The logic was simple. Only with sufficient firepower could it inflict damage on the enemy’s capital ships. Only with sufficient speed could it keep up with the enemy’s main fleet; otherwise, it would become a slow-moving target.

As for armor protection, while it might be crucial for a battleship, it was less so for a cruiser.

The cruiser’s tonnage was only 7,000 tons. Factoring in the need for speed, even if firepower were sacrificed, it would be impossible to achieve battleship-level armor protection.

Given this, it was better to completely forgo heavy armor and boost firepower and speed to battleship levels.

Even if such a poorly protected cruiser were to sink after taking a few hits, as long as it could land a few shots on the enemy’s capital ships before sinking into the sea, it would be a worthwhile trade for the Spanish Navy.

To ensure the 7,000-ton cruisers could damage enemy capital ships, the first specification to be set was the caliber of their cannons.

A 305mm naval gun, while smaller than the 343mm caliber of the Monarch-class battleships, was undoubtedly a capital-ship-grade weapon with immense destructive power.

In terms of propulsion, the cruiser copied the power plant of the Monarch-class battleship, also using two three-cylinder vertical triple-expansion steam engines.

However, the power was slightly reduced. The output under normal draft was only about 7,500 horsepower, and only at full power could it approach the normal output of a Monarch-class battleship.

But considering the cruiser’s tonnage was only around 7,000 tons, this amount of power was more than enough.

It was projected that this cruiser design could exceed a maximum speed of 18 knots, and with the steam engines at full power, it could maintain a speed of around 17 knots.

High speed and strong firepower were the cruiser’s only advantages. As for armor protection, this cruiser design had nothing but weaknesses.

The main armor belt of this cruiser was thinner than even Spain’s two old ironclads; its armor protection could only be described as flimsy.

It was no exaggeration to say that a single shell from an enemy capital ship could risk sinking one of these cruisers.

But high risk meant high reward. This 7,000-ton cruiser also had the capability to sink an enemy capital ship.

Considering the ever-increasing cost of modern capital ships, as long as these cruisers could achieve a two-for-one exchange ratio, it would be a surefire profit for Spain.

Because such cruisers were destined for life-for-a-life tactics, this new 7,000-ton class was named the Warrior-class.

El Ferrol Royal Naval Shipyard and Cartagena Shipyard would be fully responsible for the construction of ten Warrior-class cruisers. Their mission was to launch two cruisers per year for the next five years.

After all, being only 7,000-ton warships, their construction time was shorter than that of a battleship. A battleship’s construction could easily exceed a year, typically taking between one and a half and two and a half years.

In contrast, the construction time for a 7,000-ton cruiser could be compressed to one year. This meant that El Ferrol Royal Naval Shipyard and Cartagena Shipyard only needed to build one cruiser each per year to meet the Navy’s five-year shipbuilding plan.

September 1890 was an exceptionally bustling month for Spain.

At the beginning of September, construction of the battleship Fernando II was officially announced. King Carlo personally attended the keel-laying ceremony and expressed his new expectations for the Spanish Navy.

At this time in Europe, influenced by the publication of the Theory of Sea Power, both the public and governments placed great importance on naval strength.

Spain’s high-profile construction of a battleship was a huge boost of confidence for the Spanish people.

A few days after the ceremony for the Fernando II, the keel-laying ceremonies for the cruisers Warrior and Hero followed.

While the ceremonies for these two smaller-tonnage cruisers did not attract as much attention, they still sparked heated discussions among the Spanish public.

For the people of Spain, 1890 might have been the happiest year yet. The year saw the announced construction of one battleship and two cruisers. The combined tonnage of these three warships was nearly 30,000 tons, something the Spanish people of the past would not have dared to imagine.

In the previous ironclad era, a naval force of 30,000 tons was equivalent to at least three ironclads, which would have taken Spain at least five years to build.

Now, Spain had accomplished a 30,000-ton naval construction task in just one year. Did this mean that Spain’s naval power would continue to strengthen in the coming years?

Like the Spanish public, many European nations expressed their concern over Spain’s conspicuous naval buildup.

The British, in particular, were desperate for any news about the battleship Spain was building. Although Britain had already discussed the concept of a battleship and had even begun construction on their first, the Royal Sovereign, at the end of September last year—expecting it to be launched for sea trials early next year.

But clearly, Britain would not be satisfied simply because it had started building battleships earlier than Spain. Britain wanted to maintain its status as the world’s naval hegemon, and they would not tolerate any challenge to their naval might from any country.

Due to Spain’s tight secrecy regarding its battleship construction, the British were unable to uncover detailed information about the warship.

As a precaution, Britain accelerated its own battleship construction and once again increased its naval expenditure.

Britain’s increase in naval funding triggered a small-scale naval arms race in Europe.

At this time, the British were not the only ones placing a high premium on their navy; nearly all the great powers of Europe were hastening their naval construction.

As early as the latter half of 1889, the Triple Alliance, led by Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy, had held a secret conference to discuss the development and future plans for their navies.

After the publication of Alfred Thayer Mahan’s The Influence of Sea Power upon History, 1660–1783, the Triple Alliance decisively convened again and reached a unanimous decision: to further accelerate their naval buildup.

The King of Italy at this time was still Carlo’s older brother, Umberto I, a nationalist and imperialist who placed great importance on Italy’s military strength.

Under his rule, Italy’s army had nearly doubled in size. During the reign of Carlo’s father, Vittorio Emanuele II, the standing army of the Kingdom of Italy was just over two hundred thousand men.

When Umberto I became king, Italy’s army rapidly expanded, currently reaching an astonishing level of nearly four hundred thousand men.

It should be noted that before the war, the standing armies of Germany and France were only about four hundred thousand strong, and Germany and France far surpassed Italy in population, industry, and economy.

Maintaining an army of over four hundred thousand was a tremendous challenge for Italy’s finances. However, during Umberto I’s reign, Italy did acquire two small colonies in Tunisia, so its military expansion was not entirely in vain.

After the Theory of Sea Power gained prominence across Europe, Umberto I immediately turned his attention to naval development.

He had already elevated the Italian Navy to one of the world’s top five. The Italian Navy’s total tonnage reached 242,000 tons, a naval force that even surpassed countries like Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Spain.

Of course, this figure of 242,000 tons was somewhat inflated. The reason the Spanish Navy’s tonnage lagged behind Italy’s was mainly because decades-old sailing warships had almost all been decommissioned, leaving only recently built ironclads as their primary warships.

Italy, on the other hand, had both built ironclads on a large scale and retained its older sailing warships. The combined tonnage of all its vessels reached 242,000 tons, but in terms of the number of ironclads, it was actually behind Spain.

Currently, the world naval rankings were: Britain first, France second, Russia third, Spain fourth, Italy fifth, Germany sixth, the United States seventh, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire eighth.

This also explained why the Triple Alliance was vigorously developing its navy. Compared to the Franco-Russian Alliance, their naval strength was lagging by a significant margin.

If they did not develop their navies, the combined fleet of France and Russia would dominate the Mediterranean, thereby affecting the stability of the Italian and Austro-Hungarian coastlines.

While Germany’s coast would not be threatened by the French fleet, if Italy and Austria-Hungary fell into chaos due to their coastlines being compromised, Germany alone would not be able to hold out for long.

As Britain and Spain were building up their navies on a massive scale, Italy also announced its own naval construction plan.

Although Italy’s army was not particularly effective, its navy was noteworthy. More importantly, Italy’s shipbuilding industry was quite advanced, which was why its navy ranked among the world’s top five.

This was the era of transition from ironclads to pre-dreadnoughts. Even if the term “battleship” had not yet become popular in every country, the concept of such a warship was no secret.

In their development of capital ships, every nation wanted to design a more powerful warship. The British were the best at this; they would not only lead the age of the battleship but also the age of the dreadnought that followed.

For Italy, with its considerable shipbuilding industry, they too had their own battleship ambitions.

Upon learning that Spain’s battleship design had been acquired through a costly public tender by Carlo, his brother Umberto I also initiated a public tender within Italy. He declared that whoever could design a vessel satisfactory to the Italian Navy would receive a substantial monetary reward and various other subsidies.

This public tender received great attention from Italian shipyards, sparking intense competition among them.

In October 1890, Italy announced its intention to build at least five battleships over the next five years, allocating two hundred million lira for naval expenses.

The Italian lira and the Spanish peseta were equivalent in value, meaning the Italian government’s investment in its navy was not much different from Spain’s.

If Italy alone was doing this, not to mention Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The German government was extremely serious about naval construction.

Germany was now in the era of Wilhelm II, and its foreign policy was no longer Bismarck’s strategy of isolating France and managing Europe.

For several years, Germany had been continuously expanding its colonies. After Wilhelm II became the German Emperor, Germany’s focus on colonies had steadily increased, and the navy had become a crucial component of Germany’s military buildup.

As early as October 1889, the German government announced it would invest at least one hundred and fifty million Marks over the next five years to develop the German Empire’s own powerful navy.

In March 1890, the German government announced an additional fifty million Marks, raising the naval development budget to two hundred million Marks.

The Mark was more valuable than the peseta. Two hundred million Marks was equivalent to two hundred and fifty million pesetas, which meant Germany’s investment in its navy was also comparable to Spain’s.

As for the remaining member of the Triple Alliance, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, their investment in the navy was somewhat smaller.

This was not because Austria-Hungary did not value its navy, but rather because its finances were limited. It could not afford to develop a large-scale navy while maintaining a massive army.

Moreover, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had a short coastline, all concentrated in the Adriatic Sea. The Adriatic is a gulf within the Mediterranean, situated between the Balkan and Apennine Peninsulas, with its narrowest point being just over 70 kilometers wide.

This meant that if Austria-Hungary went to war with France, its fleet could very likely be blockaded directly in the Adriatic Sea, unable to enter the Mediterranean, let alone sail to the open ocean for combat.

Chapter 355: Consolidation and Monopoly

Although Spain’s five-year naval construction plan was proceeding smoothly, the Cabinet government began discussing the current state of the Spanish shipbuilding industry.

As the former empire on which the sun never set, Spain’s shipbuilding industry was, after all, a starved camel bigger than a horse. Even at its weakest, it could still rank among the top in Europe.

To date, in addition to Spain’s four major official shipyards, there were dozens of medium-sized shipyards of a certain scale and hundreds of smaller, less sizable ones.

The development of privately-owned shipyards was also quite rapid. As Spain’s colonies expanded into Africa, maritime transport between the Spanish mainland and Africa also spurred the growth of the domestic shipbuilding industry.

But regardless of this development, Spain’s domestic shipbuilding industry still faced a dilemma: an excess of manufacturing capacity but a deficit in research and development.

It was not a difficult task for these medium-sized shipyards to build ocean liners and freighters of several thousand tons. The same was true for the smaller shipyards; they could effortlessly construct commercial coastal vessels of several hundred tons.

However, if they were asked to design a completely new ocean liner or freighter from scratch, most of these shipyards would be incapable of completing the task.

Technological advancement is not something that happens automatically; it is the culmination of years of hard work by hundreds, even thousands, of experts. This also means that every technological upgrade requires a significant investment of time, manpower, and material and financial resources.

Clearly, the role played by the hundreds of small shipyards in technological innovation was less significant than that of the dozens of medium-sized ones.

While a monopoly is not necessarily a good thing, instead of having hundreds of small shipyards locked in intense internal competition over small civilian vessels, it would be better to consolidate them into a smaller number of medium-to-large enterprises capable of independently researching and designing new ships.

In December 1890, the Spanish Cabinet government’s Minister of Industry, Jovellar Soler, briefed all the cabinet ministers and Carlo, who was present at the meeting, on the state of Spain’s shipbuilding industry.

“Your Majesty, gentlemen. Our shipbuilding industry has achieved tremendous results, driven by the growth of our domestic industry and economy, as well as the development of our colonies.

According to statistics from the Ministry of Industry, our country has a total of 322 legally approved and operating shipyards, building over one thousand ships annually.

However, 275 of these 322 shipyards are small, with only two hundred to five hundred workers each. Small shipyards account for 85.4% of the total, and all 275 of them can only build small, privately-owned vessels of under eight hundred tons.

There are approximately thirty-two shipyards with a total workforce exceeding five hundred, and only eleven in all of Spain with over one thousand workers.

As for shipyards with more than five thousand workers, we currently have only four: the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, the Valencia United Shipyard, the El Ferrol Royal Naval Shipyard, and the Cartagena Shipyard.

Currently, our country has approximately one hundred thirty-four thousand shipyard workers, an increase of about 6% compared to last year. Following the announcement of our five-year naval construction plan, we expect the growth rate of shipyard workers to remain above 5% for the next five years,” Minister Jovellar Soler explained in detail to the cabinet ministers and Carlo.

Overall, Spain’s shipbuilding industry was in a rather good state. The one hundred thirty-four thousand shipyard workers reflected the vast scale of the industry, and an annual growth rate of 5% meant an increase of 6,700 workers each year.

To summarize these figures in one sentence: Spain’s shipbuilding industry was thriving and developing vigorously.

Of course, starting with praise before moving to criticism was a common tactic for cabinet ministers delivering reports.

Minister Jovellar continued, “Although our shipbuilding industry is expanding rapidly each year, apart from the four major official shipyards, the expansion is mainly concentrated among small shipyards with fewer than five hundred workers.

In the last two years, the number of small shipyards with fewer than five hundred workers increased by nine and eleven, respectively. The growth in the number of these small shipyards alone has brought us several thousand additional shipyard workers.

However, the continuous increase in the number of small shipyards is not entirely a good thing. Due to their insufficient workforce, the vessels these small shipyards build are often small and technologically simple.

Although the demand for small vessels is constantly growing with economic prosperity and colonial development, this demand has its limits compared to the growth in the number of shipyards.

After analyzing the number of orders and profits for civilian vessels under one thousand tons, the Ministry of Industry has identified a rather tricky problem.

Compared to five years ago, the profit margin on orders for civilian vessels under one thousand tons has dropped by 15%.

On one hand, this is because our per capita income is constantly rising. On the other hand, against the backdrop of a surge in the number of small shipyards, competition for small vessels is also intensifying.

Based on the current growth rate of small shipyards, they may go from being profitable to operating at a loss in ten years, which would affect the development of the entire shipbuilding industry.”

To put it bluntly, Spain’s shipbuilding industry was in two opposite extremes when it came to large and small vessels.

In the small vessel market, competition for orders was fierce due to the sheer number of shipyards, forcing them to lower their prices to secure contracts.

This led to declining profits for small shipyards, and in the future, they could very well face a situation where expenditures exceed revenues, leading to widespread losses and even bankruptcies.

In contrast, for medium and large warships, the Spanish shipbuilding industry was a picture of demand outstripping supply.

Besides the four major official shipyards, which focused more on military vessels, Spain had a total of 43 shipyards with more than 500 workers.

Of these 43 shipyards, 32 could only build medium-sized vessels in the thousand-ton class and were incapable of constructing large vessels of several thousand tons.

There were only eleven shipyards truly capable of building large vessels. These eleven varied in scale, and only a handful could build several large ships simultaneously.

With Spain’s development of its African colonies, economic exchanges between the mainland and the colonies became increasingly frequent.

Every day, large quantities of goods were shipped from the mainland to Africa, and vice versa.

The transport of these goods relied entirely on large freighters, which was why it was said that Spain’s shipbuilding industry faced a situation where demand for large vessels outstripped supply.

Large vessels were in short supply in Spain; transportation companies founded by noblemen and capitalists even had to purchase large transport ships from abroad.

In addition to the economic exchange between the Spanish mainland and its colonies, Spain’s foreign trade also required a large number of freighters.

Faced with the shortage of medium and large shipyards, it was indeed necessary to consider consolidating some of the smaller ones to enhance Spain’s capacity and numbers in medium and large-scale shipbuilding.

After listening to Minister Jovellar Soler’s report, Carlo nodded and asked, “Does the Ministry of Industry have any thoughts on how to address these issues in our shipbuilding industry?”

Minister Jovellar nodded and replied, “Your Majesty, in my opinion, we do not need so many small shipyards.

The construction cost for a small shipyard is too low; anyone with a certain amount of capital can establish a sizable one. But for medium to large shipyards, even with sufficient funds, it’s not guaranteed that one can be built in a short time.

Considering our growing demand for large vessels, I believe it is necessary to consolidate a portion of the small shipyards to increase our number of medium-to-large shipyards to over fifty.

At the same time, the government should introduce certain subsidy policies to help these medium-to-large shipyards establish a better footing. Only when these shipyards are firmly established in both domestic and foreign markets can our shipbuilding industry compete with the other great powers of Europe.

Until then, the government will need to bear some financial cost, and perhaps even help these shipyards train a new generation of skilled workers.”

This was not an unfamiliar strategy for the Spanish government.

More than a decade ago, Spain had adopted the same method in the military shipyard sector.

Originally, Spain had over a dozen military shipyards. After consolidation, only the current four major ones remained.

Minister Jovellar’s proposal was, in effect, to replicate Spain’s experience with consolidating military shipyards and apply it to a portion of the civilian shipyards.

Small shipyards offered little benefit to the nation, but medium-to-large ones did, and they also possessed strategic value.

Civilian shipyards could be converted into military shipyards during wartime, a process far faster than building a military shipyard from scratch.

If Spain could build dozens of medium-to-large shipyards, it would mean that during a war, Spain would have dozens of military shipyards capable of building warships.

Then, the four major shipyards could focus all their efforts on building battleships, while these converted medium-to-large military shipyards could build thousand-ton-class cruisers and other types of warships.

Carlo nodded but did not immediately agree to Minister Jovellar’s proposal. Instead, he looked at Prime Minister Canovas and asked, “What does the Prime Minister think? Does anyone else have any thoughts?”

Prime Minister Canovas was no longer the rising political star who needed Grand Duke Serrano’s backing to secure his position. Since officially becoming Prime Minister of the Spanish Cabinet in 1877, he had spent thirteen years in the highest leadership position of the Spanish government.

His re-election to the post of Prime Minister for three consecutive terms reflected not only Carlo’s trust in him but also his own capability and influence.

The current Prime Minister Canovas was unquestionably the most influential figure in Spanish politics. His influence was no less than that of the former Prime Minister Primo; he only lacked some control over the military.

Hearing Carlo’s question, Prime Minister Canovas shook his head and said with a smile, “I agree with Minister Jovellar’s proposal. Given the problems the shipbuilding industry has already shown, this approach is perhaps the best solution.”

With Prime Minister Canovas offering no objection, no one else would naturally stand up to voice a different opinion.

After all, neither Carlo nor Prime Minister Canovas had expressed any opposition. To object at this moment would be to publicly slap the faces of the king and the Prime Minister, wouldn’t it?

Seeing that no one expressed dissent, Carlo nodded and then gave the order: “Since there are no objections, let’s proceed with the method described by Minister Jovellar.

The Ministry of Industry should draft a plan as soon as possible. The issue of subsidies for the shipyards can be resolved in communication with the Ministry of Finance.

Once you have a complete plan, the Cabinet can vote on it.”

From his twenty years as king, Carlo’s greatest lesson was to not express his opinion too much during Cabinet meetings.

As long as the king did not take a clear stance, the final responsibility would have nothing to do with him. If the matter succeeded, Carlo would certainly receive his share of the credit.

Because this method had already been used once with military shipyards, Carlo was not worried about the plan failing.

Even if the consolidation of small shipyards gave rise to a few powerful medium-to-large shipyards, they would not be able to achieve a monopoly.

Even if a company did achieve a monopoly, it was bound to have no effect on Carlo’s power in Spain. The biggest difference between Spain and other European countries was that its official enterprises, backed by the royal family and the government, had become behemoths among Spanish capital.

With the added support of capital from the nobility, it was very difficult for any domestic or foreign capital to gain power over the Spanish government.

This was the benefit of state capitalism. Capital could indeed influence the government. But the biggest capitalist was the royal family and the government itself, ensuring that only the royal family could influence the government. All other capital was child’s play in the face of official capital.

The royal family held shares in all of Spain’s four major shipyards. The largest, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, was fully controlled by the royal family—a massive shipyard employing nearly ten thousand people. How could other shipyards compete with this behemoth?

Over the past twenty-odd years, the royal family’s capital had penetrated every industry in Spain. The presence of royal capital could be found in key sectors such as heavy industry, the chemical industry, the military industry, petroleum, and agriculture.

Forget a monopoly in a single industry; even several monopolies combined could not hope to match the capital power of the current royal family’s conglomerate.

Whether in terms of influence over the government or pure capital strength, there were few capitalists in the world who could be a match for the Spanish royal family.

Chapter 356: Nine-Year Compulsory Education

The Ministry of Industry moved swiftly, promptly presenting a comprehensive plan to consolidate the shipbuilding industry, which was then approved by the Cabinet government.

Following its approval, the Financial Department allocated funds to the Ministry of Industry to support the shipbuilding sector, and Spain’s overhaul of its domestic shipbuilding industry officially commenced.

The goal of this industrial consolidation was to cultivate several powerful, monopolistic enterprises, but such a plan could not be publicly disclosed.

This was because, to a certain extent, fostering monopolies also meant eliminating smaller companies, a move destined to provoke discontent among their owners.

But it was unavoidable. Small-scale enterprises were of little use to the state; only medium-to-large-sized enterprises held significant value for the country.

The interests of these small shipyards could be sacrificed for the good of the nation. Naturally, during the consolidation process, the Ministry of Industry would closely monitor the developments concerning these smaller shipyards.

The shipyard workers would be properly accommodated; they would not lose their jobs just because their company was being consolidated.

The shareholders of the shipyards being consolidated would also receive fair compensation based on market value. Besides seeing their businesses absorbed, they appeared to suffer no other significant losses.

Other departments also played a supportive role during the overhaul of the shipbuilding industry.

To cultivate a larger and more skilled workforce for Spain’s shipbuilding industry, the Ministry of Education established several technical training schools specializing in shipbuilding and partnered with the country’s major shipyards.

Speaking of technical training, such vocational schools had become widely popular in Spain.

Spain’s education system was a dual-track one, where both academic and technical education offered viable paths for students.

During the primary education stage, the curriculum in Spain focused on fundamental knowledge, teaching simple concepts in language, mathematics, and history.

Upon entering the six-year secondary school stage, students were streamed. Those with better academic performance would proceed to junior and senior high school, aiming to further their education and ultimately become esteemed university students.

Meanwhile, students who were less academically inclined or had poorer grades could enroll in various types of vocational training schools.

These vocational schools had mostly established partnerships with local factories and businesses. Upon successful graduation, students were generally guaranteed job placements.

Notably, graduates from these vocational schools often earned more than their counterparts with junior or senior high school diplomas.

Unless the latter group managed to be admitted to a university, their initial earnings upon entering the workforce could not compare to those of vocational graduates.

Although Spain’s average annual per capita income was only 229.14 pesetas, the actual annual income for a worker was already approaching 260 pesetas.

Skilled workers who graduated from these vocational schools earned even more than ordinary laborers, typically around 270 pesetas.

After a few years of experience, their income generally exceeded 300 pesetas.

It was precisely the continuous expansion of the industrial workforce that had driven up Spain’s average annual income, which continued to rise at a rapid pace each year.

Because Spain had successfully implemented a dual-track education system, the Ministry of Education’s financial budget had always been one of the highest among all departments, second only to the crucial Ministry of Defense.

In the year 1890, the Spanish government’s total fiscal expenditure amounted to 1.2021 billion pesetas. Of this, military expenditure accounted for 335 million pesetas, making up 27.87% of the total.

The Ministry of Education’s budget was second only to military expenditure, at 192 million pesetas, which constituted 15.97% of the government’s total annual fiscal expenditure.

The Ministry of Industry ranked third, with a budget of 187 million pesetas, representing 15.5% of the total.

This also demonstrated the Spanish government’s emphasis on education. The Minister of Education’s decision-making power was never less than that of other key cabinet ministers, such as those for industry and agriculture.

With such substantial investment in education, Spain’s educational landscape had improved dramatically compared to twenty years prior.

When Carlo first became king of Spain, the country’s illiteracy rate was nearly 70%. The vast majority of the population was illiterate, and among those who could read and write, more than half had only completed primary school.

Twenty years later, at the end of 1890, Spain’s illiteracy rate had fallen to around 15%. This remaining portion consisted partly of the elderly, who could no longer be educated, and partly of children under the age of six.

Excluding the very young and the very old, the Spanish government had made compulsory primary education available to all children from the age of six, and encouraged them to pursue higher levels of study in junior and senior high school.

Of the nearly 85% of the population that was literate, 48.7% held only a primary school education. Those with a junior high or equivalent vocational school qualification accounted for 37.6%, while 12.9% had a senior high or advanced vocational school qualification. Only 0.08% held a university degree or higher.

These figures revealed that Spain’s most significant challenge was the insufficient number of people pursuing higher education.

However, this was an unavoidable consequence, as a senior high school diploma was a prerequisite for university admission, which in turn required a junior high school education.

The good news was that more than half of Spain’s literate population now possessed a secondary-level education, indicating that the number of university students was set to grow.

During the first ten years of Carlo’s reign, Spain produced fewer than seven thousand university graduates annually.

In the past decade, however, that number has surpassed fourteen thousand annually—more than double the previous figure.

At this rate, the number of university students in Spain could double by the year 1900, and enrollment in junior and senior high schools could increase by more than half.

With six-year compulsory primary education now established nationwide, some senators had begun to discuss the possibility of nine-year compulsory education.

Nine-year compulsory education would essentially extend compulsory education to include junior high school, with the government covering all tuition fees for both primary and junior high stages to accelerate the spread of secondary education throughout Spain.

While this was undoubtedly beneficial for education, it might not be so for Spain’s finances.

The Ministry of Education had internally debated the pros and cons of nine-year compulsory education. Ultimately, Minister of Education Alan Carlton was taken aback by the enormous costs involved and had decisively, albeit temporarily, abandoned the idea.

Implementing nine-year compulsory education would require raising the Ministry of Education’s budget to a level comparable to military expenditure.

Although Spain’s finances were relatively healthy, shouldering such a massive expenditure all at once would pose a significant challenge for the government.

Minister of Education Alan Carlton had been on the verge of abandoning the plan, but upon learning of the proposal, Carlo decided to support the ministry, aiming to guide Spain toward a new educational milestone.

Of course, implementing nine-year compulsory education nationwide immediately was unrealistic. For one, the treasury could not support such a colossal expense. For another, the Ministry of Education was not yet prepared for a full-scale rollout.

After careful consideration, Carlo decided to launch a pilot project in the two major cities of Madrid and Barcelona, implementing nine-year compulsory education on a regional basis to observe its effects before proceeding further.

Though both cities were densely populated, this approach would significantly alleviate the financial burden compared to a nationwide implementation.

On December 11, 1890, Minister of Education Alan Carlton submitted a new report to Carlo detailing the plan for the pilot program. The document outlined the benefits of implementing nine-year compulsory education in the two cities and the expected costs for the Ministry of Education.

The cost of nine-year compulsory education was indeed considerable. Even when limited to Madrid and Barcelona, the Ministry of Education’s budget would need to be increased by twenty million pesetas.

But this expenditure would not be in vain. According to Minister Alan Carlton’s report, in three years, when the first cohort of junior high students from the program graduates, the number of people with a junior high school education in Madrid and Barcelona would increase by over 10% annually.

Secondary vocational education was also included in this program. Even if only half of the students chose vocational schools, Madrid and Barcelona would still gain several thousand new, reliable skilled workers each year.

And that was just from two cities. If nine-year compulsory education were extended to all of Spain, the country could gain nearly one hundred thousand excellent workers each year.

This represented a massive milestone for the education sector and a significant breakthrough for industry.

Once these systematically trained skilled workers entered the workforce, they would effectively raise the overall skill level of Spain’s labor force. The more skilled the workers, the higher their potential earnings.

Thus, implementing nine-year compulsory education would not only transform the educational landscape but also reshape Spain’s industrial and economic reality.

Aside from thinning the government’s coffers, there appeared to be no other drawbacks.

After confirming there were no issues with the pilot program, Carlo instructed Minister Alan Carlton to submit the plan to the Cabinet government for approval and funding.

The plan was quickly approved by the Cabinet government. Neither Prime Minister Canovas nor the other cabinet ministers had any reason to oppose a plan explicitly endorsed by Carlo.

Moreover, if the pilot program proved successful, it would represent a tremendous step forward for Spain.

Why were Carlo and his cabinet ministers so confident in the transformative power of compulsory education?

The answer lay in the significant achievements of Spain’s compulsory primary education. With the government covering all tuition, the cost of primary schooling for families had been reduced by more than half.

Nearly every school-age child in Spain attended primary school, with the enrollment rate reaching an astonishing 97.3%.

With the exception of children with congenital disabilities, almost every child could receive a free primary education. Even extremely impoverished families could apply for additional educational subsidies.

For families so impoverished that they could not afford educational expenses even with free tuition, the Spanish government covered all costs during the primary school years, including tuition and miscellaneous fees, meals, and lodging.

Most other impoverished families could also apply for student aid from a fund established by the royal family.

The application process for this aid was slightly easier, and a set number of spots were available each year.

In addition to student aid, scholarships were available at all levels—primary, junior high, senior high, and university—as a reward for academically outstanding students.

Student aid was specifically for impoverished students, while scholarships were open to all high-achieving students. Naturally, a student who was both poor and academically gifted could receive both.

Carlo’s annual expenditure on scholarships and student aid amounted to tens of millions of pesetas, and millions of students had already received these funds from the royal family.

Without a doubt, this was one of Carlo’s methods for winning public support.

A significant portion of the income from the royal family’s enterprises was returned to the populace. From subsidies for the poor to aid for impoverished students, these were all acts of goodwill from Carlo to the people of Spain.

These efforts yielded handsome rewards. Even though many people knew the royal family’s wealth was vast enough to rival a nation’s treasury, there was no jealousy directed toward them.

After all, the royal family spent lavishly on an annual basis to subsidize the poor, and that money genuinely ended up in their pockets.

Carlo maintained extremely strict oversight of these subsidies. Skimming was forbidden at any stage; the funds had to reach the poor in their entirety.

On this point, Carlo had specifically instructed Spain’s department for evaluating political performance. If any official was found to be skimming subsidies for the poor, they could forget about a favorable review for the year; their evaluation would almost certainly be poor.

After receiving a poor evaluation, local officials could forget about promotion for the foreseeable future; they would be fortunate just to retain their positions.

With the nine-year compulsory education pilot program underway, Carlo gave a task to Minister of Education Alan Carlton.

If the pilot program in Madrid and Barcelona was successful and yielded positive results, Carlo would consider a nationwide implementation in a few years.

As the Minister of Education who had proposed and implemented the program, Alan Carlton stood to gain significant political achievements.

With the political achievements from implementing nine-year compulsory education, it would not be difficult for Alan Carlton to secure a noble title in the future.

Since it would take several years to see the results of the program, Carlo directly promised Alan Carlton that he would be re-appointed as Minister of Education in the next Cabinet, allowing him to see the initiative through to its conclusion.

If the nine-year compulsory education program proved successful, Alan Carlton could hope to advance further within the Cabinet.

In any case, the Cabinet was set for a major reshuffle in the next term, as Prime Minister Canovas, now in his sixties, was destined to retire from the political stage.

At that time, Carlo would not mind giving capable individuals more opportunities for advancement. The Spanish government needed fresh blood, which would not only bring renewed vitality but also make the administration more progressive and less conservative.

Chapter 357: The Prime Minister Candidates

By the time the Ministry of Education’s Nine-Year Compulsory Education pilot project officially began, it was already January 1891.

The year 1891 was a crucial one for the Spanish Cabinet government. It was the final year of the current Cabinet’s term, and it was the last chance for officials who wanted to enter the Cabinet or advance within it.

Missing this year’s opportunity meant waiting another five years. Although Spain’s Cabinet was dominated by younger, more vigorous members, not everyone could afford to wait five years.

What was certain for now was that Prime Minister Canovas would not be running for re-election.

He was born on February 8, 1828, which made him nearly sixty-three years old. For Prime Minister Canovas, he was undoubtedly a winner in life.

As the longest-serving prime minister of the Carlo era, Prime Minister Canovas’s accomplishments had already earned the public’s recognition. Although he currently held the title of Count, Carlo had already hinted to him that once the current Cabinet’s term ended, Carlo would be rewarding all the Cabinet officials based on their merits, and Prime Minister Canovas would be granted the title of Duke.

While the status of a new-style noble could not compare to that of the old-style nobles, a duke among the new-style nobles was still a duke, and their standing was in no way inferior.

Prime Minister Canovas was also aware that his body could no longer endure another term of office. More importantly, he understood that it was not suitable for him to continue serving.

Spain did not need a prime minister with excessive prestige. Serving three consecutive terms was the limit of Carlo’s tolerance for him.

Previously, the main issue was the lack of a candidate who could compete with Prime Minister Canovas. Those who were qualified did not have Carlo’s trust, and those who had Carlo’s trust were not qualified.

But now, the Conservative Party’s second-in-command, Jovellar Soler, and the Minister of Defense, Evan Bradley, were both excellent choices for a successor.

Choosing the former, Jovellar Soler could seamlessly take over Prime Minister Canovas’s policies, and a Conservative Party prime minister would not cause much of a shock to the Spanish political scene.

Choosing the latter, Evan Bradley’s loyalty to Carlo was beyond question. As Minister of Defense, his appointment as prime minister would allow Carlo to control more military power, making Spain’s military expansion and actions easier.

These two were considered the most likely candidates for the next prime minister. Besides them, there were actually a few other individuals who also had a chance of being elected.

The battle for the financial budget at the beginning of the year revealed just how much importance each ministry placed on its political achievements for the year. The larger a ministry’s budget, the more easily it could complete its tasks.

The more tasks completed and the better they were done, the greater the political achievements. These achievements not only determined whether one could be re-elected but also whether one could advance further within the Cabinet.

For all these reasons, when the Cabinet discussed the financial budgets for the various ministries, it descended into unprecedented arguments and a stalemate.

The defense budget was the first to be confirmed. Besides Minister of Defense Evan Bradley’s considerable prestige, the unique status of the Ministry of Defense was another reason its budget was approved so quickly.

The approved financial budget for the Ministry of Defense was as high as 354 million pesetas, an increase of 19 million pesetas from the previous year—a substantial rise.

It was worth noting that last year’s military expenditure had already included 50 million for shipbuilding. To increase the military budget by nearly 20 million pesetas on top of that was a clear indication of the importance Carlo and the Spanish government placed on national defense development.

Speaking of which, it is necessary to mention Spain’s total fiscal revenue and expenditure for the previous year.

Last year, Spain’s total fiscal revenue reached 1.3421 billion pesetas, while its total fiscal expenditure amounted to 1.2751 billion pesetas. Both revenue and expenditure set new records.

Thanks to the steadily growing fiscal revenue, the Spanish government raised the level of total fiscal expenditure for 1891 to a new scale, reaching a staggering 1.2925 billion pesetas.

The Ministry of Defense’s financial budget was 354 million pesetas, accounting for 27.39% of the total expenditure for 1891, a slight decrease in proportion compared to the previous year.

The reason for the decrease was mainly the increased funding for the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Industry.

Other ministries saw no significant changes. The Ministry of Industry’s budget grew due to the consolidation of the shipbuilding industry and subsidies for other industries, while the Ministry of Education’s increase was due to the pilot implementation of the Nine-Year Compulsory Education program.

In 1891, the Ministry of Education’s financial budget successfully surpassed 200 million pesetas, reaching a new high of 234 million pesetas. This caused the ministry’s share of the budget to jump from 15.97% last year to 18.1% this year, making it the ministry with the largest budget increase.

The Ministry of Industry followed, with a budget of 219 million pesetas, accounting for 16.94% of Spain’s total annual fiscal expenditure.

After these three most important ministries had settled their budget shares, the other ministries received their financial allocations.

Because of the significant increase in total fiscal expenditure, the increased funding for the military, education, and industry did not affect the budget proportions of the other ministries.

This was a silver lining for the other ministries. As long as their budgets were unaffected, they would have no problem completing the tasks assigned by the government according to plan.

Once the ministries received their financial budgets, the cabinet ministers entered their final phase of striving.

It is worth mentioning that from the beginning of 1891, almost every cabinet minister would report on their work to Carlo from time to time.

Their objectives were clear: on one hand, to inform Carlo of their abilities and political achievements through these reports, and on the other, to make their presence felt with him.

And indeed, making one’s presence felt with Carlo was extremely important. If a position was subject to a highly competitive stalemate, and Carlo happened to be more familiar with one of the officials, it was highly likely he would choose that official.

After more than two decades of development, the cabinet ministers naturally understood who really called the shots in Spain.

Compared to Prime Minister Primo, Prime Minister Canovas did not command the military. This resulted in Carlo gaining more power over the government. Although Carlo rarely took the initiative to express his opinions, no one could ignore his thoughts, including Prime Minister Canovas.

In Cabinet meetings, no proposal could pass if Carlo wished to reject it. Similarly, no one could successfully oppose any initiative he was determined to push through.

Fortunately, Carlo rarely used this power, which allowed the Cabinet government’s meetings to remain relatively democratic on the surface.

Most of the time, decisions were made by the votes of the cabinet ministers, and Carlo would not interfere with the final outcome of their votes.

Of course, if a proposal was something Carlo was vehemently against, no one would dare let it reach the Cabinet meeting’s discussion agenda in the first place.

No one was a fool; they would not so blatantly offend Carlo and the royal authority.

In February 1891, Carlo invited several of Spain’s writers and composers, requesting them to write lyrics for Spain’s national anthem, the “Royal March,” and to compose an exclusive song for each of the Royal Army, Royal Navy, and Royal Guard.

Even in later eras, Spain’s national anthem, the “Royal March,” remained one of the few national anthems without lyrics.

The reasons for this were complex, but Carlo did not want his country’s national anthem to remain wordless forever.

Although the melody of the “Royal March” was itself majestic and grand, adding lyrics to enhance it would certainly be the icing on the cake.

For Spain, the “Royal March” was a song exclusive to the royal family, used only on more solemn occasions.

In contrast, the military marches for the Army, Navy, and Royal Guard could be used in a wider range of settings.

Carlo’s reason for wanting to create exclusive military marches for the Army, Navy, and Royal Guard was also to boost the troops’ morale. In the event of a future war, having soldiers charge to the sound of their respective marches would surely be far more effective than having no musical accompaniment at all.

A suitable song could not only make soldiers’ hearts swell with emotion but also ignite their passion and fervor for serving their country.

When the soldiers of Spain felt a surge of excitement just from hearing their military march, who could defeat this passionate, brave, and fearless Spanish army?

Speaking of which, the Spaniards’ achievements in the field of literature were quite impressive.

Historically, Spain did not have many Nobel Prize laureates in physics or chemistry, but in literature, there were quite a few winners.

Carlo gathered nearly all of Spain’s renowned writers and composers. Through their collective efforts, it took them less than three months to write a satisfactory set of lyrics for the national anthem, the “Royal March.”

Besides praising Spain, the lyrics also lauded Carlo’s wise rule. Although the pairing of lyrics and music was not perfect, it was definitely a masterpiece.

Afterward, the creation of the military marches for the Royal Army, Royal Navy, and Royal Guard became much easier.

These three military marches were named the “Royal Army March,” the “Royal Navy March,” and the “Royal Guard March.” The marches for the Army and Navy shared the same tune, with only certain changes in the lyrics.

The “Royal Guard March,” however, was quite different from the other two. Its lyrics primarily spoke of the greatness of the Spanish royal family and the passion, courage, and loyalty of the Royal Guard soldiers in service to the Crown.

Once these three marches were freshly composed, Carlo immediately had them delivered to the Army, Navy, and Royal Guard, officially designating them as the anthems of the three military branches.

When the military marches were played for the first time among the troops, the soldiers were quite fond of them.

Most of the recruits were young men in their twenties who held a deep love for their motherland. Naturally, they also loved these songs that praised and cherished their country.

After the exclusive military marches for the three branches were established, the officers didn’t even need to issue orders; the soldiers began learning them on their own initiative.

With such proactive learning, it only took the soldiers a few days to master the military marches of their respective branches.

Carlo was extremely satisfied with this result. Military marches were highly effective in boosting morale, and Spain’s Army, Navy, and Royal Guard deserved to have their own.

When the soldiers learned that these marches were created by Spain’s renowned writers and composers at Carlo’s invitation, they could only feel love and loyalty towards him.

The three military marches were one of the few interludes of 1891. Thanks to the efforts of the cabinet ministers, the Spanish government achieved impressive results that year, and time quickly flew by to 1892.

At the beginning of 1892, a major event took place: the election for the Spanish Cabinet government.

To date, Spain had gone through five full Cabinet governments. These five Cabinets had brought about immense improvements for Spain. The nation had transformed from a declining country, not even considered a great power, into an upper-middle-ranking great power. It could be said that it was second only to the four major great powers, with a comprehensive strength not far behind that of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Such progress was achieved in just twenty-five years, over the course of five Cabinet governments—an undoubtedly excellent achievement. Each Cabinet election attracted the attention of all Spanish citizens, who were curious to see who would succeed Prime Minister Canovas in such a vital position.

According to recent public opinion polls conducted by some newspaper companies, the more popular candidates for prime minister were Minister of Industry Jovellar Soler, Minister of Defense Evan Bradley, Foreign Secretary Caler, Minister of Public Welfare Alton Alves, and Minister of Royal Affairs Menotti.

The most popular were the first two: Jovellar Soler, who was fully capable of continuing Prime Minister Canovas’s policies, and Evan Bradley, a hardliner from the military.

Carlo was also hesitant about these two choices. Logically speaking, the current Spanish government should undergo some changes.

Continuing Prime Minister Canovas’s policies could indeed allow the country to keep developing, but the current European situation was extremely chaotic and complex, and Carlo could not guarantee that World War I would occur as it did in history.

If there were any special changes in the European situation, Spain might have to join the war for its own interests. If a war was imminent, then Evan Bradley would be the more suitable choice for Spain’s Prime Minister.

As for the Conservative Party’s second-in-command, Jovellar Soler, he would undoubtedly be a qualified prime minister.

But there would be little difference between Jovellar Soler and Canovas as prime minister. Their political stances were more or less the same, and the policies would largely continue along the lines of those from Prime Minister Canovas’s tenure.

This seemed somewhat unnecessary to Carlo. After all, even with a different prime minister, these policies would most likely continue.

As long as Carlo was there, Spain’s policies would not change drastically, and thus the nation’s development would not be affected.

If Evan Bradley were to become Spain’s prime minister, the country would be destined to make bigger moves in military affairs.

Perhaps having Jovellar Soler assist Evan Bradley would be the most suitable option at present.

On one hand, as Deputy Prime Minister, Jovellar Soler could continue Prime Minister Canovas’s policies, ensuring that Spain’s economic and industrial development would not be affected.

On the other hand, a hardliner prime minister could more quickly promote the growth of Spain’s military strength. If a major war were to break out in the coming years, a stronger military would give Spain more trump cards and confidence.

Chapter 358: A New Era

In February 1892, Spain’s cabinet election drew the attention of a great many Spaniards.

This prime ministerial election was likely the most intense since Carlo became King of Spain. Several candidates had significant support, a far cry from the previous dominance of a single party.

The Conservative Party’s candidate was Minister of Industry Jovellar Soler; the Progressive Party’s was former Deputy Prime Minister Ewald Battle; and the Liberal Party’s was Minister of Public Welfare Alton Alves. The candidates from these three major parties all had a reasonable chance of being elected Prime Minister.

Minister of Defense Evan Bradley was also a highly favored candidate. However, those with a military background were non-partisan. Even if he became Prime Minister, he was destined to be an independent.

Although Spaniards were keenly interested in the cabinet election, their support had no direct bearing on the final choice of Prime Minister.

Spain used a system of indirect election. The public in each province elected provincial legislators, who in turn elected the members of the national lower house. Then, all members of the lower house would vote in the cabinet election.

The advantage of this system was that nearly everyone with the right to be elected was a capable legislator; the incompetent had already been filtered out in the first two stages.

The disadvantage was that the public had no say in the final step. However, considering that the election of provincial legislators was fair and open, the Spanish people did, in fact, retain a degree of influence.

Because the election was conducted only in the lower house, even though it captured the nation’s attention, the process did not last very long.

On February 11, 1892, 298 members of the lower house gathered at the Parliament Building. They would begin a three-day prime ministerial election to decide the next Prime Minister of the Cabinet government.

Speaking of the current lower house, it had been affected to some extent by Spain’s administrative reforms.

Although the Conservative Party was the largest party in Spain, its proportion of seats in the lower house had declined. A little over a decade ago, the Conservative Party held more than 49% of the seats.

In recent years, however, their share had dropped to around 44.3%, with only 132 seats.

Although the Conservative Party, in addition to Prime Minister Canovas, had influential cabinet ministers like Jovellar Soler, they could no longer exercise complete control over the lower house.

The Progressive Party had been in decline ever since Prime Minister Primo retired from politics, but as the saying goes, a starved camel is bigger than a horse. It remained the second-largest party in Spain.

The Progressive Party held 82 seats in the lower house, accounting for 27.5%. Its leader was former Deputy Prime Minister Ewald Battle. Although he had left the Spanish Cabinet after his failed bid for Prime Minister in 1887, he was still a high-ranking official who had served three terms as Minister of Finance and one as Deputy Prime Minister. Ewald Battle’s political influence remained, and some Spaniards who were nostalgic for Prime Minister Primo also supported Ewald’s candidacy.

The Liberal Party was still Spain’s third-largest party, but the gap between it and the Workers’ Party had become negligible.

The Liberal Party held 29 seats in the lower house, while the Workers’ Party held 25. Outside of the Conservative and Progressive Parties, they were the only two parties with any significant influence.

The establishment of the Workers’ Party had also effectively blocked the expansion of other smaller parties. The ideologies of the Conservative, Progressive, Liberal, and Workers’ Parties encompassed nearly every permissible political line for a legally established party in Spain.

The only remaining group without a corresponding party was the Republican Party, which opposed the monarchy, but such a party was naturally illegal in monarchical Spain.

For this very reason, Spain showed signs of trending toward a four-party system after the Workers’ Party was founded.

The prospects for the remaining small parties grew increasingly dim. Their only options were to merge with one of the larger parties or to dissolve.

Non-partisans held 22 seats in the lower house, while all the other small parties combined held only eight, a testament to how difficult it was for them to grow.

From Carlo’s perspective, perhaps the fewer political parties Spain had, the more stable the country would be.

Originally, Carlo had planned for a system where three major parties would take turns in power. After he personally founded the Workers’ Party, this idea shifted to a four-party rotation.

Inevitably, one party might be unable to form a cabinet for an extended period. However, an opposition party could still play a role in supervising the Cabinet government, making them a powerful guarantee of Spain’s stability.

Whether it was a three-party or four-party system, it was certainly more stable than a two-party system.

If only two parties were competing against each other, the phenomenon of opposing for the sake of opposition would surely arise. But with multiple parties in contention, such a situation could be avoided.

On the first official day of the cabinet election, Carlo attended the lower house meeting and, before the vote, emphasized the importance of fairness, justice, and transparency.

Carlo did not appear during the subsequent two days of voting, which led to a process filled with all sorts of arguments and debates among the 298 members.

Finally, after three days, a clear choice for Spain’s Prime Minister emerged.

The non-partisan Evan Bradley was successfully elected Prime Minister of the Spanish Cabinet government, making him the first Prime Minister without a party affiliation since Carlo became king.

Of course, everyone was well aware of Prime Minister Evan Bradley’s background. Rather than being non-partisan, it was more accurate to say he was purely a loyalist to the king.

Due to his military background, Evan Bradley had no interest in political parties. He understood that as long as he remained loyal to the king, he could obtain everything he desired.

His successful election as Prime Minister was also due in no small part to the support of other parties.

Because of the Conservative Party’s further decline in seats, it was unable to form a cabinet on its own. This made the election for this term’s Cabinet government extremely competitive, with no candidate holding a clear advantage in the first two days.

As the Progressive and Liberal Parties had little chance of securing the premiership for themselves, they shifted their support to the non-partisan Minister Evan Bradley once it became clear they could not win.

Everyone knew that Carlo stood behind Minister Evan Bradley. Supporting him was equivalent to supporting Carlo—a surefire profit.

The support from the Progressive and Liberal Parties, in turn, made Evan Bradley the candidate with the strongest advantage. Seeing that the situation was hopeless, Minister Jovellar Soler had no choice but to accept the result and support Evan Bradley as Spain’s new Prime Minister.

Although Spain’s various parties were competitors, they were not mortal enemies.

Since Evan Bradley already had the advantage, there was no need for Jovellar Soler to fight for the slimmest of chances.

His concession won him Carlo’s goodwill. The day after Evan Bradley was elected the new Prime Minister, Carlo appointed Minister Jovellar Soler as the Minister of State—that is, the Deputy Prime Minister—of Spain’s new cabinet.

Prime Minister Evan Bradley’s election was the result of a compromise among the parties, which led to a highly complex composition for this cabinet.

Unlike the Canovas era, where the Conservative Party was dominant, the list of cabinet members submitted by Evan Bradley to the lower house included several candidates from the Progressive Party, the Liberal Party, and even the Workers’ Party.

Of course, this Cabinet government also included many familiar names.

With Evan Bradley becoming Prime Minister, his former position as Minister of Defense became vacant. Following an election by the Spanish Defense Committee, Ricciotti was ultimately chosen for this extremely important post.

Ricciotti was Garibaldi’s second son. After following Carlo to Spain, he had served as divisional commander of the Guard Division, Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards, and Commander-in-Chief of the garrison in the Congo.

Spain’s colonial unification plan was successfully realized through wars against the African natives. The most crucial of these were the wars against the Sokoto Caliph and the natives of West Africa, most of which were commanded by Ricciotti.

When he was the divisional commander of the Guard Division, Ricciotti held only the rank of major general. When the position of Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards was created, Carlo promoted him to Lieutenant General.

For his immense military merit in Africa, Ricciotti was not only promoted to the rank of General but was also granted the noble title of Count.

Such a generous reward signified that Ricciotti was destined to be promoted to Minister of Defense. After Prime Minister Evan Bradley, Carlo needed to have another capable and loyal Minister of Defense.

Upon becoming Prime Minister, Evan Bradley would have to sever his ties with the military. Carlo would not permit the new Prime Minister to retain immense power within the armed forces. The new Minister of Defense had to be one of Carlo’s own people, and a highly capable general at that.

Currently, only Ricciotti met these requirements, which was why his promotion to the post of Minister of Defense was considered inevitable.

The Minister of Finance was Dennis Bader, a veteran from Prime Minister Canovas’s time. Like Deputy Prime Minister Jovellar Soler, he was from the Conservative Party, which served as a form of consolation for the members of the largest party.

The choice for Minister of Industry was a very familiar name: Angelo Orcajo. He had achieved considerable political success as the Director of the Barcelona Industrial Zone and had subsequently become the mayor of the city of Barcelona.

Carlo did not shy away from vigorously cultivating talented individuals who were loyal to him.

The position of Minister of Industry was specifically reserved for Baron Angelo Orcajo. Carlo hoped that his abilities in industry could be utilized on the grandest stage, contributing to the industrial development of Spain.

The Minister of Agriculture remained Harrison, who had served in the previous cabinet and was the former Governor-General of the West African Colony.

He was also a member of the Conservative Party and an old Spanish nobleman who had earned Carlo’s trust.

The Minister of Public Welfare was a new name, Eli Veric, from the Liberal Party. The current Liberal Party’s platform had undergone significant changes compared to Prime Minister Primo’s era.

The current Liberal Party was more like a radical version of the Progressive Party. They hoped for more extensive reforms from the government, while tactfully ignoring reforms in democracy and the political system.

As long as they upheld Spain’s monarchy, Carlo was willing to accept their more radical reformist ideology.

The Minister of Transportation was Elias Kent, who, along with Minister of Education Alan Carlton, came from the Progressive Party. They could be considered heirs to Prime Minister Primo’s ideology, continuing to pursue limited reforms.

Minister of Health Valentino Hernandez was from the Conservative Party. During his previous term of office, he had brought about significant changes to Spain’s healthcare environment, and his abilities were certainly worthy of recognition.

Caler remained as Foreign Secretary. Caler once had a chance to become Prime Minister of Spain, but that so-called hope was clearly much slimmer compared to the two most popular candidates, Evan Bradley and Jovellar Soler.

Although he could not advance further, serving a third term as Foreign Secretary was clearly good news for Caler.

It was a position he was familiar with, and he could continue to strive for greater progress there. Even if he couldn’t advance further, serving three consecutive terms as Foreign Secretary was a tremendous achievement for Caler.

In the future, after leaving politics, he could still rely on this achievement to be granted a noble title and become a member of the Spanish nobility.

In addition to the more conventional department ministers, Spain’s cabinet ministers also included Minister of Colonial Affairs Menotti, Minister of Royal Affairs William, Speaker of the lower house Ewald Battle, Minister of Justice Benito Guerrero, and Archbishop of Spain Steed.

The two Ministers of Affairs are worth mentioning. Menotti was previously the Minister of Royal Affairs, while William was the Minister of Colonial Affairs. They essentially swapped positions, mainly to train their abilities in different fields.

After his bid for Prime Minister proved hopeless, Progressive Party leader Ewald Battle immediately shifted his goal to becoming the Speaker of the lower house.

To a certain extent, the status of the Speaker of the lower house is higher than that of the Prime Minister.

After all, the Cabinet government is accountable to the lower house, and the Speaker must preside over any meetings related to the impeachment of cabinet members.

However, most of the time, the status and prestige of the Prime Minister far exceed that of the Speaker of the lower house.

The Speaker of the lower house is, after all, merely an elected presider of meetings and cannot single-handedly change the outcome of a parliamentary vote.

This meant that unless the king was dissatisfied with the Prime Minister, the Speaker of the lower house could do nothing against him.

Ewald Battle was, after all, a politician from the same era as Prime Minister Canovas. He was unwilling to become a subordinate of Prime Minister Evan Bradley, so he could only pursue a more independent cabinet position like Speaker of the lower house.

The Speaker of the lower house has the right to attend Cabinet meetings and does not have to report to the Prime Minister. In terms of status, the Speaker is on par with the Prime Minister, making it the most suitable position for Ewald Battle, aside from the premiership itself.

Although the election for Prime Minister took only three days, the formation of the entire cabinet took nearly a month.

With the exception of the Minister of Defense, the ministers of all departments were personally appointed by the Prime Minister. Because Prime Minister Evan Bradley submitted his list on the second day, the candidates for these ministerial positions were confirmed quickly.

But the selection of other, more special cabinet members took the better part of a month to finalize.

For example, in the election for the Speaker of the lower house, even the influential Ewald Battle took over a week to emerge victorious from among the members of the lower house and become the “master” of one of the two houses.

When Carlo received the complete list of cabinet members, Kadir, the Director of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, also submitted detailed files on each of them.

Overall, Carlo was largely satisfied with these cabinet members.

Most were familiar faces, and the files on the less familiar ones showed that they were indeed quite capable.

The people who elected and appointed them were not fools; they would not have truly put forward an incompetent cabinet minister.

Just as Evan Bradley had recommended the various department ministers, he had to make careful selections from each political party to ensure that his recommendations were highly capable.

On the one hand, these people would be working under him in the future. His own job would be easier only if they were competent.

On the other hand, the competence of the cabinet members was also linked to the cabinet’s reputation. Incompetent or morally corrupt cabinet members would only tarnish the reputation of the Spanish Cabinet and erode public trust in the government.

On March 21, 1892, after the cabinet members, their faces beaming with excitement, swore their allegiance to Carlo, the Spanish Cabinet was officially formed, heralding a new era.

Chapter 359: Portugal in Chaos

The newly appointed Cabinet government had barely taken office when it received some absolutely wonderful news.

After a year and a half of construction, the Fernando II, the first flagship of Spain’s brand-new Monarch-class battleships, was finally ready to be launched and begin sea trials.

News that this massive warship, displacing a full 13,000 tons, was about to be launched immediately became the front-page headline for every newspaper in Spain.

The completion of the battleship not only represented a step forward for the Spanish Navy’s power but also signified the continuous enhancement of Spain’s comprehensive national strength and international influence.

Witnessing the growth of their country’s strength was absolutely the most pride-inducing thing for the Spaniards. If there was anything that could compare, or even surpass it, it would certainly be the launch of even more battleships.

The Spanish government placed great importance on the launching ceremony for this flagship battleship. Carlo and the new Prime Minister, Evan Brad, jointly attended the ceremony for the Fernando II, personally witnessing the official completion of Spain’s first pre-dreadnought.

Only after watching the enormous warship sail out of the port did Carlo shift his gaze away, thoroughly content.

Afterward, Carlo inspected the construction progress of the third Monarch-class battleship, the Carlos I, at the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard. After confirming that the construction of the Carlos I was proceeding without issue, he returned to the Royal Palace.

Both the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard and the Valencia United Shipyard took the construction of the Monarch-class battleships extremely seriously. This meant that each battleship took over a year and a half to build, making it impossible to construct two simultaneously.

Although this approach lengthened the construction cycle of the warships, it ensured that the warships built by Spain were stable and reliable.

For Carlo, this amount of time was perfectly acceptable. After all, World War I was still a long way off, and even Britain’s Boer War seemed to be several years away from erupting.

The next ship to be launched after the Fernando II was the Isabel I, named alongside it to honor the Catholic Monarchs of Iberia.

Although the Valencia United Shipyard had expedited construction as much as possible, feedback from the shipyard indicated that the earliest completion date for the battleship Isabel I would be the end of May, and if delayed, it could even be pushed to early July.

However, no matter the delay, it was certain that two Monarch-class battleships would be launched this year. With the addition of these two battleships, Spain’s naval strength would, in reality, be no weaker than Russia’s. Claiming a spot in the world’s top three would not be a major issue.

After all, other countries were also in the exploratory phase when it came to pre-dreadnoughts. Only the British had built the HMS Royal Sovereign, a Royal Sovereign-class battleship, which was launched on September 30, 1889—the world’s first pre-dreadnought.

Compared to the British, other nations lagged far behind in pre-dreadnought development.

As the world’s second-strongest naval power at the time, France had actually begun research and development on pre-dreadnoughts earlier than the British.

Unfortunately, while Britain’s HMS Royal Sovereign was completed and launched for sea trials by the end of February 1891, France’s Brennus, despite starting construction more than six months earlier, only entered the sea trial phase late last year.

Not only did the French pre-dreadnoughts take longer to build than the British ones, but their sea trial phase was also much longer.

Historically, the battleship Brennus was not successfully commissioned until 1896, which proved just how slow France’s progress was in the pre-dreadnought era.

According to Spain’s Five-Year Naval Construction Plan, around 1894, all five of Spain’s Monarch-class battleships would be able to enter their sea trial phases.

By the time the Brennus was commissioned, all five of Spain’s Monarch-class battleships would be able to officially join the Navy.

This meant that in the coming years, Spain’s progress in pre-dreadnoughts would far surpass France’s. Of course, this speed was still slightly inferior when compared to the British.

The British were quite satisfied with their Royal Sovereign-class battleships, which were built before France’s. But when they learned that Spain was also constructing battleships of a similar class, the British government ultimately decided to increase its investment in the Navy.

Eight Royal Sovereign-class battleships were built at once, with the construction period lasting from 1889 to the end of 1891. It was expected that all eight would be commissioned in succession by 1893.

Such a construction speed was frankly astonishing, and it was the reason why Britain had long maintained its naval supremacy. Their emphasis on the navy far exceeded that of other nations, and their investment in it was several times greater.

The good news was that because Britain’s colonies were spread across the globe, their battleships had to be dispersed around the world as well.

In contrast, all of Spain’s capital ships were deployed in the Home Fleet, while the African Fleet and Philippine Fleet were small-scale fleets composed entirely of small and medium-sized warships.

If one were to compare only the naval power in Europe, although Spain still couldn’t match Britain, the gap was at least not so vast.

If Spain could gain the support of another great power, its chances of victory in a future war with the British would increase significantly.

The sole reason for viewing Britain as a potential enemy was that it had become an obstacle to Spain’s annexation of Portugal and Morocco.

As far back as the Bourbon era in Spain, Spain had shown an unusual interest in its neighbor, Portugal. Since Carlo became king, he had done nothing to curb this strong domestic interest in Portugal.

However, because the king of Portugal at the time was Carlo’s brother-in-law, Carlo did not excessively damage relations with Portugal. The relationship between Portugal and Spain was one of cooperation amidst competition, and the situation on the Iberian Peninsula was relatively stable.

But the good times did not last. Carlo’s brother-in-law, King Luís I, passed away on October 19, 1889, and Portugal officially entered the era of his son, Carlos I.

Compared to his father, King Carlos I of Portugal was far from capable. If he were not a king, Carlos I could have become an excellent painter.

But he just so happened to become the king of Portugal, and he was in control of a country whose situation was growing increasingly dire.

This brings us to Portugal’s Pink Map project. Portugal once harbored extraordinary ambitions; their Pink Map project was grand enough to establish a vast African colony.

Unfortunately, the enemy of this plan was Britain, and Portugal was highly dependent on Britain economically.

With the collapse of the Pink Map project, the domestic situation in Portugal became increasingly severe. Some people who once held hope for their country turned into Republicans, believing that only by overthrowing the monarchy and establishing a republic could Portugal be saved.

Under these circumstances, Portugal itself had entered a precarious state. If the situation could not be stabilized, it would either face a revolution that would directly overthrow the royal family or a series of assassinations against its opponents.

Faced with such a terrible situation, what did Carlos I do?

Having become king of Portugal at just 26, Carlos I was extremely arrogant. He believed he was fully capable of emulating the neighboring King Carlo, using reforms to make Portugal a world power once again.

Reforms would certainly face many opponents. Carlos I’s first step was to suppress the domestic opposition by force.

In fact, Carlo had done the same in Spain. The difference was that Carlo’s actions were based on the support of Prime Minister Primo. With the backing of the government-controlling Reformists and the military, the chances of successful reform were high.

But Portugal was different. Portugal had no powerful reformist like Prime Minister Primo, and Carlos I held little military power in his hands.

Having just become king, Carlos I placed high hopes on his Cabinet, but he soon discovered that Portugal’s Cabinet was incompetent, utterly helpless in the face of the country’s current situation.

In a state of extreme dissatisfaction, Carlos I announced the dissolution of the Cabinet and nominated a new candidate of his own choosing to become Prime Minister of Portugal.

Who was this satisfactory candidate? His name was Franco.

Of course, this was not the same Franco as the historical Spanish dictator. The man Carlos I favored was João Franco, a hardline member of the Revival Party.

More than a decade earlier, João Franco had served in the departments of justice and customs. After joining the Portuguese parliament in 1884, he became a member of Portugal’s Revival Party and served as a cabinet minister multiple times.

In João Franco’s view, the government should strengthen the suppression of socialists, anarchists, and Republicans. Only by suppressing them could Portugal’s stability be maintained.

This idea coincided perfectly with that of Carlos I. Overjoyed, Carlos I directly nominated João Franco for Prime Minister and used his influence to get the nomination approved.

At the end of 1891, João Franco successfully became the Prime Minister of the Cabinet of Portugal.

As Carlos I had hoped, João Franco displayed a remarkably tough stance upon becoming Prime Minister. He understood how he had come to power and was quite enthusiastic about the armed suppression of Republicans and anarchists.

In the three months since João Franco became Prime Minister, the Portuguese government repeatedly used the army and police to forcibly suppress gatherings and demonstrations by socialists, anarchists, and Republicans.

As it turned out, armed suppression did have some effect. In the following period, protests against the government indeed decreased significantly.

At least on the surface, the Portuguese people no longer seemed so opposed to the monarchy; they appeared to be quite content with the current government.

Carlos I thought so too. He misjudged the domestic situation in Portugal, believing that after the armed suppression, the country had stabilized.

João Franco certainly knew that such hardline measures were only a temporary fix. After using suppression to stabilize the situation in Portugal, he announced that freedom of speech would be implemented in the country and guaranteed that the Portuguese government would be democratic.

Unfortunately, the Portuguese people, who were by this time deeply disappointed in their government and king, no longer believed the government’s words.

The Portuguese were already extremely disappointed with the government after the failure of the Pink Map project. The new prime minister’s widespread suppression of the opposition only further revealed the government’s brutality and corruption in their eyes.

To save such a Portugal, overthrowing the current government was essential. And overthrowing the current government meant overthrowing the current king of Portugal.

In the four months since João Franco became Prime Minister, an alliance of parties, including the Republican Party, clarified their goal: to overthrow the king and the current government and establish a republican system, a republic governed by the Portuguese people themselves.

Overthrowing the king and the current government was an immense challenge. These parties held several secret meetings and decided on a two-pronged approach.

On one hand, they needed to raise an armed force and plan an armed uprising against the government, to overthrow the government and the king by force.

On the other hand, if an armed uprising proved impossible, they would have to consider assassination as a means to forcibly topple the current government.

The targets for assassination would naturally be the leaders of the government: the king and the current Prime Minister, João Franco.

Whether it was an armed uprising or assassination, the difficulties they faced were enormous. But there was no other way. To save the current Portugal, these difficulties had to be overcome.

While the opposition, led by the Republican Party, was secretly plotting the assassination of the government and the king, a mysterious organization approached them, offering to provide them with weapons, equipment, and other intelligence.

Although they did not know where this mysterious organization came from, for the Republican Party and other opposition factions, this support was invaluable.

If they had to raise weapons and equipment on their own, launching an armed uprising would be impossible. Although Portugal, like Spain, did not ban firearms, it was extremely difficult to procure several thousand rifles within the country.

Most of the time, they could only buy hunting rifles, whose effective range was very limited and whose power was far inferior to the rifles used by the army.

Furthermore, ammunition for hunting rifles was also limited. If the opposition parties purchased weapons and equipment on a large scale, it would alert the Portuguese government, and they would likely face even more intense suppression, causing the armed uprising to fail.

After the Portuguese Republican Party agreed to cooperate with this mysterious organization, within a few days, the organization provided them with several thousand rifles and matching ammunition.

It was this batch of weapons and equipment that convinced the Republican Party of the mysterious organization’s promise.

At the very least, with these weapons, launching an armed uprising to overthrow the government had become a possibility. Additionally, this equipment could be used to plan the assassinations of the Prime Minister and the king.

Whether it was an armed uprising or assassination, as long as one succeeded, there was hope for saving Portugal.

Chapter 360: The Portuguese Civil War

Who was this mysterious organization helping the Portuguese opposition? It was, of course, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, established single-handedly by Carlo.

Portugal had always been a target for Spain, and Spanish attention on the country had never waned.

The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau’s sphere of activity covered the entire Iberian Peninsula. Both the bureau and Carlo were perfectly clear about the chaos within Portugal and the opposition’s plans.

Although the current King of Portugal was theoretically Carlo’s nephew, Carlo would not allow personal feelings to interfere when considering national interests.

Besides, the Portuguese monarchy in history hadn’t lasted much longer anyway. There was no difference whether it was overthrown a little earlier or a little later. Perhaps this way, some royal bloodlines could even be preserved.

In truth, during the era of King Luís I, Carlo had no intention of overthrowing the Portuguese royal family so soon. After all, Portugal at that time was straddling the fence, constantly wavering between Spain and Britain to ensure it could maintain a degree of autonomy and not be too heavily infiltrated by either power.

This situation changed when Carlos I came to the throne, and Portugal began to depend on Britain both politically and economically. Indeed, after siding with Britain, Portugal quickly shook off Spanish influence; they no longer had to send thousands of immigrants to Spain each year.

The good cooperation that had existed between Spain and Portugal during King Luís I’s reign was instantly severed. It seemed as though Portugal and Spain were about to return to the state of opposition and competition of more than twenty years prior.

For Carlo, this shift in the Portuguese government was unacceptable. Spain’s infiltration of Portugal had already achieved some success, and many Portuguese people were not opposed to immigrating to Spain.

The two to three thousand Portuguese immigrants Spain received annually were the best proof of this. These Portuguese lived well after arriving in Spain, and their circumstances attracted even more potential immigrants who yearned for a life there.

The previous Portuguese government, because of its policy of wavering between Britain and Spain, had not overtly prohibited these people from immigrating to Spain.

Although this resulted in some population loss, Portugal in return received a large quantity of industrial products from Spain, and its domestic economy was in relatively good shape.

Ever since the new Portuguese government amended the immigration regulations, many Portuguese who wished to travel to Spain had been stopped at the border.

British industrial products also replaced Spanish ones, which had a certain impact on Spain’s exports of industrial goods.

Since Portugal was not showing Spain any respect, Spain naturally did not need to show any to Portugal.

On May 11, 1892, with the support of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, the Portuguese Republican Party, in alliance with several other anti-government parties, launched the Republican Uprising.

The uprising involved several thousand citizens and hundreds of mobilized police officers. People held high the red and green National Flag of the republic, singing “A Portuguesa”—a song that would in the future become the national anthem of the Portuguese Republic—to express their discontent with the corrupt government.

The uprising took place in Portalegre, a location meticulously planned by the Republicans. During the era of King Luís I, Portugal and Spain had enjoyed relatively good cooperation.

The railway from Spain’s Extremadura province ran directly to Portalegre in Portugal, and from there, it continued west to the Portuguese capital, Lisbon.

After Carlos I ascended the throne and as Britain tightened its control over Portugal, Portugal chose to close its railway connection with Spain.

Although British industrial goods soon flooded the market, the people of the Portalegre region lost their jobs.

This place had once been an important transit station for goods, with over half of Spain’s exports to Portugal passing through it.

After the railway was closed, all the transport workers here lost their jobs, and other employees at the transit station found their incomes insufficient to cover their expenses.

If one were to ask who was most dissatisfied with the current Portuguese government, the people of Portalegre were definitely among the most fervent.

By choosing this city as the site of the uprising, the people of Portalegre were more than willing to lend their support.

And it was precisely because of the people’s participation that an uprising of only a few thousand quickly swelled into a vast and mighty mass rebellion involving over ten thousand people.

More importantly, the rebel forces possessed several thousand rifles. Although they lacked heavy weaponry, these thousands of militiamen armed with rifles were enough to cause a significant shock to the Portuguese order.

Portugal itself had a population of less than five million, and its standing army on the mainland numbered fewer than fifty thousand men. If not for the powerful neighbor of Spain next door, Portugal probably couldn’t even maintain a standing army of fifty thousand.

The Portuguese army, like Spain’s, had not experienced a proper battle for a long time. Their combat targets were mostly natives in Africa, and even then, usually small tribes.

Under such circumstances, an uprising of over ten thousand people quickly had a severe impact on the situation in Portugal.

The rebel forces swiftly captured the Portalegre municipal government, seized the armory located in the city, and integrated the local police and garrison.

This consolidation added thousands more rifles to the rebels’ arsenal, and the momentum of the uprising grew ever stronger, to the point where it had the potential to threaten Lisbon.

Because the rebel forces acted so swiftly, by the time the Portuguese government received the news, several hours had already passed since the uprising began.

The rebel force of several thousand quickly took control of the municipal government and the City Council. When the Portuguese army hastily arrived in the Portalegre area, the rebels had already established organized defensive lines.

Looking at the remarkably orderly defensive line before him, the Portuguese officer in charge of suppressing the rebellion immediately sensed that something was seriously wrong.

Judging from the defensive positions they had dug, their uprising was clearly not a spontaneous act but had been premeditated.

Thinking along the lines of a conspiracy theory, for these rebels to have captured the municipal government and council in such a short time, they likely had the backing of other powers.

The political situation within Portugal was, in fact, quite chaotic. There were broadly two major factions in the country: the Conservatives and the Republicans.

Within these two factions, there were pro-British and pro-Spain factions. The pro-Spain faction even included Pan-Iberianists, who not only supported Portugal aligning with Spain but even hoped for the unification of the two countries on the Iberian Peninsula to create a super great power that would make the other great powers tremble.

The main reason for such complex factions within Portugal was the wavering policy of King Luís I, who had swung back and forth between Britain and Spain.

At that time, due to the Pink Map project being forcibly quashed by Britain, the Portuguese populace harbored considerable dissatisfaction and resentment towards the British.

This led to the rise of Pan-Iberianism across the entire Iberian Peninsula, with many Portuguese believing that unification with Spain would improve their lives.

Yet, upon ascending the throne, the new Portuguese king, Carlos I, immediately severed ties with Spain and instead drew closer to Britain, a country with whom Portugal’s relations were even worse.

Although this did free Portugal from Spanish control, Carlos I had clearly failed to consider the opinions of the Portuguese people.

The British had forcibly destroyed Portugal’s Pink Map project just a few years ago, and now Portugal was rushing to become Britain’s lackey. Wasn’t that just debasing themselves?

Portugal was, after all, a former colonial empire. Even if its current comprehensive strength was no match for the European great powers, there was no need to be so servile, aligning completely with Britain in politics and diplomacy.

Historically, during this same period, although the Republican Party in Portugal was beginning to take shape, the majority of the Portuguese people still believed in the monarchy and were willing to support Carlos I.

This was why, despite numerous Republican rebellions, none had posed a major threat to the rule of the Portuguese royal family.

In the end, it was an assassination that proved effective, but it only resulted in換 a new king for Portugal.

But now, with Portugal’s Pink Map project having been proposed earlier and crushed by the British earlier, the relationship between the Portuguese people and Britain had become even worse than in history.

Carlos I’s pro-British actions caused great dissatisfaction among the Portuguese people, which meant he had lost his popular support.

This uprising was far larger in scale than the ones in history, and its impact was far greater.

Historically, Carlos I had suppressed the Republican uprising with only a small number of troops. Now, it had evolved into a direct confrontation between the rebel army and the Portuguese army.

Yes, this was no longer a simple uprising. Judging from the current development of the situation, it had already turned into Portugal’s internal war.

The topic of a Portuguese civil war quickly spread throughout Europe, attracting the attention of several countries.

Britain was one of the countries most concerned about the Portuguese civil war. After all, Portugal had now fully sided with Britain, and Britain was unwilling to lose this ally.

On the second day of the civil war, the British government summoned the Portuguese Ambassador in London and expressed Britain’s willingness to help Portugal resolve its domestic rebellion.

Yes, the British government used the word “rebellion.” They considered the Republican Party’s uprising a rebellion, not a domestic civil war. They deemed the Republican side illegal, attempting to usurp state power in Portugal.

While Britain supported Portugal, Spain contacted the Portuguese Republican Party.

To avoid exposing Spain as the supporter behind the Republicans, the weapons the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau provided were purchased from various places, originating from several European countries.

Although a portion of standard-issue Spanish weapons were mixed in, due to the sheer quantity and variety, other countries could not definitively conclude that Spain was supporting the Portuguese Republicans.

On the day after the Republicans successfully launched their uprising, another large batch of weapons and equipment was shipped to them.

Spain even kindly recommended a battle plan to the Republicans, advising them to attack Castelo Branco to the north, occupy Portugal north of Lisbon, and establish a north-south division with the Portuguese government.

Continuing to attack Lisbon to the west was highly unlikely to succeed. As the capital of Portugal, Lisbon was heavily defended along its eastern front, a measure taken by Portugal to prevent a Spanish invasion.

With the current strength of the rebel forces, capturing Lisbon was completely impossible. An attack to the west would only fruitlessly waste their forces, ultimately allowing the Portuguese government to quickly quell the rebellion.

But if they were to attack north, the chances of victory would be much greater.

East of Castelo Branco and its northern region of Guarda lay Spain’s Castille-León province, an area also known by another name: the Meseta Plateau.

Because of the Meseta Plateau, the probability of Spain attacking Portugal from here was extremely low, so Portugal’s defensive forces in the area were naturally much weaker.

Extremadura province was situated in a valley between the Montes de Toledo and the Sierra Morena, from where an attack west into Portugal would cross a plain.

If they could attack the more weakly defended areas of Portugal to the north, this uprising truly had a chance of evolving into a larger-scale civil war, thereby changing the domestic landscape of Portugal.

Of course, if this uprising did escalate into a full-blown civil war, the British would likely intervene directly to help Portugal.

However, this might not be a bad thing for Spain. After all, direct British intervention would only deepen the Portuguese people’s hatred for Britain.

Even if Portugal could suppress the rebellion with British help, it would not be able to remedy the growing anti-British sentiment within the country.

What Carlo needed to do was to cultivate a large number of Pan-Iberianists and pro-Spain supporters in Portugal, and then, at a critical moment, make a direct move to forcibly bring Portugal under his rule.

Seeing the scale of the Portuguese civil war growing, Spain certainly wouldn’t miss a good opportunity to boost its reputation.

On May 15, 1892, Carlo officially announced a donation of five million pesetas worth of supplies to the Portuguese people to help those in the civil war regions return to normal life.

The Spanish government announced the next day that it would donate supplies worth three million pesetas to the Portuguese government. It also stated that the Spanish border near Portugal would be temporarily opened to shelter Portuguese civilians affected by the war who needed to ensure their own safety.

Although the Portuguese government suspected that Spain might be behind the rebellion, they had no choice but to express their gratitude for Spain’s public donation.

Without solid proof, making such accusations would only make their own situation more awkward.

The Spanish government would not be harmed by baseless slander. Portugal, on the other hand, would make the war even harder to fight by offending Spain.

On the day the uprising occurred, King Carlos I of Portugal summoned Prime Minister João Franco, demanding that he immediately mobilize the army to suppress the rebellion.

The hard-liner João Franco immediately agreed to the king’s request, promising to use the army to crush the rebellion at any cost.

Unfortunately, the situation quickly developed beyond the expectations of Carlos I and João Franco.

The army they sent out not only failed to quickly suppress the rebellion but was locked in a back-and-forth struggle with the rebel forces.

Although the rebel forces were hastily organized militias, the condition of the Portuguese army wasn’t much better.

The Portuguese army had not experienced large-scale warfare for a long time. Furthermore, because the enemy before them were their own countrymen, they had little will to fight.

The Republican Party contacted several other opposition parties, and they began to win over neutral officers and soldiers in the Portuguese army in an attempt to break apart Carlos I’s forces.

As it turned out, this was truly effective. The army was not entirely composed of die-hard loyalists to Carlos I. After all, before joining the military, they were just commoners of Portugal.

Carlos I had only been king for a short three years, and his foolish policies had failed to earn him the loyalty of these troops.

Facing their own countrymen, who could even be their friends and family, it was already quite something that these Portuguese troops hadn’t defected on the spot.

Some of them were simply unwilling to fire on their own people just because of a government order. They did not want to see Portuguese killing each other; after all, the Portuguese population was already limited, and internecine slaughter would only make Portugal weaker.

Chapter 361: The Northwest Descends into Utter Chaos

To the surprise of the European nations, the Portuguese Civil War’s greatest impact was felt not in Portugal itself, but in Spain and Britain, who were watching events closely.

Seeing Portugal being thrown into turmoil by the Republican Party, the Portuguese people were reminded of the time, years ago, when Britain had forcefully blocked their Pink Map project. The British could no longer sit still.

If things continued on this trajectory, no matter who won the civil war, the future Portugal would have no ties with Britain.

This was absolutely unacceptable to the British. Portugal’s geographical position meant that if it did not align with Britain, it would have to align with Spain.

If Spain were allowed to integrate the Iberian Peninsula, its geographical advantage would surpass even Britain’s.

Spain would similarly be able to isolate itself from the European continent by blockading the peninsula, and it could also easily intervene in the continent’s affairs from both sides of the Pyrenees Mountains.

A unified Iberian Peninsula would naturally set its sights on Gibraltar. This meant that even if Britain backed down on the issue of Portugal, a greater conflict with Spain was inevitable in the future.

Unless Britain was willing to give up Gibraltar, there was no hope of reconciling the conflict between the two nations.

Faced with a Portugal that might lean towards Spain, what did the British government do?

A week after the rebellion broke out, the British government could finally wait no longer. They first contacted the Portuguese Ambassador to Britain, asking if Portugal required British military support.

The Portuguese Ambassador initially refused the request for troops. But within a few days, the Portuguese side reversed course and requested British military aid.

They had no choice. The rebellion at home was becoming impossible to suppress.

The reason was simple: the Prime Minister trusted by King Carlos I, João Franco, had made a rash move. In the regions that had not rebelled, he began to arrest Republican sympathizers on a massive scale, showing no mercy to any of the opposition parties involved in the uprising.

Adhering to the principle of “better to wrongly kill a thousand than to let one escape,” the Portuguese government arrested over a thousand so-called rebels in just a few days.

Many of them were indeed genuine Republicans and opposition members, and they fought back fiercely against the government’s arrests, inflicting heavy casualties on the Portuguese army and police.

Seeing this, João Franco was alarmed and immediately ordered the army to carry out an even more forceful crackdown and a major sweep of the area.

This rebellion, which was more like a form of resistance, was quickly suppressed. The number of “rebels” thrown in jail rapidly swelled from over a thousand to several thousand, with the figure threatening to break ten thousand.

Needless to say, at least half of those arrested by the government were wrongly accused.

The government’s violent actions provoked even fiercer resistance from the Portuguese people. The rebel army had barely made a move before the regions of Castelo Branco and Guarda surrendered without a fight.

It was only then that King Carlos I realized something was wrong. He hastily contacted the British government, requesting them to send troops to aid Portugal.

Although Portugal had a large number of troops in its African colonies, these colonies were much farther from the Portuguese mainland than Britain was. Distant water could not quench a nearby thirst.

More importantly, the British army was far more effective in combat than Portugal’s colonial troops. As long as Britain was willing to help, it was only a matter of time before the domestic rebellion was quelled.

Upon receiving the Portuguese government’s request, the British government immediately mobilized its forces, preparing to help its ally suppress the rebellion.

In the eyes of the British, helping their ally was perfectly justified. In that era, it was common for one country to help another put down a rebellion. After all, the royal families of Europe were all inseparably linked by blood, so it was perfectly reasonable to ask for a relative’s assistance.

However, both the Portuguese and British governments overlooked one thing: the attitude of the Portuguese people towards this rebellion.

In the view of the Portuguese government and King Carlos I, as long as they could swiftly put down the revolt and purge the Republicans, the rebellion wouldn’t have a major impact on the country.

As for the Portuguese people, they believed their discontent with the government wasn’t that strong; their opposition was likely instigated by the Republicans.

But was that really the case?

On May 22, 1892, when British troops set foot on Portuguese soil, the situation in Portugal underwent a dramatic change.

The rebel army and the Portuguese army had been trading blows, but when faced with the professional British army, their resistance seemed feeble.

The weapons Spain provided to the Republican Party came from various countries, which made logistics for the organized rebel army extremely difficult.

Ammunition for weapons from different nations was not interchangeable. To supply all types of weapons, they would need at least a dozen different calibers of ammunition.

The Republican Party was incapable of maintaining such a supply line, and Spain couldn’t openly provide them with arms and equipment.

This meant the rebels’ weaponry was always limited. Coupled with the growing number of Portuguese people joining the uprising, the overall availability of weapons and equipment was actually decreasing.

With such an army facing the well-equipped British and Portuguese forces, the outcome of the war was already quite clear.

On the afternoon of May 23, two thousand two hundred British soldiers, in coordination with nearly three thousand Portuguese soldiers, fought a three-hour battle against the rebel army led by the Republican Party in the Portalegre District.

The rebel army fought until their ammunition and supplies were exhausted, and the battle ended with several thousand casualties on their side.

Casualties for the British and Portuguese forces were light, totaling less than two hundred.

This proved that in the face of a truly professional army, the fighting capabilities of a hastily assembled force like the rebel army were simply too poor.

At this point, the rebel army followed Spain’s advice. They completely abandoned the idea of attacking Lisbon to the west and instead turned north to attack Bragança, Porto, and Vila Real.

As for Portalegre, where the uprising first began, the rebels had no choice but to give it up. Before leaving, they distributed a batch of supplies to the local populace, expressing their apologies to the ordinary people caught up in the war. Then, without looking back, they headed further north towards Castelo Branco.

The people of Portalegre had just seen the rebel army off when they were immediately met by the Portuguese and British forces.

To prevent any remaining Republican rebels from hiding in the area, the Portuguese government conducted a large-scale search operation in the Portalegre region.

All supplies, including the food distributed to the locals by the rebels, were confiscated by the Portuguese government. Some of the local people were consequently branded as collaborators.

While the campaign to suppress the rebellion raged within Portugal, Britain’s blatant intervention in Portugal’s internal affairs sparked widespread discussion across Europe.

Major Spanish newspapers extensively reported on the British army’s attacks on the Republican forces, even publishing several photographs of Portuguese civilians who had been injured or killed by British troops.

Such news sparked intense debate in Spain and across Europe, and the newspapers were also circulated in Portugal.

The Portuguese people had finally had enough of Carlos I. It was one thing for their own army to put down the rebellion; after all, it was the Republican Party that had initiated the uprising.

But what was this about inviting the British army to suppress the rebellion? Was it not enough for their own guns to be aimed at their own people? Did they have to invite others to point their guns at their own people as well?

Most Portuguese had not yet moved on from the earlier colonial conflict, and now they were confronted with news of British troops harming Portuguese civilians. They were utterly disappointed with both Britain and their own government.

On May 25, 1892, a massive protest erupted in the northern Portuguese city of Porto. The citizens of Porto strongly condemned the Portuguese government’s invitation for the British army to interfere in their country’s internal affairs. They held up photographs of the Portuguese who had been killed or injured by British troops in the conflict, indignantly demanding that the government send the British army home.

But it was clear that the situation was no longer under Carlos I’s control.

Portugal could invite the British army, but they could not send them away.

Moreover, the arrival of the British army had indeed expedited the suppression of the rebellion. Without British help, Portugal could not have recaptured the Portalegre region so quickly.

By this time, the rebel army had already moved north from Castelo Branco to the Guarda region, and was in fact only a few dozen kilometers from Porto, where the protests were taking place.

To prevent the protesters in Porto from joining forces with the rebel army, Portuguese Prime Minister João Franco issued an order to the municipal governments of Porto, Braga, and Aveiro, demanding they organize their police forces to quickly suppress the local demonstrations and prevent them from turning into armed uprisings, as had happened in Portalegre.

João Franco’s concerns were well-founded. The city of Porto was located in the north of Portugal, very close to Spain’s Galicia region.

More than a year ago, an armed uprising planned by the Republican Party had broken out there, but it had been quickly quashed by the local police.

At that time, the Republican Party had no external support, and the Portuguese people still held a glimmer of hope for their government, so that uprising had no impact on the country.

But it was, after all, a region with a history of rebellion. If they were not vigilant, the Republicans might successfully coordinate from both inside and out, causing the entire area from Porto to Castelo Branco to fall.

The protests initiated by the citizens of Porto had no effect; they were soon met with suppression from the local police.

To quickly quell the demonstration, Braga to the north of Porto and Aveiro to the south both dispatched police to assist.

The armed suppression by the police turned the protest chaotic. The families of police officers were among the protesters, and not every officer could bring themselves to open fire on the crowd.

The police from other cities did effectively halt the demonstration, but they also triggered a conflict between themselves and the police from Porto.

In the process of suppressing the protests, the police from other cities killed or injured some of the demonstrators, many of whom were family members of the Porto police.

At this moment, Porto could be described as having descended into utter chaos. The local police and the police from other cities were in a standoff, and the protesting crowd was in a standoff with the police. No one could tell who was friend and who was foe.

The Republican Party now made its move. In theory, Porto was within the Republican Party’s sphere of influence. They had a large number of supporters there, including many local police officers and their families.

At the call of the Republican Party, a portion of the Porto police switched sides and joined the protesters, making the situation in the city even more chaotic.

At first, the standoff hadn’t escalated to the use of firearms. But as the chaos intensified, someone fired the first shot. The standoff between the various factions turned into a chaotic gunfight.

The chaos lasted for several hours, finally ending in a complete victory for the protesters.

The protesters had gained the support of the Porto police, while the police sent from the other two cities numbered only over a hundred people and were helpless against the massive crowd.

Although the protesters were victorious, the demonstration came at a great cost. The hours of chaos resulted in over a thousand people being injured or killed.

Only a few hundred citizens were killed or injured by the police from other cities; the number of casualties from the stampede was over a thousand.

This chaotic situation prompted the citizens of Porto to think more deeply: what was the reason Portugal had become like this?

At this time in Spain, the major newspapers and media outlets were reporting in detail on the development of the Portuguese Civil War.

The chaotic incident caused by the protest in Porto was also reported, and the casualties among the protesters and local police were meticulously recorded, becoming a topic of great relish for the Spaniards.

The Spanish people felt very fortunate at this moment. They had a king who, though young, was very capable.

When Carlo became King of Spain, he was much younger than King Carlos I of Portugal was now.

But their abilities were not reflected by their ages. Carlos I’s Portugal was now in utter chaos, and even if the civil war ended, it was doomed to decline for a long time.

Meanwhile, Spain under Carlo’s rule was thriving. Of the two Iberian powers from the colonial era, Portugal had now been left far behind.

Compared to the delight of the Spaniards, the Portuguese who had already moved to Spain felt rather fortunate.

They were thankful they had come to Spain; otherwise, they could very well have been caught up in this civil war.

The war had already resulted in several thousand civilian casualties, which was proof enough of how corrupt and inept the Portuguese government was.

It was worth mentioning that since the war began, many Portuguese capitalists had chosen to move to Spain with their entire families.

Especially when the rebel army controlled the Portalegre region, they opened the railway line from Portalegre to Spain. This led to several thousand Portuguese civilians fleeing to Spain as refugees within a week.

Carlo had the government make proper arrangements for these Portuguese refugees.

As it happened, the population of Extremadura province wasn’t large, so settling a few thousand Portuguese was an easy task.

Carlo sent these Portuguese people enough emergency supplies and had local officials visit and comfort them.

Spanish officials solemnly assured these Portuguese that as long as they were on Spanish soil, they would not be affected by the war.

The Portuguese who received this promise were naturally grateful. Comparing the Spanish government to the Portuguese government, they finally realized what a disaster their home country was.

For these Portuguese refugees, Carlo welcomed them all.

The Portuguese were the easiest population to assimilate. Their language and culture were not very different from Spain’s. It was no exaggeration to say that the linguistic and cultural differences between two cities in the same province of a certain large country in later generations were likely greater than the differences between Portugal and Spain.

As long as these Portuguese were made to deeply experience the difference between the two governments and feel Carlo’s care for the common people, they would come to identify with Spain and give up their Portuguese identity.

Once they relinquished their Portuguese identity, they could quickly integrate into the Spanish family. These assimilated Portuguese were very important to Spain. If Portugal could be annexed in the future, these people would serve as excellent examples, allowing other Portuguese to embrace Spain with peace of mind.

This was like paying a high price for horse bones to show sincerity. By letting the Portuguese see the benefits of joining Spain, they would naturally not be averse to the idea.

The real reason why Portugal historically demanded independence after being unified was that the interests of the Portuguese people were not respected. Coupled with the incitement of local nobles and capitalists, this led to the Portuguese constantly thinking of independence.

But what about a Portugal where the nobility had been abolished after a Republican revolution?

Without the instigation of the nobility, the most powerful faction, the remaining Portuguese capitalists would be no match for Spain. The common people didn’t care much whether they were Spanish or Portuguese; they cared about whether their lives improved and whether they could live in peace and happiness.

If being Spanish could bring them more benefits, it was believed that most Portuguese would choose to become Spaniards.

Of course, Carlo would not force those who were genuinely unwilling to join Spain.

In any case, Spain had vast colonies in Africa. At worst, he could relocate these Portuguese to the African colonies and let them re-establish a Portugal there.

He believed they wouldn’t be so foolish as to not know what was good for them. After all, Portugal’s strength was clearly much weaker than Spain’s.

Furthermore, the forces within Portugal were not united. While some people certainly did not want to join Spain, there were others who were hopeful about the prospect.

What Carlo needed to do was to consolidate these Portuguese who were favorable towards Spain and willing to join, and through them, control all of Portugal.

A Spain that had integrated Portugal would become incredibly powerful. Whether facing Britain or France, Spain would be capable of holding its own.

A unified Iberian Peninsula would be impregnable. Even for super great powers like Britain, France, and Germany, invading the Iberian Peninsula would come at an enormous cost.

Chapter 362: The Portuguese Republic

Carlo’s plan to annex Portugal was quite complex. The first step was to make the Portuguese people lose faith in their government and royal family.

Next, he would have Portugal’s Republican Party overthrow the Portuguese royal family, abolish the monarchy and the nobility, and eliminate the forces that stood in the way of the Iberian Peninsula’s unification.

Subsequently, Pan-Iberianists would be cultivated throughout Portugal, gradually making the Portuguese people accept the idea of joining Spain.

The final step was to bring down the Portuguese republican government. When the Portuguese discovered that a republican government couldn’t save Portugal either, they would pin their hopes on the new idea of joining Spain to form a super great power that would make the other great powers tremble.

To deepen the Portuguese people’s disappointment in their government and in Britain, Carlo had the Spanish press extensively report on the British army’s actions within Portugal, detailing the casualties among Portuguese civilians caused by the British army’s indiscriminate attacks.

Besides causing an uproar within Portugal, these news reports also sparked considerable discussion across Europe.

To the people of other nations, Britain’s actions were a blatant interference in Portugal’s internal affairs, a case of a powerful nation bullying a weaker one.

Portuguese immigrants in Spain also voiced their opinions, stating that Britain had no right to interfere in Portugal’s internal affairs and that the British army’s various atrocities in Portugal would only intensify Portuguese hatred for Britain.

Countries with poor relations with Britain, such as Russia and France, also expressed their stances through various means.

The Russian government went so far as to announce it would donate a shipment of supplies to Portugal to help its people recover from the harm and suffering inflicted by the British army.

Suddenly, the British government became the target of public criticism. They had not expected their actions to suppress the rebellion would fail to win the support of the Portuguese people; instead, they had only deepened the people’s hatred for Britain.

In cities led by Porto, citizens held demonstrations not only with slogans against the government but also with banners protesting British atrocities, reminding the Portuguese people of the shame Britain had brought upon their country.

The Pink Map project of that era had stirred the entire nation of Portugal and was seen by the Portuguese as the hope for national revival.

It was their trusted ally, Britain, that had single-handedly shattered this hope, causing relations between Portugal and Britain to plummet to a new low.

The Portuguese people simply couldn’t understand how, as soon as Carlos I took the throne, Portugal had reverted to its former role as Britain’s lackey.

Demonstrations spontaneously organized by the populace were violently suppressed by the government. The Portuguese government had single-handedly created a situation of internal strife, causing immense casualties among the Portuguese people.

On June 1, 1892, the rebel army led by the Republican Party passed through Viseu and arrived smoothly in Porto, where they received a grand welcome from the local citizens.

The Republican Party quickly took control of the entire city of Porto and, on the day after their arrival, formally declared the establishment of the Portuguese Republic.

On June 2, the Republican Party published an article in their newspaper
titled “Establishing a Portuguese Republic Governed by the Portuguese Themselves.” The article fiercely criticized Carlos I and his appointed Prime Minister, João Franco, stating that it was their brutal rule that had led Portugal into such a dire situation.

The article also condemned the British intervention. The Republican Party asserted that this was Portugal’s domestic affair and that the British had no right and no reason to interfere in Portugal’s own matters.

The British army had caused enormous casualties among the Portuguese populace. Their actions within Portugal were brutal, barbaric, and bloody.

In light of the Portuguese government’s actions, the Republican Party had decided to establish a Portuguese Republic governed by the Portuguese themselves, to save Portugal and all Portuguese people mired in suffering.

As the article spread throughout Portugal, the Republican Party’s declaration garnered the support of many Portuguese citizens.

Cities such as Castelo Branco, Guarda, Viseu, Vila Real, Bragança, and Viana do Castelo responded to the Republican Party’s call one after another. They announced their allegiance to the Portuguese Republic established by the Republican Party, uniting to fight against the brutal and incompetent Portuguese dictatorial government.

This left Carlos I utterly dumbfounded. The original rebellion had escalated into a full-blown civil war, and the republic established by the Republican Party had received support from many cities.

On the government’s side, only Lisbon and its surrounding areas remained under control; other regions seemed to be slipping from its grasp.

Though Lisbon appeared impregnable, there were numerous undercurrents stirring within the city itself.

As the capital of Portugal, Lisbon was home to a large number of ambitious young people. Compared to the more undiscerning peasants, these youths had their own ideas and a better grasp of the national situation.

They could clearly see the problems within the Portuguese government and just how absurd its decisions were.

Several small-scale demonstrations had already broken out in Lisbon. However, because they were spontaneously organized by students and small in scale, the Portuguese government could still easily suppress them.

But it was clear that as the situation developed, these students were beginning to show a tendency to unite.

Once they organized and planned large-scale demonstrations like the Republican Party had, suppressing them would not be so easy.

Every suppression of a demonstration resulted in numerous casualties, and each act of violent suppression by the government only deepened the Portuguese people’s disappointment.

As things stood, the Portuguese government was on a path of no return. The Republican Party’s advantage would only grow, and the demise of the Portuguese monarchy seemed to be just a matter of time.

Faced with the slander from Spain and even many European nations, the British government was also in a tight spot.

The news reports were not wrong; the British army had indeed caused many Portuguese civilians to be injured or killed during the process of suppressing the rebellion.

But the British army was not entirely to blame. These Portuguese civilians were standing with the rebel forces. To eliminate the rebels, it was inevitable that some ordinary people would be caught in the crossfire.

Portugal’s plan for Britain was to forcefully suppress the rebel army. They couldn’t just let the rebels, who were destabilizing the country, go free simply because some civilians were standing with them.

To justify its intervention in Portugal, the British government first declared that it had been requested by the Portuguese government. It was only because the Portuguese government was unable to resolve the domestic chaos that Britain, as an ally, had no choice but to deploy its army to help restore peace.

At the same time, the British media began to report extensively on the supposed reasons for the outbreak of the rebellion.

Some media outlets even speculated that the Spaniards were behind the Republican Party. They argued that the Spaniards had orchestrated the Republican uprising to destabilize Portugal and then take advantage of the chaos to occupy the entire country.

As it turned out, their guess was correct.

Unfortunately for them, neither other European countries nor the Portuguese people believed Britain’s version of events.

First, it seemed unlikely that Spain would support the Republican Party.

The Republican Party was indeed the largest opposition party in Portugal, and they were incredibly zealous about overthrowing the current monarchical government.

The problem was, Spain was also a monarchy. The republic established by the Republican Party was fundamentally at odds with Spain. There was no hope of unification between the two nations, and the Republican Party was even less likely to abandon its party platform to support a monarchist country like Spain.

From this perspective, Spain was probably not the backer of the Republican Party.

More importantly, wasn’t it obvious to everyone how ineptly the Portuguese government had handled things?

The Republican Party initially lacked the capability to launch such a large-scale rebellion. It was the Portuguese government that had pushed people who originally supported the state over to the Republican side.

Switching from a neutral stance to a pro-British one was one thing, but with Britain itself being a constitutional monarchy, what was Carlos I thinking by trying to establish an absolute monarchy?

While there was nothing inherently wrong with an absolute monarchy, if the monarch was incompetent yet believed himself to be highly capable, it would only hasten the nation’s collapse.

Britain’s attempt to shift the blame failed, and Spain was in no mood to indulge them.

Spanish newspapers continuously reported on the conflict between Portugal and Britain arising from the Pink Map project, aiming to make the Portuguese people recall the time Britain single-handedly ruined their colonial ambitions.

And it must be said, such reports were indeed effective.

The Portuguese people’s hatred for Britain now burned as fiercely as their hopes for the Pink Map project had once soared.

If Britain had not destroyed Portugal’s colonial plans, Portugal could have, like Spain, achieved rapid development through its vast, contiguous African colonies.

Portugal’s colonies in East and West Africa were both substantial. If they could have been integrated, their value would have been no less than that of Spain’s Congo colony.

It was impossible not to dwell on such things. The moment the Portuguese thought of the Pink Map project, their hearts filled with endless sorrow.

On June 5, 1892, Carlo, in a joint statement with Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, publicly expressed their opinion on the Portuguese civil war.

Carlo stated that whether it was an internal rebellion or a civil war, it was the internal affair of each nation, and external countries should not forcibly interfere.

Forced intervention would only inflict greater pain on the nation in turmoil. Such an act was inhumane, barbaric, and violent.

This successive declaration by the three great powers was immediately republished by newspapers across Europe, putting the British government on high alert.

Britain had no allies, which immediately put it at a disadvantage in terms of diplomatic public opinion.

Moreover, Britain’s conduct in this matter was indeed improper.

To prevent Portugal from siding with Spain, Britain had gone so far as to use its army to help Portugal suppress the rebellion. But the Portuguese government was a lost cause, and by helping such a government, Britain had effectively positioned itself against the entire Portuguese people.

A just cause enjoys abundant support, while an unjust one finds little. The Portuguese government was the latter. It could not gain the help of any country other than Britain. Even its own people maintained a very negative attitude, with some even defecting to the republic.

The British government now found itself in a dilemma. If they continued to help Portugal suppress the rebellion, their international reputation would inevitably worsen.

But if they didn’t help, the Republican Party, with its current momentum, did not look like it was going to lose.

Although Portugal still had a large number of troops in its colonies, would they obey the Portuguese government’s orders? It was far from certain.

A closer look at the forces within Portugal revealed that the Republican Party had the backing of capitalists.

Why did the capitalists support the Republican Party? The reason was that the policies enacted by Carlos I had harmed their interests.

When Portugal and Spain were cooperating, these capitalists had earned a substantial income from the trade of goods between the two countries.

They had profited handsomely from importing large quantities of cheap Spanish industrial products, and their cooperation with Spain had allowed their wealth to multiply several times over in a short period.

But this did not last long. After Portugal severed its cooperation with Spain, these capitalists lost a huge source of income.

Although British industrial goods soon flooded the Portuguese market, the problem was that Portuguese capital had no say in the export of these goods.

British exports to Portugal relied entirely on sea transport, which was completely different from the land transport previously used by Spain.

Sea transport involved much higher time and transportation costs than land routes. Even if capitalists could ship goods from Britain by sea, they would earn far less than they did when purchasing goods from Spain.

Portugal’s development of its colonies, much like Spain’s, relied on its domestic nobility and capitalists.

The nobility would certainly side with the king. If the throne was lost, they would surely lose their noble titles as well.

But the capitalists were different. Capitalists were profit-driven; they would only consider the option most beneficial to them.

Never mind choosing between a monarchical government and a republican government; if they had to choose between Portugal and Spain, they would not hesitate to choose the more profitable one.

Compared to the current monarchical government, Portugal’s capitalists would certainly prefer the Republican Party.

With the support of these capitalists and the Republican Party, it was truly uncertain whose orders the troops in the colonies would follow.

While the British government was in a predicament, Carlo received a letter from his sister, Maria Pia.

Princess Maria Pia was the second daughter of King Vittorio Emanuele II of Italy and Carlo’s own sister.

She had married King Luís I of Portugal, and the current King Carlos I of Portugal was her son, making him Carlo’s nephew.

As the Queen Dowager of Portugal, Princess Maria Pia was naturally aware of the current chaos in the country.

What frightened Princess Maria Pia was that the Republican Party had already gained the upper hand in some regions. The Portuguese Republic they had established had won the support of many Portuguese citizens, which meant the foundations of Portugal’s monarchy had been shaken.

Looking at the history of overthrown monarchies in Europe, France was the most classic example.

Princess Maria Pia feared that the Portuguese royal family would be executed after the fall of the kingdom. Therefore, she pleaded for help from her own brother, the current King of Spain, Carlo.

Due to the international outcry caused by Britain’s intervention, Princess Maria Pia did not ask Carlo to intervene in the civil war. Instead, she asked him to preserve the Portuguese royal family’s bloodline in the event the monarchy was overthrown.

Princess Maria Pia was, of course, aware of the difference in ability between her son, Carlos I, and her late husband, Luís I.

Luís I’s capabilities were definitely above average. Although Portugal was also in decline under his rule, he had at least expanded its African colonies significantly.

If not for Britain’s forceful intervention, Portugal might have genuinely had a chance to integrate its colonies in East and West Africa and use their development to rapidly build up the country.

Precisely because the Pink Map project was forcibly sabotaged by Britain, the Portuguese people at the time were not overly dissatisfied with their government. Their hatred and resentment were all directed at the British government, which was why they were so resentful of Britain’s current interference in their domestic affairs.

Because a long time had passed since the Pink Map project and the subsequent colonial conflicts, Carlos I did not have a very clear understanding of the impact they had caused.

He thought that Portugal under his rule could still freely choose between Britain and Spain, just as it had under his father’s rule.

But in reality, from the moment Britain forcibly wrecked Portugal’s Pink Map project, the most basic foundation for cooperation between the two countries had been lost.

If not for the threat of Spain, the alliance between Portugal and Britain would have been impossible to maintain.

And the reason this alliance was maintained was not because of any great friendship, but because both Britain and Portugal needed such a treaty to guard against Spain’s potential annexation of Portugal.

Carlos I had clearly failed to grasp the priorities.

Portugal could only find good opportunities for development by vacillating between Spain and Britain. Once it chose a side decisively, it was bound to face strong pressure from the other.

Although Britain was indeed the stronger power, Spain was much closer to Portugal.

The moment Carlos I chose to align with Britain, it essentially meant that a stable situation in Portugal could no longer be maintained.

After reading the letter from his sister, Princess Maria Pia, Carlo immediately wrote a reply.

In his reply, Carlo promised his sister that he would do everything in his power to ensure the continuation of the Portuguese royal family’s bloodline.

Carlo also suggested that if the situation in Portugal truly became irreversible, some members of the Portuguese royal family could come to Spain under the pretext of a diplomatic visit.

They would be well protected in Spain, and it would not be too late for them to return to Portugal after the matter was resolved.

Although Carlo was not fond of his nephew, Carlos I, he had no complaints about his sister, Maria Pia.

He wouldn’t mind them taking refuge in Spain for a short period, or even living there long-term.

After all, the Spanish royal family had more money than they could spend. A slight increase in expenses for his family would have no impact on Carlo whatsoever.

Chapter 363: The Civil War Ends

As it turned out, although Britain was powerful in this era, it had indeed made too many enemies around the world.

When Spain, along with the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy, issued a call for neutrality in the Portuguese civil war, the British found themselves in an awkward position.

France and Russia, who were not on good terms with Britain, were quick to kick someone when they were down. Although they did not say so explicitly, they more or less condemned Britain’s interference in the Portuguese conflict.

The only great power that did not take a stance was Germany. Unlike during World War I, relations between Germany and Britain were still relatively amicable at this time.

Queen Victoria’s husband, Prince Albert, came from the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, a family from the German lands, which contributed to the friendly relations between the two nations.

Before German unification, Britain had always sided with Prussia. Even after unification, relations between Britain and Germany did not sour.

After all, France was still ostensibly very powerful, and the threat Germany posed to Britain in terms of colonial expansion was far less than that of France. This was another reason why Anglo-German relations had not deteriorated.

Although Germany had begun to prioritize the development of its navy, at its current construction speed, it would take several years for its fleet to reach the level of Italy or Spain, let alone surpass naval powers like France and Britain.

Seeing its international reputation plummet due to its interference in the Portuguese civil war, the British government finally decided to abandon its intervention and withdraw its troops from Portugal.

At the same time, to salvage its reputation, the British government decided to compensate the Portuguese civilians who had been accidentally harmed by the British army.

Although this could not mend the hearts of the Portuguese, which had been broken by Britain, it could at least save its international prestige.

Without British support, the Portuguese government quickly found itself at a disadvantage in the face of the Republican Party’s fierce offensive.

To make matters worse, before the Portuguese government could mobilize troops from its colonies, the Republican Party had already orchestrated several large-scale rebellions and uprisings there.

Large swathes of the Portuguese West African Colony fell under Republican control. If the Portuguese government wanted to bring in troops from its colonies, it could only look to the more distant East African Colony.

In July 1892, the revitalized Portuguese Republic engaged in a fierce battle with the forces of the Kingdom of Portugal in Coimbra.

Having won the support of the common people, the Republic mobilized a massive army. They seized the arsenals in Porto and the surrounding areas. Amassing a wide assortment of weapons, they managed to muster an army of over twenty thousand men.

Combined with the troops who had originally participated in the uprising, the number of soldiers under the control of the Portuguese Republic now exceeded thirty thousand.

On the side of the Kingdom of Portugal, the army on paper numbered over forty thousand, more than the forces of the Portuguese Republic.

The problem, however, was that these troops were needed to garrison the border with Spain, leaving fewer than thirty thousand actually available for deployment.

The battle at Coimbra drew the attention of many European nations, and it ultimately ended in a victory for the Portuguese Republic.

Although the Kingdom of Portugal possessed more elite troops, their fighting spirit was no match for the Republican army’s.

The Republican Party had a clear platform: they wanted to build a nation truly run by the Portuguese people and to escape the ignorant rule of the king.

Empowered by this ideology, the combat effectiveness of the Portuguese Republic’s army far surpassed that of the Kingdom’s forces, which ultimately caused the scales of victory to tip in the Republic’s favor.

After the Battle of Coimbra, the Kingdom of Portugal was effectively the weaker party.

Carlo’s sister, Princess Maria Pia, contacted him again, seeking asylum in Spain.

Carlo sent a telegram to the Spanish Ambassador to Portugal, instructing the embassy to provide refuge to the Portuguese royal family when necessary and ensure their safe transfer to Spain.

Embassies had a certain number of guards. Although not a large force, it was sufficient to ensure the safety of the Portuguese royal family.

After all, the Republican Party understood who was behind their victory; they would not turn on Spain without provocation.

Having received Carlo’s guarantee of safety once more, Princess Maria Pia was finally able to rest easy.

At this time, the government of the Kingdom of Portugal had fallen into chaos. Prime Minister João Franco, who had been deeply trusted by Carlos I, was dismissed by the king not long ago and replaced with an unknown successor.

This new prime minister clearly lacked any great ability. He could only gather the troops around Lisbon in an attempt to protect the Portuguese capital and prevent Republican forces from penetrating further south.

It was unclear if the Republican Party was in a hurry, but the people of Lisbon certainly were.

After this series of events, nearly all Portuguese people were disillusioned with the current kingdom’s government and the king.

Many Portuguese saw the recently established Portuguese Republic in Porto as a new hope for the nation’s rise.

They could hardly wait to welcome the rule of the Portuguese Republic and sweep the corrupt, autocratic, brutal, and ignorant Kingdom of Portugal into the dustbin of history.

On July 12, 1892, large-scale riots erupted in Portugal’s capital, Lisbon.

Thousands of Lisbon’s citizens organized themselves, attacking the building that housed the Cabinet government and even nearly breaching the Royal Palace.

This turmoil terrified Carlos I. He finally heeded his mother’s advice and chose to flee to Spain for temporary refuge while the situation was still somewhat controllable.

While the army of the Kingdom of Portugal was still bravely resisting, King Carlos I of Portugal was already packing his bags to flee.

Although the troops on the front lines were unaware of their king’s cowardice, the Cabinet government personally appointed by Carlos I was well aware.

Since the king himself wanted to run, there was no need for them to put up a determined resistance.

After all, the Republican Party was opposed to the monarchical government. For the Cabinet members who were not noblemen, republicanism didn’t pose any significant disadvantage.

They could even join the Republican Party and continue to serve as high-ranking officials in the Portuguese government under a new identity.

The ones who couldn’t escape were the king and the nobility. Once the kingdom ceased to exist, their throne and noble titles would be abolished.

Compared to the king, the Portuguese nobility had a much stronger resolve to resist the Republican advance.

The problem was that the Portuguese nobility had not experienced a large-scale war for decades, and their military competence was an absolute mess.

Despite their lofty military ranks, their abilities in military affairs were inferior to even an ordinary graduate of the Spanish Royal Military Academy.

For these nobles, farming and collecting rent were their strong suits. Marching and fighting were alien concepts to them; they would rather discuss which nobleman’s mistress was more charming.

On July 19, 1892, the Portuguese capital, Lisbon, was officially captured.

The day before Lisbon fell, King Carlos I and his entire family were put on a ship to Barcelona by the Spanish embassy, allowing them to travel to Spain safely.

When the Republicans stormed the Royal Palace, they were astonished to find it completely empty.

However, this might have been good news for the Republican Party, as dealing with the royal family would have been a rather troublesome issue.

The French revolutionaries had radically sent King Louis XVI to the Guillotine, which caused a huge uproar throughout Europe and ultimately led to the formation of the Anti-French Coalition.

Most of the great powers at the time were monarchies. A blatant massacre of European royalty would only provoke an alarm, or even retaliation, from all European nations.

Whether the Portuguese royal family lived or died was no longer important to the Portuguese Republic. As long as they controlled Lisbon, they were the sole legitimate government of Portugal.

As long as they had the support of the Portuguese people, no one could overthrow their rule.

With the Portuguese royal family having fled to Spain, Portugal officially entered its republican era.

As the Portuguese Republic took control of the situation in Portugal, the biggest change it brought was the country’s shift from the pro-British faction to its original neutral faction.

Though nominally neutral, the Portuguese Republic was, in reality, more inclined towards Spain.

However, considering that leaning towards Spain immediately after the Republic’s founding would make other countries suspect that Spain was indeed the backer of the Republican Party, they feigned neutrality in the early stages.

Of course, being close to Spain was one thing, but getting the Portuguese Republic to fully align with Spain was basically impossible.

After all, the Portuguese Republican Party was not foolish. They would not turn Portugal into a Spanish puppet right after establishing the republic.

The Portuguese Republican Party’s vision was to establish a republic run by the Portuguese people, and they had immense ambitions of their own.

They might lean towards Spain for the sake of their own development, but they would never become Spain’s puppet.

In any case, Portugal becoming a republic was a good thing for Carlo. The nobles who most wanted to maintain Portugal’s independent status had been eliminated, and the remaining commoners were, to Spain, people who could be assimilated.

By August 1892, the border railway between Spain and Portugal reopened. On the very first day, a large volume of goods was transported to Portugal by train.

The Portuguese people were delighted to find that they could once again buy goods from Spain at various marketplaces.

Whether it was grain, vegetables, fruits, or various industrial products, the transportation costs were relatively low due to the close proximity of Portugal and Spain.

Coupled with the low tariffs from the cooperation between Portugal and Spain, this meant that Spanish goods were cheaper for the Portuguese than British ones.

British goods took longer to transport to Portugal and were subject to higher tariffs, so capitalists naturally couldn’t sell them at the same price.

Being able to enjoy cheap Spanish goods again was undoubtedly a good thing for the Portuguese people.

While the Portuguese rejoiced at the return of Spanish goods, in Spain, Carlo was already receiving his relatives.

After many years, Carlo was finally reunited with his sister, Princess Maria Pia.

One had to admit how quickly time passed. When they last met, both Carlo and Princess Maria Pia were young. Now, Princess Maria Pia had visibly aged.

Carlo’s nephew (sister’s son), Carlos I, was around the same age as Carlo, which also gave an indication of just how old Carlo’s sister Maria Pia was.

After arriving in Spain, the whole family of the Portuguese royalty was quite affectionate towards Carlo.

They had little choice. The Portuguese throne was now lost, and if Carlo had not protected them during the turmoil in Portugal, they might not even have been able to guarantee their own safety.

Although Carlos I suspected that his own uncle had orchestrated the Portuguese Republican Party’s uprising, he would never dare to voice such an unsubstantiated claim.

Since they were his relatives, Carlo arranged for a luxurious manor for the Portuguese royal family, along with Portuguese chefs and some personal servants.

Compared to Carlos I, who had just lost his throne, his mother, Princess Maria Pia, was in noticeably better spirits.

Although she had lost the Portuguese throne, her own House of Savoy was not affected.

For Princess Maria Pia, who had lost her husband, being reunited with her younger brother was one of the few warm moments in her life.

Ever since she had married into the Portuguese royal family, her opportunities to see her own family had become much rarer.

Thinking back, the last time she had seen Carlo was at the funeral of her father, Vittorio Emanuele II.

For the siblings, who had a reasonably good relationship, this was a joyous reunion.

On the day the Portuguese royal family arrived in Spain, Carlo held a small welcome banquet for them.

The reason it was small was that the royal family’s flight to seek refuge was not a glorious affair. To put it bluntly, the Portuguese royal family had abandoned their own country to seek asylum in Spain, an act considered shameful by European nobility.

Carlo’s friendly attitude towards the Portuguese royal family put them at ease; at least their life in Spain could still be vibrant and colorful.

Carlo was also very generous with these relatives.

Not only did he gift each of them the latest car from the Benz Automobile Company, but he also gave them a large sum of money to spend as they pleased.

Frankly, Carlo had indeed engineered their misfortune. Although they didn’t know it, compensating them in some ways made his actions seem a little less malicious.

On the second day after the Portuguese royal family arrived in Spain, Carlo invited them to watch a Spanish bullfighting performance, which earned high praise from all of them.

Although Portugal had similar bullfighting performances, they were far inferior to those in Spain, both in scale and in popularity among the people.

Chapter 364: Warship Orders and Cola Development

During their time in Spain, the Portuguese royal family first toured the country’s urban construction before visiting a battleship construction site.

Princess Maria Pia marveled at Spain’s rapid development. The last time she had visited Spain, Madrid had not been nearly as prosperous as it was now.

According to the Spanish officials hosting them, Madrid’s population was now close to 1.1 million, making it the most populous city on the entire Iberian Peninsula.

To put this into perspective, the entire population of Portugal was less than five million. Madrid alone, a single city, held more than one-fifth of Portugal’s population, a testament to the vast disparity between Spain and Portugal.

Losing the Portuguese throne might have been a blessing in disguise for Princess Maria Pia. Without it, her family remained prominent nobles in Europe, closely related to both the Italian and Spanish royal families. It would be no problem at all for them to live out the rest of their lives in affluence.

However, Carlos I, who had once tasted the sweetness of the throne, did not share this view. He believed the Republican Party’s rebellion in Portugal had been too sudden and that they had only managed to seize power because the Portuguese government was completely unprepared.

He believed that as long as he could obtain support from external powers, the monarchy in Portugal could be restored, and the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha could return to power.

Carlos I was quite confident about reclaiming the throne. His two maternal uncles were the kings of Spain and Italy, respectively, and both nations were great powers in Europe with considerable strength.

Furthermore, the Portuguese royal family belonged to the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, an illustrious family that also controlled the thrones of Belgium and Bulgaria.

With additional help from Britain, defeating the small Portuguese Republican Party seemed like it would be child’s play.

After witnessing the strength of Spain’s economy and industry, Carlos I eagerly made a request to his maternal uncle, Carlo, hoping his uncle would help him reclaim the throne.

Carlo did not explicitly refuse Carlos I’s request.

After all, Carlo had no real reason to refuse, and a decisive rejection would have made it seem as though he had ulterior motives regarding the turmoil in Portugal.

Of course, Carlo would not express any clear support either.

Spain had previously declared its neutrality in the Portuguese unrest. Carlo could not go back on his word, much less violate the terms of his own declaration.

Having failed to receive a clear sign of support from Carlo, Carlos I felt a pang of disappointment. He could also sense Carlo’s coldness toward him, as if they were complete strangers.

For Carlo, this was indeed the case. Before this meeting, he had never even met his nephew, Carlos I.

Compared to Spain’s national interests, such familial ties were not that important. Moreover, Carlos I had already chosen Britain over Spain, so Carlo naturally saw no need to consider their kinship.

If annexing Portugal could make Spain stronger, Carlo would do so without hesitation.

As for Carlos I and his family, if they knew what was good for them, Carlo would ensure they lived the rest of their lives comfortably.

But if they did not, they would become his enemies, and he would no longer need to consider their feelings.

Realizing that gaining Spain’s support was now a hopeless endeavor, Carlos I felt there was no longer any need to remain in Spain.

A week after his arrival, he bid farewell to Carlo, planning to head east to Italy to seek the support of his other maternal uncle, Umberto I.

This also provided an opportunity for Princess Maria Pia to return to Italy. She could pay respects to her father, Vittorio Emanuele II, and also visit most of her relatives in Victoria.

Carlo naturally did not stop them. He arranged for a luxurious liner and sent the entire family off to Italy.

Regarding the Portuguese royal family seeking refuge in Spain, Carlo did not prohibit Spanish newspapers from reporting on the matter.

For one, sheltering the royal family of a neighboring country could enhance the prestige of the Spanish royal family. Although most European countries were monarchies, some of their kings could not guarantee the stability of their own thrones.

In the future, should they encounter a crisis, they too could seek refuge in a great power like Spain. For those European monarchs with insecure thrones, this was undoubtedly a good thing.

Sure enough, as news of this spread through newspapers across Europe, Spain’s acceptance of the Portuguese royal family earned praise from the European nobility.

Although this boost in reputation brought Carlo no tangible benefits, it could play an unexpected role under certain circumstances.

As time moved into August of 1892, Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire reached a new agreement.

The agreement concerned the navy, its main provision being the purchase of three battleships by the Austro-Hungarian Empire from Spain.

Ever since the Theory of Sea Power gained currency throughout Europe, the great powers had begun to place an unparalleled level of importance on naval construction.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was no exception. It possessed a not-insignificant coastline and naturally wished to develop its own navy.

But capital ships were evolving rapidly. The era of the ironclad was over, and every European nation was developing its own battleships.

In terms of warship design and construction, the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s capabilities were inferior to those of Italy and Spain.

Considering the risk of Italy blockading their coastline, having their capital ships built by Italy would likely increase that risk. Therefore, the Austro-Hungarian Empire approached Spain, intending to purchase the currently renowned Monarch-class battleships.

Of course, Spain’s progress in battleship development was another reason why the Austro-Hungarian Empire had its eye on the Monarch-class.

Because the Monarch-class battleships represented an all-around improvement over ironclads, the cost of such a vessel was also quite high.

According to cost estimates from the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard and the Valencia United Shipyard, the construction cost of a single Monarch-class battleship was approximately 20.75 million pesetas. The internal price the shipyards offered the Spanish government was as high as 22.5 million pesetas.

For the Austro-Hungarian Empire to purchase Monarch-class battleships, they would certainly have to pay a higher price. After multiple rounds of negotiations between their diplomatic delegations, the final sale price for each Monarch-class battleship was set at 23.25 million pesetas.

The Spanish shipyards would only make a profit of 2.5 million pesetas per battleship—about one hundred thousand pounds—which was indeed quite a favorable price.

After all, one had to consider the current scarcity of battleships. Although it seemed that every European nation was quietly building them, in reality, only Britain, France, and Spain were capable of constructing them for the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Germany and Italy might also have been able to build battleships, but their own navies did not yet possess any, so they could not possibly spare the capacity to build them for Austria-Hungary.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire ordered three battleships at once, ensuring that the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard and the Valencia United Shipyard would not be short of orders for years to come.

Taking the Spanish Navy’s own construction schedule into account, Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire agreed that work on the first of the three battleships would officially begin at the end of the year, with completion expected by mid-1894.

Construction of the remaining two battleships would begin within 1893 and be completed before 1895.

According to this schedule, the three battleships could enter service with the Austro-Hungarian Navy as early as 1896, and at the latest by 1897.

This schedule could not be called fast, but it was by no means slow.

After all, the French had been working on their own battleship for several years, and it had yet to enter service. Austria-Hungary would acquire its battleships not long after the other great powers, so maintaining its status as a naval power would not be an issue.

Yes, the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s naval construction plan consisted of only these three battleships.

Austria-Hungary could build the remaining small and medium-sized auxiliary warships domestically. Together, these warships would be enough to keep the Austro-Hungarian Navy ranked among the top eight in the world.

As for a higher naval ranking, that was not something the Austro-Hungarian Empire was pursuing.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire’s primary adversary and competitor was Russia, whose army was extremely powerful. Austria-Hungary had to focus on developing its army to counter the threat posed by Russia.

In naval terms, with Italy as an ally, the Austro-Hungarian navy was not as critical.

After all, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had no overseas colonies; its cornerstone holdings were limited to its territories at home, such as Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary.

For the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the need for a strong army truly outweighed the need for a navy, making it a special case among the major European powers.

Germany had been in a similar situation, but as its overseas colonies grew and its national strength increased, its need for a navy was also constantly expanding.

The order from the Austro-Hungarian Empire was also Spain’s only order for battleships.

There was no helping it. Nations that needed battleships generally had the ability to build them, while those that lacked that ability did not have a great need for them.

Take Portugal, for example. Even if Portugal bought one or two battleships, it would not be enough to elevate its naval strength into the world’s top eight.

Once two battleships entered service, the annual military expenditure for the navy would increase dramatically. One or two battleships would not make a significant difference, yet would require huge sums to operate and maintain. For a small or medium-sized country, this was clearly not a cost-effective deal.

Italy was perhaps the country most likely to purchase battleships from Spain, but King Umberto I clearly had greater ambitions. He rejected the Navy’s request to buy warships from Spain, stating that Italy should develop its own shipbuilding industry and possess the ability to build its own battleships rather than buying them from other countries.

Italy’s major naval shipyards were also developing their own battleships. According to intelligence reports from the National Security Intelligence Agency, it seemed that Italian battleships were already under construction.

However, compared to Spain, Italy’s progress was much slower. It would be an achievement if Italy’s first battleship could be completed by the end of 1893. It probably wouldn’t be commissioned until 1894 or even 1895, which was around the same time the battleships Spain was building for Austria-Hungary would enter service.

It was worth noting that Spain was building multiple battleships simultaneously, which was why the service dates for some ships had been pushed back to 1895.

This also demonstrated Spain’s current naval construction experience. Thanks to several previous naval development plans, Spain’s naval shipyards had indeed reached a considerable level of competence.

As summer arrived in 1892, the Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola companies that Carlo had previously established became the biggest beneficiaries of the season.

According to a recent report from Steward Loren, the two companies had become the most famous beverage enterprises in Spain. They had sponsored bullfighting competitions in various cities, bundling their products with tickets and winning the favor of many spectators.

In the city of Madrid alone, daily cola sales reached as high as two hundred thousand bottles.

The cost of a cup of cola had dropped to about 0.12 pesetas, and the selling price had been reduced to 0.2 pesetas per cup, making it affordable for almost everyone.

Even with a profit of only 0.08 pesetas per cup, sales in Madrid alone for a single day generated total revenues of over forty thousand pesetas, with a net profit of sixteen thousand pesetas.

While sixteen thousand pesetas might not seem like much, this was for just one city in one day. Although summer was the peak sales season, sales in other seasons still exceeded one hundred thousand bottles, a considerable volume.

Currently, in Madrid alone, the combined annual net profit of the two cola companies exceeded three million pesetas.

Expanding the scope to all of Spain, their combined net profit had already surpassed twelve million pesetas, equivalent to a 7,000-ton cruiser.

And that wasn’t all. Cola, a beverage with a unique flavor and texture, was bound to be popular among the younger generation.

In this era, there were no other similar drinks, nor was there any common knowledge that carbonated beverages were unhealthy.

For most young people, having a glass of ice-cold cola on a scorching summer day was an unimaginably joyous experience.

For this very reason, Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola were also warmly welcomed in the international market.

Both companies had set up branches in countries like Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia, pushing their products into Europe and even across the globe.

Naturally, the United States also had branches of both cola companies. It was worth mentioning that similar drinks had also emerged in the United States, just not under the names Coca-Cola or Pepsi-Cola.

To the two cola companies, which had already become behemoths, the local look-alike beverage companies in the United States were nothing more than tiny ants.

Through price competition, the two cola companies quickly conquered the majority of the American beverage market, successfully driving the local copycat companies into bankruptcy.

Although these branches in different countries had various partnerships with local capitalists and nobles, the headquarters of the two cola companies still held nearly half of the shares.

While the companies’ annual income of over twelve million pesetas in Spain was already astounding, the income from foreign markets was actually even greater.

Revenue from foreign markets had already exceeded twenty-five million pesetas, bringing the total annual net income for the Spanish royal family from the two companies to an astonishing thirty-seven million pesetas.

Of course, since they were two cola companies with different flavors, competition was inevitable.

In the Spanish market, Coca-Cola, which was fizzier, was more popular. For every one hundred bottles of cola sold in Spain, at least sixty were from the Coca-Cola Company.

Of course, the remaining nearly forty bottles were all from the Pepsi-Cola Company.

Under the price competition of these two beverage giants, even if other similar cola companies were founded, they were destined not to last long in a price war.

Chapter 365: Population and Economic Development

The fact that the cola industry alone brought the royal family a net income of thirty-seven million pesetas annually showed just how damn rich the current Spanish royal family was.

To say the Spanish royal family was as rich as a nation was no exaggeration. Although their income couldn’t compare to that of the great powers, it would rank at least in the top five among the non-great power nations.

As the end of 1892 approached, Loren reported to Carlo the estimated total annual income for the Spanish royal family.

The total income from all royal enterprises reached a staggering 387 million pesetas, equivalent to 15.48 million pounds.

The most profitable enterprise was the Royal Joint Bank, whose annual profits had exceeded seventy-two million pesetas, making it the leading enterprise in Spain with the most assets and the highest income.

Following closely behind was the Royal Benz Automobile Company.

Over the past decade, the automobile industry had undergone tremendous changes.

The most obvious change was the reduction in car prices. When automobiles were first invented, the cost of each vehicle was as high as twelve thousand pesetas.

This forced the selling price up to fifteen thousand pesetas, as the car factory needed a continuous stream of income to expand production, research, and develop new technologies.

After a decade of development, under the assembly line production model, the cost of each car had dropped significantly.

Currently, the cost of a car produced in Spain could be controlled at around 4,200 pesetas, less than a third of the original cost.

Thanks to the extremely low manufacturing costs, the selling price of each car in the Spanish market had also dropped to around 6,500 pesetas.

Although the price was still high for most commoners, cars were no longer the exclusive domain of the rich. Many in the middle class could, with some effort, afford to buy a car of their own.

Of course, commoner families could also wait a bit longer.

Car prices were still continuously decreasing, while Spain’s average annual income was constantly rising. The day when commoners could afford cars was not far off.

To date, the total sales of Mercedes-Benz cars launched by the Benz Automobile Company had surpassed three hundred thousand units and were marching toward the five hundred thousand milestone.

As the economies of various countries gradually prospered, car sales soared, which was why the Royal Benz Automobile Company’s income was so stable.

In the Spanish market alone, thousands of cars were sold each year. Based on the current net profit of 2,300 pesetas per car, the Spanish market brought in nearly ten million pesetas for the Royal Benz Automobile Company.

Besides being responsible for sales in the Spanish market, the Royal Benz Automobile Company also handled sales in Russia, Portugal, and some smaller European countries.

The combined sales from these countries also generated an annual income of nearly ten million pesetas.

Adding the sales from branches established in the great powers, the Royal Benz Automobile Company’s total annual income reached sixty-five million pesetas and was still growing.

The combined income of the Royal Joint Bank and the Royal Benz Automobile Company alone was a staggering 137 million pesetas.

This goes to show just how profitable monopolies are; it’s no exaggeration to say it was as if money grew on trees.

The Spanish royal family’s immense wealth was, in fact, due to achieving monopolies in many industries. However, Carlo was not a capitalist in the true sense. While the royal enterprises made money, they also returned a portion of the profits to the workers and the public.

The continuous growth of Spain’s average annual income was inextricably linked to the rising incomes of employees in royal enterprises.

As of the beginning of this year, Spain’s average annual income was around 248 pesetas. This figure seemed low, mainly because the large number of peasants in Spain pulled down the average.

The annual income of the working class had already exceeded 320 pesetas, and the average annual income for most employees of royal enterprises was over 360 pesetas. This was why most Spaniards were eager to join royal-affiliated companies.

And this was just for ordinary workers. For outstanding skilled workers, they could earn several hundred or even a thousand pesetas a year in any factory.

Some of the top skilled workers at the Royal Benz Automobile Company had an average income as high as 860 pesetas, several times the current Spanish national average.

This also revealed one thing: the average annual income calculated by the Spanish government was not entirely accurate and was likely lower than the actual level.

This was indeed the case. Spain had a peasant population of over ten million, and their income was difficult to estimate.

Their income was linked not only to the grain production of the year but also to the grain prices. The sale of grain also depended on the peasants’ willingness. It was this uncountable peasant population that kept the government’s official average annual income at a relatively low level.

If only the working class were counted, Spain’s average annual income would rise to over 350 pesetas, and likely even higher.

Although the government’s statistics on average annual income were not precise, they were still adequate for identifying the population in need of poverty assistance.

The royal family spent tens of millions of pesetas annually just on subsidies for the poor. Carlo also had the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau monitor the allocation of these funds to ensure the money truly reached those who needed it.

Thanks to the royal family’s subsidies for the poor, coupled with the prosperity of the domestic economy, the standard of living for Spaniards was improving steadily. Being well-fed and clothed was no longer a dream but a reality for most commoner families.

Some families had even moved beyond material needs, caring more for spiritual and recreational enjoyment.

To put it simply, their pursuits had shifted from basic necessities to entertainment and leisure, which included tourism and watching bullfighting matches.

Madrid and Barcelona welcomed large numbers of tourists every year. These two flourishing twin stars were the dream destinations for most Spaniards.

Besides these two massive metropolises, the most popular destinations for Spaniards were cities and scenic spots with diverse landscapes.

Spain still had many beautiful coastlines, which were highly sought after by Spaniards, attracting a large number of visitors every summer.

Thanks to the vigorous construction efforts of the Department of Transportation, Spain’s domestic transportation environment was far better than before.

Railways connected not just the provincial capitals, but also covered cities of a certain size.

In addition to railways, Spain’s roads also extended to all cities. With such a comprehensive transportation infrastructure, the mobility of the Spanish population reached an unprecedented peak.

Of course, the only beneficiaries of this population flow were Madrid and Barcelona.

If the Cabinet had not decided to limit Madrid’s population after discussion, the city’s population would probably be heading towards 1.5 million.

Even with the population cap, Madrid’s population still stood at 1.2 million, making it Spain’s undisputed number one city.

Barcelona had also been catching up frantically in recent years and had now become the second city in Spain with a population of over one million.

Compared to Madrid with its population restrictions, Barcelona’s population growth was unrestricted.

This led to the Barcelona municipal government’s ambitious development plan: they aimed to surpass Madrid within five years to become Spain’s industrial, economic, and maritime hub.

Judging by Barcelona’s current population growth trend, it was hopeful that its population could surpass Madrid’s not just in five years, but perhaps even within three.

Of course, no matter how much Barcelona developed, it could never replace Madrid’s importance as the capital.

Madrid is located in the heart of the entire Iberian Peninsula. Regardless of whether Spain annexes Portugal in the future, Madrid remains the most strategically important city on the Iberian Peninsula.

Even if Barcelona becomes highly developed industrially and economically, it can only be the second most important city, subordinate to Madrid.

However, there was no need for Barcelona and Madrid to compete. Both were special municipalities of Spain, and there were no conflicts in their development; they could even work hand in hand.

Below these two cities, the third most populous city in Spain was Seville, the capital of Andalusia province.

Although Andalusia had the largest population among all of Spain’s provincial administrative divisions, its capital, Seville, had a population of just over four hundred thousand.

Fortunately, the population scale of other Spanish cities was also quite limited. While there was no hope of catching up to Madrid and Barcelona, Seville could still maintain its position as number three.

When the tram was first introduced, the Spanish government intended to establish tram lines in several larger cities.

But after the pilot projects in Madrid and Barcelona, the Cabinet government quickly dismissed the idea.

It was extremely difficult for such a public-welfare-oriented form of public transport to turn a profit.

Madrid and Barcelona were both mega-cities with populations in the millions, yet their tram systems couldn’t achieve profitability, let alone other cities.

Because of this, only Madrid and Barcelona had tram services in all of Spain.

Seville might be the third, but at least in the short term, there was no hope for it to get a tram system.

As the end of 1892 approached, according to data reported by the Spanish government, the total population of mainland Spain reached 28.6 million.

For the past decade, Spain’s annual population growth had been quite stable, with a total increase of over eight million people in ten years.

At this rate of population growth, it was estimated that by 1895, Spain’s total population could reach over thirty million.

Thirty million people was not a small number in Europe. Once the population reached thirty million, Spain would not be at a significant disadvantage compared to other European great powers, whether in future wars or its own development.

If the immigrants of Spanish descent living in the colonies were included, Spain’s total population would exceed twenty-nine million.

However, the government would omit these colonial immigrants in its statistics, counting only the mainland population to reduce the statistical burden.

To date, population counts in all countries could only be accurate to the nearest ten thousand. More precise figures were impossible to obtain.

This led to significant errors in population statistics, with no truly accurate number available.

Fortunately, Spain’s population statistics were relatively accurate, with the margin of error generally not exceeding ten thousand people, mainly influenced by deaths and migration.

The year 1892 was an extremely important one for Spain.

Not only did the population experience a significant increase this year, but industry also saw relatively rapid development.

Around 1890, Spain’s annual steel production was only 521,000 tons, which was already quite impressive at the time.

According to the steel production data released by various governments back then, Spain’s steel production ranked fifth in the world, behind only Great Britain, the United States, Germany, and France, and was on par with the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Two years later, for the full year of 1892, Spain’s steel production had reached 721,300 tons.

Although this output still ranked fifth in the world, it had widened the gap with the Austro-Hungarian Empire and was not far behind France’s steel production.

Currently, Spain’s total industrial scale was also roughly in the fifth-place range in the world, slightly ahead of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and slightly behind France.

This was the fruit of over twenty years of development. The naval shipbuilding program had also effectively stimulated the growth of steel production; after all, the steel armor plating on battleships was all cast from genuine steel.

A single battleship weighed over ten thousand tons—in other words, tens of thousands of tons of steel.

The few battleships built by the naval shipyards alone contributed a significant increase to Spain’s steel production.

Not to mention the impact from other industries. This was why Spain’s industry could grow rapidly without negatively affecting its economy.

Spain’s steel production grew according to domestic demand, not through blind expansion.

Although this demand-driven production method slowed the rapid growth of steel output, it also made Spain’s economy extremely stable.

Even if another economic crisis were to occur, its impact on Spain would not be too great.

After all, Spain’s industrial development was built on a solid foundation. The stock market vetted companies applying for public listing, preventing shell corporations from going public so easily.

The popular stocks on the Spanish stock market were industrial enterprises with tangible assets or financial enterprises with official backing.

Such companies were more resilient to the shocks of an economic crisis and less likely to go bankrupt.

Coupled with the help of the Spanish government, it could be said that Spain was not currently afraid of an economic crisis, and it was impossible for one to break out domestically.

An economic crisis that spread from other countries to Spain would be nothing more than a simple test for Spain’s various enterprises.

Chapter 366: The South African Dispute

The Austro-Hungarian Empire’s purchase of battleships from Spain ultimately triggered a naval arms race that swept across all of Europe.

Germany and Italy also had plans to build battleships. France and Russia, naturally, were not to be outdone; they too announced their own battleship construction plans.

As for Britain, it went without saying. They built battleships faster than anyone else and currently possessed the largest number of them.

This naval arms race engulfing Europe did not capture Carlo’s attention, because in distant South Africa, the conflict between the British colonizers and the Boers seemed to have reached an irreconcilable point.

It had to be admitted that after the failure of Portugal’s Pink Map project, the Boers’ situation in South Africa had worsened considerably.

Britain’s colonial territory had suddenly expanded to the southern part of the Congo region. Combined with Portugal’s colony of Mozambique, this completely encircled the Boers, leaving only a small coastal area in the eastern Transvaal Republic that could still communicate with the outside world through its port.

As British colonies continued to expand, the Boers’ living space was continually compressed. What was more fatal was the constant discovery of various precious mineral resources in the areas where the Boers lived, which attracted the covetous eyes of even more British colonizers.

As early as three years ago, in 1890, to deal with the continuous influx of British colonizers, the Transvaal government had announced that all foreign nationals living in Johannesburg were required to pay full taxes.

However, these foreign nationals who paid their full taxes did not have the right to vote in presidential or legislative elections unless they had resided in the Transvaal for fourteen years and acquired citizenship of the Transvaal Republic.

Furthermore, all foreign nationals who had not obtained citizenship of the Transvaal Republic were barred from holding public office. The children of these expatriates could not attend government-funded schools, nor could they enjoy the medical subsidies issued by the Transvaal, and so on.

As soon as these regulations were promulgated, they immediately drew the dissatisfaction of the British colonizers. Because the Transvaal was almost entirely surrounded by British colonies, the majority of the colonizers there were British.

To put it bluntly, the regulations of the Transvaal Republic were primarily aimed at the British.

How could the British possibly accept such blatant targeting?

To retaliate, the British colonies, led by the Cape Colony, increased tariffs on the Transvaal Republic and embargoed certain resources that were scarce in the Transvaal.

The Transvaal Republic refused to back down. They immediately raised tariffs on the British colonies and enacted policies of high taxation and economic restrictions specifically targeting British nationals.

This refusal to compromise on both sides caused the relationship between the Boers and the British to deteriorate rapidly. Although no large-scale war had broken out, minor conflicts in some border regions had become quite common.

The nations of Europe reported on the conflict between Britain and the Boers with great enthusiasm; they were all too happy to see Britain suffer a setback in Africa.

Such reporting also intensified British animosity towards the Boers. It was because of these Boers that Britain’s colonial expansion in Africa had been obstructed, ultimately allowing the Germans to seize a piece of land in East Africa.

Germany’s East African colony was located north of Portugal’s Mozambique colony, right on Britain’s planned Cape to Cairo line.

This directly shattered the British’s long-planned Cape to Cairo line. Unless they could annex Germany’s East African colony or the Congo colonies of Portugal and Spain, there was no hope of reconnecting Cairo and Cape Town.

But it was obvious that neither annexing Germany’s colony nor setting their sights on the Congo region would be easy to accomplish.

Germany was backed by the Triple Alliance and was a European superpower in its own right, on par with Britain.

Although Spain was weaker, it was not so weak that the British could treat it as they pleased. If Spain could not be dealt with, acquiring Portugal’s colony would be of little use and would only make the Portuguese resent Britain even more, which was clearly not worth it.

Because of this, Britain’s colonial focus in Africa gradually shifted from the Cape to Cairo line to managing both ends.

The expansion of the northern Egyptian colony was progressing quite smoothly, with no powerful enemies encountered along the way.

As for the Cape Colony in the south, the only obstacles were the Transvaal and the Orange Free State—in other words, the Boers.

For the next two years, the dispute between Britain and the Boers became a topic that all of Europe took great delight in discussing.

The British hatred for the Boers grew deeper and deeper. They were impatient to sweep the Boers of Africa into the dustbin of history and destroy the two Boer states, the Transvaal and the Orange Free State.

Time quickly passed to 1895.

Over these two years, Spain had also undergone significant changes.

First was the successful completion of the Five-Year Naval Construction Plan.

All five battleships had been completed before July 1894. The last two, the Felipe II and the King Carlo I, would complete their sea trials in January of next year and officially enter service with the Royal Navy.

As for the earlier ones, the Fernando II and the Isabel I, both had been completed in the first half of 1892 and entered service with the Royal Navy in the latter half of 1893.

Currently nearing service was the battleship Carlos I. Construction on this battleship began in May 1892, was completed in December 1893, and it then entered its sea trial phase.

It was expected that around the middle of this year, the Spanish Royal Navy would welcome the commissioning of the battleship Carlos I.

At that time, the Spanish Royal Navy, with three battleships, would firmly establish itself among the world’s top three.

Apart from Britain and France, the four great powers of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Russia all lagged behind Spain in terms of battleship progress, which was why Spain could become the world’s third-strongest naval power.

Of course, the scale of Spain’s navy had not managed to pull far ahead of the latter countries.

Britain’s navy was in a league of its own, with France alone in the tier below. After them, the naval strengths of Spain, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Russia were all on the same level.

The sole criterion for ranking the naval strength of these five countries was the number of battleships they possessed. After all, the battleship was the most powerful capital ship of the era, and its role in a decisive naval battle was incomparable to that of other warships.

It was worth mentioning that the construction of the three battleships Spain was building for the Austro-Hungarian Empire had also begun.

The first battleship officially began construction in May 1893 and was completed at the end of last year, entering its sea trial phase.

The remaining two battleships would likely enter their sea trial phase around this year. Between late 1896 and early 1897, all three battleships could be delivered to the Austro-Hungarian Navy.

A strong navy was, of course, a good thing for Spain, but compared to the events unfolding on the African continent, the latter was far more exciting.

In early 1895, the British mining magnate Cecil Rhodes became the Governor-General of the British Cape Colony.

His mining company had discovered a massive gold mine in the area surrounding the Transvaal, a piece of news that caused a sensation throughout the Cape Colony.

The discovery of a gold mine not only meant that the mining company would make huge profits, but also that the local populace could become gold prospectors. The area around a gold mine was a place to make a fortune. To many British people, news of a gold mine discovery represented stacks and stacks of pound notes.

News of the gold mine naturally reached the Transvaal government.

Because relations between Britain and the Boers were already extremely poor at this time, the Transvaal government barely hesitated. Accusing the British mining company of illegally mining on Transvaal land, they forcibly expelled it and declared the newly discovered gold mine to be the state property of the Transvaal Republic.

This immediately provoked the ire of Cecil Rhodes. As a mining magnate, he certainly knew the income a large gold mine could generate.

More importantly, Cecil Rhodes had already achieved fame and success. As the most powerful man in the Cape Colony, he could not tolerate the Boers’ provocation.

Cecil Rhodes invited his good friend, Dr. Jameson, a senior employee of a South African mining company, to lead more than 500 police and soldiers belonging to the company back to where the gold mine was discovered, intending to seize it by force.

This action triggered a strong reaction from the Transvaal Republic, which dispatched its army to engage the armed force led by Dr. Jameson.

Although the South African mining company had purchased several machine guns to arm its military force, it was ultimately no match for a proper national army.

After more than an hour of fierce fighting, the over 500 soldiers belonging to the mining company suffered more than 100 casualties.

Dr. Jameson and other senior executives of the mining company were all captured by the Transvaal Republic. The battlefield around the gold mine was a scene of utter devastation, making it impossible to distinguish which side the dismembered bodies on the ground belonged to.

To rescue the captured Dr. Jameson and his party, the Uitlander Reform Committee, formed by British nationals, launched an insurrection in Johannesburg in an attempt to overthrow the president of the Transvaal Republic, Paul Kruger.

By this time, the Transvaal Republic was already on high alert against these British nationals. After the so-called Uitlander Reform Committee launched its rebellion, the police were quickly mobilized to suppress it.

The leader of the Uitlander Reform Committee was sentenced to death by a Transvaal court, with the public execution announced to take place one week later.

This act drew widespread discontent from a large number of British expatriates. They protested the Transvaal Republic’s sentencing of a British subject to death, arguing that only a British court had the right to pass judgment on a Briton’s crimes.

The incident immediately captured the attention of all of Europe. The large number of British casualties in this event also caused a great stir across the continent.

Depending on one’s standpoint, the matter had different interpretations.

From the Boers’ perspective, the minerals on the land of the Transvaal Republic naturally belonged to their own country. The British act of prospecting and mining on Transvaal land without permission was a clear infringement upon their national interests.

From the British perspective, having the minerals they had worked so hard to discover confiscated by the Transvaal Republic was a shameless act of robbery.

More importantly, several British subjects had already lost their lives in this incident. The Transvaal Republic even intended to openly execute a British subject, which was undoubtedly a direct slap in the face to the British government.

The Times of London reported on the incident in detail, with the headline in the center of the paper stating: “This is a Boer provocation against Britain!”

These newspapers and media outlets had already framed the incident as a Boer challenge to Britain’s colonial hegemony. In the eyes of the proud British, a country like the Transvaal Republic that dared to resist Britain deserved to be annihilated and cast into the dust of history.

Of course, public opinion in Europe was by no means unanimous.

Compared to the righteous indignation against the Boers within Britain, public opinion in other European countries was somewhat different.

In the Netherlands, which had deep historical ties with the Boers, public opinion was supportive of them. Some countries with poor relations with Britain, such as France and Russia, also supported the Boers.

It was worth noting that even Germany, which Britain considered to have good relations with, seemed to be leaning towards supporting the Boers.

Kaiser Wilhelm II sent a historically famous telegram to Paul Kruger, the president of the Transvaal Republic, congratulating him on his victory and praising the Boers for engaging in a righteous struggle.

This telegram from Kaiser Wilhelm II severely damaged relations between Britain and Germany and also made the British government realize a fact: the Boers seemed to have German support.

Instead of making Britain back down, this news only strengthened its determination to conquer the Boers.

If the trouble with the Boers was not resolved, the Transvaal Republic would sooner or later cause even greater problems for Britain.

Of course, another factor that pushed the British government to its decision was the surging tide of public opinion at home.

As for Carlo, he was certainly happy to see the Boer War break out. The Boer War was a crucial juncture for Spain. Now that Spain’s preparations were fairly adequate, and with the possibility of gaining support from allies, he naturally hoped for the war to begin.

Under Carlo’s special arrangements, British newspaper companies continuously promoted the enmity between Britain and the Boers, portraying the Boers as brutal robbers who seized through force.

Although Britain itself was seen in a similar light by other countries, in the eyes of the British, it was perfectly natural for Britain to take from others. But if others dared to take Britain’s property, it was barbaric and shameless, something to be resolutely eliminated.

Under the influence of this propaganda, the British public was quite supportive of launching a war. The capitalists who held shares in mining companies in Africa were also eager for the government to start a war so they could get their hands on shares of the Transvaal Republic’s mines.

These mines represented money, and for capitalists, nothing was more attractive than making money.

Due to the support of British public opinion at the time, the incumbent Colonial Minister, Joseph Chamberlain, sent a telegram to Cecil Rhodes, the Governor-General of the Cape Colony.

The content of the telegram was lengthy, but it could be summarized in one sentence: Cecil Rhodes should not have any concerns and should just go ahead and do what he needed to do.

Since Joseph Chamberlain had given him such a blatant hint, Cecil Rhodes was completely reassured.

He was the largest shareholder in the South African mining company. If he could seize the Boers’ gold mine, he would naturally be the one to reap the greatest profits.

Cecil Rhodes, in the name of the Cape Colony, entered into negotiations with the Transvaal Republic, demanding that the Transvaal immediately pardon the British expatriates and release all the prisoners they had captured.

To make his statement seem more righteous, Cecil Rhodes added another demand at the end of his communication: that all British nationals in the Transvaal Republic be granted the right to vote and be elected.

To the Boers, such a demand was utterly preposterous.

You British planned an attack on the Transvaal Republic and even had the so-called Uitlander Reform Committee plot a rebellion to subvert the government. Now that your plan has failed, you shamelessly demand that we release all the prisoners and grant all British nationals the right to vote and be elected. Is this some kind of joke?

If they agreed to the British demands, wouldn’t that mean the Transvaal Republic was admitting that it was at fault for this entire incident?

The Boers were not an easy target; they certainly did not fear Britain, even though Britain was much more powerful than the Transvaal Republic.

The Transvaal government decisively rejected the Cape Colony’s demands and stated that it would invite the great powers of Europe to the Transvaal to investigate and determine who was at fault in this incident, thereby resolving the dispute with Britain.

As for the captured prisoners and the British expatriate insurgents who plotted to overthrow the government, their criminal acts were solid facts, and the Transvaal Republic would show no leniency.

And believe it or not, the Transvaal really did invite the European nations to form a so-called commission of inquiry.

They invited all the European great powers except Britain, and Spain was naturally among them.

Upon receiving the request from the Transvaal Republic, Spain quickly sent a representative to join the commission, stating that it would impartially investigate the cause of the incident and resolve the dispute between Britain and the Transvaal.

Other great powers expressed similar stances.

France and Russia would naturally not miss an opportunity to cause trouble for Britain. Germany’s relations with the Transvaal were still quite good. The remaining Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy were purely there to watch the show.

Would the British side agree to the Transvaal’s so-called international commission of inquiry?

Of course not.

What a joke. Although Britain publicly called the Boers robbers, the British themselves knew quite well that it was the Boers who were truly in the right in this incident.

Although the gold mine had been discovered by a British mining company, its location was within the territory controlled by the Transvaal Republic.

Just because the British discovered a gold mine in someone else’s house didn’t mean they could occupy the mine. The subsequent act of dispatching their own military force to try and forcibly seize the mine was the true act of robbery.

As for the rebellion launched by the Uitlander Reform Committee, that too was without any reason or basis. The British expatriates did not have citizenship of the Transvaal Republic. For a group of foreigners to launch a rebellion to overthrow the government in the Transvaal seemed utterly absurd.

Looking at it this way, it seemed all the responsibility for the incident lay with Britain. It would be a wonder if the British government agreed to let this international commission of inquiry enter the Transvaal Republic to investigate.

Since things had already reached this point, the British side could not possibly back down.

Before the international commission of inquiry could even arrive in the Transvaal, the army of the Cape Colony had already launched a surprise attack across the border.

Chapter 367: The Boer War Begins

The British attack without a declaration of war instantly made clowns out of the countries participating in the international commission of inquiry, and at the same time, successfully made Britain a target of public criticism.

For a time, public opinion across the various nations of Europe tilted towards the Boers. The Dutch even clamored to form a volunteer army to rush to the South African battlefield and help the Boers fight the British.

Speaking of the relationship between the Netherlands and the Boers, the Netherlands could be considered the Boers’ mother country.

The name “Boer” comes from the Dutch word “boer,” meaning farmer. The colonizers, led by Dutch peasants, came to this land, established the Cape Colony, and based their economy on farming.

Besides the native Dutch peasants, these Boers also included French Huguenots fleeing religious persecution and a small number of Germans.

This was also why many European countries expressed their support for the Boers—because the Boers were not native Africans, but descendants of European immigrants.

Of course, for most European countries, this support was only superficial. Even the Netherlands, the Boers’ mother country, limited its aid to the civilian level and dared not escalate it to government support.

Although they knew their enemy was the most powerful nation in the world, the Boers showed no fear.

The reason Britain coveted the Boers’ land was precisely because of the abundant and valuable mineral resources found there.

After Britain attacked without a declaration of war, the Transvaal Republic spent a great deal of money and minerals to frantically purchase weapons and equipment from various European countries, attempting to close the gap in armaments with the British.

Meanwhile, after a real war broke out between the Cape Colony and the Transvaal Republic, pushed by capitalists and supported by surging public opinion at home, the British parliament finally passed a resolution to formally declare war on the Transvaal Republic and the Orange Republic.

Both of these republics were controlled by Boers, and since Britain had decided to fight, it naturally wouldn’t let the other one go.

A few days after the war began, the Transvaal Republic’s requests to purchase weapons had already been sent to various European nations.

As Britain’s old rival, the French government agreed to the Transvaal’s request to purchase weapons almost without hesitation.

Spain was the second country to approve the request and immediately transported a large shipment of weapons and equipment to the African front.

It’s worth mentioning that the moment news of the war’s outbreak reached Spain, Carlo immediately summoned the current Prime Minister, Evan Bradley, and the Minister of Defense, Ricciotti, demanding that the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff produce a war plan against Morocco, which was to include the recovery of Gibraltar.

If Britain did not interfere in Spain’s war with Morocco, then Spain would not completely turn on Britain. In that case, recovering Gibraltar was not part of Carlo’s plans, at least not in the short term.

But if Britain was determined to interfere in Spain’s war against Morocco, it would mean Spain had to fight Britain. In that case, the recovery of Gibraltar was a necessity.

As long as Spain annexed Morocco and recovered Gibraltar, the remaining Portugal would naturally be unable to escape Spain’s control.

This Boer War was an excellent opportunity that Carlo would absolutely not miss, nor would he allow anyone to ruin his plans.

On the third day of the war, a bombshell piece of news spread from Africa to Europe, quickly capturing the attention of European nations.

The British army in the Cape Colony suffered heavy losses in its engagement with the Boers, with casualties exceeding one thousand in just three days.

Such a scale of casualties was already quite staggering, especially since the war had just begun and neither side had committed many troops to the battlefield.

The British army’s heavy losses were due not only to their excessive underestimation of the Boers’ fighting strength but also to the fact that the Boers were indeed formidable fighters.

The British army’s line of attack was to push north along the eastern coast of South Africa. Going north from the northeast of the Cape Colony, past Natal and Zululand, lay the Transvaal Republic’s only port.

As long as they captured the Transvaal Republic’s port, the Boers would be unable to receive material support from European countries.

The British army’s strategy was sound, but unfortunately, because they had underestimated the Boer army’s combat effectiveness, they were utterly defeated in their battle with the combined forces of the Transvaal and Orange, and they were routed all the way back to the vicinity of Natal.

After the war began, the combined Boer army had astonishingly crossed the Drakensberg mountains from East Orange and circled around to the rear of the British army in Natal, dealing the British a disastrous defeat.

Although this victory could not end the war, it was a huge boost to the morale of the two Boer nations, the Transvaal and Orange.

The Boers were willing to sacrifice everything for their country and their land, while the British troops lacked the same high level of fighting spirit.

After the crushing defeat in Natal, the British army retreated all the way to the southern region of Natal, with the Cape Colony at their backs, ensuring their safety.

Northern Natal and Zululand, further north, fell completely into the hands of the Transvaal and Orange.

As a result, not only had Britain failed to capture the Transvaal Republic’s only port, but they had also allowed their enemy to gain an even longer coastline, making communication with European nations more convenient.

The Boers did not become complacent with this initial victory. The combined army split into three forces. The main body remained in the Natal region to protect the Boers’ only coastline.

The remaining smaller forces divided into two groups. One moved south from Orange to threaten the crucial east-west railway in the Cape Colony.

The other army attacked British Bechuanaland to the west. British Bechuanaland was directly north of the Cape Colony. If they could control this area, they could not only prevent the British army from flanking and attacking the heartlands of Orange and the Transvaal but also further disrupt the Cape Colony’s railway, forcing the British to stretch their defenses thin.

Sure enough, when the Cape Colony learned that the Boers had split their forces three ways, they immediately reinforced the protection of the Cape railway.

This railway was a vital transport line for the Cape Colony and was responsible for shipping supplies to the north during wartime. If the railway was destroyed, it would not only make resupplying the frontline troops more difficult but also disrupt the internal transport of goods within the Cape Colony.

To protect this railway, after some discussion, the British mounted obsolete 4.7-inch naval guns on trains, which barely managed to secure the line.

The Boers holding a comprehensive advantage in the early stages of the war was something the European nations had not anticipated at all.

If the situation continued to develop like this, it was truly hard to say who would win the war.

Historically, the reason Britain won the war was not only because its own strength far surpassed that of the two Boer nations, but also because the British government had its own diplomatic schemes.

In the historical Boer War, the British first signed a treaty with Germany concerning the partition of Portugal’s African colonies. The treaty stipulated that if Portugal were to abandon its African colonies, these relinquished lands would be divided between Britain and Germany.

As for why Portugal would abandon its African colonies, it certainly wouldn’t be voluntary.

Lured by Portugal’s African colonies, Germany agreed to remain neutral in the Boer War, which in history deprived the Boers of their only powerful potential ally.

Unfortunately for Germany, this alignment with Britain was just wishful thinking. Britain was unwilling to abandon its ally Portugal, and the so-called treaty was nothing more than an empty promise from the British government to Germany.

Historically, after Portugal fell into a financial crisis, the British government immediately went back on its word. It not only provided a loan to the Portuguese government but also signed the Anglo-Portuguese Secret Declaration with them, promising to guarantee the security of all Portuguese territories as an ally.

Of course, on the condition that Britain protected Portugal’s territories, Portugal also had to support all of Britain’s actions in the Boer War.

This maneuver by the historical Britain not only kept its most likely enemy, Germany, neutral but also brought Portugal to its side.

But now, the Anglo-German agreement to partition Portugal’s colonies had not yet been signed, and Portugal had changed from a monarchy to a republic. Naturally, neither of Britain’s two diplomatic schemes had been accomplished.

Unlike Britain, the Boers in this war had received even more support than they had in history.

France, out of a desire to cause trouble for Britain, sided with the Transvaal Republic. Spain, purely out of opposition to Britain, also chose to support the Transvaal Republic.

Although Germany had not explicitly sided with the Boers, Kaiser Wilhelm II’s attitude was already quite clear. Not to mention the Netherlands; although the Dutch government had not yet declared its position, the Dutch people were already impatient.

The Dutch had not only donated a large amount of supplies to the Transvaal and Orange Republics, but a volunteer army of over a thousand men was also being formed.

While an army of a thousand men might not have a major impact on the war, the Dutch support for the Boers was already quite evident.

On the fifth day of the war, a force of four thousand British troops finished assembling in the northeastern Cape Colony and marched majestically towards Natal.

Their main objective was to retake the Natal region and drive the Boer army back north of Natal.

At Nicholson’s Nek, the British and Boer armies met, and a fierce battle immediately broke out.

Both sides suffered heavy losses in this battle. British casualties were over 1,300, while the Boers’ were close to 500.

If the canyon hadn’t been so perfect for ambushes, giving the Boers the initial advantage, their casualties would likely have been much higher.

The remaining three thousand or so British troops retreated to the southern region of Natal and established a strong defensive position.

The commander of the Boer army attempted to storm the British position but found their defenses too formidable. It could not be breached in a short time without sustaining immense casualties.

Seeing that they could not break the British position, the Boer army changed its strategy.

They began constructing their own defensive lines in the territory they had captured while scouting the terrain of Southern Natal for suitable locations for fixed defenses.

They had to contend not only with the British forces from the Cape Colony but also with the endless stream of British auxiliary troops and regular army units arriving from all over the world.

If they advanced recklessly in pursuit of glory, there was a high probability that the British reinforcements from around the world would encircle the Boer army.

For their own safety, most of the fighting had to be conducted as defensive warfare.

The successive defeats in the war caused the British government to lose face. Colonial Minister Chamberlain personally issued an order to Cecil Rhodes, the Governor-General of the Cape Colony, demanding that he achieve a presentable military victory within a week, or else wait for a replacement to be sent to the Cape Colony.

Under pressure from the British government, Cecil Rhodes had no choice but to formulate a counter-attack plan to ensure the situation on the front lines did not look so dire.

Among the Boers’ three armies, the main force in Natal was the hardest to break.

Most of the troops from the Transvaal Republic and the Orange Free State were concentrated there, and the two countries were continuously sending reinforcements.

It would be very difficult to defeat the main Boer force in a single battle. It was better to turn their attention to the other two Boer armies in southern Orange and the Bechuanaland region.

After much thought, Cecil Rhodes finally set his sights on the British Bechuanaland region.

If they could eliminate the Boer army there, the British army could easily reach the Boers’ rear.

This area was only a little over 200 kilometers from Pretoria, the capital of the Transvaal Republic. Whether for harassing the Boer rear or directly attacking the capital, it was clearly a more cost-effective option than launching a counter-offensive on the main front.

With this in mind, Cecil Rhodes did not hesitate.

He immediately assembled a force of two thousand men, equipped with several machine guns and cannons, and marched majestically towards the Bechuanaland region.

Initially, the machine guns were indeed highly effective.

The Boer formations were relatively dense, and the sweeping fire from the machine guns quickly caused heavy casualties.

But the Boers were no fools; they quickly understood the characteristics of this new weapon.

The advantage of the machine gun was its wide area of fire, which was effective at inflicting casualties on densely packed enemy troops.

But its disadvantages were also quite obvious. First, it consumed a massive amount of ammunition, and even the British army could not sustain continuous machine gun fire.

Second was the machine gun’s poor accuracy. As long as the troops didn’t bunch up and were completely dispersed, the machine gun’s lethality was greatly reduced.

Although the machine guns could suppress the Boer attacks, relying solely on fire superiority was a huge test for the British army’s logistics.

The British machine gun fire had gaps in it when the ammunition belts needed to be changed.

This reloading time was an opportunity for the Boer army. After discovering this trick, they would launch sudden attacks while the British machine guns were reloading, catching the British army off guard.

Although there weren’t many Boer troops in the Bechuanaland region, through constant harassment akin to guerrilla warfare, the British army was unable to completely clear them out.

Nearly half a month into the war, reinforcements and supplies for both sides continued to arrive in the South Africa region.

It is worth noting that supplies from France and Spain were being transported to the Boer port openly, almost right under the noses of the British.

But there was nothing they could do. The British government was helpless against France and Spain’s blatant actions.

If they were to intercept the French and Spanish transport fleets, it would inevitably arouse the dissatisfaction of these two countries. Both France and Spain held grudges against Britain, and Britain did not want to drag them into the war prematurely.

The British government could only turn a blind eye to France and Spain’s open support for the Boers.

In any case, the supplies Britain sent to the Cape Colony were just as plentiful, if not more so. Coupled with the continuous stream of troops from other colonies, Britain was confident that the Boers could not contend with them.

At the end of March 1895, the British South African Expeditionary Force officially arrived in Cape Town. Its Commander-in-Chief was General Redvers Buller, who had suppressed the uprising in Ireland.

This expeditionary force consisted of twenty thousand well-equipped troops from the British mainland, and their combat effectiveness was quite formidable.

This showed that Britain was finally getting serious. The poor results in the early stages of the war had infuriated the British government, and a proposal in parliament to dismiss the Colonial Governor-General, Cecil Rhodes, had already reached the voting stage.

Upon arriving in the Cape Colony, the Commander-in-Chief of the South African Expeditionary Force, General Redvers Buller, took over command of the Cape Town army.

The performance of the Cape Colony’s army had been too abysmal, so its Commander-in-Chief could naturally no longer retain command.

In fact, for the poor performance in the early battles, the Commander-in-Chief of the Cape Colony’s garrison would face a British court-martial.

With the support of twenty thousand British troops, Britain finally had the confidence to launch a counter-offensive.

In early April, Britain began planning a full-scale counter-offensive against the Boer forces on the central, western, and eastern fronts. Lieutenant General Methuen would relieve Kimberley on the western front, Lieutenant General French would attack the Orange Free State on the central front, and General Buller would lead the main force to relieve Ladysmith on the eastern front.

These British mainland troops showed a significant difference compared to the colonial forces. Although Britain dominated the world with its navy, its army was by no means weak.

Even if it couldn’t compare to land powers like Germany and France that dominated Europe, it was at least in the upper-middle tier.

As soon as these twenty thousand British troops were thrown into the front lines, they immediately achieved good results.

Britain made gains not only on the western and central fronts but even on the main eastern front, pushing the battle line more than ten kilometers north in a short period.

The Boers could only conduct a fighting retreat. They were unable to build a reliable defensive line in such a short time and had to move their defenses north into their own territory. There, a much stronger defensive line had already been constructed. Behind them was their own motherland, which gave them a morale boost in a defensive war.

Chapter 368: The Moroccan War

The British, who had initiated the war, were utterly confident, believing it would take only a month to deal with the two troublesome nations of Transvaal and Orange.

It was a fine idea, but reality is often harsh. The Boers quickly dealt the British a heavy blow, showing them what true combat strength looked like.

Bolstered by the drive to defend their homeland, the Boers displayed an unimaginable tenacity. In the first month of the war, despite their weapons and equipment being clearly inferior to Britain’s, they managed to gain a decisive advantage, even causing Britain to lose a considerable amount of territory.

If British reinforcements hadn’t arrived quickly, the northeastern part of the Cape Colony would have likely fallen, which would have been a truly disastrous loss for Britain.

The more intense this war became, the greater Carlo’s hopes of annexing Morocco grew.

A month after the war broke out, Spain sent another large shipment of weapons and equipment to the Transvaal Republic and the Orange Free State, along with other strategic resources, including food and medical supplies.

Compared to their historical counterparts, the Boers of today were receiving far greater support.

Historically, the Boers had to sustain the war effort using revenue from gold mines, donations from various European countries, and supplies captured from the British army. When recruiting from the civilian population, the Boers even required volunteers to bring their own guns and horses.

But now, with material support from various European nations, the Boers were, at least for the time being, not lacking in weapons and equipment.

The main Boer forces had already re-equipped with standard-issue rifles from various European countries, and some of the more elite units even had cannons and machine guns.

To cause some trouble for the British, Carlo generously donated fifty cannons and twenty machine guns to the Boers. These supplies had already been safely delivered to a port in the Transvaal Republic.

It wasn’t that Carlo was unwilling to send more weapons; he was mainly concerned that the Boers didn’t have enough soldiers trained to use cannons and machine guns. If the equipment were captured by the British army, it would be a roundabout way of aiding the enemy.

In any case, Carlo wasn’t concerned about the investment. Once this batch of cannons and machine guns was used up, he could send new equipment to the Boers through further aid.

As long as they could make Britain suffer greater casualties and spend more on military expenditures, the aid in weapons and equipment would be worthwhile.

While the war on the African continent was underway, Spain was contacting various European nations, searching for countries willing to support its annexation of Morocco.

Times have changed. With the European continent divided into the Franco-Russian Alliance versus the German-Austrian Alliance, Spain, a great power that remained outside both military blocs, had become a hot commodity.

For Carlo, joining either military bloc was not the priority; what mattered most was which bloc could provide the support Spain needed.

In other words, whoever supported Spain’s annexation of Morocco and Portugal would be Spain’s ally.

When Spain made these conditions public, the great powers of both military blocs were taken aback.

They knew, of course, who stood behind Morocco and Portugal, and understood that winning over Spain might mean making an enemy of Britain.

Was it a worthwhile trade—gaining Spain’s support at the cost of making an enemy of Britain?

Germany was indeed hesitant. Although Spain could attack southern France, forcing the French into the awkward position of fighting a two-front war…

…bringing Spain into their fold would also make Britain Germany’s enemy. Although Germany was already demanding colonies and sea power, from Wilhelm II down to his officials, none of them considered themselves to be Britain’s enemies.

Germany still harbored fantasies of an alliance with Britain, which was why, historically, they chose to remain neutral during the Boer War instead of supporting the Boers.

Even before the formal establishment of the Triple Entente, Germany had always dreamed of an alliance with Britain.

Unfortunately, Britain, the world’s number one power, was destined never to ally with Germany, the world’s number two. It was far more likely they would become adversaries.

The Germans of history failed to see this, and the Germany of the present was no different.

Then again, Germany’s advantage over France was not yet overwhelming, so it was still uncertain whether Britain would sign an alliance treaty with Germany.

Because they still held out hope for Britain, Germany did not decisively agree to Spain’s conditions, despite repeated persuasion from Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

In the eyes of King Umberto I of Italy and Emperor Franz Joseph I of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, bringing Spain into their alliance was an extremely wise move.

Spain had good relations with both Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, with no territorial disputes between them.

Based on this point alone, Spain was already a natural ally for the Triple Alliance. Not to mention that Spain’s own army and navy were powerful, and its geographical location was highly advantageous, making it a target that had to be won over.

If the Triple Alliance could secure Spain’s entry, the combined navies of Spain, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Italy would be enough to easily control the Mediterranean.

The armies of the four nations would also encircle France from different directions. Faced with an encirclement on multiple fronts, France was destined not to last very long.

France clearly thought so too. Compared to Germany, which was pinning its hopes on Britain, France was much more enthusiastic about an alliance with Spain.

Although Morocco was important, for the security of the French homeland, Morocco could be sacrificed.

A few days after Spain revealed its stance, the French Ambassador came to see Carlo and sincerely conveyed the French government’s position.

“Your Majesty, we are willing to sign an alliance treaty with your country to jointly safeguard the peace and order of the Mediterranean.

“We respect Spain’s interests on the Iberian Peninsula and support Spain’s annexation of Morocco. If your country is willing to form an alliance with us, France, Spain, and Russia will become the most powerful military bloc in the world.” Upon meeting Carlo, the French Ambassador got straight to the point, directly stating the French government’s terms.

France did indeed have ambitions for Morocco, but ever since Spain had forcefully interfered with France’s colonization of Tunisia, the French had come to see Spain’s strength and uniqueness.

Competing with Spain for Morocco would only push Spain toward Germany. France would then face the pressure of a two-front or even a three-front war, and defending its territory would be exceedingly difficult.

But if they could win Spain over to their side, France would only need to focus on dealing with one enemy: Germany.

Germany was certainly powerful, but France had Russia as an ally. And if the French and Spanish fleets joined forces, they could easily control the Mediterranean.

As long as the navies of Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were blockaded in the Mediterranean, Italy, as a great power, would be rendered useless.

As for the Austro-Hungarian Empire, with Germany tied down, they would also be powerless.

It was for this very reason that France was willing to relinquish its claims on Morocco. As for whether supporting Spain’s annexation of Morocco would make an enemy of Britain, that didn’t seem so important to the French.

Britain was very powerful, but its strength was entirely in its navy. In terms of land forces, Britain was inferior even to Spain, let alone France, which had once dominated Europe.

Even if they became Britain’s enemy, France and Spain only needed to blockade the Mediterranean, and Britain would be powerless against them.

The French government’s support was a relief to Carlo and solidified his determination to wage war on Morocco.

If Britain insisted on forcefully intervening in Spain’s war with Morocco, Spain could simply throw its lot in with the Franco-Russian Alliance.

Although Russia would withdraw from World War I midway through, it was still far too early for that now; Russia had not yet reached a point of desperation.

Unless Britain also quickly sided with Germany, a Spain backed by France could not be defeated by Britain.

This meant Spain was in an invincible position, which was, of course, excellent news for Carlo and Spain.

However, unless absolutely necessary, Carlo didn’t want to join either military bloc so readily. France’s offer was also a bargaining chip that Spain could use to seek support from Germany.

Even if Germany was unwilling to support Spain, they had to at least get the three great powers of Germany, Austria, and Italy to remain neutral during Spain’s war.

As long as the other European nations remained neutral, Spain, facing a Britain distracted by the Boer War, had nothing to fear.

A month and a half after the Boer War began, the Spanish Ministry of Defense and the General Staff finally produced a war plan for Morocco.

The reason this plan took over a month to prepare was mainly because Spain had to account for possible British intervention.

In other words, the war plan included contingencies for fighting Britain and even factored in Gibraltar.

If Britain announced its intervention in the war, Spain would not hesitate to attack Gibraltar, control the Strait of Gibraltar, and blockade the western sea outlet of the Mediterranean.

Carlo studied the war plan for a long time. After confirming there were no issues, he immediately issued his orders.

The first order was for the troops stationed in the Congo Territory to assemble in the colony of Southern Morocco.

The war against Morocco would involve two colonial divisions and six colonial garrison regiments, for a total of 52,000 troops.

In addition, troops stationed in mainland Spain would also prepare for war to prevent any forceful intervention by Britain.

If Britain did insist on intervening, Spain would initiate a full-scale mobilization, using its regular forces to quickly annex Morocco, and then engage in a slow war of attrition with Britain.

In any case, Britain still had the Boer War to fight. Even in a prolonged war of attrition, Spain would not back down.

Historically, Britain spent a staggering two hundred million pounds on the Boer War and mobilized approximately 450,000 troops.

To put that into perspective, the entire Boer population was less than 500,000 people.

The number of troops Britain mobilized was equal to the total Boer population, yet the war still lasted nearly three years, ending in a pyrrhic victory for Britain. This was a testament to how difficult the war was.

This Boer War would be even tougher than the historical one; it would not be easy for Britain to win.

If Britain were to open another front against Spain, it would only make winning the war even more difficult for them.

On April 22, 1895, while the African theater was raging, Spain was also making tense preparations for war.

On April 25, as the two colonial divisions arrived in the colony of Southern Morocco, Spain’s aggression against Morocco officially began.

That afternoon, using the pretext that the Moroccan government had illegally constructed water conservancy facilities on the Souss River with the intent to cut off the water supply to Agadir, Spain demanded that the Moroccan government immediately dismantle the facilities and cede Ouled Teima and Taroudant, north of Tidzi, as compensation.

The Moroccan government was baffled. They had never heard of any water conservancy facilities on the Souss River.

But there was no time for them to think it over. Just over an hour later, Spain declared war on Morocco under the pretext of its refusal to comply.

Almost simultaneously with the declaration of war, the Spanish army advanced from two lines, Agadir and Tata, heading north along the Souss River to attack the major central Moroccan city of Marrakesh.

Another force advanced north along the Anti-Atlas mountains, with their target being Beni Mellal, northeast of Marrakesh.

Morocco had only managed to remain independent thanks to Britain’s guarantee of its independence.

Now, facing Spain with only its own strength, the Moroccan government was thrown into an instant panic.

The Spanish army fought fiercely at the front, capturing the key hub city of Taroudant on the Souss River that very day.

The Moroccan army didn’t even have time to react. They were utterly defeated by the Spanish forces and hastily retreated further north to Oulad Berhil.

If there was still some resistance on the western front, the eastern front was like advancing through unmanned territory.

To the east of this region lay desert, and to the west were mountains, so Morocco had not established significant defenses here.

After breaking through the Moroccan border garrisons, the Spanish army easily captured several small Moroccan cities.

Unfortunately, there were no paved roads connecting these cities. The better roads were just compacted dirt, while the worse ones were practically nonexistent.

Marching on such routes, the Spanish army’s advance was indeed slowed considerably.

It is worth mentioning that the declaration of war was not delivered to the Moroccan government by the Spanish Ambassador, but rather to the Moroccan Ambassador by the Spanish government.

The Moroccan Ambassador had no time to send the message back to his country; the moment Spain declared war, he was forcibly repatriated.

Along the way, he had no access to a telegraph and thus no ability to send a message back to Morocco.

As a result, by the time Morocco received news of Spain’s declaration of war, the fighting had already been going on for the better part of a day.

The Moroccan government was in a panic. They hastily mobilized troops from the more developed northern regions to head south and resist the Spanish invasion.

Ever since Spain established its colony of Southern Morocco, there had been no conflicts between Spain and Morocco.

Although this was all thanks to British protection, the Moroccan government had inevitably grown complacent.

In their view, with Britain’s protection, they could rest easy.

Even if Spain was persistent, they only needed to resist the Spaniards for a short time, and Britain would naturally take care of all their troubles.

It was precisely this mentality that left the Moroccan government completely unprepared when the war broke out, and the border garrisons were quickly eliminated.

Of course, Spain’s attack was not launched solely from the colony of Southern Morocco.

To end the war sooner, Spain also dispatched troops to Ceuta in northern Morocco.

And which Spanish unit was stationed in Ceuta?

It was a provisional formation composed of the Spanish 1st Guard Infantry Regiment, the 2nd Guard Infantry Regiment, the 1st Guard Cavalry Regiment, and the 1st Guard Artillery Regiment.

Sending the Royal Guards into this war was a decision Carlo made after long consideration.

The Royal Guards’ equipment was superb, and its soldiers were handpicked from the Spanish Royal Army.

The problem was, the Royal Guards had not seen combat in a very long time, and their fighting prowess was certainly inferior to that of battle-hardened soldiers.

Carlo trusted the loyalty of his Royal Guards, but if there was an opportunity to enhance their combat effectiveness, he was not one to miss it.

Before sending these guardsmen to the front, Carlo personally visited their military barracks to give a pre-battle mobilization speech.

Carlo personally outlined the pension and compensation policy for the Royal Guards and promised to grant noble titles to those who performed meritorious service after the war.

This encouragement from their king thrilled the soldiers. They couldn’t wait to get to Ceuta and fight the Moroccans to the death.

When these Royal Guards joined the battlefield, the Moroccans quickly learned what an elite army was.

Although these guardsmen had never been to war, their training had not been slacked in the slightest.

They were naturally a bit nervous stepping onto the battlefield for the first time, but with equipment far superior to the Moroccan army’s, the soldiers had nothing to fear.

The artillery regiment would clear all obstacles for them. The Moroccan army had no time to counterattack because they had to dodge shells that could explode near them at any moment.

The Spanish army had always fought by the principle of firepower-first; they would never waste manpower when they could achieve victory through fire superiority.

This was even more true for the best-equipped Royal Guards, who fired their shells as if they were free.

The artillery regiment operated on the principle that firing a few extra rounds a day was just training, so they were not at all sparing with their ammunition.

In any case, Ceuta was just across the sea from mainland Spain, so they didn’t have to worry about logistical problems at all.

Every day, transport fleets sailed between Ceuta and mainland Spain, carrying all sorts of weapons, ammunition, and other supplies.

Under these circumstances, the Spanish army had no need to worry about ammunition consumption. They just needed to send every shell toward the enemy and make their accuracy as high as possible.

Chapter 369: The British Threat

If the rapid advance of the two Spanish colonial divisions in the south could be explained by Morocco’s insufficient troop deployment along the border, then the Spanish army’s offensive from Ceuta demonstrated that the two armies were simply not in the same league.

Although Spain had only deployed two Guard Infantry Regiments, one Guard Cavalry Regiment, and one Guard Artillery Regiment—a force totaling just over eight thousand men—in the Ceuta offensive, these Royal Guards were clearly not comparable to ordinary troops.

The combat power of this army of over eight thousand men was not only on par with the firepower of a standard 11,500-man infantry division, but it even surpassed it in terms of weaponry and equipment.

A Spanish Guard Division, with a total strength of fifteen thousand men, was said to be capable of taking on at least three regular infantry divisions single-handedly. The soldiers of the Royal Guards were the finest selected from the Royal Italian Army, and its officers were either outstanding young officers from the army or top graduates from the Royal Military Academy, who were then given the opportunity to serve in the Guard Division.

With both soldiers and officers being handpicked, it would have been a problem if the Guard Division wasn’t a powerful fighting force.

Commanding these Royal Guards was Andrew, the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards and the divisional commander of the Guard Division.

This was the first time the Spanish Royal Guards had participated in a large-scale operation since their establishment.

Andrew placed great importance on this operation. He was determined to fight a brilliant battle, on one hand, to repay Carlo’s trust in him, and on the other, to broaden his own future path for promotion.

Although the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards only commanded the Guard Division, his status within the military far surpassed that of an ordinary divisional commander.

The promotion channels for the Commander-in-Chief were limited; he could either become the Minister of Defense or enter the General Staff to serve in high-ranking positions such as Chief of the General Staff.

The previous Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Guards, Ricciotti, had done just that. Because he led the army that defeated the Sokoto Caliphate and carved out over a million square kilometers of colonies for Spain, he was promoted by Carlo to Minister of Defense in the new Cabinet government.

Andrew harbored similar ambitions. As the saying goes, a soldier who doesn’t want to become a general is not a good soldier. A general who doesn’t aspire to the highest ranks of the military is, naturally, not a good general either.

Upon arriving in Ceuta, Andrew first studied the topographical maps of Morocco in detail, then formulated a battle plan for the Royal Guards.

The battle plan was actually quite simple: advance south from Ceuta, attacking along Morocco’s Atlantic coast towards the Moroccan capital, Rabat.

Along this route, besides the Moroccan capital of Rabat, lay other major Moroccan cities such as Tangier, Larache, Kenitra, and Salé.

By occupying the line from Ceuta to Rabat, at least one-third of Morocco’s population would be under Spanish control.

Although this region was home to over a million Moroccans, the Royal Guards did not have to worry about the administrative problems after its occupation.

Spain would dispatch officials to implement military-style management in these cities after the Royal Guards captured them, maintaining local order while awaiting further decisions on how to handle the entire territory of Morocco.

With an ample supply of weapons and ammunition and no concerns about his rear, Andrew’s task was to turn the Royal Guards into a sharp arrow, tearing through the Moroccan defense lines with unstoppable momentum and striking hard into the Moroccan capital, Rabat.

In the very first battle of their southwestward advance, the Royal Guards led by Andrew displayed formidable combat strength.

Tangier was a major coastal city in northern Morocco, a bridgehead for trade between this unique white African nation and the countries of Europe.

Precisely because Tangier was located in northern Morocco, it became the first target in Andrew’s southward offensive toward Rabat.

A day had now passed since Spain declared war on Morocco, and Morocco did have troops deployed in the north.

But it was clear that these Moroccan troops stood no chance against the Spanish army. The so-called strategic city of Tangier held out for less than a day under the assault of the Royal Guards before its defenses were broken.

A single Guard Artillery Regiment possessed 140 cannons, a number greater than all the cannons Morocco could muster.

More importantly, the Royal Guards not only had a large number of cannons, but their calibers were also of a wide variety.

In addition to light artillery of 75mm caliber and below, the Guard Infantry Regiments were also equipped with larger-caliber cannons, such as 8-inch howitzers of the same model found on cruisers. With a caliber of 203mm and a range of over six kilometers, they were mainly used to destroy enemy reinforced concrete fortifications.

To deal with Morocco’s defenses, the Royal Guards brought ten 203mm heavy cannons, and Carlo had personally promised Andrew that ammunition would be supplied to the front line as fast as it was consumed.

Under these circumstances, Morocco’s fortifications were completely unable to stop the Spanish offensive.

The so-called northern defensive stronghold of Tangier was ultimately reduced to a pile of rubble under the continuous bombardment of over one hundred cannons.

While the Royal Guards were besieging Tangier, the British government finally received the news of Spain’s declaration of war on Morocco.

The British Prime Minister at the time was Archibald Primrose, a rather unremarkable Prime Minister in British history.

He was the 5th Earl of Rosebery, an ordinary, run-of-the-mill British nobleman. If the Boer War hadn’t broken out early in 1895, his term of office might have ended this year.

Such a Prime Minister, lacking any outstanding abilities, was completely indecisive regarding Spain’s sudden declaration of war on Morocco.

“Mr. Prime Minister, we must immediately express our position to Spain and prevent the Moroccan capital, Rabat, from falling to the Spaniards.

The security of Morocco is vital to our control over the Strait of Gibraltar. This is as important as the Boer War.

If we lose Morocco, even if we win the war against the Boers, it would still be a net loss for us.” The Foreign Secretary spoke eloquently at the British Cabinet meeting, arguing that Britain absolutely could not abandon Morocco, as its fate was directly tied to Britain’s continued control of the Strait of Gibraltar.

Furthermore, if Spain had the audacity to occupy Morocco, might it have the audacity to retake Gibraltar in the future?

Losing Morocco would already greatly diminish Britain’s control over the Strait of Gibraltar. If Spain were to retake Gibraltar on top of that, Britain’s control over the Mediterranean would be drastically reduced, thereby affecting all of Britain’s strategic arrangements in the region.

Before the Prime Minister, Archibald Primrose, could answer, the British Minister of War immediately stood up and refuted the Foreign Secretary’s viewpoint.

“Allow me to remind you that our current military strength seems insufficient to support an intervention in the war between Spain and Morocco.

The Boers have created immense trouble for us, and Spain has perhaps declared war on Morocco at this critical juncture precisely because it has seen how difficult the Boers are to deal with.

Unless we are willing to implement mass conscription at home and in all our colonies, we simply cannot handle two enemies, the Boers and the Spanish, at the same time.

With all due respect, the Boers are already a significant problem. Spain is an even more powerful enemy than the Boers.

Under the circumstances, I believe we could temporarily give up Morocco and focus on attacking the Boers. As long as we can eliminate the Boers, it will not be too late to turn back and deal with the trouble that is Spain.”

The Minister of War was well aware of the British army’s capabilities.

Yes, a portion of the British army was indeed well-equipped and had considerable combat effectiveness.

The problem was, that effective portion was only a small part of the British army. The combat effectiveness of the majority of the British army could only be described as average. The number of homeland troops was less than Spain’s. Were they supposed to rely on colonial troops to defeat Spain?

In Britain’s current situation, unless the government was determined to save Morocco at all costs, it would be impossible to stop Spain from annexing it.

Saving Morocco would require not only a massive military expenditure but also the commitment of at least several hundred thousand troops.

In normal times, this would naturally be easy to accomplish. But Britain was already engaged in the Boer War, a conflict in which it had already invested tens of millions of pounds in military expenditure. It was naturally impossible to abandon it midway.

If they were to fight a two-front war, setting aside the question of whether they could win on both fronts, the enormous military costs from two wars alone would be enough to bankrupt the British Empire’s treasury.

Hearing the Minister of War’s reminder, several cabinet ministers who had originally intended to support pressuring Spain abandoned their ideas.

Since Carlo became the king of Spain, the country had made quite a name for itself on the international stage.

Whether it was squaring up to Britain during the colonial dispute with Portugal, or helping Italy snatch two colonies when France attacked Tunisia, Spain’s assertiveness was plain to see.

Relations between Britain and Spain were already poor. Forcibly pressuring Spain would achieve nothing; it would only further damage relations and could even drag Britain into the war.

Since the odds of success were not high, why should Britain make things difficult for itself, and for its wallet?

Seeing that the Minister of War’s speech had nearly convinced the Cabinet to give up on pressuring Spain, the Minister of the Navy could sit still no longer. He stood up and reminded them: ”

Gentlemen, do not forget that we possess a powerful navy that far surpasses those of other nations. If Spain ignores our counsel and continues its war against Morocco, we can simply blockade the Strait of Gibraltar and cut off the supply lines from the Spanish mainland to Morocco.

In this way, the Spanish forces in Morocco will lose their supplies, and it will no longer be so easy for them to annex Morocco.

If the Spanish government fails to appreciate our position, their army in Morocco could be caught in a pincer attack by us and the Moroccans at any time.

As long as our navy is stationed in the Strait of Gibraltar, it can easily end this war, can it not?”

The Minister of the Navy’s words revived the resolve of several cabinet ministers.

Indeed, the Strait of Gibraltar was crucial for Spain’s invasion of Morocco.

Although it was on their doorstep, the strait meant that supplies from the Spanish mainland could only be transported to Morocco by sea.

Anything involving the ocean inevitably involved the navy. And Britain was the world’s most powerful naval nation, its navy leagues ahead of any other country’s.

Who said that only the army could be used to stop Spain’s war on Morocco? Using the navy could be just as effective, and it wouldn’t even require a large military expenditure.

“And what if Spain refuses to back down?” the Minister of War asked again. “The navy alone cannot affect the Spanish mainland. If Spain is still unwilling to end the war, is the navy supposed to go and destroy the Spanish army in Morocco?

I still do not believe this is a good time to go to war with Spain. We do not currently have the capacity to deal with two enemies at once.”

Amid the heated arguments, the British Cabinet split into two factions.

One faction believed Britain should maintain a hard-line stance, as it could not afford to lose the strategically vital Morocco.

The other faction argued that Britain’s focus should be on the war with the Boers and that Morocco could be temporarily sacrificed.

Ultimately, considering that the Strait of Gibraltar affected Britain’s control over the Mediterranean, and the Mediterranean in turn affected a series of great powers and Britain’s strategic positioning, the former view gained broader support.

Once the British Cabinet had reached a somewhat clear consensus, they first had the British Ambassador to Morocco contact the Moroccan government, urging them to resist resolutely and promising to provide them with arms and equipment.

Subsequently, the British Ambassador to Spain requested an audience with Carlo to convey Britain’s position.

April 29, 1895, at the Royal Palace of Madrid, Spain.

Inside a medium-sized reception hall in the Royal Palace of Madrid, the British Ambassador’s expression was calm, but his words carried a hint of firmness. “Your Majesty, Morocco is an ally of our country. Your country’s rash declaration of war has violated Morocco’s territorial security. As their ally, we have an obligation to protect Morocco’s independence.

We hope that your country and Morocco can sit down for peaceful negotiations to avoid the enormous casualties that war would inflict on both nations.

During this period, our nation’s fleet will be stationed in the vicinity of the Strait of Gibraltar to help restore peaceful order between the two countries.

I hope Your Majesty can respect Morocco’s territorial sovereignty and prevent this war from escalating, which would affect the peace of Europe.”

Hearing the British ambassador’s veiled threat, Carlo smiled and said nonchalantly, “The Strait of Gibraltar does not belong exclusively to Spain. If your country wishes, you are of course welcome to station your navy in the vicinity of the strait.

But I must remind your country that our naval department plans to conduct exercises in the near future, and the area happens to be around the Strait of Gibraltar.

I hope your navy will not approach our coast, to avoid any accidental damage to your fleet from our coastal defense cannons.”

Long before declaring war on Morocco, Carlo had considered whether the British navy would blockade the Strait of Gibraltar.

But the Strait of Gibraltar was, after all, right on Spain’s doorstep. It wouldn’t be so easy for Britain to enforce a blockade.

The coastal defense cannons Spain had deployed around Gibraltar were not for show. If the British navy dared to approach, sinking one or two battleships would be well within their capabilities.

Even for the British Empire, a single battleship took two to three years from construction to commissioning, at a cost of over a million pounds. Carlo didn’t believe Britain wouldn’t feel the pain of losing several battleships.

Even if the coastal defense cannons couldn’t inflict significant damage on the British navy, Spanish transport ships could disguise themselves as fleets from other countries, flying the flags of other great powers, including Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

If Britain dared to intercept the cargo ships of all nations, Carlo wouldn’t even have to lift a finger; the protests from those countries would be enough to give the British a headache.

Britain was certainly powerful, but it was not invincible. If these British gentlemen truly wanted to stand against all of Europe, Carlo wouldn’t mind instigating a war to destroy Britain before the outbreak of World War I.

Hearing Carlo’s overt and covert threats and counterattacks, the British ambassador’s face darkened. He had not expected Carlo to retaliate so unhesitatingly upon hearing his threat, completely dismissing Britain’s warning.

This was no longer just looking down on him; it was looking down on the British Empire he represented. In all his years as a British diplomat, he had rarely been looked down upon by the leaders of other countries.

Britain was the most powerful country in the world. How dare a small country like Spain?

“Your Majesty, the Strait of Gibraltar is not Spain’s private sea. Even if your navy is conducting exercises, you seem to have no right to prohibit the passage of other countries’ fleets, do you?” the British ambassador retorted.

“Of course,” Carlo smiled, saying something that made the British ambassador’s expression turn even fouler. “I forgot to tell you, Ambassador, that this naval exercise is a joint operation with the French Navy. Because the number of warships from both countries participating in the exercise is simply too large, we had no choice but to close off a portion of the Strait of Gibraltar.

But please rest assured, even during this period, ships from all nations will still be permitted to pass through the strait. We will also do our best to stay away from the various nations’ cargo ships to avoid accidental harm as much as possible.”

“Damn Frenchmen, when did they side with these Spaniards?” The British ambassador was inwardly shocked that France and Spain were standing together, but his expression remained largely unchanged. Maintaining a slight smile, he asked, “When will your country’s naval exercise begin, and when will it end?

Our navy will arrive at the Strait of Gibraltar in three days. I hope it will not interfere with your country’s exercise.”

Even with France and Spain standing together, the British ambassador showed no sign of backing down. The British navy was invincible. Even the combined navies of Spain and France were no match for the British Royal Fleet.

Seeing that the British were still not giving up, Carlo smiled again, completely unfazed by the ambassador’s words. “Our exercise with the French Navy will begin soon and should conclude in a few days.

However, the navies of Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire have also sent us requests for exercises. Perhaps after the conclusion of the exercises with the French Navy, we will have to conduct corresponding exercises with the navies of Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This might cause a much longer delay.”

If France’s support alone could not deter Britain, what about adding Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire? As long as they didn’t have to send troops, Carlo believed these two countries would be more than happy to support Spain.

Carlo didn’t believe Britain would stubbornly insist on interfering in this war when so many great powers supported Spain. If the British were truly that rigid, then so be it—they could have a war.

It would be a perfect opportunity to retake Gibraltar and drive the British out of the Strait of Gibraltar for good.

As long as that could be accomplished, the Spanish people would gladly fight for their country, even if it meant war with Britain.

In naval terms, Spain was indeed inferior to Britain, but a war could not be won by the navy alone. On land, Spain’s advantage might not be any smaller than Britain’s advantage at sea.

While vigorously supplying the Boers with strategic materials on one hand and fighting a land war with Britain on the other, Carlo did not believe he could lose such a war.

Any Fellow Readers Taking the College Entrance Exams?

Are there any fellow readers taking the college entrance exams these next two days?

If so, I wish you all the best! May you perform exceptionally well, pass with flying colors, and get into the university of your dreams. (To my friends taking the exams, take a break from the novel for these two days and give it your all!)

Chapter 370: Britain’s Concession

What Carlo said was no lie at all.

On April 30, 1895, before the British Navy could even reach the Strait of Gibraltar, the joint exercise between the Spanish and French navies had already begun.

Billed as a joint exercise, it was, in reality, little more than the two navies gathering, bringing out a few dilapidated and decommissioned warships as targets, and conducting live-fire practice together.

The propulsion systems inside these target ships and vessels had undergone simple repairs, ensuring they could sail at a certain speed for a period.

The mission for the Spanish and French navies was to simulate the process of detecting and sinking enemy warships. Whichever side could sink the so-called enemy ships in less time and with fewer shells would naturally be the one with the better performance.

As the organizer of this joint naval exercise, Spain had made meticulous preparations.

A total of twelve simply repaired, decommissioned warships served as targets, enough for the Spanish and French navies to have their fill of fun.

Although it was a joint exercise, performance was a matter of pride for each navy, so both sides took the exercise quite seriously.

To demonstrate its strength to France, Spain deployed its two newest battleships for the exercise: the Fernando II and the Isabel I.

Only by displaying its power would Spain earn France’s respect, prompting them to offer more generous terms to win Spain over.

It was worth noting that France, as one of the world’s most powerful nations, still had its battleship, the Brennus, sitting in a dry dock.

Spain, a latecomer, had already built two battleships, a pace the current French navy simply could not match.

During the exercise, the performance of Spain’s two battleships was outstanding, so much so that the French naval soldiers watched with envy, almost drooling.

Construction of France’s battleship, the Brennus, began as early as January 12, 1889, and it was launched for sea trials on October 17, 1891.

Normally, a completed battleship like this would have been officially commissioned after one to two years of sea trials.

France had hoped to become one of the first countries to possess a battleship, but the construction of the Brennus turned out to be a massive joke on the French Navy.

Since its launch in October 1891, this battleship, which carried the hopes of the French Navy, had been stuck in a repeating cycle of sea trials, discovering problems, and returning to the shipyard for modifications. To this day, it had not been formally commissioned.

The French Navy had originally wanted to include the Brennus in this joint exercise to display its power and heritage.

Unfortunately, the modifications to the Brennus were not yet complete, and the Navy couldn’t very well participate in a joint exercise with a half-finished battleship.

This was why the French Navy gazed so longingly at the Spanish battleships. When Spain said it would build battleships, it truly built them—five in one go, and at an astonishing speed. It was simply incredible.

The naval exercise itself wouldn’t take long, but the French government knew Spain’s purpose in organizing it. They didn’t mind helping Spain with such a small matter to draw Spain closer to their side.

It was for this reason that an exercise of a not-so-large scale lasted for a full three days.

On the second day of the exercise, a British squadron arrived at the Strait of Gibraltar and sent a message via flag semaphore to the Franco-Spanish Combined fleet, requesting passage.

The Spanish and French fleets had no objections, but as the British fleet passed through the Strait of Gibraltar, the Spanish coastal shore batteries and the naval guns of the two battleships were all aimed at the British fleet.

If the British fleet was simply passing through the strait normally, there would naturally be no problem. But if the British fleet wanted to cause trouble, Spain didn’t mind engaging in a naval battle.

The total size of the British navy did indeed dwarf that of any European nation, but Britain’s fleets were not concentrated in Europe. The British fleet currently in Gibraltar was smaller than the Spanish fleet participating in the naval exercise, so there was no need to be overly concerned.

The Spanish Navy’s unusual actions immediately drew the attention of the British and French navies.

Aiming cannons was no joke. If Spain gave the order to fire, several British warships could very well be sunk in the Strait of Gibraltar.

Coastal defense cannons were not small-caliber weapons. The shore batteries deployed by Spain around the Strait of Gibraltar had a minimum caliber of 234 millimeters, with the main ones being massive 343-millimeter cannons, identical to those on their battleships. A single shot could potentially cripple a battleship.

The British fleet’s intentions were indeed not pure. Although the British had no plans to go to war with Spain, they had never given up on the idea of intimidating Spain with their navy.

While this British fleet did not look large, it included three battleships: the Royal Sovereign, the Revenge, and the Resolution.

The Royal Sovereign was the lead ship of the Royal Sovereign-class and the very first warship to usher in the era of the pre-dreadnought. Since its official completion in May 1892, the Royal Sovereign had been serving in Britain’s Channel Fleet.

The same was true for the Revenge and the Resolution; they both served in Britain’s home fleets. By dispatching them to the Strait of Gibraltar, Britain clearly intended to use its numerical superiority in battleships to intimidate the Spanish Navy.

But what the British Navy had not expected was that Spain, far from being afraid, adopted an attitude of being indifferent to life and death, ready to fight at the drop of a hat.

This move stunned the British fleet, and they dared not make any other moves.

No one could guarantee that Spain wouldn’t fire first. If a moment of carelessness allowed Spain a surprise attack, resulting in the loss of several battleships, the consequences would be dire.

The British were indeed wealthy and powerful. Not only had they single-handedly initiated the pre-dreadnought era, but they had also built a full eight Royal Sovereign-class battleships in one go.

But this did not mean the British could accept losing several battleships in a short period. The total construction cycle for any battleship was over two years; even for Britain, building a battleship from laying the keel to completion after sea trials took two to three years.

If they were to lose too many battleships at once, not only would Britain’s naval superiority over other countries vanish, but it would also allow other nations to catch up in pre-dreadnought technology. This was something the British government could absolutely not accept.

“Commander, sir, the Spanish shore batteries are aimed at us. Should we continue to pass through the Strait of Gibraltar?”

On the British fleet’s flagship, the battleship Royal Sovereign, a messenger looked at the fleet commander with a worried expression.

At that moment, the fleet commander was also unsure of the Spaniards’ intentions. At such a critical juncture, any choice could completely alter the diplomatic relationship between Britain and Spain.

After a moment of silence, the fleet commander finally issued his orders. “Pass the word, continue through the Strait of Gibraltar.”

“Change our destination. Head directly for Malta. Also, send a telegram to London informing them of our situation.”

“If the government intends to fight the Spaniards, tell them to send more battleships.”

Although they had a slight advantage in battleships, the overall size of the Spanish Navy was greater than this British squadron.

Moreover, Spain had deployed a large number of shore batteries around the Strait of Gibraltar.

The effectiveness of these shore batteries was no less than that of a battleship. If a battle broke out now, the British fleet would have no chance of victory.

Under the close watch of the Spanish Navy, the British fleet cautiously passed through the Strait of Gibraltar. After crossing the strait, the fleet immediately headed east towards Malta, showing no intention of stopping at Gibraltar.

Although Gibraltar was an important British naval base, under the current circumstances, docking there was no different from walking into an enemy’s encirclement.

While Malta was a bit further from the Strait of Gibraltar, its advantage was its proximity to British colonies and friendly nations.

Even if war broke out, this fleet wouldn’t have to worry about being surrounded by the Spanish Navy. They could choose to dock in Greece or Egypt, or they could retreat through the Suez Canal and head to the more distant India.

Before long, the British government also received the relevant information.

They were astonished by the Spanish Navy’s bold actions, and there was concern within the British government that continuing to intimidate Spain might trigger a major war between the two countries.

But Britain was Britain, after all. If only for the sake of their pride, a formal protest was a must.

Shortly after the incident, the British government officially lodged a protest with the Spanish government.

They reprimanded Spain for having no right to blockade the Strait of Gibraltar, calling the act of locking their cannons onto the British fleet as it passed through a barbaric act.

Such behavior would not only damage diplomatic relations between Britain and Spain but also lead to unnecessary disputes and conflicts between their navies.

Following the protest, the British government demanded an explanation from Spain and an assurance that such barbaric behavior would not happen again.

Spain, for its part, was not particularly concerned about the British government’s diplomatic protest.

A diplomatic protest was, in essence, a form of compromise. In other words, war was now very unlikely to occur.

If Britain still wanted to go to war with Spain at this point, they would not resort to such a weak method as a diplomatic protest.

If protests could achieve what they wanted, the great powers would no longer need armies. Only war could make other nations submit; diplomatic protests were merely for saving face, to make things look good on the surface.

Since the British government wanted face, Spain would give it to them.

In response to the British diplomatic protest, the Spanish government issued its own statement.

First, Spain explained that the alleged aiming of cannons at the British fleet was just a misunderstanding.

The Spanish Navy was conducting a joint military exercise with the French Navy at the time, and the Spanish cannons were merely aimed at a target located in the same direction as the British fleet.

The Spanish government even provided several photographs, which showed that the target being hit was indeed in the same direction as the British fleet when it entered the strait.

As for the British government’s claim that Spain had blockaded the Strait of Gibraltar, that was an even bigger misunderstanding.

After all, the fact that the British fleet had passed through the Strait of Gibraltar unscathed already proved that no blockade existed.

The French government also provided some evidence, testifying that the Spanish Navy was indeed aiming at mutually agreed-upon targets, not the British fleet passing through the strait.

Since both the Spanish and French governments had said so, the British government naturally dropped its diplomatic protest.

Continuing to make a fuss would not only fail to save face but would also further strain relations between Britain and Spain.

British Prime Minister Archibald Primrose was no fool. The reason he had approved the Boer War was that Britain held an absolute advantage.

Even if planned with one’s toes, Britain’s probability of winning that war was extremely high.

But Spain was different. Spain’s current naval strength could be considered firmly in the world’s top three. If it were just a powerful navy, that would be one thing, but Spain’s army was also quite formidable.

In a war against such a nation, Britain genuinely could not be certain who would win or lose.

Although Britain could indeed reduce the flow of supplies from the Spanish mainland to the front lines by blockading the Strait of Gibraltar, this ultimately couldn’t change the fact that Morocco was in a disadvantageous position in the war.

Direct intervention by the British army could certainly slow the Spanish army’s offensive, but that was all it would do—slow it down.

The British government was quite self-aware about its army. The British army could certainly bully some of the weaker great powers, but against a country with a powerful army like Spain, its combat effectiveness was still lacking.

Although giving up Morocco would affect Britain’s control over Gibraltar to some extent, as long as Gibraltar itself was not lost, Britain would remain the dominant power in the Strait of Gibraltar.

This was how the incident had to be handled: trading Morocco for the opportunity for Britain to deal with the Boers in peace.

It would not be too late to reconsider the strategic layout of the Strait of Gibraltar after Britain had finished dealing with the Boers.

At worst, they could increase investment in the Mediterranean Fleet and still maintain control over the two sea outlets of the Mediterranean. At least in terms of navy and naval construction speed, Britain feared no country in the world.

Building battleships at a speed comparable to dropping dumplings in a pot was something that only the British Empire could achieve in the world at present.

While this farce between Spain and Britain was unfolding, the Royal Guards’ offensive in Morocco was proceeding very smoothly. The front line had already advanced to Larache, an important city in northwestern Morocco.

Because their logistics and supplies were so plentiful, the soldiers of the Royal Guards enjoyed fruit, beef, and mutton from Spain while relentlessly unleashing their bullets upon the Moroccans.

Despite there being only eight thousand troops in northern Morocco, in just a few days of war, the Royal Guards had expended over a million rounds of ammunition, and shell consumption was approaching six digits.

This expenditure of ammunition was not in vain. Besides their smooth advance, the Royal Guards had also inflicted massive casualties on the Moroccan army.

The northern region had always been a heavily garrisoned area for the Moroccan army, with tens of thousands of soldiers stationed there.

After Spain declared war on Morocco, the Moroccan government, while organizing troops to defend the south, also strengthened the defenses of its northern cities.

Originally, Tangier and Tétouan each had several thousand soldiers stationed, but after the war broke out, the number of soldiers had increased to over ten thousand in each.

During the Spanish attack on Tangier, these ten thousand-plus Moroccan troops were almost completely annihilated. Over a thousand Moroccan soldiers died under the fierce bombardment of the Spanish army, and several thousand more were captured and held in a prisoner-of-war camp established in Ceuta.

Spain did not intend to establish a long-term colony in Morocco, so it did not treat these captured Moroccan soldiers too harshly.

With the exception of the more extreme, highly anti-Spanish Moroccan soldiers, the rest would receive relatively good treatment, with two meals a day guaranteed.

Although these prisoners were required to help transport supplies for Spain under guard, this labor was not without compensation.

Fruit and canned meat were the most direct forms of payment and were the most popular items in the POW camp.

For these Moroccan soldiers, fruit and meat were things they could only eat on rare occasions.

To be able to eat fruit and meat as a prisoner was already quite a merciful treatment.

After the Royal Guards conquered Larache, the number of Moroccan prisoners in the POW camp had risen to over ten thousand.

The larger the number, the more difficult they were to manage. To prevent any unforeseen incidents in Ceuta, Andrew decided to manage these prisoners dispersedly by establishing a new POW camp in Tangier.

Although Tangier was a city recently occupied by Spain, because it was a port city, Spanish officials and soldiers for maintaining order had long since arrived, and military-style management had begun several days ago.

Currently, order in Tangier was relatively stable, so accommodating a portion of the prisoners was not a problem.

After dispersing the prisoners, Andrew set his sights on Ksar el-Kebir, southeast of Larache.

Not far east of Ksar el-Kebir was the Makhazen Reservoir, which provided a large amount of drinking water and agricultural irrigation for the surrounding cities, highlighting its strategic value.

As long as they could capture Ksar el-Kebir, Spain’s influence could expand to a radius of several dozen kilometers.

Further south lay Rabat, the capital of Morocco, and the major central cities of Meknes and Fez.

As long as they nibbled away at these cities step by step, ending the war would only be a matter of time.

The eight thousand men of the Royal Guards had also suffered a number of casualties during this period of fighting. The good news was that the total number of dead and seriously wounded was less than a hundred, which was one of the benefits of suppressive fire.

Soldiers with less severe injuries could basically return to combat after simple treatment at the field hospital established in Ceuta.

Those with more serious injuries needed to be transported by ship back to the mainland for treatment in hospitals in major cities.

Hospitals in the cities of Seville and Valencia were already prepared to receive the wounded, and the treatment of the injured was proceeding relatively smoothly.

Although the offensive at the front was going well, Carlo had no intention of letting these soldiers fight the entire war. His purpose was to let the soldiers of the Royal Guards “see some blood,” to personally experience a real battlefield and a real war.

Once the front-line soldiers of the Royal Guards had adapted to war, it would be necessary to rotate in other troops.

This Moroccan war served as an excellent training ground, allowing the majority of Spain’s army to personally experience the brutality of the battlefield and temper the will of the soldiers.

Of course, whether it was the Royal Guards or the Royal Army, there would inevitably be casualties when they set foot on the battlefield.

This was unavoidable. Trading a small, controllable number of casualties for the complete transformation of the Spanish army after experiencing war was a worthwhile bargain.

As for the soldiers who died on the battlefield, their families would be well taken care of and would receive a sizable sum in survivor’s benefits, a reward for their sacrifice in battle.

Chapter 371: The Casablanca Landing

May 15, 1895. The Royal Palace of Madrid, Spain.

Nearly twenty days had passed since Spain declared war, and the results achieved had both the Spanish government and its people quite excited.

The Royal Guards, an army composed of handpicked elites, lived up to their reputation. Their performance in the Moroccan campaign was outstanding; with only eight thousand men, they had routed a Moroccan army tens of thousands strong.

The Royal Guards were currently undergoing their first rotation to ensure that most of the troops could set foot on the Moroccan battlefield and be tested by its trials.

The Second and Third Infantry Regiments and the Second Artillery Regiment of the Royal Guards were on their way to Morocco. They would replace the First Infantry Regiment and First Artillery Regiment, which had been in combat for over half a month.

The Fourth Infantry Regiment would remain in Madrid to defend the capital and the Royal Palace. It would only join the Moroccan campaign after the troops withdrawn from the front lines had returned to the mainland.

In fact, Carlo’s original plan was to have the troops fighting in Morocco stay for at least a month to be properly tempered by the battlefield.

Unfortunately, the Moroccan army was powerless against the Spanish forces. They were already on the verge of reaching Morocco’s capital, Rabat. If the troops currently in Morocco were not rotated out soon, the war might be over before any other mainland units even had a chance to participate.

Of course, the discussion happening in the palace was not about the Royal Guards. It was mainly about when the Royal Army would join the war, and which units should be sent to the Moroccan front for experience.

Seeing how smoothly the Moroccan war was progressing, Minister of Defense Ricciotti was getting antsy.

Spain’s military consisted of more than just the Royal Guards; it also included the Royal Army, with a total strength of 175,000 men.

The soldiers of the Royal Guards needed to experience the harshness of the battlefield, but didn’t the soldiers of the Royal Army need it as well? Although Ricciotti had personally established the Spanish Royal Guards, he was now the Minister of Defense and was responsible for all of Spain’s armed forces.

The main purpose of Ricciotti’s audience with Carlo this time was to get the Royal Army involved in the war against Morocco as soon as possible, or at least to let some of its units experience the cruelty of the battlefield and be tempered by it.

The Royal Army would have to join the battle eventually anyway. The Royal Guards were too few in number, and a portion of them had to be left behind to protect Spain’s capital and the Royal Palace.

The two colonial divisions in the south were still quite a distance from the Moroccan capital of Rabat. To conquer the capital, the Royal Guards and the Royal Army would have to join forces.

After the last expansion, Spain’s mainland army had reached a strength of 175,000 men. This included twelve infantry divisions, five cavalry divisions, four artillery divisions, and four engineer regiments.

According to Minister of Defense Ricciotti’s plan, at least half of the army should be rotated into the battlefield to be tested and baptized by fire, no matter what.

Of course, it would be best if all the troops could be rotated through. The average age of soldiers in the Spanish Royal Army was currently just over twenty. By giving these soldiers battlefield experience, Spain would not have to worry about the combat effectiveness of its army for the next decade.

“Your Majesty, the First and Second Infantry Divisions and the First Cavalry Division are ready. They can join the Moroccan front at any time,” Minister of Defense Ricciotti said, his face filled with impatience. If the Royal Army didn’t join the war soon, the Royal Guards would take most of the credit.

Even the colonial troops launching the offensive from the south could get a piece of the pie, yet Spain’s mainland Royal Army still had no plan of attack.

Spain had been at peace for so long that the country’s senior military officials had long been eager for a war. Only through war could they rapidly accumulate military merit. Only war could provide more opportunities and channels for promotion to those officers who were stuck at their current military rank.

Carlo didn’t know whether to laugh or cry at Ricciotti’s eagerness, but he understood the army commanders’ urgent desire for military merit.

Although the Royal Guards were the royal family’s private army, the Royal Army was, in theory, also loyal to the king. Carlo would naturally treat them with equal consideration.

After nodding, Carlo asked, “Does the Ministry of Defense have a battle plan? Will these troops act in concert with the Royal Guards, or will they open a new front elsewhere?”

Ricciotti quickly replied, “The General Staff plans to land at Casablanca and sweep north to attack Rabat from the rear.

“With the Royal Army and the Royal Guards in a pincer attack from the north and south, we can ensure the annihilation of the Moroccan army to the greatest extent possible.

“With the Royal Army’s participation, we hope to breach Rabat and end this war within a month.”

Although it was described as a flanking maneuver on Rabat from the south, Carlo knew exactly what the army command was thinking. If they set out from Ceuta like the Royal Guards, most of the cities along the way would have already been captured by the Guards, leaving the army with little chance to earn much glory.

But Casablanca, south of Rabat, was territory untouched by Spanish troops. After conquering Casablanca, there were other large cities nearby like Settat, Khouribga, Oued Zem, and Mohammedia. There would be no shortage of opportunities for military merit.

Since he had already decided to treat both forces equally, Carlo naturally had no intention of blocking the army’s plan.

“Since you have a definite plan of attack, then proceed with it,” Carlo nodded and instructed, “Though battlefield experience is important, you must also try to minimize casualties.

“These young men joined the army out of love for their country. We must do our best to ensure they return to Spain safe and sound.”

Ricciotti nodded and gave a solemn assurance, “Please rest assured, Your Majesty. I will bring these young men back to Spain safely. The Ministry of Defense will absolutely not withhold any survivor’s benefits for soldiers who are wounded or killed in the war.”

Spain’s military reforms also involved policies related to survivor’s benefits. Although the benefits provided by the Spanish army were not high, Carlo had repeatedly and strictly forbidden the withholding of benefits for fallen soldiers.

If any official was found to be withholding survivor’s benefits, their political career would be effectively over. For the sake of troop morale, Carlo would absolutely not allow anyone to harm the interests of the army or its soldiers.

Besides, Spain’s survivor’s benefits were not that substantial to begin with. Even in a conflict on the scale of a World War, the government would not face bankruptcy from paying them.

On May 17, 1895, Spain officially launched a landing at the central Moroccan city of Casablanca.

Two infantry divisions and one artillery division were dispatched for this landing, all of them regular Spanish Royal Army units, immediately escalating the scale of the war in Morocco.

The Royal Army did not disappoint Carlo’s expectations. Although amphibious landings are among the most difficult types of warfare, the Royal Army’s performance was excellent. In less than two days, they had secured an area on the Casablanca coast large enough for a large-scale landing.

The city of Casablanca itself did not hold out for long under the Spanish army’s assault.

Although a Spanish Royal Army division was equipped with fewer cannons than a Guard Division, its armament was still absolutely first-class by the standards of European armies.

Because the Royal Army had just entered the war, each division’s ammunition supply was quite abundant. As Casablanca was the Royal Army’s first battle, the units naturally saw no need to conserve ammunition.

Under the continuous bombardment of several hundred cannons, the Moroccan city was soon reduced to rubble. The Spanish army occupied the city with grim expressions and then implemented strict military-style management.

It is worth mentioning that while the Spanish army showed no mercy to the Moroccan army, they did not carry out any large-scale massacres of Moroccan civilians in the occupied areas.

Apart from the more extreme Moroccans who harbored a particular hatred for Spain, most were treated well.

Those Moroccans who couldn’t afford food because of the war could even receive food aid from the Spanish. Though it was only black bread, which was barely edible, it was at least much better than starving.

At such a critical juncture, the Moroccan government was clearly not going to distribute relief supplies to them.

The ones providing them with aid were the enemies who were invading their homeland, which was rather ironic.

It was precisely because of the Spanish army’s impeccable conduct towards Moroccan civilians that the level of resistance from the populace was not as strong.

Although many Moroccans hated Spain for invading their country, most had become numb to it. After all, Spain’s colony of Southern Morocco had been established through an invasion of Morocco in the first place.

The Moroccans in the colony of Southern Morocco had been mostly assimilated into the larger Spanish community. The people in Morocco proper were, of course, aware of the situation of their compatriots in the occupied territories. Apart from those who truly loved their country, Morocco, most people were not particularly averse to joining another nation.

After all, for the commoners at the bottom, having enough to eat and living a good life was what mattered most. Did it really matter who ruled the country? It was merely replacing one exploiting class with another.

Compared to the current Moroccan government, Spain’s exploitation of the Moroccan people was actually less harsh. As long as they submitted to Spanish rule, these Moroccans could obtain Spanish citizenship in the future, and their status in the colony would be no different from that of Spaniards on the mainland.

They would face neither discrimination nor any other form of unequal treatment. they could enjoy all the policies of the colony and even hire free labor from other colonies to cultivate land and become plantation owners themselves.

This was unimaginable in the Morocco of today. Although Morocco was a country of white people, that did not mean its political system was democratic.

On the contrary, Morocco had an autocratic government, and its oppression of the common people was far more severe than in European countries.

The Moroccan people at this time had not yet developed a strong national consciousness. The only reason they joined the army to fight against Spain was because of the Moroccan government’s conscription.

They would be thrown in prison for resisting conscription, so for their own safety, they had no choice but to join the army and fight Spain.

This was also why Spain was not harsh on the Moroccan prisoners who surrendered. After their release, these prisoners could influence their families and friends, helping to whitewash Spain’s reputation for starting the war.

Chapter 372: The Siege of Rabat

Just as Carlo had predicted, after capturing Casablanca, the Royal Army did not march north to rendezvous with the Royal Guards. Instead, it dispatched part of its forces south to attack the nearby major cities of Settat and El Jadida.

Since the war began, the Royal Guards had already occupied over twenty thousand square kilometers of land. Several major Moroccan cities were now under Spanish control, a significant achievement for which the Royal Guards’ commander, Andrew, could hope for a promotion in military rank.

Naturally, the Royal Army wanted such military merit for itself. The area between Casablanca, El Jadida, and Settat was also a piece of land spanning over ten thousand square kilometers.

If they could occupy this territory before meeting up at Rabat, the Royal Army would have more accomplishments to record in its future annals of merit.

Unlike the Royal Guards, which consisted of only one division commanded by divisional commander Andrew, there was no need to worry about the distribution of accolades.

The Royal Army, on the other hand, had deployed several divisions. If they didn’t do their utmost to expand their gains, the merit would be spread thinly among each division.

Currently, the achievements of each mainland division were less than those of the two colonial divisions in the south. If they were to head to Rabat like this, even if they managed to break through Morocco’s capital, these mainland divisions would have no face to return to Spain with.

The treatment of mainland Spanish divisions and colonial divisions was worlds apart. In this war, the mainland divisions had to achieve greater results than their colonial counterparts.

If attacking El Jadida and Settat wasn’t enough, they also planned to attack Khouribga further east.

This would expand their occupied territory to nearly twenty thousand square kilometers, bringing their achievements much closer to those of the Royal Guards.

While the Royal Army was pushing south to attack surrounding large cities, the two colonial divisions further south had already joined forces in the Marrakesh region.

In the original plan, the two colonial divisions were to operate separately, one in the east and one in the west, and were not supposed to rendezvous so quickly.

The main reason for this change was that after the main Spanish army joined the battle, Morocco had also redeployed the majority of its troops to the northern regions.

Rabat was, after all, located in the north. For Morocco, protecting its capital was now the highest priority.

The capital and northern Morocco accounted for the majority of the country’s population. Losing a large swath of land in the south was one thing, but losing several cities in the north would be a devastating blow.

After the Moroccan government withdrew some of its southern garrisons, the two colonial divisions in the south reaped a huge advantage.

Many of the small cities they encountered along the way had virtually no defenses. Most cities surrendered without any resistance upon seeing the Spanish army.

This allowed the two colonial divisions to reach Marrakesh, the largest city in southern Morocco, with great ease.

Marrakesh is located in the central part of Morocco, not far from El Jadida and Settat to the north.

This demonstrated just how much territory the two colonial divisions had occupied. The occupied zone to the south covered tens of thousands of square kilometers at least, though due to the terrain, it was not densely populated with Moroccans.

Although each army group had only occupied a few tens of thousands of square kilometers, when added together, the total area was already larger than Portugal.

Morocco’s territory was vast, but it couldn’t withstand such losses.

At this point, aside from the areas surrounding the capital, Rabat, and the regions further east near the Sahara Desert, most of the country was already under Spanish control.

The Moroccan government was filled with despair over the war. Without explicit support from any European great powers, the surrender faction within the government now outnumbered the war faction.

Although surrenderism was prevalent in the country, Morocco’s nobility and royal family knew that while officials would remain officials, the royal family and the nobility would most certainly cease to be nobles.

Winning over officials would help Spain rule Morocco, but allowing the Moroccan nobility and royal family to remain would only destabilize Spanish rule.

Therefore, the first thing Spain would do after annexing Morocco would be to abolish the Moroccan royal family and nobility. This was the reason Morocco had not surrendered so far; the royal family and nobles were unwilling to relinquish their power and feared Spain would purge them after winning the war.

To secure a way out, the Moroccan government contacted the British Ambassador to Morocco, seeking Britain’s assistance.

The British Ambassador politely declined Morocco’s request but stated that Britain was willing to offer asylum to the Moroccan royal family.

If the Moroccan royal family wished, they could establish a government-in-exile in Britain and seek the restoration of their throne at some point in the future.

The main reason Britain was willing to take in the Moroccan royal family was that they were unwilling to give up on Morocco.

Their current retreat was only temporary. To concentrate their efforts on winning the Boer War, they had to temporarily avoid antagonizing the more powerful Spain.

But after winning the Boer War, the British would certainly turn their attention back to Morocco.

At that time, even if it didn’t lead to war with Spain, they would surely find ways to help Morocco gain independence from Spanish rule.

A legitimate Moroccan royal family was therefore quite important. As long as the royal family existed, Morocco’s nobles, for the sake of their own status, would naturally support their restoration.

Hearing the British Ambassador’s guarantee, the Moroccan royal family, though somewhat disappointed, was glad to have a fallback plan.

If they couldn’t hold Rabat in the future, they could try to evacuate to London, form a government-in-exile there, and await an opportunity to return to Morocco.

While Britain and the Moroccan royal family were holding these discussions, Spain was preparing for the siege of the Moroccan capital, Rabat.

As the end of May approached, the Spanish Royal Army and the Royal Guards finally met at Rabat.

The two colonial divisions from the south had now captured Marrakesh and were marching north towards Rabat. They were expected to reach the Moroccan capital within a week to participate in this final feast.

During this period, the Royal Army had captured El Jadida and Settat, expanding its occupied territory to over ten thousand square kilometers.

While they rendezvoused with the Royal Guards at Rabat, they also dispatched a division eastward to attack Khouribga and Oued Zem.

If the offensive went smoothly, this division could continue to push southeast towards Beni Mellal, bringing all of Morocco’s valuable central lands under its control.

This would create a situation where the Royal Guards occupied northern Morocco, the Royal Army occupied central Morocco, and the colonial divisions occupied southern Morocco.

Although it looked like a three-way partition of Morocco, the greatest credit would undoubtedly go to the Royal Guards and the Royal Army.

After all, the most valuable parts of Morocco were in the center and the north. The south, while largest in area, had low economic value and population, with Marrakesh being the only city with a significant population.

Central and northern Morocco had many populist cities; this alone was something southern Morocco could not compare to.

The Moroccan government had now pulled back all its remaining forces to the vicinity of the capital, attempting to stubbornly resist the Spanish army’s advance.

Because Spain had taken Southern Morocco, Morocco’s population now stood at just over four million.

Morocco had organized an army of nearly two hundred thousand for this war, but after the attrition from numerous battles, fewer than seventy thousand troops remained available.

These seventy thousand soldiers were all gathered around Rabat. The elite troops armed with firearms had already been wiped out. The remaining forces were mostly equipped with cold weapons, grimly guarding the capital and staring fearfully at the distant Spanish army.

At this stage of the war, almost all Moroccans understood the gap between themselves and Spain. Without British support, Morocco wouldn’t have even been able to form an army equipped with modern firearms.

To create that five-thousand-strong firearm-equipped army, the Moroccan government had expended vast amounts of manpower, materials, and finances, taking a full decade to do so.

This army was established with the very intention of preventing a Spanish colonial invasion. The Moroccan government wanted to avoid a repeat of the tragedy that had befallen Southern Morocco.

Unfortunately, this army’s impact was extremely limited. The five-thousand-strong modern army was almost completely wiped out by the Spanish Royal Guards in just two days.

Without the help of a modern army, the rest of Morocco’s forces were utterly vulnerable before the Spanish army.

Morocco was, after all, a native African state. Even if the government had a tendency to learn from the West, it was impossible to establish a large-scale industrial and military power comparable to European nations in a short time.

Spain’s military strength was feared even by the great powers of Europe; it was certainly not something a small country like Morocco could contend with.

It was no exaggeration to say that in a fight against armies of the same level from other countries, only the armies of France and Germany could put the Spanish army in a difficult battle.

The armies of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Russia, also known for their land forces, would not gain much of an advantage against the Spanish army. In fact, with its superior weaponry, the Spanish army could even gain a certain edge.

However, because these countries had larger populations than Spain, they would likely not engage Spain with armies of equal size in most situations.

The good news was that Spain’s population was slowly increasing, with hopes of further closing the gap with the European great powers in the future. If they could annex all of Morocco, not only would Spain’s territory expand significantly, but its population would also reach a new level.

These Moroccans, being Caucasians, would not be very different from Spaniards once they were assimilated.

As long as Spaniards were encouraged to intermarry with Moroccans in large numbers, the mixed-blood children they produced would become pure Spaniards in the future.

By exposing them to Catholicism and the Spanish language from a young age, when this next generation grew up, their sense of identification with Spain would be much higher, and the idea of being “Moroccan” would naturally cease to exist.

Currently, Spain’s assimilation of the Moroccans in the colony of Southern Morocco has been very effective. Spain has transported a considerable number of European immigrants, including some Spaniards, to its various colonies.

The colonial governments encourage these European immigrants to intermarry with Moroccans. The offspring of these mixed marriages, after receiving a Spanish education, naturally consider themselves Spanish.

This is one of the reasons for the continually rising proportion of Spaniards in the colonies. Spain has no discrimination against these mixed-heritage descendants; it is even much easier for them to obtain Spanish citizenship.

If Spain were to include these people of Spanish descent and mixed heritage from the colonies in its census, its total population would increase by at least several hundred thousand more.

A Few Words

A few words.

There have indeed been some issues with updates these past few days. I’d like to explain why I’ve taken several days off this month.

The first time I took a day off this month was because I had updated continuously for half a month last month without a single break, and I wanted to rest.

The second time, I genuinely lost track of time while playing games. I am deeply sorry for that.

The third time I took off, two days ago, was because I had to go get my marriage certificate yesterday. The makeup, photos, and everything else took a very long time.

I had originally planned for a burst update today, but my fever is quite severe. My head’s not in the game at all, and my body is burning up. I really don’t think I can write. (I’m not faking it; there’s a picture in the bonus chapter.)

I won’t say much more. Including today, I’ve taken four days off. After I recover, I will do a burst update for four days (at least ten thousand words per day).

Let this chapter be the proof. If I don’t follow through, you can all stop voting for me in the future. (I really can’t write today. A high fever is truly awful; I feel like I’m only half-conscious.)

Everything I’ve said is from the heart. I’m going to rest early. The burst updates will begin as soon as I’m better. (Starting from tomorrow, for every extra day it takes for this cold to go away, I will add another day of writing ten thousand words.)

Chapter 373: The Treaty and the Italian Farce

The siege of the Moroccan capital, Rabat, was undoubtedly the most brutal battle of the war, and also the one in which Morocco and Spain mobilized the greatest number of soldiers.

On the Moroccan side, the remaining force of fewer than seventy thousand soldiers, plus thirty thousand militiamen hastily organized by the Moroccan government, formed a defending army of nearly one hundred thousand. They established line after line of defensive positions around Rabat.

As the attacking party, Spain also deployed a considerable number of troops. About eight thousand soldiers of the Royal Guards and around twenty-eight thousand from the Royal Army formed the main force, supplemented by two colonial divisions totaling nearly forty thousand men. All told, their forces numbered around seventy-six thousand.

To breach Rabat, the Spanish army had made ample preparations.

In addition to deploying every type and caliber of cannon available, Spain had also occupied nearly all the Moroccan cities surrounding Rabat, leaving the large city completely isolated and without support.

The nearest city still under Moroccan government control was tens of kilometers away, meaning it was practically impossible for Rabat to receive aid from any other city.

The Moroccan government had steeled itself to defend Rabat.

The government formed a disciplinary squad of up to three thousand men, using a hardline stance to compel the hundred-thousand-strong army to resolutely resist the Spanish attack.

This forced the Moroccan soldiers to fight with all their might, but it came at a cost: over a thousand of them had already been killed at the hands of the disciplinary squad.

Of course, the battlefield was no place for mercy.

Disciplinary squads were quite necessary. After all, humans have an instinctive fear of death. The existence of a disciplinary squad could minimize desertions and unite the entire army.

The Spanish army also had disciplinary squads. However, they were rarely used among the Royal Guards and the Royal Army; only the colonial troops required them to maintain order.

Fortunately, the Spanish side had maintained the upper hand. With constant fire suppression, the casualties suffered by the Spanish army were minimal.

Low casualties, combined with sufficient logistical support, naturally made desertions a rare phenomenon in the Spanish army.

During the first week of the siege of Rabat, the Moroccan soldiers and the Spanish army fought to a standstill. Although they couldn’t push back the Spanish offensive, their stubborn fighting spirit, along with the督促 of the disciplinary squads, allowed them to hold Rabat’s final line of defense.

In that week alone, the Moroccan army suffered over thirty thousand casualties. On average, more than two thousand soldiers died each day—an astonishing figure.

If Spain had not been trying to minimize its own casualties, the losses on the Moroccan side would have been even greater.

The main assault force had consistently been the two colonial divisions. After all, the lives of these natives were certainly less valuable than those of the Spaniards in the Royal Guards and the Royal Army.

From the second week of the siege, the Spanish army began to get serious. Rabat had now been under siege for a week, and both the Moroccan government and the people of Rabat had lost all confidence in the war.

The question was no longer whether they could win, but rather how great the losses would be and whether the current Moroccan royal family and nobility could survive.

Starting from the eighth day of the siege, the daily casualties on both sides rose to a new level.

Spain had brought in a total of several hundred cannons, which consumed over ten thousand shells every day.

Under the relentless bombardment, the Spanish army achieved significant results. Rabat’s outer defenses were breached, forcing the Moroccan army to retreat into the city to defend it.

The elite Moroccan troops were dwindling, and the Moroccan government had to resort to forcibly conscripting civilians in Rabat to fill the gaps in the army.

While this did slow the Spanish offensive—after all, Spain could not afford to fight street to street with a disregard for casualties—this forced conscription also increased the Moroccan civilians’ resentment toward their government.

These forcibly conscripted Moroccan civilians not only received no training, but they even had to provide their own weapons.

This resulted in the newly formed Moroccan units being armed with a chaotic assortment of weapons, predominantly cold weapons.

On the eighth day of the siege of Rabat, the Spanish army’s single-day casualties had risen to nearly two thousand.

This was the highest number of soldiers Spain had lost in a single day since the war began.

Of course, conservative estimates suggested that Spain had also inflicted nearly ten thousand casualties on the Moroccan army. Moreover, since most of the casualties were native soldiers, this exchange ratio was not a loss for the Spanish army at all.

Under the full force of the Spanish army’s assault, Morocco could no longer withstand such enormous losses.

On the twelfth day of the siege of Rabat, the Moroccan government finally broke, announcing its surrender to the Spanish with fewer than thirty thousand troops remaining.

Upon entering Rabat, the Spanish army immediately secured the areas where the Moroccan government and royal family were located.

The good news was that most of the Moroccan government officials were still in Rabat. Controlling them was equivalent to controlling more than half of Morocco.

The bad news was that the Spanish army did not find any members of the royal family in Morocco’s Royal Palace. The British Ambassador to Morocco had also long since vanished.

Based on the available clues, it was presumed that the Moroccan royal family had fled with the British Ambassador a day earlier, which was the reason the Moroccan government and army had surrendered to Spain.

Letting the Moroccan royals escape was a shame, but at least Spain had captured Rabat and controlled most of Morocco’s territory.

The most important task now was not to pursue the Moroccan royal family, but to quickly consolidate Spanish rule over Morocco and begin the integration process that the Spanish government had long anticipated.

On June 15, 1895, the day after capturing Rabat, the Spanish government sent diplomatic representatives to begin peace negotiations with the Moroccan government.

Though called peace negotiations, they were, in reality, a mere formality.

Most of Morocco’s territory had been conquered by Spain, and even its government was in Spanish hands. These officials couldn’t even guarantee their own safety, so how could they possibly defy Spain’s wishes during peace talks and make their own situation worse?

The peace negotiations lasted for three days. Throughout the process, the Moroccan officials were almost entirely submissive, agreeing to all of Spain’s demands without any hesitation.

On June 18, 1895, the final day of the negotiations, diplomatic representatives from Spain and the Moroccan government signed their names to the peace treaty, witnessed by numerous newspaper outlets.

The first article of the treaty concerned the disposition of Morocco’s existing territory.

The current Morocco would be merged with Spain’s colony of Southern Morocco and renamed the colony of Morocco, with its capital in the northern city of Ceuta.

Due to the merger with the colony of Southern Morocco, the colony of Morocco would be larger than mainland Spain, with a vast area of at least seven to eight hundred thousand square kilometers.

This also meant that the “colony” status was destined to be temporary. Once the integration of the colony of Morocco had progressed sufficiently, Carlo would divide it into several appropriately sized provinces with their own administrative divisions.

The newly established colony of Morocco would require a garrison. After all, it was newly conquered territory. Although most Moroccans could be assimilated, a portion of them harbored a deep-seated hatred for Spain because of the war, and these people had to be watched.

In the future, the most important task for the colony of Morocco would be to eliminate these anti-Spanish Moroccans and then begin the work of assimilating the more moderate ones.

While the assimilation work proceeded in the colony of Morocco, Spain would also bring in as many immigrants as possible from various European countries and the mainland.

This was partly to fill the population gap in the Moroccan region and partly to dilute the proportion of local Moroccans.

Although Moroccans could be assimilated, they constituted the majority of the local population, which was never a good thing for Spain.

Only by reducing the proportion of Moroccans to around half could the stability of the region be effectively guaranteed.

The good news was that Morocco’s overall population was not large, so the task of diluting the population would not be as difficult as imagined.

Although the population of the unified colony of Morocco had risen back to over five million, only about 4.5 million were actually Moroccan.

To reduce the proportion of Moroccans to about half, Spain would only need to transport a little over two million Moroccans to other regions.

Two million might seem like a large number, but for Spain, it was no longer a difficult task.

Even at the pace of assimilation in the former colony of Southern Morocco, it would likely take less than ten years to complete the population transfer for the colony of Morocco.

This meant Spain would possess enormous potential before World War I. If Spain could reap significant benefits during the war while ensuring its mainland remained untouched, it had the hope of becoming an even more powerful super great power after the war’s conclusion.

When news of the signed peace treaty reached Spain, the Spanish public expressed strong approval of the government’s latest territorial expansion.

Morocco was quite important to Spain, which had long had its eyes on the region. Unfortunately, due to persistent interference from the British government, as well as French interest in the area, Spain had coveted the land but had been unable to annex it.

For Carlo, he had achieved what several previous Spanish kings had failed to do. With the annexation of Morocco, Spain had become a force to be reckoned with on the European continent. In terms of mainland potential alone, it was now on par with Britain, France, and Germany.

Now that the war was over, most of the troops in Morocco were to be recalled.

The Royal Guards had already boarded transport ships and begun their return journey on the same day the peace negotiations started. Of the three mainland divisions that participated in the conflict, only one infantry division would remain stationed in a northern Moroccan city; the rest would return to mainland Spain.

The two colonial divisions would remain in Morocco for a period to help the colonial government restore order and stability before returning to other colonies.

Once the situation in Morocco stabilized somewhat, the Moroccan colonial government would also establish its own colonial army.

Due to their proximity to mainland Spain, these forces could not only maintain stability in the Moroccan region but could also be deployed north to the Spanish mainland when needed to aid in its defense.

As of the beginning of 1895, Spain’s population had just surpassed thirty million.

Including the Moroccan population slated for assimilation, Spain’s population had the potential to exceed forty million in ten years.

It was currently 1895; ten years later would only be 1905.

If Spain could reach a population of over forty million by around 1905, it would be completely unaffected even if a World War broke out ten years ahead of schedule.

A population of over forty million could easily field an army of over three million, and with the addition of auxiliary troops from the colonies, Spain would have no problem committing five to six million men to a world war.

This meant that regardless of which side Spain joined in a World War, it would have a high probability of emerging victorious.

Whichever side those five to six million men were thrown into, the scales of war would tip in their favor. This was why Carlo was not in a hurry to choose a side in Europe. To a certain extent, Spain truly had the power to decide which of the two military blocs would be the ultimate victor.

While Spain had decisively concluded the Moroccan war, the British were still mired in a bitter struggle with the Boers.

It was worth noting that the Boer population was less than one-tenth of Morocco’s.

Even if Boer soldiers were as capable as the armies of Europe’s great powers, their population limited them to an army of forty to fifty thousand at most.

How could the mighty British Empire be unable to deal with just forty to fifty thousand Boer soldiers?

This was a question that most European nations couldn’t help but ask as they watched the Boer War.

Yes, the Boers had received support from other European nations, including the Netherlands and Germany.

But this support was limited, mostly concentrated in weapons, equipment, and supplies.

No European nation had sent an official volunteer army. The Netherlands sent the largest number of civilian volunteers, totaling just over a thousand.

This level of assistance should not have had a major impact on the battlefield. After all, compared to the Boers, Britain should have had plenty of men and money.

The good news was that the British Army was not the worst-performing among the great powers. Italy had successfully demonstrated its rock bottom in its war with Abyssinia, showing the nations of Europe what true combat ineptitude looked like.

The reason for Italy’s invasion of Abyssinia was simple: there was no other territory left in Europe or Africa for Italy to occupy.

Italy’s options for expansion within Europe were extremely limited. To the east and west were the Austro-Hungarian Empire and France, two nations that Italy clearly could not afford to provoke.

To the north lay Switzerland, a small nation, but one recognized as permanently neutral. Moreover, Switzerland held little economic value; for Italy, the disadvantages of occupying it far outweighed the benefits.

The only European territory Italy could covet was the Balkan Peninsula, across the Adriatic Sea.

However, it was clear that since the last war, when Germany and Austria-Hungary joined forces to defeat Russia, the Balkan Peninsula had become the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s sphere of influence.

Although Italy was an ally of Austria-Hungary, when it came to national interests, even for an ally, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would absolutely not yield.

With Germany backing Austria-Hungary, Italy temporarily abandoned its ambitions in the Balkan Peninsula and turned its attention to Africa.

North Africa had been almost completely carved up by the great powers, leaving only Libya, a land of vast deserts, without a clear owner.

In theory, Libya was closest to Italy, and the Italian government should have easily been able to bring it into its colonial sphere.

But because of Libya’s relatively important strategic location—flanked by France’s Tunisian colony to the west and Britain’s Egyptian colony to the east—Italy had never managed to fully bring Libya under its colonial rule.

Another major reason was French opposition. With Spain’s help, Italy had forcibly seized two territories in Tunisia from the French, causing France’s opinion of Italy to plummet.

Although no major conflicts broke out, France consistently opposed Italian colonial expansion in North Africa, which was why Italy had failed to pocket Libya.

Unable to expand in North Africa, Italy could only set its sights on more distant parts of Africa.

Although Africa was vast, its coastlines had been almost entirely divided up by the European great powers. After a thorough search, Italy could only turn its attention to the much tougher target of Abyssinia.

Of course, at the time, it was not yet called Ethiopia. The country in this region was known as the Abyssinian Empire, ruled by the Solomonic dynasty.

Established in 1270, the Abyssinian Empire had endured for over six hundred years. Although it remained within the scope of a native African state, its military strength was undoubtedly among the top two of all native states in Africa.

Having had contact with European colonizers, the Abyssinian Empire was well aware of their strength.

In the initial stages of the Italian invasion, the Abyssinian Empire, under pressure from Italy’s status as a great power, made repeated concessions.

This allowed Italy to acquire the regions of Tigray, Adigrat, and Adwa, at one point extending its colonial reach into the Abyssinian heartland.

The Abyssinian Empire initially believed that such concessions would satisfy the Italians, but they had not expected that this small amount of land would be nowhere near enough to sate Italy’s appetite.

Faced with Abyssinia’s progressive retreats, Italy made an even more outrageous demand, forcing the Abyssinian Empire to become Italy’s protectorate.

Naturally, the Abyssinian Empire could not accept such a demand.

Dealing with the disobedient Abyssinian Empire, the Italians decided to strike first.

Italy’s colony of Eritrea had been established on occupied Abyssinian coastal lands. Upon receiving orders from the Italian government, the colony’s Governor-General, General Baratieri, launched a surprise attack on the Abyssinian Empire.

The Italian army advanced ferociously, occupying Aksum, the traditional coronation site of the Abyssinian emperors, and threatening to advance deep into the empire’s heartland.

The Italians believed the war would be over quickly, just another routine colonial war against African natives that would be a mere footnote in history.

But unexpectedly, just as the Italian army grew complacent from its string of sweeping victories, the Abyssinian army delivered a fatal blow.

Abyssinia organized tens of thousands of soldiers to resist the Italian colonial invasion. Among them, a force of about thirty thousand men set an ambush on the flat-topped mountain of Amba Alagi near Lake Ashangi, successfully trapping an Italian force of about thirteen hundred.

Caught completely unprepared, the entire force was annihilated, and its commander, Major Toselli, was killed in the battle.

The annihilation of thirteen hundred Italian soldiers was a staggering outcome.

With a field-grade officer killed on the battlefield, the news sent shockwaves through Italy and all of Europe, and the popularity of the Italo-Abyssinian War suddenly surpassed that of the Boer War.

If this news merely drew the attention of European nations to an otherwise unremarkable war, then the next report turned the Italian Army into a laughingstock across Europe.

Not satisfied with this small victory, the Abyssinian Empire pressed on. Another army, led by Duke Makonnen, Governor of Harar, besieged Mekelle, the capital of the Kingdom of Tigray, a subordinate of the Abyssinian Empire that had previously been occupied by the Italian army.

Because it was an occupied territory, Italy had stationed twelve hundred soldiers there to maintain stability.

The Abyssinian Empire’s target was these twelve hundred soldiers, and as it turned out, they succeeded in achieving their goal.

With their advanced weaponry, the twelve hundred Italian soldiers were able to hold out for a long time against the attack of tens of thousands of Abyssinian troops.

But because the entire city was surrounded by the Abyssinian army, the Italian forces could receive no supplies. No matter how advanced their weapons, they would sooner or later become useless scrap metal.

After holding out for a month and a half, the Italian forces had, for all intents and purposes, run out of ammunition and food.

Once they were certain that the enemy’s ammunition was depleted, the soldiers of the Abyssinian Empire launched one relentless assault after another against the fortress.

These African natives displayed astonishing courage and determination. Although they did not directly breach the city, the Italian army, having exhausted its supplies, lost its will to fight and ultimately chose to surrender to the Abyssinian Empire.

While Britain held the advantage in its war with the Boers, it seemed that the Abyssinian Empire had the upper hand in its war with Italy.

In such a short period, Italy had already lost nearly twenty-five hundred soldiers.

Thirteen hundred were annihilated, and twelve hundred surrendered after suffering immense casualties.

This was a rare occurrence for European powers. In the past, colonial wars could be won with very few troops. Why couldn’t Italy do the same?

It wasn’t just the other European nations that were curious; even Italy’s own King Umberto I was extremely surprised.

Based on the Italian army’s current performance, its combat effectiveness was a tier below that of the British army. The British army was, in turn, a tier below land powers like France, Germany, and Spain. Didn’t that mean Italy’s army was at least two tiers below the top land powers of Europe?

Umberto I could hardly believe this reality. He had always believed Italy should be a strong land power and had invested heavily in military expenditure for the army’s expansion.

How was it that Spain could build a powerful army, while Italy’s could only become the laughingstock of Europe?

Furious, Umberto I rejected a peace letter from Emperor Menelik II of Abyssinia. He regarded the Italian army’s defeat in Abyssinia as a disgrace and demanded the government allocate more funds and send more reinforcements to the front to wash away the shame for Italy and its army.

As it turned out, the Italian Army’s combat effectiveness was indeed just that poor.

With increased military expenditure, the number of Italian troops deployed to the front reached nearly twenty thousand.

Normally, twenty thousand regular troops invading a native African country should have been able to win the war with their eyes closed.

But the Italian army was unique. Not only did they lose the war, but they were utterly routed. The Italian army was completely defeated, with fewer than eight thousand of the twenty thousand soldiers managing to escape back to Eritrea. The rest were either killed in action or captured.

The reason the Abyssinian army was able to display such formidable combat prowess was not only due to their soaring passion for defending their country but also the exceptional talent shown by the empire’s commanders, which played a crucial role.

Emperor Menelik II and the princes and dukes who commanded the armies successfully employed a whole set of stratagems and tactics that had been skillfully used in Abyssinia for over a thousand years, including creating illusions, spreading false intelligence, and employing diversionary tactics.

The Italian army could never have imagined that the Abyssinian army could be so cunning. Combined with the large number of new recruits in the Italian forces, this ultimately led to a disastrous defeat.

The Abyssinian Empire captured over eleven thousand rifles and more than fifty cannons, which instantly enriched its military arsenal.

At this rate, as the Abyssinian Empire sustained its war effort with the spoils of war, its military strength would only become more formidable.

The weapons and equipment Italy poured into its army ended up being a gift to the Abyssinian Empire. At present, the Abyssinian Empire was certainly the only native state in Africa equipped with over ten thousand rifles.

Supplemented by tens of thousands of rifles and dozens of cannons, it would now be much more difficult for the Italian army to conquer the entire Abyssinian Empire.

Just as the nations of Europe were wondering whether the Abyssinian Empire would press its advantage and retake the Italian-occupied territory of Eritrea, Emperor Menelik II made a decision that surprised them all: he stationed his troops on the Eritrean border and ceased attacks on Italian-occupied areas.

The Abyssinian Empire’s halt in its offensive was a great relief to the Italian government. If Eritrea had been retaken, Italy’s humiliation would have been immense.

Aware that it was now at a disadvantage, the Italian government did not persist for long. After a period of negotiations, they finally signed the Treaty of Addis Ababa with the Abyssinian Empire.

The treaty stipulated that Italy would respect the independent status of the Abyssinian Empire, accept responsibility for starting the war, and pay an indemnity payment of ten million lira to the victor, the Abyssinian Empire.

In return, the Abyssinian Empire renounced its claim to the Eritrean territory already occupied by Italy, and the two sides reached an agreement on the issue of land.

The Abyssinian Empire would no longer threaten Italy from the north, and Italy would no longer covet the Abyssinian heartland from the south.

As it turned out, Menelik II was quite clever.

As the war progressed, the calendar had reached the end of October.

If the fighting continued, the planting season in Ethiopia would soon arrive. For the sake of the harvest, the empire’s soldiers would have to return home to sow and cultivate their fields.

If they were forcibly kept in the army at that time, it would inevitably cause resentment among the soldiers. After all, even if they won the war, the impact on agriculture would be irreversible.

Furthermore, there were still many states in the southern part of the Abyssinian Empire that remained outside its rule. Menelik II believed that incorporating these states and other lands into the empire was the most important matter.

There was no need to reclaim the lost territory of Eritrea in the north. After all, it was the Abyssinian coast and the most prosperous and bustling part of the entire empire.

If they insisted on retaking Eritrea, it would undoubtedly provoke a more ferocious counterattack from the Italians. If the conflict were to drag on for years, like the war between the British and the Boers, it would not be worth it.

After all, the war was being fought in the Abyssinian heartland, with little impact on Italy’s domestic agriculture and industry.

As long as its mainland remained unaffected, Italy could wage a protracted war. But the Abyssinian heartland would be affected by the conflict, and the longer the war dragged on, the less advantageous it would be for Abyssinia.

The European nations were not surprised by Abyssinia’s concessions. Although Abyssinia had gained a temporary advantage, the vast difference in national strength between the two countries meant that if the war continued, the Italians would sooner or later regain the upper hand.

What truly surprised and puzzled the European nations was the Italian government’s sudden concession.

Logically, even after suffering a defeat, the Italian government should have been thinking about how to strike back.

But unexpectedly, when the Abyssinian Empire proposed peace talks again, the Italian side actually agreed to their request and ultimately signed such a treaty.

Although the Abyssinian Empire ultimately recognized Italy’s right to rule Eritrea, Italy was also forced to acknowledge Abyssinia’s independent status and pay them an indemnity of ten million lira.

While the indemnity payment was not large, it solidified Italy’s status as the defeated nation. A great power being defeated by a native state—the story was laughable no matter how you looked at it.

Had the Italian government been even slightly tougher, it would not have so easily become the laughingstock of Europe. After all, Britain, currently the most powerful nation, was in a similar situation. They were unable to quickly defeat the Boers and could only slowly wear down their potential through attrition before ending the war.

For Britain, Italy’s terrible performance was a relief. If the performance of the British army was merely poor, then the performance of the Italian army could be described as abysmal, or even utterly abysmal.

With the Italian army’s dreadful performance attracting all the attention, at least the noble British government would not lose face. After all, Britain’s conduct was clearly far more respectable than that of the Italian government.

In fact, when Italy launched this war, Carlo knew that it was highly unlikely to succeed.

Carlo was, after all, of Italian descent and had a relatively clear understanding of the Italian Army’s combat effectiveness. In the period just after Italy’s unification, the combat strength of the Italian Army was certainly respectable.

At that time, the army of the Kingdom of Sardinia was definitely above the passing line, and the Redshirts organized by Garibaldi were exceptionally powerful, having eliminated the then Kingdom of the Two Sicilies through a single expedition.

Unfortunately, with the deaths of Carlo’s father, Vittorio Emanuele II, and Garibaldi, who had formed the Redshirts, the Italian army’s combat effectiveness had plummeted.

All told, the Italian army had not experienced a large-scale war in over twenty years.

Twenty years was enough time for generations of soldiers to cycle through the army. Under such circumstances, it would have been strange if the Italian army had managed to maintain its combat strength.

Don’t be fooled by Italy’s past seizure of two colonies in Tunisia from France. The main reason was that the Italian army never clashed with French forces; they only fought against the Tunisian army.

Had they faced the French army, the Italian army would absolutely not have lasted long. At the time, because Italy had Spain’s support, France ultimately chose to back down, which meant the Italian army’s true combat strength was never revealed.

A long time had passed since Italy occupied the Tunisian colonies, and the Italian soldiers who had participated in that war had mostly retired from the army.

Although the total number of soldiers in the Italian army looked decent on paper, most of them were new recruits with little combat capability.

Italy was also reluctant to commit its truly capable troops to the Abyssinian front. This led to the Italian army’s extremely poor performance in the war, setting a new low for the worst performance by a European great power.

The Italian army’s terrible performance in Abyssinia caused considerable public dissatisfaction, and public dissatisfaction with the government meant that someone had to step up and take the blame.

It certainly couldn’t be King Umberto I, which meant there was only one candidate who could take the blame: the incumbent Prime Minister, Francesco Crispi.

Not long after the peace talks concluded, Umberto I dismissed Prime Minister Francesco Crispi with lightning speed and appointed the right-wing Prime Minister Antonio Starabba as the new head of the Italian government.

Although having the prime minister take the blame quickly quelled the Italian public’s anger, the war’s impact on Italy did not disappear.

A great power losing to a native African state in combat was a massive blow to Italy’s military and public morale.

The Italian Army had previously boasted of being one of Europe’s strong armies, even daring to compare itself to the armies of France and Germany.

But now, after losing the war with the Abyssinian Empire, far from being called a strong European army, the Italian Army was now reputed to be the weakest among the great powers. Some smaller and medium-sized European nations even began to believe that their own armies could defeat the Italian Army in a direct confrontation without any problem.

The greatest impact of this shift in perception on the Italian Army was that they completely lost their confidence.

Confidence is crucial in an army. If the soldiers themselves do not believe they can defeat the enemy, they will certainly be unable to defeat them on the main front.

Italy’s failure on the African front instilled a sense of urgency in Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Although the confrontation between Europe’s two military blocs was currently two great powers against three, it was actually the two great powers—France and Russia—that held the advantage.

There was no helping it; the individual strengths of France and Russia were simply too formidable. Both France and Russia were comparable to Germany in terms of military might.

Originally, the combined forces of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy could barely contend with the remaining great power. However, after the Italian army’s farcical performance in Africa, neither Germany nor the Austro-Hungarian Empire believed that Italy could help them against super great powers like France and Russia.

Under these circumstances, recruiting another militarily powerful ally became essential.

At present, the options in Europe were few, essentially limited to Britain and Spain.

Germany actually preferred to form an alliance with Britain, as Britain’s naval power was stronger, something Germany could not match.

If Germany and Britain were to ally, the alliance would possess both the world’s strongest navy and the world’s strongest army—a truly ideal situation.

Unfortunately, Kaiser Wilhelm II’s public statement of support for the Boers had, to some extent, damaged relations between Germany and Britain.

Furthermore, Britain’s attention was entirely focused on the Boer War, leaving the British government with no interest in an alliance with Germany.

If they were to ally with Germany, France and Russia, two countries with grievances against Britain, would inevitably intervene forcefully in the Boer War.

This was something the British were unwilling to see, and it was the reason they remained neutral in the confrontation between Europe’s two military blocs for the time being.

It couldn’t be helped. Britain had made too many enemies. When choosing a military alliance, they had to consider not only the strength of their allies but also the risk of being ganged up on first.

Despite the considerable enmity between Germany and France, if Britain were to truly join the German-Austrian Alliance, Britain would become the most hated enemy for both France and Russia.

Aligning with Germany at this moment would mean becoming a target for them. The British were not fools; they would not take sides so easily, unless the benefits were irresistible.

Chapter 374: History of the Iberian Peoples

Carlo wasn’t particularly interested in the war between Italy and the Abyssinian Empire. The region of Ethiopia was too far from Spain, and Spain had little to no way of intervening, so there was no need to pay it much attention.

From the moment Morocco was annexed, the Spanish government had formulated a rather meticulous plan for its assimilation.

Because the vast majority of Moroccan commoners were Caucasian, they were not rejected by the Spaniards. As long as they were willing to embrace Catholicism and learn Spanish, they would be considered part of the Spanish people.

To prevent these Moroccans from resisting joining the larger Spanish community, Carlo planned to approach it from a cultural angle, commissioning a custom-made history of Morocco for them.

There is a saying that goes, “History is written by the victors.”

As the victor, Spain naturally had the right to write Morocco’s history, allowing all Moroccans to learn a more correct version of historical knowledge.

The fact that Moroccans were the only Caucasians native to Africa was the entry point for all of Spain’s writers and historians.

The Moroccans’ adherence to Islam wasn’t a major issue; after all, large swathes of Spain itself had been occupied by heretics before the Reconquista.

In just a few short months, several books on the history of the Iberian Peninsula were published in Spain. The most famous of these was titled History of the Integration of the Iberian Peoples. This book detailed the history of the peninsula over the past millennium and boldly proposed that all the peoples of the Iberian Peninsula, including the white population of Morocco, should belong to a single people: the Spanish.

“Spanish” did not refer to a single ethnicity, but rather a collective term for all the peoples of the Iberian Peninsula.

Such a claim might seem audacious, but upon careful consideration, it held a certain logic.

How are different peoples distinguished? Generally, it’s by their different languages, scripts, and customs.

Take the British and the French, for example. Their languages and scripts are completely different, and their customs vary significantly. Anyone with a slight understanding of the cultural differences between these two nations could easily tell an Englishman and a Frenchman apart, even without knowing their identities.

But if you were to swap the British and French for Spaniards and Portuguese, it would be impossible to tell them apart in a short time without a detailed understanding of both peoples.

The difference between Portuguese and Spanish is not significant; it’s more akin to a regional dialectal variation. The customs of the Spaniards and Portuguese are also very similar, as the two countries are closely connected and their latitudes are not far apart.

Even the histories of Spain and Portugal share astonishing similarities.

Both Portugal and Spain were gradually unified and formed their current territories during the Iberian Reconquista, and both pioneered the colonial era after unification.

While Spain was building its empire on which the sun never set, Portugal’s maritime colonization was also thriving. When Spain lost its American colonies for various reasons, Portugal’s colonies were also being continually lost.

It was for these reasons that Spain and Portugal were so highly similar, making the claim that Spaniards and Portuguese were related peoples far from baseless.

As for the Moroccans, the differences between them and the Spaniards were certainly greater than those between the Portuguese and the Spaniards.

But the problem was that Morocco’s educational situation was far worse than Portugal’s. To put it bluntly, most Moroccans had no idea about their own country’s history.

Perhaps through oral traditions passed down among themselves, they had some understanding of events that occurred a few dozen or even a hundred years ago.

But they were unclear about events further back in time. They naturally did not know how the Moroccan people came to be, nor why Morocco was the only native country in Africa with a predominantly white population.

Since the Moroccans did not understand, Spain had the responsibility and duty to make them understand.

A month and a half after the colony of Morocco was established, the government announced it would implement two years of compulsory education throughout Morocco, allowing all school-aged children to attend school for free for two years.

As for adult Moroccans, they could also choose to gain free entry into training classes by performing compulsory labor.

By working for the colonial government for just three months, one could gain access to a training class. In addition to teaching Spanish and some simple theoretical knowledge, the classes would also teach Moroccans about the history of Morocco and Iberia, helping them escape illiteracy.

After all, these Moroccans were to be assimilated, so Spain would not be overly harsh in its exploitation of them.

During their period of work for the colonial government, they would also receive remuneration. While it was less than what a Spaniard would earn, their income was several times higher than that of other African natives.

Differentiating the treatment of Moroccans from that of other African natives was also a way to divide the native population of Spain’s colonies.

This way, these white Moroccans were destined never to get along with the other black natives of Africa. Coupled with Spain’s assimilation tactics, these several million Moroccans would ultimately have no choice but to obediently take up Spanish citizenship.

While the assimilation work was underway, the colonial government of Morocco was also gradually relocating the local Moroccan population.

Given Morocco’s size, it could easily accommodate tens of millions of people. In later generations, Morocco had a population of nearly forty million, let alone a Morocco under Spanish control.

Of course, Carlo would not over-exploit the potential of the Moroccan region.

If the Spanish mainland could support around fifty million people, the Portuguese region ten million, and the Moroccan region forty million, that would be enough to support a population of one hundred million.

As long as it could boast a population of one hundred million, Spain would not be at a demographic disadvantage, whether now or in the future.

Looking solely at population capacity, a Spain that integrated Morocco and annexed Portugal could truly rank among the top nations in Europe.

France and Germany might have vast territories with large plains, but if they were to support a population of over one hundred million, they might not necessarily be able to handle it.

The policies introduced by the colonial government throughout the Moroccan region quickly took effect. After all, the resources Spain provided were real, and the people of Morocco were in desperate need of them to sustain their lives.

As long as they were willing to work for the colonial government, they would receive resources or currency of varying value based on the hours they worked and the effort they exerted.

All sorts of supplies, like grain, could be exchanged for. For the Moroccans, this was indeed a good way to maintain their livelihood.

Of course, these Moroccans had another option: to follow the arrangements of the colonial government and relocate to Spain’s other colonies.

Spain was quite generous to those Moroccans who voluntarily went to other Spanish colonies.

If they were willing to go to other colonies, they could receive a plot of land for farming free of charge, and this land would be exempt from any taxes for the first year.

After farming it continuously for more than three years, they would directly gain ownership of the land. This held a considerable appeal for these Moroccans, as land was the foundation of a peasant’s life.

Of course, such a policy was destined to attract only a portion of the Moroccan population. Most people, unless forced, would be unwilling to leave their hometowns.

Moreover, this was not just about leaving their hometowns; it was about leaving the motherland where they had lived for so long to go to a distant and foreign land.

Relocating a portion of the Moroccans was essential, and the colonial government would not be indecisive about this policy. Once all those willing to voluntarily move to other colonies were transferred, the colonial government would then resort to compulsory measures, forcibly reducing the population in the Moroccan region by about half.

This matter was related to the progress of Spain’s assimilation of Morocco and the future stability of the Moroccan region; there would be absolutely no compromise.

While transferring Moroccans from the Moroccan region to other colonies, Spain was also moving people from the mainland, other European countries, and other colonies into the Moroccan region.

Although these immigrants combined could only amount to tens of thousands per year, over time, it would not be difficult to accumulate several hundred thousand people.

The first step in Spain’s assimilation of Morocco was to complete the integration of several major cities in the Moroccan region.

The northern port cities of Ceuta and Tangier were among them, along with Morocco’s original capital, Rabat, and the central port city of Casablanca.

After completing the integration of these cities, they would serve as points from which to influence the broader Moroccan territory.

By then, the assimilation of Morocco would be nearly complete. Once the proportion of Moroccans was reduced to below half, the region would be securely in Spain’s pocket.

An assimilated Morocco would be impregnable, and any attempt by Moroccans to stir up independence would be an impossible task.

This meant that the assimilation of Morocco was extremely important. The success or failure of this process would directly determine whether Morocco could become part of Spain’s mainland in the future.

Mainland and colony were two entirely different concepts. If Morocco remained merely a colony of Spain, it meant that on the day the colonial system collapsed in the future, Morocco would slip from Spain’s grasp.

But if Morocco successfully became part of the Spanish mainland, none of this would happen. The mainland was the mainland; no country could take it away. If other countries still wanted to support Moroccan independence then, it would be interference in Spain’s internal affairs. Even the mighty Britain would have to weigh the consequences of offending Spain.

Since the establishment of the Moroccan colony, Count Menotti, the Minister of Colonial Affairs, had become the busiest cabinet minister.

He couldn’t be blamed. After all, the assimilation of the Moroccan colony was being carried out by the Department of Colonial Affairs, and its success or failure was directly tied to Count Menotti’s personal political career.

Incorporating Morocco into the Spanish mainland would be a major entry in the annals of history, a naturally substantial political achievement.

If Menotti could successfully complete this during his term of office, his future potential would be no less than that of his brother, Ricciotti, even though Ricciotti held the more important post of Minister of Defense.

In just two short months, Count Menotti had already been to the Royal Palace four times. Besides reporting to Carlo on the progress of assimilation in the Moroccan colony, he was also requesting a larger financial budget.

Not to mention anything else, the education campaign in Morocco was a massive expense. The free education offered to all Moroccans was manageable, as the prerequisite was to work for the Moroccan colonial government for three months.

Although the work was paid, the colonial government would earn much more during that period. This money was then used to promote education and popularize the history of the Iberian Peninsula and Morocco, as well as the Spanish national identity.

The real expense was the two-year compulsory education implemented in Morocco. Compulsory education was free and covered all school-aged children in Morocco.

Even though it was only for two years, considering that the Moroccan government’s finances would certainly be in deficit in the short term, it was impossible to expect the colonial government to cover this educational expense.

Although it was related to education, the Ministry of Education would certainly not get involved, as it was in a colony.

After all, it was a thankless task. Even if the Ministry of Education paid to help popularize two years of compulsory education in the Moroccan colony, the future credit would still go to the Department of Colonial Affairs.

There was no other way; in the short term, this educational expense had to be fronted by the Department of Colonial Affairs. This was no small expenditure, so Count Menotti could only seek an audience with Carlo to ask for a larger financial budget.

Although the current Prime Minister of the Spanish Cabinet was Evan Bradley, all the cabinet ministers knew that this Prime Minister, with his military background, was completely obedient to the king.

Even if several cabinet ministers agreed on something, the Prime Minister might not necessarily approve. But if His Majesty the King personally nodded in agreement, the Prime Minister could immediately rescind a proposal he had previously rejected and switch to supporting the king’s view.

It was precisely because of Prime Minister Evan Bradley’s deep loyalty to the king that none of the cabinet ministers dared to underestimate this Prime Minister from the military.

With the king’s support and a military background, even Deputy Prime Minister Jovellar Soler did not dare to go against the Prime Minister’s opinion.

Under these circumstances, the Spanish government was remarkably efficient. Normally, matters were discussed among the ministers of the Cabinet government, but when it came to more important issues, they generally followed the Prime Minister’s opinion.

And where did Prime Minister Evan Bradley’s opinions come from? From Carlo, of course.

This was one of Carlo’s little tricks. Although Carlo rarely expressed his views during Cabinet meetings, he could still ensure the Cabinet operated within the parameters he desired through Prime Minister Evan Bradley.

The advantage of the king not personally taking the spotlight was that if anything went wrong in the future, it would have little to do with him. If there was any credit to be had, the king would certainly get his share, given that the Cabinet government took its cues from him.

Carlo certainly understood the importance of integrating Morocco. In response to Count Menotti’s repeated requests for an increased financial budget, Carlo finally agreed.

Not only would this year’s financial budget be increased by twenty million pesetas, but the budget for the Department of Colonial Affairs would also be increased by twenty million pesetas annually for the next five years.

If that wasn’t enough, the budget could be increased further. Carlo had only one demand: to complete the integration of the Moroccan region as quickly as possible and bring the local Moroccans under Spanish rule.

The first thing the Department of Colonial Affairs did with the money was to ramp up its propaganda about the history of the Iberian Peninsula and the Spanish people.

After a few months, more than a dozen related books and hundreds of newspaper articles had been published, and these historical accounts sparked heated discussions among the Spanish people.

Regarding the view that Spaniards, Portuguese, and Moroccans should be considered as having diverged from the same people, there were voices of support and some of opposition within Spain.

Overall, however, there were more supporters. The opposition was mostly directed at the inclusion of Moroccans; there was little doubt that Spaniards and Portuguese originally belonged to the same people.

Anyone who truly understood Spain and Portugal knew that there were no significant differences between the two peoples. Portugal’s very existence was a result of its independence from Spain’s predecessor, and it had later been unified with Spain again. Naturally, the two peoples were quite similar.

The similarity between Spaniards and Portuguese was not only in appearance. In terms of language, customs, and diet, the differences were minor—smaller, in fact, than the differences between people from two different provinces in a certain country in later generations.

After all, the entire Iberian Peninsula was only about the size of one or two provinces of that country.

The gap between Spaniards and Portuguese was truly not large. At its greatest, it could be classified as the difference between two peoples; at its smallest, it could be seen as different branches of the same people.

As this viewpoint became popular, an idea gained even more fervent support throughout Iberia.

What idea?

Pan-Iberianism, of course, which had previously swept across the entire Iberian Peninsula.

Back when Portugal was still a kingdom, there were already many people in the country who supported Pan-Iberianism.

Especially after Portugal’s Pink Map project was personally shattered by Britain, the Portuguese, while hating Britain, also longed for their nation to be stronger, so as to avoid being bullied by other powerful countries.

Pan-Iberianism was a beautiful dream—the fantasy of unifying the two countries on the Iberian Peninsula to create a stronger great power that would strike fear into the hearts of other great powers.

If the reason Spaniards supported Pan-Iberianism was to annex Portugal, then the reason the Portuguese supported it was because they were disheartened by their government’s performance when faced with great powers like Britain.

In this world where the weak are prey to the strong, a weak country will inevitably attract the covetous eyes of a stronger one.

How could this be avoided? Either make one’s own country stronger, or find a powerful ally for protection.

The Portuguese had originally chosen Britain, but because the Pink Map project was destroyed by Britain’s own hand, many Portuguese hearts shifted their choice of a good ally from Britain to Spain.

After the revolution in Portugal, Pan-Iberianism was suppressed to a certain extent.

The Republican Party’s propaganda about establishing a Portuguese Republic run by the Portuguese won the support of many, who believed that such a republican country might be a better choice.

But from the establishment of the Portuguese Republic to the present day, the Portuguese people have seen little hope.

Portugal’s situation remains dire, their taxes have not decreased in the slightest, and their political rights have not significantly improved.

Despite the Republican Party’s claims during the revolution to establish a republic run by the Portuguese themselves, once the Portuguese Republic was established, the people discovered that this so-called republic had almost nothing to do with them.

Who became the president of this republic was decided by the Republican Party, with the Portuguese people having no say.

The high-ranking officials of the Portuguese Republic’s government were appointed by the president, again with the Portuguese people having no say. Thinking about it, what was the difference between the current Portuguese Republic and the original kingdom?

The great mountain of the feudal nobility had been removed from the heads of the Portuguese people, only to be replaced by the so-called great mountain of bureaucracy. The standard of living for the Portuguese had not improved at all; on the contrary, political infighting between the Republican Party and other parties had affected internal political stability, causing even more severe economic turmoil in the country.

At this moment, the Portuguese people came to realize how important a peaceful, stable, and prosperous environment was.

If there were no alternative, the Portuguese might not have harbored much resentment. But the problem was, right next door to Portugal was such a country, and most Portuguese were well aware of the political environment in Spain.

Although Spain was a monarchy, its domestic political environment was extremely stable, with virtually no power struggles.

In this stable political environment, Spain’s industry and economy had developed rapidly, and its per capita income had soared.

Originally, the per capita incomes of Spain and Portugal, the two nations of the Iberian Peninsula, were neck and neck, and the commoners of both countries lived poorly.

Ever since Carlo became the king of Spain, the per capita income of the Spanish people has been steadily increasing and has now far surpassed that of the Portuguese.

This naturally aroused the envy of the Portuguese. Why couldn’t they have such an enlightened monarch to make Portugal stronger and allow the Portuguese to live better lives?

Under these circumstances, Pan-Iberianism received stronger and more fervent support from more Portuguese people.

After careful comparison, the Portuguese suddenly discovered that the differences between Portugal and Spain were indeed not that great.

According to the books coming from Spain, Spain and Portugal were originally one family, and they had fought and won the Reconquista together.

Since the two peoples had such a close relationship, how did they eventually evolve into two mutually hostile peoples and nations?

After much thought, the Portuguese people directed their resentment towards the former royal family. Perhaps it was because the original royal family was unwilling to give up their throne that Portugal and Spain grew further and further apart.

For two peoples who were originally one to eventually evolve into two countries with a degree of competition and conflict—wasn’t this a form of mutual slaughter?

If Spaniards and Portuguese were originally one people, how powerful would the nation they formed be?

If Spain and Portugal united, where in the world would this nation, occupying the entire Iberian Peninsula, rank?

This was the question in the minds of most Portuguese after Pan-Iberianism became widespread.

Putting other things aside, just from some of the data released by the Spanish and Portuguese governments, it was clear that if these two countries were to unify, their potential would be truly limitless.

Spain currently had a population of over thirty million, and Portugal had over five million.

Even without including Morocco, the two countries combined would have a population of over thirty-five million. This population size was no longer a disadvantage compared to other European great powers, which meant that this nation, formed by the unification of two countries, had the potential to become a super great power.

Or rather, from the moment of its birth, this two-in-one nation was destined to be a super great power.

Once the idea of a super great power was born in the minds of some Portuguese, it was impossible to shake off.

The thought of their country becoming a super great power excited many Portuguese. This was especially true for the Portuguese parties that had always supported Pan-Iberianism; they were now vigorously promoting it within the Portuguese Republic, seeking the support of more Portuguese citizens.

The republican system had one advantage over the former monarchy: these parties could promote their theories without being so timid and fearful of government arrest.

The former Portuguese government had been extremely strict in its management of domestic parties. This was particularly true for opposition parties led by the Republican Party; forget promoting their political ideas, merely being suspected of being a Republican Party member was enough to warrant arrest and interrogation.

It was precisely the Portuguese kingdom’s massive crackdown and arrest of these party members that incited so many opposition parties to rise up.

Although the Republican Party had now become the ruling party of Portugal, they did not dare to completely ban the activities of these other parties in the country.

After all, when the Republican Party launched its revolution, many other parties had contributed. It would be unwise for the Republican Party to have a falling out with these other parties before gaining complete control of Portugal’s political situation.

Carlo was, of course, aware of the Pan-Iberianism currently prevalent in Spain and Portugal. After all, this idea had been spread by people he sent to both countries in the first place.

If annexing Morocco could be done by force of war, then annexing Portugal had to be done with gentler means.

Pan-Iberianism was an excellent way to get a foot in the door, capable of attracting a large group of Portuguese to support this ideology and the idea of joining the greater Spanish family.

With the support of this group, Spain could effectively divide the Portuguese people, preventing them from uniting as one to resist Spain’s annexation of Portugal.

This was the early stage of the formation of nationalism; the concepts of the state and the nation were not yet so clearly defined.

If Spain could annex Portugal at this time, as long as the ideological propaganda was done well in the future, it could ensure that the Portuguese people would be integrated into the greater Spanish family.

If it were a few decades later, even if Spain became much stronger, annexing Portugal would not be so easy.

After all, a few decades later, statism and nationalism would be deeply rooted in people’s hearts, and the Portuguese people of that time would be well aware of the differences between Portugal and Spain.

Unless the support of all Portuguese people could be obtained, a forced annexation would only lead to a mutually destructive outcome for both Spain and Portugal.

In later generations, both Catalonia and the Basque region in Spain were clamoring for independence, despite having been annexed by Spain for hundreds of years.

This also showed the importance of assimilation. If ethnic assimilation was not done well, even if they could bring the Moroccans and Portuguese under their rule, they would sooner or later stir up independence movements on the day Spain showed weakness.

Internal conflicts cause deeper harm to a country than external ones. Rather than waiting for these peoples to demand independence within Spain in the future, it was better to completely assimilate them into the Spanish family now.

As long as the separate identities of “Moroccan” and “Portuguese” ceased to exist, and as long as these people identified with the Spanish national identity, the prevalence of future separatism could be effectively prevented.

To promote the Iberian history and the history of the Iberian peoples compiled by the cultural department, Carlo spent a large sum on propaganda, even mobilizing the various newspaper companies under the royal family to report on it.

The focus of the propaganda was not just Spain; Portugal and Morocco were also within its scope.

Carlo had already secretly established several newspaper companies in Portugal, two of which had already become top-five newspapers in the country.

At Carlo’s instruction, these two newspapers were also reprinting the content reported by Spanish newspapers. In a few years, perhaps most Portuguese people would be familiar with the ideas of Pan-Iberianism.

Although it might not win the support of the majority of Portuguese, as long as a portion of them were willing to support this idea, it meant that Spain still had hope of annexing Portugal.

Compared to the “boiling a frog in warm water” cultural influence on Portugal, Spain’s cultural influence on Morocco was somewhat more compulsory.

In the third month of the Moroccan colony’s establishment, the two-year compulsory education program was officially launched throughout the territory.

All school-aged Moroccan children were required to attend the official schools designated by the Moroccan colonial government to learn Spanish, Iberian history, the history of the Iberian peoples, and other subjects, as well as to be introduced to and learn about Catholicism.

As the saying goes, education must be started with the children. As long as Moroccan children learned Spanish from the beginning, Spanish would certainly be the language they were most familiar with in the future.

The same principle applied to Catholicism. The current generation of Moroccans might believe in Islam, but that didn’t mean the next generation would.

One must remember that large parts of the Iberian Peninsula were once occupied by Muslims.

Why was Spain able to rapidly spread Catholicism after recovering these areas? It relied on institutions like the Inquisition.

Of course, such a brutal system was not needed now. But the speed of that religious popularization proved one thing: the faith of Muslims was not unchangeable.

If the older generation couldn’t be changed, their next generation could be. Not everyone is a loyal religious devotee. For the sake of their own survival and the future of their descendants, it was believed that many would choose to convert to Catholicism.

The Moroccans in the colony of Southern Morocco were a good example.

The colony of Southern Morocco initially had a population of nearly one million, and Spain ultimately assimilated about four hundred thousand Moroccans.

All four hundred thousand converted to Catholicism and learned Spanish. About half of them obtained Spanish citizenship and eventually moved to various provinces on the Spanish mainland, becoming truly glorious Spaniards.

The remaining Moroccans were scattered throughout Spain’s various colonies. Although they couldn’t go to the Spanish mainland, they were high-status immigrants in the colonies, no different from the European immigrants from abroad—they were all part of the upper class of the Spanish colonies.

As for the lower class, that was naturally the natives of the African colonies.

It had to be admitted that there were truly a lot of natives in the African colonies. Currently, the African natives in all of Spain’s colonies combined numbered at least in the tens of millions.

Even though Spain had consumed millions of African natives through various means over the years, the various colonies still had vast, uncountable numbers of them.

Among all of Spain’s African colonies, the Moroccan colony and the West African Colony were doing relatively well.

The Moroccan colony had few black people to begin with, as Morocco was originally a country of white people.

The West African Colony, on the other hand, had reduced the proportion of black people by expelling them. Apart from the initial cultivation of farmland in the colony, which required a large number of black slaves, the West African Colony spent most of its time exporting African immigrants.

These African natives either went to other Spanish colonies, such as the Guinea colony and the Congo Territory, which had more land and a larger black population, or they were sent to other countries arranged by Spain, such as the United States.

It couldn’t be helped; who told the United States to recognize black people as American citizens?

Carlo didn’t care about the treatment of black people in the United States. The mere fact that this great power recognized black people as American citizens was enough to attract large numbers of African blacks to their dream paradise.

In all the years Spain had been colonizing Africa, it had transported at least several hundred thousand black people to the United States alone.

If not for the fear of being discovered for transporting black people on a massive scale, the number of black people Spain transported to the United States could have been several times higher.

And it had to be said, transporting black people to the United States had indeed solved a problem for the Spanish government.

The proportion of black people in the West African Colony had already been reduced by more than half, and this was all thanks to the United States.

As for whether the United States would become more chaotic due to this continuous influx of black people, that was not a problem for Spain to consider.

Since the United States had the ability to fight one American Civil War, Carlo believed they had the ability to fight another. Let the second war be between whites and blacks. Whoever won would become the master of the United States; Spain would just enjoy the show.

As time went on, the propaganda for Pan-Iberianism yielded excellent results.

In Spain alone, there were already many people who supported Pan-Iberianism. Some senators were even openly proposing the unification of Spain and Portugal. The Spaniards’ covetous eyes on Portugal were now out in the open.

And it had to be said, whenever such a proposal was put forward, it received the support of many senators and Spanish citizens.

Expanding their territory was what the Spanish people wanted to see, especially land as close as Portugal.

Portugal’s geographical environment was far better than Spain’s, which was why Spain had always been drooling over Portugal’s land.

Its vast plains were a natural treasure for agriculture, a granary that the Spanish people dreamed of.

Unfortunately, due to population constraints, the Portuguese had not made good use of their domestic plains.

In the eyes of Spanish peasants, this was a terrible waste of natural resources. If only Portugal’s land were given to Spaniards to cultivate, they were confident they could increase Portugal’s agricultural output several times over.

Unfortunately, this could not be achieved through peaceful means. If the Spaniards wanted to farm Portugal’s land, perhaps the only way was to annex Portugal through war.

The good news was that the opposition to Pan-Iberianism in Portugal was not strong.

The so-called Pan-Iberianism primarily harmed two groups: the Portuguese landlords and feudal nobles, and the power holders in the Portuguese government.

The former group needs no further explanation. Like in Spain, most landlords in Portugal were feudal nobles. After the Portuguese kingdom was overthrown, these nobles naturally lost their titles and lands.

The greatest power holder in the current Portuguese government was the Republican Party. However, the success of the Republican Party’s revolution relied on support from Spain. Although this was not public knowledge, the upper echelons of the Republican Party were well aware of it.

If the Republican Party were to openly oppose or even suppress the supporters of Pan-Iberianism, would this annoy Spain?

Portugal’s relationship with Britain was not good at the moment. If they were to offend Spain as well, wouldn’t that mean Spain’s guns would soon be turned towards Portugal?

The performance of the Spanish army in Morocco was still fresh in everyone’s minds. Even if it couldn’t be called Europe’s top army, it was definitely first-rate.

Moreover, Spain had not even deployed many of its main forces. Looking at army performance alone, among the three great powers at war simultaneously—Spain, Britain, and Italy—Spain’s performance was far superior to the other two.

For the Portugal ruled by the Republican Party, they truly lacked the confidence to have a falling out with Spain at this moment.

Unless they could once again gain the support of Britain, but considering that the exiled Portuguese royal family had now arrived in London, the difficulty for the Portuguese Republic to obtain British support was imaginable.

Chapter 375: The Cuban War of Independence

In the latter half of 1895, another event worth mentioning occurred: the outbreak of the Second Cuban War of Independence.

Ever since Spain and Britain had engaged in the Colonial Exchange, Spain had ceased paying attention to its former colony of Cuba. But just because Spain was no longer paying attention did not mean that those Cubans who sought independence had vanished.

On the contrary, because the colony had been transferred to the British, the Cubans who desired independence shifted their hatred from the Spaniards to the British.

A few years prior, these individuals had attempted to start a revolution in Cuba, but it was quickly suppressed by Britain.

Britain’s naval power far surpassed Spain’s. By dispatching a few warships to anchor off the Cuban coast, they could easily make the Cubans abandon any thoughts of rebellion.

It couldn’t be helped. Cuba’s geography, narrow from north to south and wide from east to west, made it vulnerable. The area around Havana, the colony’s capital, was the narrowest part of the entire country.

The British fleet could not only threaten the capital of Havana with ease but also menace Cuba’s other important cities and agricultural regions.

If the Cubans continued to not know what was good for them, their main crop, sugarcane, would be destroyed by the British, which would deal a severe blow to Cuba’s economy.

The sugar industry was the backbone of the Cuban economy and the reason for the wealth of these Cuban immigrants. They could incite the local black population to resist the colonial government, but they could never accept the destruction of their own plantations because of war.

Britain’s forceful suppression made the white Cubans abandon their ideas of independence, but a few years later, they were presented with a new opportunity.

This so-called opportunity was, in fact, Britain’s Boer War.

The Boer War revealed Britain’s weaknesses in land warfare to the world and gave the Cubans hope of achieving independence.

However, achieving an independent status within the British colonial system was still quite difficult. To increase their chances of success, the white people of the Cuban colony decided to find themselves some allies and supporters.

Any power that would support Cuba’s quest for independence would have to be a competitor or an enemy of Britain.

The first country that came to the minds of these white Cubans was France.

It was an obvious choice, as France had an excellent track record in this regard. The reason the Thirteen Colonies, the predecessor of the United States, were able to gain independence from British colonial rule was largely thanks to France’s significant contributions.

The American Founding Father, Louis XVI, not only provided the Thirteen Colonies with substantial war loans but also supplied a great deal of weaponry, ammunition, and other provisions.

And that wasn’t all. To avenge their defeat at the hands of the British in the North American Seven Years’ War, France even mobilized a portion of its army to directly participate in the American War of Independence.

It was precisely because of the French’s almost reckless assistance that the Thirteen Colonies, with a population of only two to three million at the time, successfully broke free from British rule.

Meanwhile, the American Founding Father, Louis XVI, ultimately caused a fiscal deficit due to his extravagant lifestyle and multiple wars. The resulting economic crisis triggered domestic turmoil in France, leading to the outbreak of the French Revolution.

This illustrated just how deep the enmity between Britain and France ran. The fact that they could set aside their past grievances to jointly confront Germany shows just how formidable Germany was in World War I.

Before launching their uprising for independence, the white colonists of Cuba specifically approached the French government to seek its assistance.

Unfortunately, the French government of the time was no longer the same one from the era of Louis XVI, and a small colony like Cuba did not possess the same potential as the original Thirteen Colonies.

The French government agreed to provide support to the Cuban colony, but it was limited to certain military loans and supplies of weapons and equipment.

Getting France to send troops was completely out of the question. Even the military loan was only granted because France saw that Cuba’s sugar industry was still relatively prosperous.

Although the French government’s support was limited, it did not dishearten the Cuban revolutionary leaders. The reason was simple: in addition to France’s backing, the white Cubans had also secured support from the United States.

In this period of history, the United States was already preparing for war with Spain. The US had long coveted Cuba, which was right on its doorstep, and in the original timeline, they used Spain as a stepping stone to proclaim America’s strength.

But now, because the Cuban colony had been traded to Britain, the United States could not act so brazenly in Cuba.

Although the white Cubans seeking independence had American support, the Americans mostly kept themselves hidden, unwilling to offend Britain under the circumstances.

Despite the rapid development of the United States in the century or so since its independence, there was still a significant gap between it and the great powers of Europe.

The industrial and economic prosperity of the United States was mainly due to the rich mineral and natural resources on the North American continent, coupled with various gold rushes that attracted a large immigrant population, allowing the American economy and industry to achieve long-term growth.

But in terms of industrial foundation, the United States could not compare to the mainstream European powers. In both talent reserves and industrial technology, the US was a tier below countries like Britain, France, and Germany, with an industrial foundation only on par with nations like Austria and Spain.

Of course, foundation aside, the total scale of American industry was still formidable.

But if this industrial scale could not be converted into military strength, it did little to enhance the nation’s status.

When Americans themselves compiled world rankings, they might consider placing the United States among the world’s top four or five.

But if Europeans were to write a world power ranking, the United States would be lucky to hold onto the sixth spot, let alone break into the top five.

This was because most people, when considering a nation’s comprehensive strength, gave more weight to military rankings.

The U.S. Army, needless to say, had its ranks cut down to a pitiful few tens of thousands, not even a fraction of what the European great powers had.

The U.S. Navy had some scale, but it was also at the bottom when compared to the European great powers. If it weren’t for America’s genuinely decent industry and economy, it might have been at the very bottom of the great powers.

This situation was entirely different from later history.

In fact, the reason the United States became the world’s hegemon after the Second World War was that it had leeched off Europe during both world wars.

Before the First World War, the United States was just an ordinary great power. Not only did super great powers like Britain, France, and Germany look down on it, but even Russia, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Italy often treated the United States with disdain.

At this time, America’s role on the world stage was merely that of an upstart, a country with a decent industry and economy but no real foundation.

It was because of the outbreak of the First World War that the United States, first by virtue of its neutrality, traded extensively with both sides of the conflict. It transformed from a debtor nation into a creditor nation and acquired vast amounts of gold, currency, and other resources from European countries.

Many Europeans who fled to the United States to escape the great war enriched America’s talent pool.

Among the more famous were renowned scientists like Albert Einstein and Theodore von Kármán.

Einstein needs no introduction; he was the foremost theoretical scientist in the field of physics. As for Theodore von Kármán, his contributions to the fields of aerospace and rocketry were also outstanding.

It was by gaining the support of these scientists who had fled the turmoil in Europe that the United States compensated for its deficiencies in industrial technology and scientific talent reserves, allowing it to catch up to the European nations in science and technology.

But in 1895, before the two World Wars, the United States not only lagged behind the four traditional European great powers—Britain, France, Germany, and Russia—but was also ranked below Spain and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, placing only ahead of Italy in seventh place worldwide.

Of course, some newspaper companies that were more optimistic about the U.S. would rank it above the Austro-Hungarian Empire, placing it sixth in the world below Spain.

This was more or less the peak of America’s standing at the time. This also explains why the United States went through a long period of preparation before launching the Spanish-American War. In this era, it wasn’t just the Europeans who looked down on the United States; many Americans themselves were not very confident in their country’s military strength.

Just as these white Cubans, with support from France and the United States, felt they had enough backing to launch their uprising for independence, officials from Spain’s Puerto Rican colony approached them. They expressed Spain’s willingness to provide them with a military loan and to sell them weapons, equipment, and supplies at prices below the market rate.

Puerto Rico was Spain’s only remaining colony in the Americas, a territory that Carlo had specifically retained during the Colonial Exchange involving Cuba.

It was Spain’s last gateway to the Americas. If Spain lost Puerto Rico, its colonial presence would be completely erased from the Americas, symbolizing a final break with its glorious past.

In any case, Puerto Rico was further east of Cuba. As long as the Americans weren’t out of their minds, it was unlikely they would cross Cuba to cause trouble for the Spaniards in Puerto Rico.

The colonial government of Puerto Rico usually kept a low profile. After all, being Spain’s last colony in the Americas, Puerto Rico was separated from the mainland by the entire Atlantic Ocean, making it difficult to receive timely help from Spain in times of crisis.

Spain stationed an entire colonial garrison regiment there, which, along with the local police in Puerto Rico, amounted to an armed force of about 2,500 men.

The reason for stationing so many troops in the small territory of Puerto Rico was mainly that its local population was not small.

Before Spain gave up the Cuban colony, its population was around five hundred to six hundred thousand.

Puerto Rico, with less than a tenth of Cuba’s area, had a population that was more than a sixth of Cuba’s.

It is worth mentioning that in both the Cuban colony and Puerto Rico, the counted population only included recognized Caucasians and yellow people.

If the large number of black laborers were included, the population of both Cuba and Puerto Rico would be several times larger.

During Spanish rule, Cuba’s population was only five to six hundred thousand. But after the United States acquired Cuba and conducted a census, its population quickly approached two million.

The biggest change was that the United States considered black people as citizens, so the large number of black individuals who were previously not counted in the population became residents of Cuba under American control.

Spain certainly did not include these black people in its population statistics, which is why the official Spanish data for its colonies always showed low population figures.

If these black populations were counted, the Congo Territory alone would have a population of at least tens of millions. Not to mention the Guinea colony, which had over ten million black natives. The black populations of these colonies combined were greater than the number of Spaniards on the Spanish mainland.

When the white plantation owners of Cuba discovered that it was the Spanish colonial government of Puerto Rico approaching them, they were initially surprised but did not refuse the kind offer.

Although there had been some friction between the white plantation owners of Cuba and the Spanish colonial government in the past, those past conflicts were now history.

The current colonizer of Cuba was the British Empire, which had nothing to do with Spain. In fact, given the current relationship between Spain and Britain, it would be a good thing for Spain if Cuba could achieve independence from British colonial rule.

Following the principle that “the enemy of my enemy is my friend,” the white plantation owners of Cuba established contact with the Puerto Rican colonial government to discuss the terms of their cooperation.

Acting on the principle of causing as much trouble for the British as possible, Spain was quite generous to these formerly Spanish Cuban immigrants.

In addition to providing them with a low-interest loan of up to five million pesetas, Spain also allowed them to purchase its weapons freely.

This loan of five million pesetas was enough to arm an army of tens of thousands. If the white Cuban immigrants were capable enough, they could completely overthrow British colonial rule in Cuba with this army.

Of course, even if the Cuban army’s combat effectiveness was poor, it could still disrupt British colonial rule in Cuba.

In any case, it would cause some trouble for the British, and as long as the British were in trouble, it would be beneficial for Spain.

Spain’s help was a pleasant surprise for Cuba, which prompted the white Cubans to decide to accelerate the outbreak of the independence revolution.

The party advocating for Cuban independence, led by José Martí, officially called for a popular uprising in Cuba in July 1895. A few days later, they received responses from people all over Cuba.

Cuba, with a population of less than two million even including the black population, managed to assemble an insurgent army of nearly ten thousand in less than a month.

For their own interests, the white plantation owners encouraged the black laborers on their estates to join the uprising. The black people already harbored great resentment towards the colonizers and joined the ranks of the rebellion spontaneously, requiring little persuasion from the white plantation owners.

This uprising for Cuban independence was vast and mighty, with almost all the white, yellow, and black people supporting it.

This was also due to the special nature of the Cuban colony. Because of its well-developed sugar industry, Cuba, despite its small area and population, ranked among the top colonies worldwide in terms of income.

Because of this, the colonial government collected a large amount of taxes from these plantations every year. If they could achieve independence, the white plantation owners would save a huge amount in colonial taxes, which was why they were trying every means possible to promote Cuban independence.

An insurgent force of ten thousand was not Cuba’s limit. The British colonial government in Cuba tried to suppress the uprising, but they soon found that forceful suppression had no effect.

The more they suppressed, the fiercer the Cubans’ resistance became. What began as a few cities responding to José Martí’s call turned into a response from almost the entire island.

Now, the British government finally understood why Spain had given up the Cuban colony. Although Cuba could provide a large amount of tax revenue during times of peace and stability, when the Cubans rose up for independence, the commotion was anything but small.

Whatever taxes were collected from Cuba would have to be poured back into suppressing the rebellion. Britain, like Spain, had to conduct an overseas campaign to pacify Cuba.

Even though Canada could provide some supplies for the Cuban front, it did not change the fact that suppressing the rebellion in Cuba required substantial additional military expenditure.

For the British, Cuba could not be lost.

The British had traded several colonies in West Africa for Cuba. It would be strange indeed if they let it go so easily.

Fortunately, Cuba was just an island nation, and it was surrounded by British spheres of influence. So, even if the Cuban problem was temporarily set aside, it wouldn’t affect Britain’s sovereignty over the island.

As far as the British government was concerned, if these Cubans wanted to cause a ruckus, let them do so for the time being in their own region.

To the north of Cuba were Britain’s Bahamas, to the south was the British colony of Jamaica. To the southwest was the British colony of Honduras; it was almost completely surrounded by British colonies.

Under such circumstances, even if the Cubans controlled the island, they would not be able to develop it stably.

For this reason, Britain decided to temporarily withdraw from Cuba, concentrating its limited military forces on the island in the colonial capital of Havana and abandoning all Cuban territory to the east of it.

As long as they held the capital of the colony, it meant that Britain still held sovereignty over the land. No matter how much the Cubans fussed, their population was only just over a million. Once Britain had dealt with the Boer War, these troublesome Cubans would be a matter that could be resolved in a few days.

Britain’s decision to temporarily abandon Cuba made the Cuban independence uprising even more heated.

In the two months since the Cubans launched their uprising, they received a large quantity of weapons and equipment from France, Spain, and the United States.

They gathered over 20,000 rifles alone, enough for Cuba to establish a strong army.

And the Cubans did just that. However, within the Cuban army, it seemed that black people were the majority.

The white plantation owners would not personally join the army to fight. They were already doing quite a bit by sending a few black laborers from their plantations.

Black people made up the majority of the Cuban army, with yellow people accounting for another portion, and very few white people.

Naturally, the combat effectiveness of an army with such a racial composition was not very high, which was why Britain chose to temporarily abandon the eastern part of Cuba. Otherwise, it would be questionable whether these troops could even occupy Cuba in the first place.

Chapter 376: The British Who Provoked Public Fury

The war in Morocco and the rebellion in Cuba made the British keenly aware that if they didn’t defeat the Boers quickly, a succession of similar troubles would follow.

Those nations with grievances against the British Empire would certainly not let such a golden opportunity slip by. If they could support the Cuban rebellion today, they could just as easily support the Boers tomorrow.

But right now, the Boers were a huge problem. Even with massive military expenditures and troop deployments, Britain could not guarantee a swift victory.

Britain’s military spending in the Boer War was by no means small.

In the first three months of the war, Britain was spending as much as eight million pounds a month on military expenses, which was already a considerable sum.

The military expenditure for these three months alone amounted to twenty-four million pounds, equivalent to a full six hundred million pesetas—nearly half of the Spanish government’s fiscal revenue from the previous year.

To have invested so much capital in just three months with little to show for it on the front lines, one can only imagine the mood of the British at this time.

Starting in June, Britain’s monthly military spending surged from eight million to sixteen million pounds. This was an expense that only the mighty British Empire could afford; if Spain had to foot such a bill, the country would be bankrupt within three months.

Did this enormous investment by Britain yield any results? To some extent, it certainly did.

However, the effects were more negative than positive. A case in point was the third week of July 1895, which the British called the Dark Week.

In the span of just seven days, the British army on the front lines suffered over ten thousand casualties. About three thousand were confirmed dead, while the remaining nearly seven thousand were either wounded or captured.

This was a tremendous scandal for Britain. And what battlefield gains were made in exchange for these ten thousand casualties?

Fewer than one thousand Boer soldiers were eliminated.

Yes, Boer casualties were under one thousand.

Because the Boers employed guerrilla tactics, it was difficult for the British army to find large numbers of Boer soldiers on the main front.

The main reason they were able to deal with nearly a thousand Boer troops at once was that the Boers were attempting to rescue Boer civilians who had been captured by the British.

The rescue attempt was a success. The Boers successfully saved several thousand civilians from the concentration camp, and at the cost of less than a thousand casualties, they inflicted over ten thousand casualties on the British army.

This was undoubtedly a battle worthy of being recorded in the annals of history. The army of the mighty British Empire seemed to have little power to resist the Boers. The Boers’ tactics toyed with the British troops, running them completely in circles.

The expeditionary force from India had it the worst. These Indian soldiers had traveled thousands of kilometers to fight in Africa. They had barely arrived at the border of the Transvaal Republic, their excitement still fresh, when they encountered a Boer guerrilla unit of several hundred men.

The Boers quickly taught the Indians how to fight, but unfortunately, these Indians would have no second chances.

Due to their unfamiliarity with the terrain and lack of combat experience, this Indian force of three thousand men was wiped out by the Boers in a very short time.

Compared to the colonial troops from India and other regions, the regular army from the British mainland performed better, but only marginally so.

The British government paid a heavy price in casualties to push the front line from British colonies into Boer territory.

Nearly seven months had passed since the war broke out in early March 1895.

Britain’s cumulative military expenditure was already approaching ninety million pounds, roughly equivalent to the entire British Empire’s annual fiscal revenue.

A glance at the map of the war in South Africa would immediately make any Briton’s heart sink. The situation on the front lines remained intensely deadlocked. Although the British had gained a certain advantage, they were unable to convert it into a decisive victory.

Even though Britain had occupied parts of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal, a significant resistance force remained in these occupied territories.

If a British unit was not careful, it could be ambushed by guerrillas in the occupied zones. Larger forces were generally safe, as guerrilla units were usually small and could not annihilate a large, organized army.

But if a force of only a few hundred or a thousand soldiers ran into these troublesome Boer guerrillas, they were almost certainly doomed to be wiped out.

If Britain’s massive investment demonstrated its confidence in the war, then the Boers’ united spirit and steel-like will to fight, driven by a shared hatred for the enemy, equally demonstrated their resolve to resist Britain to the end.

Through their long fight against the British, the Boers had captured a great deal of British weaponry and equipment. The British Empire, with its deep pockets, had equipped its colonial troops with the same gear as its regular army.

Unfortunately, these colonial troops were not very effective, and many soldiers ended up delivering their equipment straight to the Boers as soon as they reached the main front.

The Boers, showing no courtesy to the British, used this captured equipment to form even more guerrilla units. Due to the extremely small Boer population, they had no restrictions or requirements for recruitment.

Regardless of age or gender, anyone who could carry a gun and fight could become a member of a guerrilla unit.

It was precisely this policy that made the Boer guerrillas in the occupied territories nearly impossible to eradicate. Even if the British army managed to encircle and destroy a large guerrilla unit, another one would become active in the same area just a few days later.

As vast sums of money were poured in, the British government gradually grew weary of the war.

Faced with the continuous emergence of Boer resistance in the occupied territories, the British government decided to cast aside all notions of morality.

Beginning in early October 1895, the British government implemented a brutal scorched-earth policy in the two Boer countries, the Transvaal Republic and the Orange Free State.

In the occupied territories where resistance was fiercest, Britain adopted a strategy of rounding up all Boers.

Whether they were civilians or guerrillas, as long as they were Boers, they were all to be arrested.

This method was indeed effective in reducing resistance in the occupied zones. After all, the total Boer population was only between four and five hundred thousand. When Britain arrested the majority of the population in an occupied area, leaving almost no one behind, how could the Boers possibly resist?

During the two months of October and November, Britain’s scorched-earth policy yielded excellent results.

At the same time, however, the brutal concentration camps led to massive civilian casualties among the Boers. In the first seven months of the war, the total number of Boer casualties was just over ten thousand, only one-fifth of the British losses.

But after Britain implemented its scorched-earth policy and began managing Boer civilians in concentration camps, the total number of casualties quickly soared to over twenty thousand.

The number of Boer civilians who died at the hands of the British army alone, especially the elderly, women, and children, was in the thousands. This ignited the fury of the Boers and many European nations.

Cruel treatment of African natives might have been overlooked; after all, in the eyes of most white Europeans, the lives of these black Africans were of little consequence.

The problem was that Britain was inflicting such cruelty on the descendants of white European immigrants. The Boers were composed mainly of descendants of Dutch immigrants, Germans, and French—all of whom were orthodox Europeans.

Britain’s abuse of white civilians was an act that could only be described as barbaric.

The Dutch government protested Britain’s brutal scorched-earth policy, and with nations like Germany and France fanning the flames, Britain once again became the target of public criticism across Europe.

Compared to the indignation of the Dutch and the subtlety of the Germans, the reports from the French were far more direct.

Several major French newspaper companies directly published photographs of the British army abusing Boer civilians, particularly women, children, and the elderly, in concentration camps.

These photographs caused a massive uproar in France. The French people could not believe that the British would be so cruel to white people, even abusing the elderly and children.

At this moment, Britain had no excuse to refute the claims. The Boers gained support from many countries, and civilians in the Netherlands even formed a volunteer army to go and fight in South Africa.

With so many Europeans in the Boer region, it was not surprising that such photographs made their way back to Europe. This was not something Britain could suppress, unless it was determined to take action against all Europeans in the Boer territories.

But it was clear that the British government would never dare to do so.

Such an act would simultaneously antagonize many European nations and could potentially provoke a joint crusade against Britain by the great powers of Europe.

If things went badly and an anti-British alliance formed in Europe, the situation would become disastrous. Although the Royal Fleet protected the mainland from any threat from European nations, a united front of the other European great powers could instantly shatter Britain’s deployments in Europe and across the globe.

Even the Indian colony, which was critically important to Britain, could be carved up and divided by the European powers. While Britain’s navy was formidable, if it were spread thin across the world protecting the mainland and its colonies, it would risk being defeated piecemeal by the European nations.

The lack of an explanation from the British further fueled the outrage in European countries. What had started with Dutch civilians forming a volunteer army to support the Boers now saw people in many other European nations entertaining similar ideas.

First to act were the French, who harbored the most resentment toward Britain. With the tacit support of the French government, a volunteer army of three thousand men was organized by civilians.

This volunteer army set sail for South Africa with great fanfare, while the French government closely monitored the movements of the fleet carrying them.

If Britain dared to attack the fleet carrying this volunteer army, France would have a pretext to declare war on Britain. After all, these volunteers were bona fide French citizens.

If Britain were to kill three thousand French people in one go, it would signify that they were prepared for a war with France.

News of the French civilian-organized volunteer army was reported across Europe, sparking a wave of responses from the people of many nations.

The first to respond to France was Germany, which was not surprising.

Although there was enmity between France and Germany, it did not prevent the German people from sympathizing with the Boers’ plight.

The Boers were composed of immigrants from the Netherlands, Germany, and France. Although the majority were of Dutch descent, there was still a significant number of descendants of German and French immigrants.

This was also why Germany and France were so displeased with Britain’s actions; the Boers had ties to both nations.

Kaiser Wilhelm II’s public statements also indicated that while Germany preferred an alliance with Britain, the German government did not support Britain’s position in this war.

After civilians in France and Germany formed volunteer armies, another nation that despised Britain took action: Russia.

Russia had no significant connection to the Boers. Their act of forming a volunteer army was purely to annoy the British and cause them some trouble.

It must be said that Russia lacked many things, but it did not lack people. Compared to the few thousand strong volunteer armies organized by Germany and France, Russia decided from the outset to form a volunteer army of ten thousand men.

Of course, the Russian government was very short on cash. Although Russia was willing to form a volunteer army to aid the Boers, the government was unwilling to spend much money on it.

This was easily resolved. The Tsar’s government contacted the Transvaal Republic, expressing its willingness to send a volunteer army to help the Boers fight.

However, the Russian government also made a demand: Russia would only provide the men, and at most, cover the cost of transporting them to South Africa.

As for the remaining weapons, equipment, military pay, and so on, the Boers would have to cover those themselves.

Although such a request seemed a bit strange, to the Boers, who were desperate for manpower, the Russian government’s offer was like sending charcoal in snowy weather.

The lack of weapons and equipment was not a problem; more than half of the weapons supplied by various European countries had yet to be issued. It would be no issue to gather more than ten thousand rifles to equip these Russians. As for military expenditure, they could figure something out with the gold mines.

After all, if they lost this war, the gold mines would become British property and have nothing to do with the Boers anymore.

But if they could win this war, the Boers could still live comfortably in the future, thanks to the gold mines in this land.

Indeed, the British slaughter of the Boers had provoked outrage throughout Europe. Similar volunteer armies were being formed in Spain, and Carlo had the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau keep a close eye on them.

To annoy the British even more, Carlo inserted dozens of officers who had graduated from the Royal Military Academy into the volunteer army organized by Spanish civilians.

Once they arrived on the Boer battlefield, these officers would officially take command of the volunteer army. Then, they would be let loose to fight the British army, create even bigger problems for them, and, in the process, learn the guerrilla tactics the Boers used on the battlefield.

It is worth mentioning that the United States, separated from Europe by the Atlantic Ocean, also formed a number of volunteer units.

This was partly due to America’s attention to the situation in Europe, and partly a testament to just how unpopular Britain’s actions in the Boer region were.

Although the volunteer armies sent by the various European countries were not large, the combined forces from several nations managed to muster twenty thousand men.

This was good news for the Boers. Though the European volunteer forces numbered only around twenty thousand, the combat effectiveness of European armies was among the best in the world.

Among the countries forming these volunteer armies, both France and Germany were world-renowned for their land forces, and the strength of the Spanish army was a matter of historical fact. Although the Russian army’s combat effectiveness was not as strong, the larger number of Russian volunteers would provide much-needed relief to the Boers.

With the combined forces of these volunteer armies, unless Britain deployed an army of over one hundred thousand men, it would be genuinely difficult to defeat them.

If Britain used its colonial troops, even an army of one hundred thousand might not be enough to defeat these twenty thousand volunteers.

This was undoubtedly a difficult problem for the British posed by the European nations. With these twenty thousand volunteers helping the Boers fight, the war could be prolonged by at least another year.

On the British side, the government was not unaware of the volunteer armies being sent by European nations. They even knew that these forces surely contained a mix of real officers and soldiers.

The problem was that the British government could not retaliate. When they decided to implement the scorched-earth policy in the Transvaal and Orange regions, the British government knew such actions would cause an uproar in Europe.

But they had no choice; at the time, the British government was in a predicament with no easy way out. If the Boer War was not ended soon, Britain’s energy would be tied down in this small region of South Africa.

They could make concessions in Morocco and Cuba, but could they continue to make concessions in Canada, India, and other regions?

Only by quickly resolving the Boer problem would Britain have the energy to focus on other regions. Unburdened, Britain could easily crush the rebellion in Cuba and also make other European countries wary, thus deterring them from causing further trouble.

Since the European nations had all sent volunteer armies, Britain would certainly not back down. Britain not only increased its military budget again but also sent more expeditionary forces.

To date, the number of troops Britain had deployed to the Transvaal and Orange regions had reached one hundred and fifty thousand, one-third of the entire Boer population in the area and more than four times the size of the Boer army.

Even including the twenty thousand volunteers supported by European nations, the number of British troops was still nearly three times that of the Boer army and its allies.

Since such a huge military investment had failed to resolve the Boer issue, the British government decided to continue sending troops until the Boers submitted.

This time, Britain did not intend to mobilize troops from its various colonies, but rather to dispatch elite troops from the British mainland.

The British had finally realized that continuing to deploy colonial troops would only inflate their own casualty numbers and serve as training practice for the Boers and the volunteer armies from other countries.

The combat effectiveness of these colonial troops was simply too poor. Even when equipped with advanced weapons issued by Britain, it did not change the fact that they were little more than disorganized stragglers.

In mid-November 1895, Britain mobilized nearly fifty thousand troops from the mainland, who set off for South Africa in a vast and mighty procession.

These troops mobilized from the mainland would arrive in the South Africa region at the same time as the volunteer armies from various European countries. Britain did not believe that, by deploying more than double the number of troops, they could still lose to the volunteer armies formed by the European nations.

So what if the Boers had the support of European countries? As long as those countries did not dare to confront Britain openly, Britain would always have the upper hand in this war.

It was just a matter of expending funds, manpower, and resources, and in that regard, Britain feared no one.

Supported by its numerous colonies around the world, Britain’s annual fiscal revenue was an astronomical figure to the other European nations.

Under these circumstances, even fighting a protracted war with the Boers was a worthwhile proposition for the British.

If the Boers were counting on the few gold mines in their possession to compete with the British Empire in a war of attrition, the British government could only tell them one thing: dream on!

Chapter 377: Educational Endeavors

Carlo couldn’t be bothered with how troubled the British were at the moment. With the recent occupation of Morocco, everyone in Spain, from top to bottom, was in high spirits.

To better facilitate the integration of Morocco, the Spanish government, after some discussion, decided on a large-scale renaming of its cities.

These Moroccan cities would see the construction of numerous Spanish-style buildings and the migration of large populations from Spain and other European countries.

In addition, the city names would be changed to Spanish-style ones, completely eradicating the previous Moroccan character.

After this series of measures, the integration of Morocco was about seventy to eighty percent complete. All that remained was to thoroughly implement the plan to halve the Moroccan population and relocate more Europeans, and the entire integration process could be completed step by step.

Apart from personally appointing the Governor-General of the Moroccan colony, Carlo paid little attention to the integration efforts there.

He had considerable trust in the current Minister of Colonial Affairs, Count Menotti, as well as the Governor-General he had appointed for Morocco.

The integration of the Moroccan colony was not a particularly difficult task, and it served as a good test of their abilities.

Compared to this work, Carlo was more focused on Europe’s scientific and technological development and progress.

In the blink of an eye, the year was 1896, and the 20th century was about to dawn.

What technologies of the 20th century would be most crucial for the military? Among the most noteworthy were, perhaps, tanks and airplanes.

Although tanks and airplanes wouldn’t truly demonstrate their power until World War II, their prototypes had already appeared during World War I, and even before.

The invention of any science or technology is never a sudden breakthrough; it is the culmination of exploration by generations of pioneers, with later generations building upon the shoulders of giants.

Take, for example, the Wright brothers, fathers of the modern airplane in later eras. They conducted their first truly successful flight experiment in 1903.

At that time, aircraft technology was still immature. It took another thirty to forty years before airplanes came to dominate in the Second World War.

Even the famed fathers of the airplane were not the originators of the technology. For thousands of years, people had imagined flight in various ways.

The design principles of the modern airplane were proposed by the British scientist George Cayley. He clearly defined the concept of separating lift and thrust, earning him the title “Father of Aeronautics.”

And George Cayley proposed this design principle at the beginning of the century, decades ago.

It was clear that various scientific technologies, including the airplane, evolved step by step through exploration.

This also meant one thing: developing a new technology required prolonged exploration, substantial funding, and the dedicated efforts of scientists.

Carlo, of course, knew when tanks and airplanes were invented, but he wasn’t going to wait until then to start researching the relevant technologies.

Years ago, Carlo had established research projects for airplanes and tanks within the Royal Academy of Sciences.

For secrecy, the project related to airplanes was codenamed “Sky,” while the project for tanks was called “Water Tank.”

After several years of research, both projects have made some progress.

Of course, using this to build a finished airplane or tank was still a bit too difficult.

Tanks were relatively simple. The most primitive tanks were merely vehicles wrapped in a layer of sheet metal. Since automobiles already existed, covering one with a thin layer of iron armor and calling the product a primitive tank wouldn’t be entirely wrong.

But airplanes were different. Regardless of how primitive it was, a finished airplane was ultimately meant to fly into the sky under control.

If it couldn’t achieve this, it couldn’t be called a complete airplane, no matter what materials it was made of.

For the science and technology of this era, building a controllable aircraft capable of flight was still a formidable challenge.

Carlo had visited the Sky project team multiple times and, based on their research progress, had appropriately lowered his requirements.

Carlo suggested that the Sky project team first build an airplane that could glide using wind power. After succeeding with that, they could build a glider that could be steered.

Once that was also successful, it would not be too late to consider adding a power source to the glider. There were simply too many factors to consider with airplanes, and this technology could not be rushed.

Carlo also encouraged the experts in these project teams, personally promising that during their development, not a single penny of their research funding would be cut, no matter the amount.

And indeed, Carlo had never been stingy with these research projects at the Royal Academy of Sciences.

Since its establishment, the Royal Academy of Sciences had launched one project team after another. In the beginning, because the number of Academicians was small, the annual research funding invested in the Academy was only a few million pesetas.

But as the number of Academicians in the Royal Academy of Sciences continued to grow, the research funding had repeatedly doubled.

The Royal Academy of Sciences now had over two thousand members, making it a true mega-research association.

It was important to note that there were only two ways to join Spain’s Royal Academy of Sciences. One was to receive an invitation from the Academy based on one’s own research achievements. The other was to be recommended by an existing Academician and then pass a series of rigorous reviews.

Regardless of the method, the Academy’s review process was extremely strict. This was to ensure that everyone who entered the Royal Academy of Sciences was a top-tier talent from Europe, or even the world, and that no freeloading experts could slip in.

This was also why Carlo was so generous with the Academicians. Knowing that these scientists were capable, he certainly didn’t mind using funds to support their research.

After so many years of development, the Royal Academy of Sciences now had different departments. The most important were the Physics and Chemistry Departments, along with others including the Geology Department, the Department of Life Sciences and Medicine, and so on, which managed different types of Academicians and research projects.

Since there were departments, there were naturally heads for each department.

Whether they were department heads or project leaders, they could receive an additional salary on top of their base Academician pay.

This served as an incentive for these scientists. As long as one could join the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences, one could live without financial worries for the rest of one’s life, even without making any major scientific breakthroughs.

Spain’s treatment of these scientists was exceptionally good, which was why the number of Academicians in the Royal Academy of Sciences had continuously expanded over the years.

Aside from a small portion who were domestically cultivated, most Academicians were lured from various European countries by Spain through awards and other benefits.

To put it nicely, it was recruitment; to put it bluntly, it was poaching.

But this phenomenon was quite common among European countries. The nations of Europe were, after all, quite small, and with their relatively developed economies, immigration was very normal.

Previously, Spain held little attraction for the people of Europe. Not only was its geographic location rather remote, but its economy was also backward, and its education and healthcare systems were poor.

But after Spain’s numerous reforms and developments, its industry and economy had reached the level of a mid-to-upper-tier great power, and its education and healthcare environments had greatly improved.

For many Europeans, Spain was now a rather good destination. Although Spain still had its flaws, it also possessed its own advantages.

Compared to a popular immigration choice like the United States, Spain could also offer refuge from war, and it was still located in Europe, so it wasn’t too far from home.

Moving to the United States might be safer, but the problem was that the Atlantic Ocean separated the US from Europe. This meant permanently leaving one’s homeland, making a return to Europe virtually impossible.

The Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences had a total of 2,224 Academicians. Of these, the most basic First-level Academicians numbered 972, accounting for 43.7%.

There were 772 Second-level Academicians, making up 34.7%. The number of Third-level Academicians was also significant, with 480 members, or 21.6%.

Whether they were the heads of the various departments or the leaders of various research projects, their underlying status was still that of an Academician of the Royal Academy of Sciences.

First-level Academician was the most basic title in the Academy, while Third-level Academician was the highest.

Without exception, all scientists who attained the rank of Third-level Academician were handpicked by the Royal Academy of Sciences and could be considered great scientific figures throughout Europe.

These individuals either possessed extremely rich theoretical knowledge and practical experience or had developed significant scientific inventions; otherwise, they would not be qualified for promotion to Third-level Academician.

The fact that Spain could boast 480 Third-level Academicians was a testament to how hard Carlo had worked on talent acquisition over the years.

To attract these talents, Carlo offered salaries that could capture the attention of scientists from all over the world.

The base annual salary for a First-level Academician was already as high as 3,500 pesetas. Combined with income from other part-time positions, their annual income was at least five to six thousand pesetas or more.

A Second-level Academician’s base salary was as high as 7,500 pesetas, and with other part-time income, their total could easily exceed ten thousand. If they made progress in a more critical research project, the income from the project itself, along with rewards from Carlo, could multiply their earnings several times over.

As for the highest-ranking Third-level Academicians, their base income was already a staggering 12,500 pesetas. Most Third-level Academicians also held important positions concurrently, such as honorary professor, dean, or vice-dean at various Spanish universities.

These part-time university positions alone could earn them an income comparable to their base salary, not to mention the income from leading a major research project, which could multiply their earnings several times more on top of that.

This led every Academician in the Royal Academy of Sciences to aspire to become a Third-level Academician, because their income was truly high. Their base salary alone was equivalent to what a Spanish family might earn in several, or even more than ten, years.

Among the current Academicians in Spain, the most famous were likely Benz, the general manager of the Royal Benz Automobile Company, and Gramme, the general manager of the Spanish Royal Power Company.

Carlo had personally promised the Academicians of the Royal Academy of Sciences that if a research project succeeded, the project team would receive a 5% share of the resulting profits.

Whether it was revenue from automobiles or electricity, a 5% share represented an astronomical sum.

This was why Benz and Gramme were famous; they had become renowned ten-millionaires, and their wealth was something other Academicians in Spain aspired to achieve.

Although many scientists were not concerned with fame and fortune, many others did value money. After all, besides improving one’s own standard of living, wealth could also provide a better life for one’s family.

At the same time, more money could also smooth the path of one’s research projects. There was a large amount of undiscovered talent across Europe. The reason they were unknown was either due to a lack of luck or a lack of financial means to support their research.

Take the famous fathers of the airplane, the Wright brothers, for example. Their early aircraft experiments did not bring them much income, and they even fell into poverty because of it.

If they hadn’t eventually received funding from the U.S. military, the Wright brothers would have likely gone bankrupt long before a true airplane was born, and the legend of the Wright brothers would never have existed.

To say that there are many thoroughbreds but few who can recognize them would be a fitting description of Europe today.

Because Europe valued education, there was no shortage of talent on the continent. In addition to the famous scientists of history, there were many other highly capable scientific workers across Europe.

Carlo did not see these historical figures through rose-tinted glasses, nor did he simply assume that just because they were famous in history, their abilities were exceptionally outstanding.

Besides their own extraordinary talent, the successful life and learning experiences of these historically famous scientists were also what made them shine.

It was precisely because he knew this that Carlo had not interfered with the life paths of some famous scientists who were currently in their youth.

In any case, Carlo’s mind was full of famous scientists; it would not be too late to recruit them after they had matured.

Currently, Spain’s main targets for talent acquisition were scientists who were already highly capable. Regardless of whether they had left a significant mark in history, as long as it was confirmed that their scientific research abilities were indeed excellent, they were targets for Spain’s recruitment.

Even if these experts’ abilities were not yet sufficient to join the Royal Academy of Sciences, they could still be invited to Spain to serve as visiting professors at universities.

Besides university professorships, there were other positions available. In short, as long as they were talented, Spain welcomed them warmly.

It was thanks to the addition of these pillar-like talents that Spain’s reforms and development had progressed so smoothly.

After more than twenty years of development, Spain’s education system had caught up with the progress of other European nations.

With the exception of the elderly and disabled who were truly unable to overcome illiteracy, the vast majority of Spaniards had completed at least a primary school education.

The Nine-Year Compulsory Education pilot project in Madrid and Barcelona had also been quite successful. According to a report from Minister of Education Alan Carlton, in the new year of 1896, the Ministry of Education would attempt to expand Nine-Year Compulsory Education to more cities.

In the just-passed year of 1895, Spain’s annual fiscal revenue had reached a new high of 1.4462 billion pesetas. The total fiscal expenditure for the same year was only 1.3964 billion pesetas, and this was even after Spain had launched the war in Morocco.

Without the Moroccan war, fiscal expenditure would have been at least twenty million pesetas lower, which proved that Spain’s financial situation was indeed quite healthy.

The foreign debt that Carlo had incurred in the first few years of his reign as king had, by now, been mostly repaid.

The only remaining debt the Spanish government had was to the royal family, but Carlo wasn’t concerned about this small amount. He specifically instructed the government to repay it slowly so as not to affect the financial budgets of the various departments.

It was for this reason that the Ministry of Education had the confidence to push for the implementation of Nine-Year Compulsory Education nationwide.

The impact of nine-year compulsory education is profound. While the difference between nine-year and six-year education might seem to be just three years of junior high school, it actually affects the number of students in high school and even university.

With the government covering the tuition for primary and junior high school, impoverished families would have more funds to allow their children to attend high school.

It was a simple principle: the more primary school students there were, the more junior high students there would naturally be. The more junior high students, the more high school students.

With more high school students, the number of university students each year would naturally increase.

Education has always been a chain reaction, with the foundational primary education influencing the intermediate junior and high school education, which in turn influences the advanced university education.

If the popularization ofNine-Year Compulsory Education could be achieved, it would be a major milestone in Spain’s educational history.

A Spain that had achieved universal nine-year compulsory education could not only claim to have the world’s number one education system but would at least rank among the top tier in Europe—solidly in the top three, striving for first place.

Because he clearly understood the importance of education to a nation, Carlo immediately summoned Minister of Education Alan Carlton after seeing his report. He inquired about the problems encountered in promoting nine-year compulsory education in Madrid and Barcelona, and what proactive measures the Ministry of Education should take for a nationwide rollout.

After a discussion lasting nearly two hours, Carlo found that the Minister of Education was thoroughly prepared for the nationwide promotion of nine-year compulsory education.

Since the Ministry of Education was well-prepared, Carlo would naturally not stand in their way.

In any case, Spain currently had sufficient funds to promote nine-year compulsory education. The African colonies provided a substantial amount of fiscal revenue to Spain each year.

The money had to be spent somewhere, so it was better to invest it in the education and healthcare sectors, allowing the Spanish people to truly feel the difference between the Spain of today and the Spain of the past.

If only Spain, during its era when the sun never set, had invested its vast wealth in domestic development, it might have been Spain, not Britain, that propelled the first Industrial Revolution.

Chapter 378: Juan Fernando’s Marriage

In January 1896, the Spanish government officially announced that in the new year, Nine-Year Compulsory Education would be implemented nationwide.

The people of Madrid and Barcelona were no longer strangers to the so-called Nine-Year Compulsory Education. Compared to previous policies, it merely added free education at the junior high school level.

However, for poor families across Spain, Nine-Year Compulsory Education meant their children could continue to study junior high school subjects without a significant financial burden, which was undoubtedly good news.

This was because Spain’s education system operated on a dual-track basis. Besides the option of free junior high school education, the Nine-Year Compulsory Education also offered free basic vocational and technical training, from which students could graduate in about three years.

This so-called basic vocational and technical training was essentially the equivalent of later-era vocational colleges. In this age, there wasn’t much debate about child workers. For elementary school graduates who truly couldn’t continue their academic studies, learning a trade and entering the workforce early was also a decent choice.

What the government could do was to guarantee a minimum income for these child workers, ensuring they wouldn’t be too harshly exploited by factories and businesses. But completely eliminating the phenomenon of child labor would not have been a good thing for Spain in this era.

Depriving children of job opportunities was, in reality, depriving extremely poor families of their chance to survive. Carlo certainly understood how important job opportunities for child workers were in this era. Unless the basic living necessities of extremely poor families could be guaranteed in the future, it would be impossible for Spain to ban child labor.

The first half of 1896 was a preparatory phase for the Ministry of Education. The ministry had to prepare a sufficient number of junior high schools and basic vocational training schools for elementary school graduates across the country.

Since they were implementing Nine-Year Compulsory Education, the most crucial thing was to have enough schools to accommodate these students.

Fortunately, in this era, neither schools teaching cultural knowledge nor technical schools teaching trade skills required expensive instruments and equipment.

All that was needed were a few sturdy, solid buildings—one to serve as a classroom building and another as a dormitory—which would basically meet the requirements for establishing a school.

Everything else could be improvised. A playground only needed an open piece of land, and teachers could squeeze into offices shared with students.

Even the textbooks distributed by the schools could be shared among several students. The priority was to get the Nine-Year Compulsory Education system up and running; any deficiencies could be slowly rectified later.

The Ministry of Education was indeed doing just that. In Madrid and Barcelona, this approach had proven to be very effective.

Madrid and Barcelona had now become cities with populations exceeding one million, and the pilot project for Nine-Year Compulsory Education implemented in these two cities had drawn the attention of all of Spain.

Ultimately, the residents of other cities were quite envious of those in Madrid and Barcelona. As Spain’s two most populous and prosperous cities, they were almost always the first to enjoy any new beneficial policies.

In truth, this was unavoidable. Implementing policies inevitably followed a sequence, and trying to roll out a policy nationwide all at once was extremely difficult.

This was especially true for a major undertaking like Nine-Year Compulsory Education. Without running a pilot project in a few cities, it would be easy for various problems to arise.

What Carlo could do was to immediately begin the nationwide promotion of Nine-Year Compulsory Education as soon as it was confirmed that the pilot project was running without any issues.

Although the implementation of Nine-Year Compulsory Education in Madrid and Barcelona was earlier, Carlo wanted to ensure that once it was promoted nationwide, the policy would be applied consistently. Whether in Madrid, Barcelona, or any other city, people would enjoy the same benefits of compulsory education, with no special treatment for any particular region.

Carlo had specifically emphasized this point, even demanding that the Ministry of Education strictly control this aspect when promoting the policy.

Whether they were residents of large cities, small cities, or even rural towns, they were all Carlo’s subjects.

Carlo treated all of them equally.

Since they were going to implement the so-called Nine-Year Compulsory Education policy, the most important thing was to promote and execute it fairly, justly, and openly across the nation. Everything else was secondary.

Only by achieving true fairness, justice, and transparency in this matter could the policy gain the support of the Spaniards, and could Carlo, who promoted it, earn their devotion.

With Carlo’s repeated instructions, Minister of Education Alan Carlton dared not be the slightest bit negligent. Originally, promoting Nine-Year Compulsory Education was for his own political achievements, but if he did poorly in some aspect and displeased Carlo, it would be like shooting himself in the foot.

Alan Carlton was no fool. He knew that compared to his own political achievements, earning Carlo’s trust and support was far more important.

With Carlo’s support, even without sufficient political achievements, he would have the opportunity to advance further in his Cabinet position. But if he lost Carlo’s trust and support, he would ultimately have to bid farewell to his political career, no matter how outstanding his achievements were.

Carlo did not pay excessive attention to the Ministry of Education’s movements, instead entrusting the matter to his eldest son, Prince Juan Fernando.

Before he knew it, Prince Juan Fernando had already come of age and had even turned twenty.

Originally, when he had just come of age, Queen Sophie had proposed finding a crown princess for Prince Juan Fernando.

However, Carlo believed that marrying too early was not necessarily a good thing, and so he had delayed the matter until now.

Now that Prince Juan Fernando had turned twenty, Carlo had no reason to delay any longer. Starting a family early was a good thing for these princes and princesses. At the very least, the Spanish royal family could produce heirs, which was much better than the previous scarcity of family members.

Besides finding a crown princess for Prince Juan Fernando, Princess Sofia, who was only a year younger than him, was also reaching the age where she should find a husband.

Princess Sofia was currently nineteen and would turn twenty by the end of the year. Compared to the political marriage alliances common among other European royal families, Carlo hoped his daughter could find a spouse who loved her and whom she loved in return.

This was the result of a discussion between Carlo and Queen Sophie. Both of them would look for suitable candidates for Princess Sofia, but the final decision of whether she liked them or not would be hers to make.

In any case, the Spanish royal family no longer needed political marriage alliances to ensure its stability. Given the power Carlo currently held, it was more likely that other European countries would want to form a marriage alliance with the Spanish royal family to secure their own political stability.

Kings in Europe were common, but for a king of a great power to also hold immense authority was a rare phenomenon in all of Europe.

For this very reason, countless countries wished to form a marriage alliance with the Spanish royal family. Before the Portuguese royal family was overthrown, King Luís I had proposed the idea of a marriage alliance with Spain.

But the Portuguese and Spanish royal families were already relatives. Carlo was not accustomed to the intermarriages between relatives common among European royalty of the era, so he rejected the Portuguese royal family’s request.

If marriages between relatives were ruled out, the Spanish royal family’s options for alliances were actually much fewer.

The royal families of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Italy, and Portugal had already been eliminated. Among the remaining countries, relations between Britain and Spain were rather poor, which meant Prince Juan Fernando’s choices were limited to the two great powers of Germany and Russia, as well as the remaining small and medium-sized countries.

While there were still options to choose from for Princess Sofia’s marriage, Prince Juan Fernando’s choices for a spouse were much more restricted.

First and foremost was the most important factor: equal social standing. Being of equal social standing was crucial for European royal marriages. The only suitable match for a crown prince was, in fact, a princess from another country.

Marrying a wife of lower status would not only affect Prince Juan Fernando’s own prestige but also the inheritance rights of his descendants.

Such incidents had occurred many times throughout history. European royalty placed an unparalleled importance on bloodline and status, and as a member of a European royal family, Carlo also had to abide by these rules.

Of course, for his other sons, the standards for choosing a spouse could be slightly lowered.

After all, it was highly likely that these princes would never ascend to the throne. Carlo did not have high expectations for them; they just needed to be law-abiding noblemen. As long as they didn’t break the law, a little more freedom in marriage wouldn’t be a big deal.

To choose a suitable wife for their son, Carlo and Queen Sophie stayed in the Royal Palace, poring over dozens of photographs, but in the end, they couldn’t find a single satisfactory candidate.

Unable to make a choice, Carlo looked at his wife with some resignation. “Sophie, have you asked Juan Fernando for his own opinion?

“Does he have anyone he’s fond of? If she meets the standards for a spouse, we wouldn’t have to go through the trouble of selecting one by one.”

“I’ve already asked, Carlo. Little Juan said he doesn’t have anyone in mind at the moment and told us to choose for him,” Queen Sophie said with a smile.

Having been designated as the crown prince from an early age, Prince Juan Fernando was of course aware that he could not decide his own marriage.

Because of this, he hadn’t bothered to learn much about the princesses of various European countries, deciding to let his parents make the choice from a position of political interest, considering what was best for Spain and the royal family.

As for himself, the princesses of Europe were all quite good-looking, so choosing any one of them would be acceptable.

After all, although European countries practiced monogamy, it was not uncommon for noblemen to have private lovers. While Prince Juan Fernando himself had no lovers, Carlo had arranged for a personal maid to attend to him when he turned twenty.

Such a personal maid was quite necessary. Besides instructing the princes in certain matters, her role was also to guide them all onto the right path.

Carlo certainly did not want his children to go astray, so a certain amount of guidance was essential.

After looking and looking without finding a suitable candidate for Prince Juan Fernando, Carlo was in a bind. He finally decided to give the choice to Prince Juan Fernando himself.

Staying in the Royal Palace picking from photographs would get them nowhere. It would be better to have the now-adult Prince Juan Fernando represent the Spanish royal family and visit several of Europe’s monarchies.

During these visits, Prince Juan Fernando would surely interact with the royal families of these nations. He would certainly see the eligible royal princesses at banquets, and if he could find a marriage candidate he was satisfied with then, it would be for the best.

If, after touring these courts, he still couldn’t find someone he liked, then there would be no other choice. They would have to select the marriage alliance that was most beneficial to Spain based on political interests.

Hearing Carlo’s suggestion, Queen Sophie nodded, thinking it was a good idea.

Instead of endlessly looking at these photographs in the Royal Palace, it was better to let Prince Juan Fernando see them with his own eyes.

One could only know if they liked someone after seeing them in person. Only through personal interaction could he understand if their personality was one he liked.

Looking at photos only revealed their appearance—an appearance heavily influenced by the black-and-white cameras of the day. A partner chosen based on a photograph would most likely end up being unsatisfactory, so it was better to skip that step altogether.

Since Carlo and Queen Sophie had made their decision, there was nothing more to be said.

Carlo immediately summoned Prince Juan Fernando, told him his thoughts, and instructed him to conduct diplomatic visits to numerous European countries on behalf of himself and the Spanish royal family.

As it was a diplomatic tour, some of Europe’s important countries were naturally on the itinerary. However, Carlo had given prior instructions that the British royal family was not to be considered.

Carlo had no desire for Queen Victoria’s hemophilia to be passed on to the Spanish royal family, affecting the lifespan of its future generations.

Something that could very well lead to the end of a bloodline was best kept as far away from the Spanish royal family as possible.

Moreover, relations between Spain and Britain were not good to begin with. A marriage alliance between the royal families of the two countries would only make the situation more awkward for the royalty, as national interests would still have to take precedence most of the time.

Aside from the British royal family, the royal families of other European countries were all possibilities.

Even the current queen of the Netherlands, Wilhelmina, was within Carlo’s scope of consideration. Although there was a five-year age difference with Prince Juan Fernando, such a gap was not a major issue.

If a marriage alliance with Queen Wilhelmina could be arranged, Spain and the Netherlands would become natural allies. Their descendants would inherit the thrones of both Spain and the Netherlands, offering the hope of establishing a joint rule.

Of course, if Prince Juan Fernando felt that Queen Wilhelmina was too young, his younger brothers were also options.

Prince Martin was born in 1879, only one year older than Queen Wilhelmina. Prince Alexander was born in 1884, and although he was nearly four years younger than her, he was still within the range of possible candidates.

Although the Netherlands was only a small to medium-sized country on the European continent, it still possessed a solid foundation. In the shipbuilding industry, the Netherlands ranked among the top ten in Europe, which was quite a respectable strength.

The main weaknesses of the Netherlands were its small land area and small population, but its industry and economy were still at a respectable level.

Furthermore, the Netherlands possessed the vast Dutch East Indies, a region that was an extremely important source of rubber. Although Spain and the Netherlands had some friction in the East Indies before, that was all in the past.

Ever since Spain began its great colonization of Africa, it had not expanded much in Southeast Asia.

If an alliance with the Netherlands were to be formed, Carlo could even offer a portion of Spain’s colonies in Southeast Asia as a bridal gift to improve relations between the two countries.

Of course, all of this was merely Carlo’s own speculation.

Whether the Netherlands was willing to form a marriage alliance with Spain was the first question. The second question was whether Prince Juan Fernando and his two younger brothers would even be interested in the Netherlands and Queen Wilhelmina. After all, a marriage alliance was a two-way choice, not a one-sided decision.

Carrying the hopes of Carlo and Queen Sophie, Prince Juan Fernando embarked on his tour of European nations with a retinue of government officials and great fanfare.

As the crown prince of Spain, undertaking a diplomatic tour was a matter of course. This time, besides allowing Prince Juan Fernando to choose his own marriage partner, another purpose was to train his abilities and, at the same time, allow him to get to know the royal families and government officials of Europe.

Regardless of the present, the future Prince Juan Fernando was destined to become the king of Spain.

His diplomatic skills needed to be honed. The earlier he made his public debut, the earlier he could cultivate his own prestige and influence.

To prevent any mishaps during this diplomatic tour, Carlo specifically had Caler, the three-term Foreign Secretary, accompany him. Since becoming Spain’s Foreign Secretary in 1882, Caler had served continuously in the position for over fifteen years.

Having such an experienced diplomat accompany Prince Juan Fernando was a sign of Carlo’s care and affection for his son.

Various government departments also sent officials to accompany the delegation. If they could reach some cooperation agreements with the governments of other countries during the tour, that would be for the best.

To ensure the safety of this diplomatic delegation, Carlo specially dispatched a detachment of the Royal Bodyguard Detachment, one hundred men strong.

Compared to the Royal Guards, whose main duty was to defend the capital and the Royal Palace, the Royal Bodyguard Detachment’s primary responsibility was to escort and protect members of the royal family.

The entire Royal Bodyguard Detachment under Carlo’s command numbered less than a thousand men. To be able to directly dispatch a hundred-strong contingent to protect Prince Juan Fernando already showed how much Carlo valued his crown prince.

Although Carlo could have sent even more bodyguards, it was clearly unnecessary.

After all, this trip was an official diplomatic visit. Upon arriving in each country, the respective governments would certainly provide tight security for his protection.

If anything happened to a diplomatic delegation in a foreign country, it could escalate into a national conflict or even war.

Regardless of whether relations between Spain and the host countries were good or not, they had to ensure that the Spanish diplomatic delegation would not encounter any problems on their territory.

Chapter 379: The End of the Boer War

Not long after Prince Juan Fernando’s fleet set sail, bombshell news arrived from South Africa.

Following the previous reinforcement of fifty thousand troops, the British government decided to send another one hundred thousand. By February 1896, the number of British troops deployed in the Boer War had exceeded two hundred fifty thousand.

In addition to these soldiers, Britain also transported thousands of warhorses from the mainland and Australia to increase the army’s mobility.

In this era, the role of cavalry was still crucial. As the fastest-moving units, cavalry could not only serve as reconnaissance troops but also conduct strategic assaults and flanking maneuvers.

The Boers clearly lacked such a large number of horses, which meant that once Britain’s cavalry units were formed, they would hold an absolute advantage in this area.

Sure enough, after the British cavalry units were formed, they quickly made an impact on the main front of the Boer War.

The British army’s original plan of attack was to advance north from Natal, blockading the entire coastline of the Transvaal Republic and achieving a complete encirclement of both the Transvaal and the Orange Free State.

The Boers were well aware of the British intentions. They deployed a large number of troops in the southern and southeastern parts of the Transvaal Republic. Their staunch resistance made it difficult for the British army to push the front line further north.

Even with the British army’s absolute numerical superiority, it was still impossible to make swift progress on the main front.

After careful consideration, the British army decided to prioritize dealing with the more weakly defended Orange Free State. Although also a Boer state, the Orange Free State had a smaller territory and population, and thus its defenses were naturally weaker.

More importantly, if they could occupy the Orange Free State, the British army could advance directly north from its territory, bypassing the defensive lines the Boers had established in the southern and southeastern Transvaal Republic.

This would allow the British army to easily capture the Transvaal Republic’s capital, Pretoria, and bring the war to an end.

With this in mind, the British wasted no more time.

Because their total force was five times that of the Boers, the British could change their offensive targets with impunity, without worrying about affecting operations on other fronts.

Although the current situation on the main front was unfavorable for a British offensive, it was equally impossible for the Boers to launch a counterattack against the British.

Due to their absolute numerical inferiority, the Boers could only adopt a strategy of all-out defense. This did have some effect, significantly slowing the pace of the British army’s advance.

This was why, after nearly a year of war, the British army had still made little headway on the main front. Furthermore, a steady stream of aid from various European countries arriving in the Transvaal Republic made the war even more difficult than it had been historically.

The good news was that the British army’s repeated setbacks at the front had, paradoxically, fueled the British public’s belligerence.

In the eyes of the British people, the British Empire was the most powerful nation on earth, and it was unthinkable for Britain to back down before the insignificant Boers.

Even if it meant losing several hundred million pounds, they had to win this war at any cost. This hawkish sentiment among the British people also influenced the British government. Given the current situation, regardless of how the front line fared, the war had to continue.

Unless Britain could achieve a final victory, the British government absolutely could not compromise.

If it did, the furious British public would immediately make the government understand that the will of the people could not be defied.

By this point in the war, the British government had already invested over one hundred million pounds into the conflict. Fortunately, the government had deep pockets. While this military budget would be an astronomical sum for other European nations, it was acceptable for Britain itself.

Was one hundred million pounds a lot? Of course, it was.

But it was merely the British government’s fiscal revenue for a single year. If other nations were asked to spend their entire annual fiscal revenue on a war, their governments would certainly feel a pained reluctance over a loss, but it wouldn’t be enough to cause a complete financial collapse.

Take the Spanish government for example. Spain’s total fiscal revenue last year was as high as 1,446,200,000 pesetas. If the Spanish government were asked to raise such a sum for war within a year, it could do so with relative ease.

Even spending so much on military expenditure in a single year wouldn’t be a crippling blow to Spain. This was the source of Britain’s confidence; its finances were in even better shape than Spain’s, and they were confident they could commit an even larger budget. After all, money was the one thing the British did not lack.

To boost the morale of the soldiers at the front, the British government collected vast quantities of grain, beef, and mutton and shipped them to the South African theater.

The soldiers fighting at the front had meat to eat almost every day, which was a remarkably high standard of rations. This generous fare did indeed motivate the British forces at the front, and they fought with noticeably more valor than before.

Spurred on by Britain’s continuous spending, the front-line army soon achieved results in the Boer War.

Although the Boers’ resistance was incredibly tenacious, their limited population was an insurmountable weakness.

Once Britain shifted its offensive focus from the Transvaal Republic to the Orange Free State, the Boers’ lack of manpower quickly became apparent.

With only forty to fifty thousand troops in total, it was difficult to defend the entire vast territory of the Boer republics. On the advice of European experts, the Boers had concentrated their main defensive forces in the southern Transvaal, which had been the primary direction of the British army’s attack.

But when the British army changed its direction of attack, the Boer army found it difficult to respond in kind.

If the Boers were to move their troops from the southern Transvaal, the British army would likely attack that region again.

They might end up losing both, unable to defend either the Orange Free State or the Transvaal Republic. If they didn’t move the troops from the rear, the Orange Free State’s forces numbered only a little over ten thousand men, clearly no match for the attacking British army.

To quickly occupy the Orange Free State, the British army mobilized nearly one hundred thousand troops. One hundred thousand against ten thousand—a ten-to-one numerical advantage. They could win this battle with their eyes closed.

And indeed, that was the case. The British army took only half a month to breach the Orange Free State’s capital, Bloemfontein. This news boosted the morale of all British troops on the front lines, who felt as if they could see the hope of victory.

Riding a wave of sweeping victories, the British army soon occupied the entire territory of the Orange Free State.

By now, it was March 1896, and only the Transvaal Republic was left to fight on alone.

To prevent the Boers of the Orange Free State from continuing to disrupt the British occupation with guerrilla warfare, the British army established a large concentration camp in the capital, Bloemfontein, enclosing tens of thousands of Boers from the surrounding areas.

Britain implemented an extremely strict management system within the concentration camp, expressly forbidding any unauthorized gatherings.

Within a week of the camp’s establishment, the number of Boer commoners shot and killed by the British army for various reasons had already reached over a thousand.

The British army’s brutal actions provoked intense outrage among the Boers of the Transvaal Republic. Their resistance against the British became even more fierce; they fought fearlessly, willing to trade their lives for those of the British soldiers.

But the British army no longer cared about the Boers’ opinions. For the British government, any means were justified as long as they could quickly end the war.

At the end of March 1896, the British army officially began its offensive against the Transvaal Republic.

By this time, the scales of victory had already tipped in Britain’s favor. The remaining Boer forces numbered less than forty thousand, of whom nearly ten thousand were from the volunteer army sent by various European countries.

On the British side, although they had lost nearly thirty thousand men in continuous combat, their reinforcements were even greater.

Under these circumstances, the British army had not diminished in size at all; in fact, it was approaching a peak of three hundred thousand men.

It was worth noting that British casualties on the front lines were already close to one hundred thousand. This meant that the total number of troops Britain had committed to the war was nearly four hundred thousand, almost equal to the entire Boer population.

Less than forty thousand against nearly three hundred thousand—the outcome of this war had long been decided.

The Boers knew they could no longer defeat the British. Their objective had shifted from defeating Britain to inflicting as many casualties as possible. With the mindset that trading one for one was no loss and trading one for two was a huge gain, the more disadvantaged they became, the stronger their will to fight grew.

In the early stages of the war, Boer ambushes had caused heavy casualties for the British army. The British had learned their lesson; when ambushed, the infantry no longer maintained formation but instead dug trenches on the spot, providing cover for the cavalry to launch a counterattack on the Boer positions.

This was the key role of the cavalry. Because the Boers were few in number, they could not worry about the British cavalry while setting up an ambush.

Once the cavalry successfully got behind the Boer positions, the ambush would turn into a reverse slaughter of the Boers by the British army.

This British tactic proved highly effective. The Boer forces were successively defeated in their attempts to hold back the British at places like Poplar Grove and Abraham’s Kraal, suffering nearly ten thousand casualties in a short period.

On April 11, 1896, the 6th and 7th divisions of the British expeditionary force defeated the Boers’ best-equipped unit, the Johannesburg Police Force, at Abraham’s Kraal.

This unit’s weapons and equipment had all come from European countries, and the Boers had spent a great deal of money to arm this elite force.

Unfortunately, superior equipment could not compensate for their lack of numbers. After a bitter fight, the unit suffered heavy losses and was forced to rout.

The defeat of the Johannesburg Police Force was like the last straw that broke the camel’s back for the Boers.

On April 13, all remaining military forces in the northern Orange Free State fled to the Transvaal Republic. The Orange Free State had, in effect, ceased to exist as a nation.

The good news was that due to an outbreak of typhoid fever, the British commander, Roberts, was forced to order a halt to rest and reorganize.

After all, this was not a future era with advanced medical technology. Even an illness like typhoid could be fatal for soldiers at any time.

The British offensive was forced to a halt by typhoid, which in turn gave the nearly broken Boers a chance to catch their breath.

The British army at the front could wait, but the British government back home could not. Before a week had passed, another batch of reinforcements from the British government arrived in South Africa.

This contingent numbered about sixty thousand men and was likely the last batch of reinforcements for the British army.

With the addition of these sixty thousand reinforcements, the total size of the British army on the front lines exceeded three hundred fifty thousand, more than ten times the Boers’ remaining force of less than thirty thousand.

After a period of rest, the British army mobilized eight infantry divisions and one cavalry division, preparing to relaunch their offensive in early May.

The rested British troops had recovered their fighting strength and quickly broke through large swathes of the Transvaal Republic’s territory.

The British army tried to offer generous terms to the Boers in the occupied territories—such as allowing them to return to their farms and resume their formerly peaceful lives after surrendering—in exchange for them giving up resistance to prevent disruption of order in the occupied zones.

Some did choose to surrender to the British army, but the majority of Boers still chose to resist resolutely.

There was little choice. Over the year since the war began, the British army had committed too many atrocities against the Boers. Most Boers could not let go of the deep-seated blood feud with the British.

Since they couldn’t persuade the Boers in the occupied territories to give up resistance, the British government gave up on them and chose to annex the two Boer states first.

On May 20, 1896, the British Governor-General of the Cape Colony announced the annexation of the Orange Free State from Bloemfontein, incorporating its lands into the Cape Colony.

The very next day, the British army intensified its offensive against the Transvaal Republic, attempting to eliminate the last remaining Boer state within the month.

In less than ten days, the British army had pushed its front line to a point not far south of Pretoria, the capital of the Transvaal Republic.

Here, the British and Boer armies engaged in their final confrontation.

The last force of less than twenty thousand Boer soldiers held out for three days, ultimately forced to surrender due to severe casualties and a lack of supplies.

At the time of the final surrender, fewer than five thousand Boer soldiers were still able to fight, a testament to their tenacity in this war.

On the British side, in order to defeat this last remnant of the Boer army, they had suffered even more casualties than the Boers.

The total number of British troops had originally exceeded three hundred fifty thousand, but after more than a month of fighting, the number of combat-ready soldiers had fallen below three hundred thousand.

After defeating this final Boer army, the British army marched, vast and mighty, into Pretoria, the capital of the Transvaal Republic, and a few days later announced its occupation of the republic.

At this point, the war was essentially over. However, due to the British army’s brutal actions, most Boers did not accept British rule.

There were still many militias in these two Boer states resisting British rule. Only by completely eliminating these opposing military forces could Britain achieve a true annexation.

News of the war’s end quickly reached Europe and sparked widespread discussion among the various nations.

Regardless of Britain’s reputation in this war, the conflict had drawn the attention of countries in Europe and even around the world. They were all keenly interested in Britain’s investment in the war and its military losses.

Although the British side would not release detailed information publicly, certain basic data was easily obtainable.

Moreover, since every country had its own intelligence organization, getting a rough estimate was not a problem.

Through the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, Carlo successfully obtained information on the investment and casualty figures for both Britain and the Boers in the war.

This war was slightly different from its historical counterpart, but largely the same. The animosity between the Boers and the British was deeper, and British casualties were higher than in history.

But Britain was, after all, the side with the overwhelming advantage. Even with aid from various European countries, the Boers could not change the fact that Britain was destined to be the victor of this war.

First, in terms of troop deployment. Britain committed a total of four hundred fifty thousand troops to this war, while the Boers deployed only sixty thousand, plus twenty thousand international volunteers.

Although the total military expenditure of the British government was unknown, as of the beginning of 1896, it had already reached one hundred forty million pounds.

In the first six months of 1896, the British government must have spent at least another sixty to seventy million pounds.

This brought the total military expenditure to over two hundred million pounds. Even for the British Empire, that was likely a loss that would sting for a long time.

There were no systematic records of the Boers’ military expenditure. Much of it was unconditional aid from various European nations, which was why the small Boer states were able to hold out for so long.

If they had been forced to pay for all their supplies, the finances of the Transvaal Republic and the Orange Free State would likely have collapsed in less than six months.

Now, concerning the British casualties, which were of the greatest interest to the European nations.

Out of the four hundred fifty thousand troops Britain deployed, nearly thirty thousand soldiers were killed in action. The total British casualties were around one hundred fifty thousand, leaving fewer than three hundred thousand unwounded British soldiers on the battlefield at the war’s end.

On the Boer side, military deaths were less than ten thousand, but their casualty rate was extremely high, reaching nearly forty thousand.

Compared to the Boer military, Boer civilian casualties were even higher. The number of Boer commoners who died in British concentration camps and prisoner-of-war camps exceeded thirty thousand, which infinitely deepened the hatred between the British and the Boers.

One had to admire the Boers’ formidable fighting prowess. With an army only one-seventh the size of their opponent’s, the Boers achieved a casualty ratio of 1 to 3 and a kill-to-death ratio of 1 to 4, an impressive performance indeed.

If Britain did not have India as such a cash cow, it would have definitely suffered a crippling blow in this war.

Of course, Britain’s current situation was not much better. Having suddenly spent over two hundred million pounds on military expenditure, the British government was forced to cut back on future shipbuilding plans and reduce the size of its army as much as possible to save on unnecessary expenses.

Compared to the financial losses, the most severe loss for the British government was actually its international prestige and influence.

The British Empire had once enjoyed extremely high prestige, but its brutal actions against the Boers had led to condemnation from countries all over the world.

This meant that the British government’s future diplomatic actions would be severely affected. Those who were already Britain’s lackeys would naturally remain loyal, but the remaining countries would not be so convinced of Britain’s credibility.

Chapter 380: The Medical Security Act

The Boer War, which had lasted for a year and a half, finally came to an end. Carlo had long predicted that Britain could not allow the war to drag on any further.

The Boers were, after all, a nation of only four to five hundred thousand people. The difficulty for them to defy fate was extremely high; one could even say it was pure fantasy.

That they were able to hold out for a year and a half was not only due to their own staunch will to resist but also because the support from various European countries played a critical role.

The historical Boer War lasted two and a half years mainly because the period of Boer resistance and corresponding guerrilla warfare after the British had fully occupied their two countries was also included in the count.

If calculated this way, the current Boer War would certainly last longer than its historical counterpart.

This was because the Boers of this world harbored a deeper hatred for the British. For Britain to solve the Boer problem, it would need to dispatch a large number of troops to the Transvaal and Orange regions to completely eliminate these resolute resistance fighters.

Historically, even after winning the Boer War, Britain still had to maintain a garrison of over two hundred thousand soldiers to ensure the Boers did not retake the area.

This garrison represented another massive military expenditure, meaning that although the Boer War was over, Britain would still have to spend a great deal of money, manpower, and resources each year to counter the Boers.

This was good news for Spain and the other nations of Europe. Whether the British government liked it or not, they would have to mobilize a large number of troops and spend a significant portion of their military budget to suppress the local Boers in South Africa.

The end of the Boer War did not draw too much of Carlo’s attention to the situation in South Africa, because in 1896, Spain’s Ministry of Health was about to make a major move.

“Your Majesty, this is the medical security plan we have prepared over the last six months. It references the relevant social security regulations of various European countries and has been formulated in accordance with our national conditions.” The Minister of Health, Valentino Hernandez, handed a copy of the medical insurance bill to Carlo and introduced it with utmost respect.

The main content of the bill concerned medical insurance regulations for workers. The reason for creating such a plan was, in truth, an unavoidable choice dictated by social development.

Spain’s reforms and the Five-Year Development Plan had effectively boosted industrial development, expanding the country’s working class to several million people.

Although the government had introduced some laws to protect workers’ rights, the essence of this era was the oppression of workers by capitalists, a fundamental reality that Spain could not change.

Workers were already a high-income group, making the profession incredibly attractive to Spaniards with lower incomes. With the establishment of technical schools in Spain, a large number of people became skilled workers each year through these schools or other means, joining the great mass of the working class.

This constant influx of new workers into the industry inadvertently increased competition among them. This, in turn, gave factory owners more choices, and to keep their jobs, workers had to agree to their employers’ demands for overtime.

The Spanish government had issued repeated warnings about this, with various requirements for overtime hours and pay. If a worker was injured due to overtime, the factory was required not only to pay for their medical treatment but also to provide a certain amount of compensation.

While such policies protected workers’ interests to some extent, there is an old saying: for every policy from above, there is a countermeasure from below. Fully safeguarding workers’ interests was simply impossible in this era.

Capitalists had numerous ways to force workers into unpaid overtime. If a worker was unwilling, the capitalists could simply choose to fire them.

This was not the modern era, where dismissing an employee required substantial severance pay. In this age, firing an employee did not necessitate much compensation; one only needed to pay the wages for the hours already worked.

There had already been multiple incidents where workers, dazed from prolonged overtime, were involved in accidents and injured.

Although under government supervision and the urging of the Workers’ Party, the factories where these accidents occurred did compensate the workers.

But it was clear that this compensation was a drop in the bucket compared to the workers’ losses. If one was unfortunate enough to be disabled as a result, even if their injuries were treated, they would likely be unable to find work in the future.

This was a devastating blow to a worker’s family. If the family’s breadwinner could not find a job, it meant the household would be without sufficient income for a long time to come.

In response to this phenomenon, Carlo had ordered the Ministry of Health last year to explore relevant legislation, referencing the practices of other European nations to provide some form of medical security for workers.

With a relatively comprehensive medical security system, even if a worker had an accident on the job in the future, they could have their injuries treated through the system and use the factory’s compensation to support their livelihood, rather than using the compensation for medical bills and then living in poverty for the rest of their lives.

Carlo took the medical security bill and began to read it carefully.

The first thing to be clear about was that the medical security system of this era could not possibly be as comprehensive as those of later generations.

To persuade factory owners to agree to pay a portion of the medical security premium for their workers, the Ministry of Health had lowered the factories’ contribution to thirty percent, with the remaining seventy percent to be paid by the workers themselves.

There was no other way. If factories were made to bear the majority of the medical security premium, it would significantly increase their labor costs.

In that case, the situation for smaller factories would become even more precarious. It would no longer be a matter of whether those factory owners were willing to pay the premiums, but whether those small factories could even survive after the bill was enacted.

For the workers, although they had to pay seventy percent of the premium, it at least offered them peace of mind for the future.

If no accidents occurred during work, all the better. But if an accident did happen, the payout from the medical insurance would be enough to help their family get through the most difficult times.

While it might not be the optimal choice, for the current state of Spain, such a bill could effectively improve the plight of the workers.

“Regarding the payment of the medical security premium, what level of supervision does the Ministry of Health intend to implement?” Carlo did not rush to approve the bill but instead asked about the issues that concerned him.

Although the bill seemed capable of improving the medical situation for workers, the issue of premium collection was of paramount importance.

First, would the workers be willing to pay this premium? Second, would the factory owners delay the payment of the workers’ premiums?

Factory owners would surely delay for as long as they possibly could.

The various policy procedures of this era were incomplete. If a situation arose where a factory owner promised to pay the premium but ultimately delayed or even failed to pay under various pretexts, wouldn’t that mean the bill would ultimately be rendered ineffective?

Hearing Carlo’s question, Minister of Health Valentino Hernandez replied respectfully, “Your Majesty, we plan to establish a dedicated department for medical security to supervise and manage the collection of medical premiums.

“If it is discovered that the number of employees at a certain factory does not match the number of medical premiums paid, this department will be able to handle the matter promptly.”

Carlo nodded and said, “From the looks of it, this department supervising the premium collection will need to involve several areas. Let’s do this: the department will be affiliated with the Ministry of Health but jointly supervised by the Ministry of Industry, the Department of Public Welfare, and the Ministry of Health.

“The intention behind this bill is good. I hope it can effectively improve the medical situation for workers, allowing them to work without worrying about their future.”

“Yes, Your Majesty.” Valentino Hernandez, of course, understood that such a supervisory body could not be controlled by the Ministry of Health alone.

After all, it would need to interact with various factories, which would certainly require support from the Ministry of Industry. Healthcare itself was closely related to the Department of Public Welfare. Only through the cooperation of several departments could this bill be successfully promoted.

“If we are to fully implement this bill, what kind of budget will we need to allocate?” Carlo continued to inquire.

The purpose of a medical security system of this nature was certainly not to make a profit. To protect Spain’s several million workers, the government would have to commit sufficient funds.

Once finances were involved, careful consideration was necessary. Spain was no longer what it once was; with a powerful navy, Spain’s military expenditure was constantly rising.

Under these circumstances, to avoid fiscal stimulus, all departments could only do their best to save on their financial budgets.

If implementing this bill required too large a budget, Carlo would have to consider a trial run in certain regions or temporarily postpone its implementation.

“Your Majesty, we have considered cooperating with several of the country’s major insurance companies. If we work with them, we can effectively reduce our fiscal expenditure.

“Assuming all workers in the country purchase medical insurance, based on the current probability of factory accidents, our annual expenditure would be approximately fifteen million pesetas.”

Carlo nodded. Such an expenditure was within an acceptable range.

“The domestic insurance companies are, after all, for-profit entities. I am not opposed to cooperating with them, but proper supervision must be in place.

“I do not wish for our workers to painstakingly purchase medical insurance only to be denied their claims by the insurance companies after an injury.

“This point must be given special attention. As long as the conditions for compensation are met, both government and private insurance companies must unconditionally pay the medical funds to the workers.

“When cooperating with domestic insurance companies, make this point clear to them. The government does not oppose them making a profit, but they must do their job while doing so,” Carlo instructed.

Although cooperating with insurance companies could effectively reduce the government’s fiscal expenditure, Carlo was well aware of their methods.

By denying claims, insurance companies could cut a huge portion of their expenses. While some of these were indeed cases that didn’t meet the payout criteria, a considerable number did, yet were rejected by the companies using all sorts of tactics and excuses.

Carlo had no desire for a medical bill specifically designed for workers to end up being a gift to these insurance companies. They could earn the money they were entitled to, but they also had to do the job they were supposed to do.

“Yes, I understand, Your Majesty.” Minister of Health Valentino Hernandez nodded solemnly. He, too, understood the importance of supervising these insurance companies.

This was, after all, a public welfare project. If these insurance companies exploited loopholes and became the ultimate beneficiaries, not only would the Ministry of Health’s impending political achievements vanish, but the ministry might even be held responsible.

After all, worker dissatisfaction was no joking matter. Peasants’ discontent was usually borne in silence, which was why the rule of European nations was relatively stable before the advent of the industrial age.

But if the working class became dissatisfied, they would most likely take to the streets to protest. Once large-scale protests erupted, they had a tendency to evolve into armed uprisings.

Valentino Hernandez dared not bear the consequences of angering the working class. Moreover, the Workers’ Party, whose platform and constitution were centered on protecting workers’ interests, had now become a major political party in Spain.

If workers paid their medical premiums but were unable to receive compensation, he wouldn’t even have to wait for them to protest; the immense wrath of the Workers’ Party would be more than he could bear.

After all, Spain’s lower house still had oversight power over the Cabinet government. If a Workers’ Party Senator were to propose his impeachment, his political career would be essentially over, even if he managed to emerge unscathed in the end.

Establishing the Workers’ Party was also part of Carlo’s plan, giving the working class a channel to voice their political demands.

As long as the workers discovered that lobbying a Senator to introduce a bill in the lower house was far more effective than protesting, they would gradually abandon protesting as a method.

Carlo placed immense importance on the opinions of the workers. Although no Workers’ Party Senator had yet impeached a cabinet member, they had already proposed several bills beneficial to workers, some of which had been formally passed by the lower house. This was why the Workers’ Party had gained widespread support from the workers—because the Workers’ Party actually got things done.

Since it had been determined that this bill was feasible, the next most important step was to introduce it in the lower house for the senators to vote on.

A bill like this, whose passage was already a foregone conclusion, would naturally face little opposition in the lower house.

The result of the vote was also obvious. It was passed with over seventy-five percent of the votes, and the Medical Security Act was smoothly put into effect.

After the bill was formally passed, the Ministry of Health contacted several of Spain’s largest insurance companies.

These companies were all quite willing to cooperate with the Ministry of Health. After all, this so-called medical insurance involved the entire working class of Spain, which numbered in the millions.

Even with strong government oversight, this medical insurance was very profitable.

After all, the accident rate in factories couldn’t be too high. If the accident rate were high, there would be no point in keeping the factory open.

A single accident required substantial compensation, which was a considerable expense for the factory owner.

This was especially true for larger factories, where an accident could injure more than one worker.

To ensure that this policy would not be met with resistance from the working class, the Ministry of Health decided to first launch a trial run in Madrid and Barcelona.

Madrid and Barcelona were also Spain’s two largest industrial cities, and the number of workers in these two cities was close to one million.

A pilot project in these two cities was essential, both to gauge the working class’s attitude toward the medical bill and to test whether it provided any substantial help to them.

The good news was that, thanks to the Spanish government’s good reputation among the public, the bill was not met with rejection from the workers.

Upon learning that they would have to pay seventy percent of the medical security premium, the workers were indeed somewhat hesitant. But since factory owners also had to pay the remaining thirty percent, and all the benefits were for the workers themselves, and the government would enforce strong oversight, it seemed quite credible.

After a government publicity campaign, many workers voluntarily purchased the worker’s medical insurance offered by the insurance companies.

During its campaign, the Ministry of Health made a point of emphasizing which insurance companies were cooperating with the government.

The Ministry of Health even made a special promise: as long as a worker bought medical insurance from a government-partnered company, if that company refused to pay a legitimate claim in the future, the government could force the company to pay ten times the compensation.

This did reassure some workers. After all, a promise from the Spanish government at this time was still very effective, and most workers felt relatively at ease.

As for the factory owners, whether they would be dissatisfied was not something the Spanish government needed to consider.

If the dissatisfaction of the working class could still affect the Spanish government, then the influence of the factory owners was infinitesimal.

Although factory owners were also capitalists, the power of these small and medium-sized capitalists could not shake Spain, a country practicing state capitalism.

Neither the capital owned by the Spanish government nor that owned by the royal family was something these small factory owners could contend with.

In fact, the factories owned by the Spanish government and the royal family were the largest in Spain. With the government and the royal family taking the lead in paying workers’ medical premiums, what nerve would the remaining small and medium-sized factories have to resist government policy?

The government was the government, and capitalists were just capitalists. Relying on the power of capitalists to oppose the government was not something that could be done in the current environment of Spain.

The capitalists’ means of opposing the government was nothing more than inciting workers to protest. But the problem was, the workers of Spain at this time knew that this medical bill was for their own benefit. They would naturally not listen to the capitalists’ orders to launch related protest marches.

Furthermore, with the Workers’ Party having become an option for workers to voice their demands, if a capitalist really dared to incite workers to protest, he would probably be hanging from a streetlight the next day.

Chapter 381: Moroccan Railway and Grain Reserves

It wasn’t that Carlo was being stingy with the financial budget; it was mainly that Spain had far too many construction projects needed in 1896, and every single one required a substantial budgetary allocation.

Among them, the most crucial was the construction of the Moroccan railway.

As Morocco was a colony destined for integration, the development of railways and roads was a natural necessity. After several months of planning, the Department of Transportation had already formulated a clear construction plan for the so-called Moroccan railway.

The railway would start from Ceuta, the northernmost city in Morocco, and split into two main lines running south and east.

The southern line would pass through cities such as Tangier, Larache, Ksar el-Kebir, Kenitra, and Salé before reaching Rabat, the former capital of the Kingdom of Morocco.

From Rabat, a branch line would extend eastward, while the main southern line would continue through Mohammedia, Casablanca, El Jadida, Safi, and Marrakesh, finally reaching Agadir, the capital of the former colony of Southern Morocco.

The eastern line from Ceuta would pass Tétouan to the south, continuing eastward through Al Hoceima, Melilla, and Nador before reaching the eastern Moroccan city of Oujda.

From there, the railway would branch off to the southwest, passing through Taza, Fes, and Meknes before looping back to Rabat, the capital of the Kingdom of Morocco. This also served as Rabat’s eastern branch line.

According to the Department of Transportation’s estimates, the total length of these two railway lines was projected to be between 1,700 and 1,800 kilometers, requiring a substantial amount of capital to complete.

Carlo had reviewed the financial report provided by the Department of Transportation. Even though labor costs were lower in Morocco, a colony, the region’s mountainous terrain would increase construction costs.

Based on a cost of approximately twenty thousand pesetas per kilometer of double-track railway, the nearly 1,800 kilometers of track would require at least thirty-six million pesetas.

Fortunately, the construction would take at least three years, which meant Spain would only need to allocate twelve million pesetas annually, which was more than enough to cover the entire project.

Twelve million pesetas was no longer a major expenditure for the current Spanish government, so Carlo agreed to the Department of Transportation’s railway construction plan with little hesitation.

Of course, in addition to the railway plan, the Department of Transportation had also prepared a road construction plan.

However, road construction in this era was relatively simple, and the costs were naturally much lower.

Although cement roads existed at the time, they were mostly limited to certain urban districts. Firstly, the cost of cement was high, and laying cement roads required a great deal of labor, all of which had to be factored into the construction costs.

Secondly, the demand for cement roads was relatively low. With the continuous expansion of the automobile market, people did indeed need flatter, more solid roads.

Cement roads were undoubtedly the best option, but their prohibitive cost made them unsuitable for most areas. Compared to cement, gravel roads were actually more popular.

First, their construction cost was relatively low. Second, these roads were quite sturdy, and cars could travel on them without any issue.

This type of road could accommodate both horse-drawn carriages and automobiles, making it the preferred choice for road construction in European countries.

Even within Spain itself, there were not many roads built with cement, and they were mainly concentrated in the urban centers of large cities like Madrid and Barcelona.

On some of the more prosperous city streets, wealthy municipal governments had built wide avenues with cement. The entire stretch of road from the Royal Palace to the university town in central Madrid was paved with cement.

For the thousands of kilometers of roads now being built in Morocco, the first choice would certainly be gravel roads, followed by ordinary dirt roads. Cement roads were absolutely out of the question.

Compared to road construction, Carlo was clearly more focused on the development of Morocco’s railway.

Because Morocco was just across the sea from the Spanish mainland, most of its resources could be transported by rail to the northern ports and then quickly shipped to Spain.

This meant that once the Moroccan railway was completed, Spain’s control over the entire territory of Morocco would be infinitely strengthened.

Morocco possessed a wide variety of mineral resources. While its coal and iron reserves were not vast, it boasted up to fifty billion tons of phosphate ore, accounting for 71% of the world’s total reserves.

Besides being used to manufacture fertilizer, unprocessed phosphate rock powder could be spread directly onto soil to improve its fertility to some extent.

This major source of fertilizer was quite important for Spain. The soil on the Spanish mainland lacked fertility, while fertilizer could be used to increase grain production on the lands of the West African Colony.

The occupation of Morocco effectively completed Spain’s agricultural production cycle. Morocco’s phosphate could be processed into large quantities of fertilizer and transported to the Spanish mainland and its African colonies.

The grain produced in the West African Colony could be shipped to other colonies and the mainland, feeding a Spanish population of over thirty million.

Meanwhile, the vegetables and fruits produced on the Spanish mainland could be exported, earning a certain amount of foreign exchange and making Spain’s finances more comfortable.

Given the size of Morocco’s phosphate reserves, Spain would not have to worry about fertilizer production for a very long time.

As long as there was no shortage of fertilizer, Spain’s agricultural production would be guaranteed, and there would be no concerns about grain yields.

Speaking of grain production, the most significant issue was Spain’s population growth.

After annexing Morocco, Spain’s population experienced another surge. Counting only those with Spanish citizenship on the mainland, the total number of Spaniards now exceeded 31.19 million.

The biggest problem posed by the booming population was the pressure on the food supply. Fortunately, Spain had cultivated a large amount of farmland in the West African Colony for agriculture; otherwise, the grain from the mainland alone would not have been enough to feed over thirty million people.

Because of the rapidly increasing population on the mainland, even with the development of the West African Colony, Spain was only barely able to meet its domestic demand for food.

This meant that Spain could not become a grain-exporting nation, but it also did not need to import grain, achieving basic self-sufficiency.

To prevent natural or man-made disasters from reducing grain yields and causing a nationwide famine, Carlo decided to establish a national grain reserve throughout Spain.

The reserve had to be large enough to feed all Spaniards for at least half a year, allowing the country to calmly handle natural disasters.

As one of the driest regions in Europe, Spain was prone to droughts. It was necessary to prepare for this in advance; otherwise, the impact of a widespread drought on agriculture and the economy would be irreversible.

After Carlo put forward the request for a grain reserve, the Minister of Agriculture, after several days of careful consideration, submitted a plan.

With Spain’s mainland population having risen to over thirty-one million, a six-month reserve would require storing at least four million tons of grain.

Such a large reserve would be a burden on the government. Spain would need to build numerous granaries and also bear the cost of spoilage.

Grain stored in warehouses would inevitably rot or grow moldy. Even if storage methods could reduce this, they could not prevent the losses that occur over long-term storage.

Instead of storing such a massive quantity of grain, it would be better to change the approach to the reserve.

The West African Colony could produce two or even three harvests a year. Couldn’t the crops still growing in the fields be considered a reserve?

Based on the current grain production in the West African Colony, these planted crops could be viewed as a reserve of nearly two million tons.

This meant that Spain would only need to physically store two million tons of grain to meet Carlo’s requirement of a six-month supply for the entire nation.

Coupled with the production of vegetables and fruits on the Spanish mainland, this plan could even exceed Carlo’s demands.

This approach would also reduce expenditure on the grain reserve. The only drawback was that when the Spanish government needed the grain, it would have to go through the process of harvesting and transporting it from the colony.

Carlo thought it over and concluded that it was a good idea.

After all, if they were to simply store over four million tons of grain, the cost of purchasing it alone would be an enormous expense.

Every few years, the stored grain would need to be released onto the market and replaced with new grain. This was done to quickly consume the old grain that had been stored for years and to stockpile fresh grain to prevent spoilage.

Releasing and purchasing four million tons of grain would be a massive undertaking. But if the amount was cut in half, the process of releasing and buying grain every few years would also save a great deal of effort.

To store four million tons of grain—mostly wheat, with some corn and other mixed grains—the cost would be between seventy and eighty million pesetas per one million tons. Thus, four million tons would cost nearly three hundred million pesetas.

Although the reserved grain could be sold later, using such a large sum of money for the reserve would put considerable pressure on the government’s finances.

If the amount was reduced to two million tons, the Spanish government would only need to spend about one hundred fifty million pesetas to complete the task.

While one hundred fifty million pesetas was still a significant sum, it was acceptable for the Spanish government. The benefits of a grain reserve were obvious: it would allow the government to calmly respond to natural and man-made disasters, as well as unexpected wars.

Of course, although the Ministry of Agriculture decided to reserve over two million tons of grain, the work would not be completed in a single year.

The two-million-ton reserve would be built up over three years, meaning only about 660,000 tons needed to be stored each year.

This would reduce the government’s annual expenditure for the grain reserve to only about fifty million pesetas, and this payment would only be required for the first three years.

Subsequently, the reserve could be maintained by selling old grain on the market to fund the purchase of new grain, making the reserve largely self-sustaining.

Spreading the one hundred fifty million peseta budget over three years would effectively alleviate the financial pressure on the government.

This was also good news for this year’s budget, as it meant various departments would have sufficient funds to carry out their work without worrying about other projects affecting their allocations.

After the grain reserve took up fifty million pesetas of the budget, the frequency with which department heads sought an audience with Carlo increased.

There was no helping it; the annual financial budget was finite.

Last year, Spain’s fiscal revenue reached 1.4462 billion pesetas, setting this year’s total fiscal expenditure at 1.4212 billion pesetas, a new high in recent years.

The problem was that the three major departments—Defense, Education, and Industry—had already claimed a substantial portion of the budget.

On top of that, the budget increases for other departments were already limited. Just a few months into the year, the Ministry of Health had taken fifteen million pesetas, and the Department of Transportation had taken another twelve million.

This had already made the other ministers feel the pressure, so it came as a shock when the Ministry of Agriculture silently walked away with a fifty-million-peseta budget.

These were all additional allocations, totaling seventy-seven million pesetas.

This year’s increase in total fiscal expenditure compared to last year was less than thirty million pesetas.

Although last year’s budget had grown by over twenty million pesetas due to the outbreak of war, this year’s increase was only fifty million pesetas.

With the Ministries of Health, Transportation, and Agriculture taking a combined seventy-seven million pesetas, it meant that some other departments’ budgets would inevitably be affected.

While the impact was unlikely to be huge, none of the ministers wanted their department’s budget to be cut.

This might have been acceptable in previous years, when the cabinet ministers’ term of office had just begun and budget cuts were not as critical.

But this year was different. The current Cabinet government’s term began in 1892 and was set to end in 1897.

With less than a year left, if a department’s budget was cut, it would be nearly impossible to achieve any major political accomplishments.

A department with a reduced budget would be fortunate just to complete its basic duties, let alone consider anything more ambitious.

Without sufficiently impressive political achievements, the cabinet ministers’ chances of retaining their positions or advancing further would become much slimmer.

The Prime Minister of this Cabinet government was Evan Bradley, a man from a military background.

Although Prime Minister Evan Bradley was highly loyal to Carlo, anyone with a discerning eye could see that his term as Prime Minister would likely be his only one.

A long-serving Prime Minister from the military would not be very beneficial for the current Spanish government.

In fact, the disadvantages were obvious.

First, the Prime Minister’s power was simply too great. Due to his military origins, Evan Bradley had, since becoming Prime Minister, matched the achievement of the former Prime Minister Primo, commanding immense prestige in both the military and the political arena.

If Spain were a republican country, it would naturally be a good thing for the president to have such great prestige. But the problem was that Spain was a monarchy, and the country’s ruler was King Carlo, not Prime Minister Evan Bradley.

It was not a good thing for the Prime Minister to have too much decision-making power. Even if Carlo did not grow suspicious of him, it did not mean such a situation could last forever.

Second was the awkward relationship between the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister within the Cabinet.

Although Evan Bradley was the Prime Minister, this was only in terms of power. In the day-to-day handling of state affairs, it was Deputy Prime Minister Jovellar Soler who managed most of the work.

Prime Minister Evan Bradley’s role was more transitional. If he held the position for too long, it could easily arouse dissatisfaction among others, including Deputy Prime Minister Jovellar Soler and more cabinet ministers.

After all, there were only so many positions in the Cabinet. Someone had to step down for someone else to move up.

If the position of Prime Minister remained unchanged, it meant that the number of posts the cabinet ministers could compete for was very limited.

This was especially true for Deputy Prime Minister Jovellar Soler. Having already reached the position of Deputy Prime Minister, he would certainly not accept being demoted back to an ordinary cabinet minister.

If his ambition to become Prime Minister could not be realized, he would have to either accept remaining as Deputy Prime Minister or seek other special Cabinet positions, such as Speaker of the Congress of Deputies or Minister of Justice.

Although the Speaker of the Congress of Deputies was also a member of the Cabinet, he was not subject to the command or leadership of the Prime Minister. In fact, the Congress of Deputies, which the Speaker represents, is the body that oversees the Cabinet government, which is why the position is so unique.

As for the Minister of Justice, that person held the judicial power of the Spanish government.

The triumvirate of political power consisted of legislative, judicial, and executive authority. As the master of the nation, the King of Spain held all three powers, which went without saying.

The Cabinet government and the parliament represented the executive and legislative powers, respectively. The remaining power, the judicial authority of Spain, was represented by the Minister of Justice, who commanded the judicial departments.

The Minister of Justice was a member of the Spanish Upper House and the head of the Upper House’s General Council of the Judiciary.

Subordinate to the General Council of the Judiciary were the Royal Court, the National Court, and the Military Court. The Royal Court and Military Court were special, with jurisdiction only over the Spanish royal family and military personnel, respectively.

The National Court served all Spaniards and was Spain’s supreme court, representing the paramount judicial authority of the nation.

At the provincial and municipal levels, there were also provincial courts and municipal courts.

If a party was not satisfied with a municipal court’s ruling, they could appeal to the provincial court for a new trial. If they were still not satisfied with the provincial court’s ruling, they had one more chance to appeal to the National Court.

However, a special rule stipulated that the first appeal to a provincial court must be retried to ensure judicial fairness.

But for a second appeal filed out of dissatisfaction with a provincial court’s verdict, the National Court, which represented Spain’s highest judicial power, would not necessarily accept the case.

The National Court would review the legality and reasonableness of the case. If it determined that there were no issues with the trial, it would refuse to hear the appeal and uphold the provincial court’s original verdict.

This was also done to reduce the National Court’s workload. If every death row inmate was dissatisfied with the provincial court’s sentence, the National Court would have to manage every case in the country.

Only those cases that the National Court reviewed and found to have issues with their verdicts would be retried for a third time in the National Court.

This third trial conducted by the National Court was also the final one. Regardless of the outcome, the parties involved could only accept it.

It was the unique nature of the Speaker of the Congress of Deputies and the Minister of Justice that made these positions viable alternatives for Deputy Prime Minister Jovellar Soler if he could not advance further.

Although the Speaker of the Congress of Deputies and the Minister of Justice did not have a strong presence in the Cabinet, no one dared to ignore their influence.

The former was elected by the lower house and the latter by the Upper House, both representing the supreme power of the Spanish Parliament.

Chapter 382: The Dreadnought Concept

The budget disputes among the various government departments were quite fierce, with some arguments even dragging on until the middle of the year.

However, Carlo paid little attention to these squabbles. He was only concerned with the Department of Colonial Affairs’ assimilation work in the Moroccan colony.

The current area of the Moroccan colony was different from that of historical Morocco. Because large tracts of land to the east and south were desert, Morocco had no significant neighboring powers aside from Algeria.

As a result, the lands bordering the Sahara Desert were unoccupied by any power. These territories had originally been affiliated with Morocco, so after the Spanish occupation, they naturally became affiliated with Spain’s Moroccan colony.

This was why Spain’s Moroccan colony was more bloated than the real Morocco. Of course, this additional territory consisted mainly of the desert regions to the east and south near the Sahara—in other words, desolate and uninhabited desert.

These desert areas were not included in the integration work for Morocco. The main reason was that these lands held little value; they had no population, no mineral resources, and building railways and roads would be extremely difficult. There was no need for development.

Carlo’s plan was that after the integration of the Moroccan colony was complete, the predominantly desert lands to the east and south would be established as a new colony.

Moroccans willing to submit to Spanish rule could live in the regions of Morocco with better climates. Those unwilling to submit could only live in these desert areas.

If their attachment to the nation of Morocco was truly too profound, it was not out of the question to re-establish a Moroccan state for them in this desert.

This way, the Moroccans who harbored hatred for Spain could also be well-settled. Spain would grant them certain rights, allowing this desert Moroccan state to operate peacefully and stably, just like a real country.

For Spain, such a state on its border also had its benefits. It could serve as a buffer zone between the Spanish and French colonies and prevent the expansion of French colonial influence toward Morocco.

The more extremist Moroccans could continue to live in a country called Morocco. For both Spain and Morocco, this could be considered a win-win situation.

In May 1896, construction on the Moroccan railway officially began.

The Spain of today was different from the Spain of over twenty years ago. Its railway construction capabilities were a far cry from what they used to be.

When Carlo had just become King of Spain, even with the government spending a great deal of money, they could build less than 500 kilometers of railway per year.

Now, Spain could build over one thousand kilometers of railway annually. And this was with certain restrictions placed on its railway development.

If Spain were to build railways without limits, like the United States before the economic crisis, its construction speed could perhaps more than double.

Of course, building railways too quickly was not necessarily a good thing.

The Spanish mainland was only so large, so its need for railway mileage was naturally limited. Furthermore, because the Spanish mainland is mountainous, the cost of building railways was higher than in other European countries.

Reckless railway construction would not only trigger an economic crisis but also plunge the government into a fiscal deficit. If not for the annexation of Morocco, Spain’s Department of Transportation would not have undertaken such a large-scale railway project for several years.

In previous years, the Department of Transportation had only built less than 200 kilometers of railway annually, focusing more on repairing and maintaining the existing network to ensure the Spanish railway system could continue to operate safely.

While the railway construction in the Moroccan colony was in full swing, the Spanish government also received two pieces of good news.

The last two of the five battleships in Spain’s naval construction plan, the battleship Felipe II and the battleship King Carlo I, had been successfully completed and were ready to be assigned to their respective fleets for official service.

The construction of these two battleships began at the end of 1892, with the entire process taking three and a half years. According to the original plan, both battleships should have been commissioned at the beginning of this year.

However, because Spain had taken on the contract to build three battleships for the Austro-Hungarian Empire, their commissioning was delayed until the middle of this year.

It is worth mentioning that construction on the first battleship Spain built for the Austro-Hungarian Empire began in May 1893 and was completed in November 1894. Coincidentally, it was also scheduled for delivery to the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the middle of this year.

Shortly after the battleships Felipe II and King Carlo I were officially commissioned, it would be about time to deliver the first battleship to the Austro-Hungarian Navy.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was eagerly awaiting the delivery of this battleship. Their naval officers had been stationed at the shipyard since six months after construction began, constantly monitoring the battleship’s progress.

After the battleship was completed in November 1894, these Austro-Hungarian naval officers began a long process of combined sea trials and training.

Conducting sea trials and training simultaneously was a common choice among European nations. While this might extend the duration of the sea trials, the upside was that it allowed the navy to achieve combat readiness sooner.

Sea trials typically last one to two years. The naval officers and sailors training with the warship for two years would naturally possess a certain level of combat capability the moment the ship was commissioned.

Since the naval officers and men on this battleship were all soldiers of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the vessel only required a formal delivery ceremony before the Austro-Hungarian crew could sail it back to an Austro-Hungarian port.

Having witnessed the construction of this battleship firsthand, the sailors of the Austro-Hungarian Navy were quite envious of the Spanish Navy.

Spain already possessed five of the battleships they so eagerly awaited. Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire would also commission three over the course of a year, their numbers were destined to fall short of Spain’s.

Since the advent of battleships, the role of ironclads had been greatly diminished. This meant that the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s sizable ironclad fleet had effectively become obsolete.

During the year-plus of sea trials, the Austro-Hungarian sailors came to clearly understand the power of battleships.

A single battleship like this could definitely put up a fight against an attack by three ironclads. If facing an attack by two ironclads, the battleship would most likely emerge victorious, not the ironclads.

This was the advantage of technological superiority, and it was why the sailors of the Austro-Hungarian Navy were so looking forward to the battleships.

In the current European climate, only a navy equipped with a significant number of battleships could be considered a formidable fighting force.

Although relying on ironclads could maintain a respectable naval tonnage, in the event of a large-scale war, a navy composed solely of ironclads would be of little use.

Speaking of which, nearly six years had passed since the creation of the Monarch-class battleship.

The Spanish Navy Department had once requested that Carlo develop an even more powerful class of battleship, but Carlo had ultimately rejected their request.

Carlo knew that while battleships were much more powerful than ironclads, the dreadnoughts that would follow would be far more powerful than battleships.

A warship takes several years to build, and continuing to invest in battleships now would not be cost-effective.

Even if a more powerful battleship could be developed within two years, the construction of the first ship alone would take at least three more years.

Two years plus three years meant five years wasted on the first battleship. Five years from now would be 1901. This meant that even if a new battleship could be developed, by the time a few were built, the era of the dreadnought would be dawning.

Rather than wasting funds developing a more powerful battleship, it was better to concentrate efforts on developing a powerful dreadnought.

After rejecting the Navy’s proposal, Carlo put forward his ideas about the dreadnought. Upon hearing that Carlo’s refusal was not because he no longer wished to build up the Navy, but because he wanted to build an even more powerful warship, the admirals of the Navy Department were all extremely excited.

Of course, they also wanted to see a more powerful warship created. Be it a battleship or a dreadnought, as long as it was a more powerful warship, the admirals would be satisfied.

Because of the grand promise of dreadnoughts Carlo dangled before them, the admirals were willing to reduce the Navy’s military expenditure for the next five-year naval construction plan.

Ultimately, a new Five-Year Naval Construction Plan was unveiled. In the next five years, the Spanish Navy would only build two battleships, both of which would still be Monarch-class.

The first battleship was named the Imperio, and the second was named the Sun-Never-Sets.

Naming a Spanish battleship the Sun-Never-Sets was actually quite reasonable. As the originator of “the empire on which the sun never set,” even though the title now belonged to the British Empire, there was no issue with Spain recalling its own history.

Moreover, relations between Spain and Britain were not good, so there was no need to confer the title of “the empire on which the sun never set” upon Britain.

The original meaning of “the empire on which the sun never set” was a country with territories spanning the globe, such that at any given time, the sun was shining on at least one part of its domain.

By that definition, modern Spain was still an empire on which the sun never set.

Spain’s lands stretched across Europe, Africa, the Americas, and Asia, so it could just about manage to have the sun never set on its territory.

Of course, such a claim seemed rather forced, which was why no country in the world other than Britain called itself “the empire on which the sun never set.”

Although only two battleships were to be built, Carlo would not reduce investment in warship research and development in the slightest.

After the five Monarch-class battleships were completed, Carlo deliberately instructed the Navy Department to leak speculation about the dreadnought and ordered Spain’s major shipyards to begin related research.

So, what exactly is a dreadnought? And what is an ordinary battleship?

The name “dreadnought” originated from the battleship HMS Dreadnought, and all warships of the same type built thereafter were called dreadnoughts.

The biggest difference between this type of warship and previous battleships lay in the huge improvements in its steel armor, propulsion system, and cannons.

Armor protection, propulsion, and firepower are the three key elements of a warship. A comprehensive improvement in these three areas signified a huge leap in the warship’s overall performance.

It was precisely because of this massive improvement in performance that after the birth of the dreadnought, all the battleships built by various countries before it were rendered obsolete.

This situation was very similar to how ironclads lost their purpose after the advent of the battleship. It’s just that the dreadnought is a more advanced battleship; to build one required not only advances in naval design philosophy but also continuous technological progress in armor materials,ship propulsion, and cannons.

The reason Britain led the world in building the dreadnought was that its naval construction technology was the best in the world at the time.

They possessed the strongest naval design capabilities, and the most advanced technology in cannons, steam engines, and steel smelting. It was by integrating these technologies that they developed the dreadnought, a vessel with huge improvements in all aspects of performance.

This also meant that surpassing Britain in dreadnought technology would be extremely difficult.

It is no exaggeration to say that for any country to surpass Britain in dreadnoughts would be as difficult as defeating Germany in a land war.

Currently, the most likely contender was actually France. The probability of France surpassing Britain in dreadnoughts was about the same as the probability of France defeating Germany in a land war.

One could only say it was possible, but the probability was ultimately low.

Carlo also understood that with Spain’s current technology, surpassing the British Navy in the dreadnought era would be extremely difficult.

Carlo did not expect to overtake the British Navy during the dreadnought era. The Spanish Navy only needed to be able to build a powerful navy during that time, one capable of threatening Britain’s Royal Fleet.

After all, once the dreadnought era arrived, the First World War would not be far off. The First World War was not a contest between individual nations but between two major military blocs.

The most viable way to defeat the British Navy was to join one of these military blocs, integrate the naval forces of all allies within it, and use the collective naval power of the entire bloc.

As for whether Britain would join one of these blocs, the answer was, of course, yes.

Fortunately, Spain had enough freedom of choice. It could pick a side based on the direction of European affairs, rather than being cluelessly dragged into a world war with no say in the matter.

Carlo did not demand that Spain be the first country in the world to develop a dreadnought, but he felt it was necessary for Spain to strive to be the second, after Britain.

In terms of battleships, although Spain was not the second country to design one, it was the second to possess one.

The French Navy had conceived of battleships even earlier than the British, but their construction times were so long that they ended up being the third country to have them.

Although the difference between first, second, and third place might not seem large, the actual gap was huge.

Britain currently had the most battleships in the world; the combined numbers of Spain (second) and France (third) could not compare.

And Spain was the country with the second-most battleships, holding a significant lead over France.

France’s battleship count did not give it a significant lead over other nations. Even the Austro-Hungarian Empire, with Spain’s help, would soon close the battleship gap with France.

This showed how far France had fallen behind in naval matters. The once-glorious French Navy was a thing of the past, and its position as the world’s second-greatest naval power was destined to be surpassed by other European countries.

As the current third-strongest naval power in the world, Carlo naturally hoped that Spain would be the nation to surpass France.

If Spain could replace France as the world’s second naval power, it would mean that Spain would officially join the ranks of the super great powers.

After all, besides its powerful navy, Spain’s army was also formidable. Although its current army size was relatively small among the great powers of Europe, Spain’s population deficit had been overcome.

Spain’s population now stood at thirty-one million, and the maximum number of troops it could mobilize from the mainland was as high as three to four million.

Including colonial troops, Spain could mobilize at least six to seven million soldiers in a world war.

With an army of six to seven million and the world’s second-largest navy, Spain could genuinely alter the course of a world war.

Whichever military bloc such a powerful force joined, that bloc would instantly gain an advantage.

So what if the German-Austrian military bloc was defeated historically? With the support of today’s Spain, Germany might well have emerged victorious in World War I.

As for the other major military bloc—Britain, France, and Russia—it goes without saying. If they could secure Spain’s support, their advantage over the German-Austrian bloc would be enormous.

On this basis alone, Carlo was confident that Spain could secure sufficient benefits in World War I.

Then a country like the United States, so far from the European continent, would have no need to participate in the First World War.

Spain could completely fulfill the role of the United States in the First World War, and even far surpass it.

Although the United States’ population, land area, economy, and industrial scale were far ahead of Spain’s, its military strength was not proportional.

The current United States was neither a great land power nor a great naval power. Its army had been downsized to just tens of thousands of men, not even comparable to some mid-sized European nations.

Its navy was merely a straggler among the great powers. Coupled with the fact that its naval construction technology lagged behind that of European nations, it would be difficult for them to keep up with Europe’s current progress in battleships, let alone the dreadnoughts of the future.

Chapter 383: Tesla and Radio

In late 1896, an experiment at the Royal Academy of Sciences captured Carlo’s full attention.

The head of this experiment was a man who must be mentioned: Nikola Tesla.

When Carlo had first established the Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences, he had considered recruiting this famous inventor from history.

In later generations, Nikola Tesla’s name was known to everyone. His war of currents with Edison, in particular, was a topic people delighted in discussing.

At a time when Tesla was about to be expelled from university for being unable to pay his tuition, agents from the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau found him. After revealing they were from Spain, they offered to fund his university education. The price was that after graduation, Tesla would have to acquire Spanish citizenship and immigrate to Spain.

Impoverished at the time and eager to continue his studies, Tesla agreed to the terms offered by the agents of the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau.

And so, Tesla arrived in Spain smoothly and was admitted into the Royal Academy of Sciences without issue.

By conducting research at the Royal Academy of Sciences while also pursuing advanced studies at various Spanish universities, Tesla rapidly absorbed a vast amount of knowledge, becoming an outstanding researcher.

In Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory, Tesla’s performance was exceptional. He even helped Gramme develop more powerful generators and rechargeable batteries with greater storage capacity.

It was the invention of these high-power generators that made the widespread use of electricity a reality. Currently, more than half of Spain’s factories had been electrified, and Tesla deserved immense credit for this achievement.

For a scientist who was a true polymath, Tesla would certainly not confine his research to electricity alone.

He politely declined the appointment as chief engineer of Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory. While retaining a position as a special consultant engineer, he began to spearhead his own independent research.

Among Tesla’s various research projects, the one that most interested Carlo, besides his work on electricity, was his research on radio.

The era of commercial radio prosperity would be the 1920s, but its invention traced back to the nineteenth century.

The early nineteenth century was the foundational period for radio theory, while the mid-to-late nineteenth century was a phase of technological breakthroughs.

Several years ago, Tesla had already grasped the principles of radio communication and had attempted to transmit signals using a high-frequency oscillator.

Last year, in Italy, Marconi had successfully transmitted Morse code over a distance of several hundred meters. Naturally, Tesla was unwilling to fall behind Marconi in the development of radio communication. He planned to test radio communication over several kilometers this year and apply for a Spanish patent based on the results.

It was this radio communication experiment of Tesla’s that Carlo was watching closely. The importance of radio was self-evident; it held immense strategic value in both civilian and military applications.

Once radio communication equipment matured, Spain could even implement nationwide radio broadcasts.

Radio broadcasting would become a tool for shaping public opinion, comparable to newspapers. Government policies could be easily communicated to all Spanish citizens via radio broadcasts, allowing them to understand the intent behind a policy rather than having it distorted through secondary dissemination.

Carlo could also use nationwide radio broadcasts to announce certain news on special occasions.

If radio equipment became sufficiently mature, Carlo planned to deliver an annual Christmas speech, using the broadcast to close the distance between the king and the Spanish people.

As the ruler of Spain, Carlo needed to maintain a certain distance from the populace most of the time. If a king lost his mystique, the people would discover that he was just an ordinary person.

Once the halo of mystery was gone, a king’s faults would be magnified in the eyes of the public. The best way to maintain his authority was to preserve that mystery and prevent the people from knowing him too well.

At the same time, a king could not be too distant from his people. Maintaining a moderate sense of mystery was a good thing, but if the distance became too great, to the point of complete alienation, then that good thing would turn bad.

A Christmas radio address was clearly an excellent way to appropriately bridge the gap between the king and the people. Since it was only an annual event, it would not foster excessive familiarity, thus preserving a degree of mystique.

Speaking of which, Carlo had been the King of Spain for nearly thirty years. No longer a young man, he wanted to grow a little closer to the common people of Spain.

A benevolent monarch was rarely a disadvantage, especially at Carlo’s age. The Spanish royal family was now as wealthy as a nation, and Carlo hoped to use a portion of those assets to help poor Spaniards, while also accumulating more prestige for the royal family.

As long as the Spanish people held the royal family in high esteem, even if unforeseen events occurred in the future, the Spanish royal family would not have to worry about being deposed.

At worst, they would become figureheads like the British royal family—possessing little power but living a life of affluence.

In fact, if a monarch reigned for a long time, even as a figurehead, they could become the glue that held the nation together.

Within the political systems of European nations, a monarchy was more stable than a republic.

The reason was simple: a monarchical state had a single, unifying ruler to whom all ethnic groups owed their allegiance. This formed the basis of the nation’s unified sovereignty and legitimacy.

But if a country became a republic, its various ethnic groups would act in their own interests. A president could not possibly force all these groups to be loyal to him; that was completely unfeasible.

A president is elected by the people and can naturally be overthrown by public opinion.

This leads the various ethnic groups under a republican system to seek greater autonomy, or even independence. Without a king as a common ruler to maintain unity, a republic is far more prone to fragmentation than a monarchy.

Why was it that in later generations, Spain could remain a unified country despite independence movements in Catalonia and the Basque region?

The reason was that Spain was a monarchy. Whether in Catalonia or the Basque Country, the King of Spain was their ruler.

Even if they pursued autonomy, they could not change the fact that the King of Spain was their sovereign.

If Spain in later times had been a republican country, it is highly debatable whether the nation could have remained unified. The President of Spain would have had no real authority over the Catalans and Basques. The office of president carried no legitimacy in their eyes, and they certainly would not have submitted to a president’s rule.

A similar example is modern-day Britain. Britain maintains its monarchy, firstly, because the British royal family has very little actual power, so the Prime Minister doesn’t have to worry about the monarch encroaching on their authority.

Secondly, the British monarch is crucial for maintaining the unity of the various regions of the United Kingdom. The King of the United Kingdom is not just the King of England, but also the King of Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland.

It is because the monarch possesses such extensive legitimacy that Britain can continue to exist as a unified nation.

Had Britain been a republic instead of a monarchy, its mainland would likely have shrunk to just England, with the other regions all pursuing independence.

As a renowned figure at the Royal Academy of Sciences, Tesla’s radio communication experiment had attracted the attention of many newspaper media outlets.

Although Marconi in Italy had conducted a radio experiment a year ago, Tesla had publicly disclosed the principles of radio communication even before that. Marconi could not, on that basis alone, claim to be the inventor of radio communication.

While Tesla’s experiment came later, its intended range was much greater than Marconi’s. Marconi’s experiment covered only a few hundred meters, whereas Tesla’s aimed to increase that distance tenfold. Didn’t this also prove that Tesla’s research in radio communication was superior to Marconi’s?

With such questions in mind, reporters from Spain and across Europe flocked to the site of Tesla’s radio communication experiment.

This widely watched experiment was to be held in Madrid. To support Tesla’s work, Carlo had specifically granted permission for the experiment to take place in the square in front of the Royal Palace of Madrid.

One radio communication device would be installed there, while the other would be set up several kilometers away in the Madrid university town.

At this time, radio transmitters and receivers were quite rudimentary, as no one really knew what proper radio equipment should look like.

Based on the principles of radio reception and transmission, Tesla had constructed relatively simple models.

The antenna for the radio was a large kerosene drum. Tesla had fashioned this drum into a large iron plate to serve as a rudimentary antenna.

Hanging this large plate antenna high up in a tree would increase its sensitivity to incoming signals. Radio signals in the air could be received by metal filings, so Tesla had built a metal powder coherer to more sensitively detect the radio signals in the air.

To increase the output power of the transmitter, Tesla mixed a small amount of silver and nickel powder in a glass tube and then created a vacuum inside. Experiments showed that this indeed increased the power.

Because the distance between the transmitting and receiving points exceeded three kilometers, there was a high probability that the test would fail.

With a nervous heart, Tesla meticulously checked his experimental equipment. After confirming that there were no issues, he began the experiment.

The Madrid university town would serve as the transmission site, while the palace square would be the reception site.

It had been agreed that the transmission would begin at 3:00 PM. Seeing that the time on his wristwatch had reached 3:00 PM, Tesla waited nervously for the radio signal to arrive.

After about a few dozen seconds, the receiver’s galvanometer suddenly made a crisp sound, indicating that the radio signal had been successfully received.

With the success of the experiment, Tesla’s nervousness vanished. This experiment not only confirmed that his radio theories were correct but also signaled that the development of radio was about to enter a period of rapid advancement.

It is well known that the first step in any field is the most difficult. Just like with Gramme’s work in electricity, discovering the first principles of generating and using electricity had taken several generations of European scientists decades, even centuries, of effort.

But once there was a clear understanding of how to generate and use electricity, its development saw tremendous breakthroughs in just a few years.

The Electricity Laboratory had only been established for just over twenty years, yet the field of electricity had changed dramatically between twenty years ago and today.

Twenty years ago, most European countries had little concept of what electricity was. But now, streetlights were no longer a novelty in European nations, and electricity had entered factories across Europe, becoming an indispensable source of energy for some Europeans.

It was foreseeable that the field of radio communication was also destined for a period of high-speed development. Who was the true inventor of radio, Tesla or Marconi, was no longer important. What mattered was who could take the lead in the upcoming revolution in radio communication, for they would reap enormous benefits.

This was a more convenient method of communication than the wired telegram or telephone. In the future, when wireless communication over tens or even hundreds of kilometers became possible, radio would become even more valuable than wired telegraphy and telephony.

The experiments conducted by Marconi and Tesla drew the attention of European nations to radio communication.

The technology had already demonstrated its considerable importance, and the countries of Europe could clearly recognize the immense impact of radio communication in the military sphere.

With radio communication, armies would no longer need long telephone lines to maintain contact with the rear. Although wired telephones and telegraphs could also serve this purpose, laying telephone lines was time-consuming, and the lines could easily be intercepted or destroyed by the enemy.

Radio communication was different. With no wires, the process of laying and maintaining lines was eliminated.

With just a radio transmitter and receiver at two locations, relatively quick contact could be established.

This was something that previous wired communications could never achieve. Even if it took several more years, or even a decade, to perfect the technology, the strategic value demonstrated by radio communication was something the nations of Europe could not ignore.

In the palace, Carlo naturally received the news of the successful experiment at the first opportunity.

Although this only represented the very beginning of radio communication, Carlo was still incredibly excited. In his delight, Carlo, with a wave of his hand, instructed Steward Loren to prepare a substantial reward for Tesla and the other members of the radio experiment team.

As the lead researcher, Tesla’s reward was the most generous. Besides a check for fifty thousand pesetas, he also received a brand-new car from the Royal Benz Automobile Company, a luxurious property in Madrid, and over a hundred acres of farmland.

Due to the annexation of Morocco, Spain currently had no shortage of land. Carlo had also announced within Spain his intention to integrate Morocco, with the aim of encouraging some Spanish nobles to go to Morocco and develop the land.

After all, mainland Spain and Morocco were separated only by the Strait of Gibraltar, and at their closest point, the two landmasses were a mere fourteen kilometers apart.

This meant that as long as the Strait of Gibraltar was not blockaded, communication between mainland Spain and Morocco would be extremely easy.

If Morocco could truly become part of the Spanish mainland, land in Morocco would not be much different from land on the Iberian Peninsula.

In fact, some parts of Morocco were more fertile than land in Spain. Given the opportunity to swap Spanish land for several times the amount of land in Morocco, quite a few Spanish nobles were willing to make the exchange.

After all, these old-style nobles, who controlled the land, derived their income from collecting rent and trading agricultural products.

The more land they had, the more rent they could collect. Morocco already had a large population, and with Spain planning to relocate many immigrants there in the coming years, owning land in Morocco meant there would be no shortage of tenants.

Even if they didn’t rent it out, they could cultivate the land themselves and grow agricultural products.

With plenty of free labor available in the Spanish colonies, they could grow their own produce and sell it to Carlo’s grain import and export company, earning a handsome profit that way as well.

Nobles with more substantial assets could even choose to establish their own agricultural trading companies, shipping the grain back to mainland Spain or selling it to other European countries.

Carlo permitted these nobles to set up their own grain trading companies. Of course, any large-scale grain trade had to be registered. This was done to facilitate the tracking of Spain’s grain production and its import-export situation.

Perhaps Carlo’s announcement had its intended effect. Originally, Spanish nobles had not been enthusiastic about swapping for land in Africa; they were only interested in the most fertile parcels.

But after the Spanish government announced its intention to manage Morocco as part of the mainland, the nobles’ interest in the land swap increased.

The first piece of good news from this was that the Spanish government was acquiring more and more land. This land, located on the Iberian Peninsula, was the foundation of the Spanish nation.

As for what to do with this land, the course was clear. This was land that nobles had consolidated from commoners over a long history, so it was only natural to return it to the Spanish people.

Of course, the land could not be given away for free. It was impossible to distribute it to every single Spaniard, and giving it freely to some would be unfair to the rest.

The government adopted its old method, dividing the land into two parts. The majority of it would be sold to all Spaniards at a price slightly below market value.

Anyone with Spanish citizenship could purchase this land, which was priced lower than the market rate. However, there was a limit on how much each person could buy: a maximum of one acre of low-cost land per person, and a maximum of three acres per household.

This was to prevent the wealthy from buying up large amounts of the government’s low-priced land and then reselling it to commoners at a high price.

Carlo hoped that this low-priced land would be sold to ordinary Spanish citizens, rather than being a gift to the capitalists and landed nobility.

Besides the majority of the land for sale, a smaller portion would be retained by the government and leased to commoners who could not afford to buy land, at a low rent.

Not all citizens could afford to buy land, so for the poorer populace, leasing a plot of land was the better option.

Compared to land leased out by nobles and capitalists, Carlo had more trust in land leased by the royal family and the government. After all, the royal family and the government had integrity. Not only would the rent strictly adhere to the Land Tenancy Act, but it would often be even lower.

But if the nobles and capitalists were to lease out land, they would surely set the rent at the maximum limit allowed by the tenancy act, unwilling to part with even a sliver of profit.

There was, of course, nothing wrong with them doing so. They were not violating any national laws; in fact, they could be said to be strictly complying with the requirements of the Land Tenancy Act.

Carlo certainly wouldn’t reprimand the capitalists and nobles for this. What he could do was to keep the rent on government and royal family lands as low as possible, allowing the people who leased from them to keep a little more of their own income.

Chapter 384: Submarine

While Tesla’s radio wave experiments were proceeding with great fanfare, the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard, in conjunction with a group of naval warship design experts, was also conducting a highly confidential experiment of its own.

Most experiments these naval warship design experts could participate in were related to warships. And indeed, this highly confidential experiment was, in fact, the research and exploration of submarines.

Submarines were no stranger to this era. The technology had been born several hundred years ago and had been developing ever since.

The earliest submarine could be traced back to 1620, when the Dutch engineer Cornelis Drebbel built the first submersible vessel—a wooden-framed boat covered in leather. This vessel, known as the Drebbel submarine, was the first boat in any real sense that could travel underwater, and one of the earliest to be called a submarine.

One hundred and fifty years later, during the American War of Independence, the American submarine, the Turtle, was deployed in maritime combat for the first time. The man-powered, single-occupant submarine attempted a surprise attack on a British warship. Although it ultimately failed, it proved that underwater attacks were feasible.

Fast forward another one hundred years, during the American Civil War, the Confederacy’s submarine, the Hunley, successfully used a torpedo to sink the Union warship Housatonic, marking the first time in human history a submarine had sunk a warship.

It was precisely because submarines demonstrated a certain effectiveness during the American Civil War that the nations of Europe began to take their development seriously.

Whether it was the current naval hegemon, Britain, or the other great powers of Europe, all were investing to some degree in submarine research and development.

Over a decade ago, the French submarine, the Gymnote, had attempted to use electricity as its power source. However, due to the relatively primitive state of electrical technology at the time, the Gymnote’s attempt ended in failure.

The rechargeable batteries of that era had a very limited storage capacity, which was simply insufficient to support the Gymnote for long-distance voyages.

Although the French attempt failed, it was, to a certain extent, not their fault. It was simply that the electrical technology of the time was too undeveloped, dooming the concept of an electric-powered submarine to failure.

But now that electrical science and technology had advanced, could it be that a submarine design similar to the Gymnote might achieve some success more than a decade later?

Carlo placed great importance on the development of Spanish submarines.

People of this era could already see the strategic value of submarines, let alone Carlo, who knew their worth in the future.

To put it bluntly, the sole purpose of a submarine was to lurk underwater and deliver a fatal blow to enemy transport ships and warships.

Although its function seemed quite direct and simple, as long as it could inflict damage on large enemy transports and warships, the submarine possessed extremely significant strategic value.

The reason was simple as well: any vessel worth a submarine’s attack was either immensely valuable itself or carried cargo of incalculable worth.

Sinking a warship was one thing, but even managing to heavily damage one would be a completely worthwhile trade, even if the submarine itself had to pay the price of sinking to the bottom of the sea.

The construction cost of a submarine was very low, but that of a warship was not. Never mind the most expensive battleships of the day; even a light cruiser of just a few thousand tons cost far more than a small submarine could compare to.

If a single submarine could sink an enemy warship of several thousand tons, it would be a net gain for any country.

Because submarine technology was still immature in this era, the warships of European nations were inadequately prepared for underwater attacks.

This also meant that whoever could first develop relatively mature submarine technology would gain a tremendous advantage in naval warfare.

Even if nations later improved their warships’ defenses against submarines, submarines could still resort to attacking civilian vessels. Trading a submarine for a large transport ship was by no means a losing deal.

This was especially true in wartime when transport ships carried either expensive armaments and other strategic materials or thousands, even tens of thousands, of troops.

Whether it was destroying a large cache of supplies or eliminating several thousand enemy soldiers, either outcome could have a significant impact on the war.

Under these circumstances, not only Carlo but the Navy Department as well placed great importance on submarine development. They hoped submarines could become another powerful arm of the Spanish Navy, compensating for its shortcomings in total warship tonnage.

Spain’s submarine development program required not only the joint cooperation of various shipyards but also the assistance of Gramme’s Electricity Laboratory.

The submarine being developed by Spain was groundbreaking. In addition to an internal combustion engine as its primary power source, an electric motor would also serve as a source of propulsion.

It was common knowledge that a submarine could not stay submerged forever. Typically, when not on a combat mission, a submarine would be surfaced.

When cruising on the surface, the submarine would use a gasoline engine for power, ensuring its speed would not be too slow.

Once it dived underwater, where there was no air to help the internal combustion engine function, the submarine’s power source would switch to the electric motor.

The good news was that after a long period of development in the electricity industry, the power of generators and the storage capacity of rechargeable batteries had undergone a revolutionary transformation.

The rechargeable batteries of a decade ago certainly couldn’t provide enough power for an electric motor, but today’s batteries now had that potential.

Of course, relying on current rechargeable batteries to support a submarine’s voyage for days or even weeks was completely impossible.

Even with a small generator installed on board, the existing rechargeable batteries could only support the submarine’s submerged travel for less than ten hours.

The warship design experts at the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard had gathered to discuss whether the submarine’s design could be improved to save power consumption to some extent.

Because it traveled underwater, a submarine faced immense resistance. This meant a lot of power would be expended. If the submarine’s shape could be designed to reduce resistance, would that not, in effect, increase its range?

“Mr. Gramme, can the capacity of the rechargeable batteries you’ve designed for the submarine be increased further? Our submarine’s surface range can reach around one thousand nautical miles, but its submerged range is less than fifty nautical miles. The disparity seems too great,” a naval general involved in the submarine’s development asked expectantly in the conference room of the Royal Guarnizo Shipyard.

Currently, the submarine’s biggest drawback was its submerged range of less than fifty nautical miles, or just over ninety kilometers.

At first glance, that might seem acceptable, but the submarine’s surface range was as high as one thousand nautical miles, or one thousand eight hundred and fifty kilometers.

Looking at the submarine’s surface and submerged ranges, it was hard to tell whether it was a submersible warship or a submarine that could spend extended periods on the surface.

What mattered more for a submarine was its underwater range and the duration it could remain submerged. If a surface-cruising capability was all that mattered, they might as well build battleships and cruisers.

“I’m afraid that’s impossible at present, General.” Gramme, the director-general of the Electricity Laboratory and general manager of the Spanish Royal Power Company, shook his head and gave a negative reply.

“The rechargeable batteries and electrical system we’ve fitted this submarine with are already the best in all of Spain, perhaps even all of Europe.

“The current level of electrical technology worldwide can only support this submarine for a distance of fifty nautical miles. Unless we increase the submarine’s size to increase battery capacity, it’s impossible to extend the submerged range without changing its volume,” Gramme answered.

Although it was said that all beginnings are difficult and that a good start leads to rapid development, the problem was that the electricity industry had only been around for a little over a decade. While electrical development had been significant, it was clearly not yet capable of supporting a submarine for long-duration voyages.

Perhaps in another ten years or so, advancements in rechargeable batteries and electrical technology could enable submarines to travel much farther. But for now, this was the best that could be achieved with current technology.

Hearing Gramme’s answer, the naval general could only nod in disappointment, placing his hopes on modifications to the submarine’s hull and other improvements.

Although the navy officer attending the meeting was a general, he did not dare to be presumptuous with Gramme. Setting aside Gramme’s titles as the director-general of the Electricity Laboratory and general manager of the Royal Power Company, his outstanding contributions to the field of electricity alone were not something others could easily question.

Moreover, as the founder of Spain’s electricity industry, Gramme enjoyed Carlo’s deep trust and support. If this naval general dared to speak rudely to Gramme, Carlo would likely deal with him the moment he heard the news, teaching him the importance of respecting talented people.

“Using our own cruisers as a reference, a submerged range of fifty nautical miles should be more or less sufficient. As long as our submarines can spot enemy warships first, then submerge and look for an opportunity to launch torpedoes, there’s still a good chance of a successful surprise attack.

“Currently, neither our warships nor those of other countries have effective defenses against submarines. As long as we can build these submarines and train a combat-effective submarine force, we can effectively close the gap between ourselves and the major naval powers.

“So what if it’s Britain? The cost of building one battleship is enough for us to build a dozen or even dozens of submarines. The results achieved by deploying those submarines would be far greater than that of a single battleship.

“If we can make good use of submarines, we might not be without a chance of victory in a future naval battle against a great naval power like Britain,” a shipbuilding expert spoke up, breaking the somewhat heavy atmosphere and redirecting everyone’s attention from the submarine’s submerged range back to its overall specifications.

Setting aside its submerged range, the submarine’s other specifications were quite impressive.

None of the people present had ever encountered the submarines of later eras; their knowledge was limited to the submarine technology and standards of their current world.

Compared to the existing submarine technology of various nations, the performance data displayed by this submarine could already be considered excellent.

According to the shipbuilding experts’ preliminary design, the submarine would be approximately fifteen meters long and three meters wide. Due to its dual power systems and the need to install a large number of rechargeable batteries, its displacement reached sixty-four tons, which was quite heavy for its size.

A heavier submarine also had a drawback: its speed, whether on the surface or submerged, would certainly not be very fast.

And this was indeed the case. Based on the maximum power its propulsion system could provide, the submarine’s surface speed could reach about seven knots, and its submerged speed about five knots.

In more familiar units, this was equivalent to a surface speed of thirteen kilometers per hour and a submerged speed of nine kilometers per hour.

Compared to contemporary surface warships, this speed could only be described with one word: slow.

But then again, submarines did not rely on speed. Whether it was the submarines of centuries ago that were still in the theoretical exploration phase, or the ones of today that had seen some research success, the principle they relied on was underwater navigation.

The reason surface-only warships had to focus on speed was that their engagements were head-on battles where speed provided an advantage.

But submarines were different. They fought underwater, with the enemy exposed and themselves hidden. They naturally did not need speed to establish an initial advantage.

Submarines relied on stealth attacks. Speed was irrelevant; as long as the surprise attack was successful and inflicted damage on the enemy’s warship, that was all that mattered.

This led the design of this submarine to prioritize firepower and the probability of a successful ambush over speed.

At the bow of the submarine was a single torpedo tube. The vessel could carry three torpedoes in total, somewhat increasing its chances of a successful ambush.

Even if the first torpedo missed, as long as it didn’t alert the enemy, or if the second and third torpedoes were launched before the enemy could react, there was still hope of completing the mission.

Near the submarine’s stern, a machine cannon was also installed. This weapon was not primarily intended for underwater targets, but for surface targets of a similar class, such as enemy submarines and small warships of only a few hundred tons.

In the stern, a gasoline engine with a power output of up to thirty-three kilowatts was installed, along with an electric motor powered by rechargeable batteries.

These two power systems could be switched freely. When cruising on the surface, the more powerful gasoline engine was the preferred choice, as there was ample air for combustion.

Underwater, where oxygen from the air was unavailable, the gasoline engine became useless, at which point they could switch to the electric motor for power.

The submarine was quite large, with an estimated capacity for seven crew members. According to its design, the vessel’s maximum diving depth could reach thirty meters, a depth that would effectively prevent enemy warships from detecting it.

The cruisers and battleships of this era had drafts of less than ten meters, which meant it was difficult for them to detect anything happening in waters deeper than ten meters.

The submarine’s diving depth was precisely in these warships’ blind spot, and it was in this blind spot that the submarine could fulfill its purpose.

Experts from various industries and fields spent several more days discussing this submarine design. Only after confirming that current science and technology could not produce a better result did they submit the design to Carlo.

When Carlo saw the design and specifications of the submarine, he was surprised to find that it bore a high degree of similarity to the historical Holland VI submarine, often called the prototype of the modern submarine.

The Holland VI was the first practical submarine combining a gasoline engine and an electric motor, designed by the Irish-American John Holland in 1898, laying the foundation for modern submarine propulsion.

John Holland, the developer of this submarine, was also known as the father of the modern submarine, and his contributions to the industry were undeniable.

Although Carlo was somewhat surprised that Spain had expended great effort to develop such a submarine, it was not strange on second thought.

The reason John Holland had designed a submarine with both a gasoline engine and an electric motor was that it was a necessity of the era’s development.

As mentioned before, the French Gymnote had already attempted to use electricity as a power source over a decade ago, and electricity was the only choice for submarine propulsion in this period.

Whether steam engines or internal combustion engines, both required oxygen from the air to burn. This was fine when a submarine was on the surface, where oxygen was abundant.

Once a submarine dived underwater, obtaining oxygen became nearly impossible. At this point, neither steam nor internal combustion engines could power the submarine, leaving the electric motor, which did not require oxygen, as the only option.

But using only electric motors was not feasible either, as electrical technology was still immature. If only electric motors and rechargeable batteries were used as the power system, such a submarine’s surface and submerged ranges would both be limited to less than one hundred nautical miles.

This was why John Holland adopted a dual-power system of a gasoline engine and an electric motor, and it was also why Spain’s shipbuilding experts had coincidentally used the same system.

To put it frankly, such a design was not a clever trick, but a necessity for submarine development in this era.

No matter who was developing submarines in this period, the power source they adopted would essentially be a combination of these two.

Unlike earlier submarines with rather strange shapes, after months of modification and aesthetic refinement by the shipbuilding experts, this submarine’s appearance already shared many similarities with the submarines of later generations.

From its specifications, it was clear that while this submarine still had major flaws in many respects, it indeed possessed the strategic value and characteristics of a submarine.

Spain only needed to continue making improvements and efforts on this foundation, and in the future, it would have a chance to develop more advanced, more modern, and more powerful submarines.

With this in mind, Carlo did not hesitate. He expressed his encouragement to all the experts involved in the submarine’s development, affirming their progress.

Rewards in the form of checks and other property were, of course, forthcoming, and the construction of the submarine would begin immediately. This was partly to train a combat-ready submarine force as soon as possible, and partly in the hope that the Spanish Navy could learn from its own submarine force to develop more effective defenses against enemy submarines.

There was no helping it; just as submarine technology was relatively primitive, so too was the technology for defending against them. Once a nation made progress in submarines, it meant that countries without submarines or with poor anti-submarine capabilities would suffer in surface combat.

Chapter 385: The Danish Princess

What was the cost of such a submarine, whose specifications were barely satisfactory? According to the submarine development team’s estimates of the prices of its various components, as well as labor and other costs, one submarine would cost approximately fifty thousand pounds, which was equivalent to 750,000 pesetas.

Although 750,000 pesetas was a considerable sum, compared to the expenditure on large warships, which often ran into the tens of millions of pesetas, the cost of building one submarine was clearly not even a fraction of that of a regular warship.

Given that building a submarine did not require much funding, Carlo decided to build ten submarines at once, to first equip Spain’s submarine force.

Only by equipping a sufficient number of submarines could they identify the shortcomings of the current design during daily training and combat missions, and then make specific improvements based on these findings.

When the admirals of the Navy Department learned that Carlo intended to build ten submarines at once, even though they knew it would only cost 7.5 million pesetas, the news still made them extremely excited.

For the naval officers who had personally participated in the submarine’s development, they naturally understood the strategic significance and value of this new type of warship.

In a direct engagement, ten submarines were no match for a single cruiser of several thousand tons. But if a submarine could successfully submerge and approach an enemy capital ship, the results it could achieve might be something several cruisers of the same class could not.

Cruisers in the several-thousand-ton class were far inferior to battleships in terms of firepower and armor protection, making it difficult for them to inflict significant damage on a capital ship like a battleship.

A battleship, with just one direct hit from its shells, could inflict immense damage on a cruiser. Because of this, when nations assessed their naval superiority, they only took capital ships into account, not these small and medium-sized warships of a few thousand tons.

But submarines were different; they could play a positive role in a direct naval battle, something those several-thousand-ton cruisers simply could not compare to.

Besides ordering the construction of ten submarines at once, Carlo also invested over twenty million pesetas into the submarine’s research and development department.

To Carlo, the development of submarines in the coming years was perhaps even more important than that of battleships. In a few years, battleships would be replaced, ushering in the era of the dreadnought.

But submarines were different. They could play their unique role in both the era of the battleship and the era of the dreadnought.

Spain’s heavy investment in submarine R&D was certainly a worthwhile venture. Submarines would play an extremely important role in World War I, something that could not be matched by less reliable technologies like tanks and airplanes.

Although tanks and airplanes had appeared by World War I, due to immature technology, tanks had a high breakdown rate and could hardly display the kind of dominance on land they would in World War II.

The performance of airplanes was slightly better than that of tanks, but only slightly. Because the technology was still immature, the specifications and destructive power of World War I aircraft were limited, and their role was far less significant than in World War II.

Carlo was very ambitious. Spain would develop submarines, but it would also develop tanks and airplanes.

Just imagine, if in the future, Spain had already mastered sufficiently mature submarine, tank, and aircraft technology by the time of World War I, would there be any need to worry about the war’s ultimate outcome or which side Spain should join?

There would be no need to worry at all.

If Spain could become the most powerful nation through its lead in military technology, the entire landscape of the great European war would change because of it.

Then, it would no longer be a simple matter of Spain choosing a side. The two major military blocs would inevitably have to offer more enticing concessions to win Spain over.

And for Spain, that would be the time to unify the Iberian Peninsula and retake Gibraltar.

As the construction of the submarines began, time quickly moved to the latter half of 1896.

Prince Juan Fernando’s tour of the various European nations, which had lasted several months, finally concluded successfully.

In terms of affairs of state, the European tour had yielded some results. Although countries like Britain were not among Carlo’s considerations, on the surface, Prince Juan Fernando and his diplomatic delegation visited most of the monarchies in Europe.

The arrival of the Spanish diplomatic delegation was warmly welcomed by the European monarchies, and the standard of reception in every country was of the highest level.

The ones who received Prince Juan Fernando were either the crown princes or the prime ministers of the various countries.

On the European continent, there was truly no country at this time that dared to slight Spain. To show disrespect to a diplomatic delegation led by the Spanish crown prince would not only cause a diplomatic dispute between the two nations but, in serious cases, could even lead to conflict or war.

After touring Europe, Prince Juan Fernando actually found a European princess he quite liked: Princess Louise Caroline Josephine Sophie Thyra Olga of the Danish royal family.

Princess Louise’s father was the future King Frederick VIII of Denmark, who was currently still the crown prince.

This crown prince, born in 1843, was now fifty-three years old, much older than Carlo. Unfortunately for him, Frederick VIII’s father, Christian IX, was an exceptionally long-lived monarch.

The current King of Denmark, Christian IX, was born in 1818 and was already seventy-eight years old as of this year.

What could be more despairing for Crown Prince Frederick than having been crown prince for thirty-three years? The answer: he would have to remain crown prince for another ten years.

Christian IX, this famously long-lived man, lived until 1906 in history, passing away at the age of eighty-eight.

Because of Christian IX’s longevity, his son, Crown Prince Frederick, was already sixty-two years old when he finally ascended to the throne.

Having become King of Denmark so late in life, Frederick VIII passed away after reigning for a mere six years, passing the throne to his son, Christian X.

From this, one could clearly see the disadvantage of a long-lived monarch: the succession of the throne was prone to obvious problems.

Of course, Carlo hoped to live a long life himself, to preside over Spain and steer it safely through the two crucial periods of World War I and World War II.

At the same time, however, Carlo would not cling to the throne for too long. Once Prince Juan Fernando was done with his marriage, he would need to become more involved in Spain’s affairs of state to prepare for his succession.

Regarding the marriage candidate that Prince Juan Fernando favored, Carlo decided to go with the flow after a brief investigation.

As the eldest daughter of Crown Prince Frederick, Princess Louise Caroline Josephine Sophie Thyra Olga was quite favored within the Danish royal family.

Unlike the Spanish royal family, the House of Savoy, which was a relatively localized dynasty, the Danish royal House of Glücksburg had a much longer history in Europe.

Because the members of the House of Glücksburg were mostly descendants of King Christian III of Denmark from the House of Oldenburg, Glücksburg was also considered a branch of the House of Oldenburg.

Returning to the Danish royal family, Christian IX’s son, George I, was chosen as the King of Greece, and his daughter, Alexandra, married the British Crown Prince, Edward. Christian IX’s mother was also a Swedish princess, which connected Denmark to many other European countries.

A marriage alliance with Denmark would be good news for the Spanish royal family. After all, the Spanish royal family was still young; the House of Savoy had only just arrived in Spain with Carlo.

Only through continuous marriage alliances with these European royal families could they consolidate their position and gain the support of the many royal houses of Europe.

One should not underestimate the support of these European royal families. Although only a small fraction of them ruled over powerful great powers, together, these European countries, large and small, could unite and form a considerable force.

While they might fight for their own national interests most of the time, if faced with a crisis that threatened the monarchy and the interests of the nobility, many of these European royal families would not hesitate to unite. They would make those who opposed the monarchy understand that the bloodlines passed down in Europe for a thousand, even thousands of years, could not be so easily severed.

The European royal families were inextricably linked—their bones might break, but their sinews remained connected. Anyone wishing to threaten the monarchy would have to consider making an enemy of every royal house in Europe.

Now that the marriage candidate had been confirmed, Carlo did not hesitate in the slightest.

Carlo first extended an invitation for a diplomatic visit to the Danish royal family in the name of the Spanish royal family. Then, Queen Sophie extended a private invitation to both the wife of Crown Prince Frederick, Crown Princess Louise, and their daughter, Princess Louise, implicitly expressing her hope for a marriage alliance.

Princess Louise Caroline Josephine Sophie Thyra Olga and Prince Juan Fernando had already met when the latter was being hosted in Denmark.

As the party involved, the Danish royal family had, of course, noticed the sparks between the two young people. They were certainly not opposed to a marriage alliance with the Spanish royal family.

In fact, they were quite eager for a marriage alliance with the Spanish royal family to gain a powerful great power as an ally.

The day after the Spanish royal family sent the invitation for a diplomatic visit, the Danish royal family sent a reply. Not only did they accept the invitation, but they also decided to travel to Spain for the visit with great fanfare.

Speaking of Denmark, it had once been one of Europe’s powerful hegemons. Denmark had once led the Kalmar Union, ruling over Sweden, Norway, and Iceland, and was one of the most powerful nations on the European continent at the time.

However, Denmark’s core territory was only a small part of this union, and ruling over the vast lands of Sweden and Norway was quite difficult.

It was akin to Portugal trying to turn around and annex Spain; even if they managed to succeed by some fluke, they would ultimately be defeated by the Spaniards and lose their ruling status.

First, Sweden left the Kalmar Union. Then, at the beginning of this century, Denmark was forced to cede Norway to Sweden, leaving Denmark with only its three main territories: the mainland, Iceland, and Greenland.

Needless to say, Iceland and Greenland remained sparsely populated wastelands even in later times.

The Danish mainland itself had a decent environment, but because its territory was not a single contiguous landmass, its development was limited to some extent.

More importantly, Denmark was bordered by Sweden to the north and Germany to the south.

Its relationship with both these countries had never been particularly good, which put the already weakened Denmark in an even more awkward position.

Before its unification, Germany had fought the Prusso-Danish War. The Prusso-Danish War, the Austro-Prussian War, and the Franco-Prussian War were known as the trilogy of Prussia’s rise. It was these three wars that allowed Prussia to defeat its foreign enemies and establish the unified German Empire.

Against this historical backdrop, it would be strange if Denmark and Germany had a good relationship. As for Sweden, the fact that it had broken away from the Danish-led Kalmar Union was proof enough that relations between the two countries were not good.

Furthermore, Denmark had ceded Norway to Sweden just a few decades ago. Although a marriage alliance between the two countries had eased tensions somewhat, they could hardly be considered friendly nations.

Given Denmark’s current situation, it was quite normal for the Danish royal family to want a marriage alliance with Spain.

Although the Spanish royal family did not have a deep-rooted history, this was overshadowed by the fact that Spain was a powerful nation. Moreover, Carlo’s personal prestige in Spain was unparalleled. The benefits of allying with such a king were unimaginable.

While a marriage between royal families could ease relations between their countries, it also depended on the royal family’s influence and status within their nation.

If one were to marry into a royal family that seemed to have a deep history but actually held little power, the practical benefits would be few.

This blatant matchmaking by the Spanish and Danish royal families naturally attracted the attention of royal houses across Europe.

In fact, the royal families of Europe had all been paying attention to the growth of Carlo’s children.

It couldn’t be helped. Since Spain’s rise, its influence and status in Europe had increased significantly.

For the small and medium-sized countries of Europe, a marriage alliance with Spain offered immense benefits.

For their royal families, it meant gaining a powerful ally to secure their position. Even if their thrones were overthrown in the future, they could seek asylum in Spain.

In some cases, they might even receive Spain’s support for a restoration of their throne.

For the governments of these nations, a royal marriage with Spain would also bring their countries closer.

Spain was a great power, after all. As long as they established economic and industrial cooperation with Spain, these smaller nations could reap a continuous stream of benefits.

These two points alone were enough to attract the attention of many European nations. This was not to mention the competition between Europe’s two major military blocs. Whoever could form a marriage alliance with Spain’s next king might gain a head start in becoming Spain’s ally after a future change on the Spanish throne.

They might be watching, but the other European nations were not overly regretful. After all, there were very few princesses of suitable age at the moment, and many were already betrothed. It was impossible for them to pin all their hopes on the Spanish royal family.

That said, there was one country that was quite regretful.

That country was the Netherlands. When Carlo sent Prince Juan Fernando on a high-profile diplomatic tour of Europe, the royal families of Europe had all basically understood Carlo’s intentions.

Although the Dutch royal family had only one suitable candidate for a marriage alliance: the reigning Queen of the Netherlands, Wilhelmina.

But who said a queen couldn’t be a marriage partner? For the Netherlands, an alliance with Spain also had its benefits.

First was the Netherlands’ awkward geographical position, sandwiched between the three great powers of Britain, France, and Germany. Although the Netherlands had good relations with both Britain and Germany—historically, Wilhelm II chose the Netherlands as his place of refuge after Germany’s defeat in World War I—

The problem was that good relations with Britain and Germany were not enough to change the Netherlands’ current situation.

The Netherlands needed an ally that was not a direct neighbor, and Spain was obviously an excellent choice. Unfortunately, because Wilhelmina was already the Queen of the Netherlands, interacting with Prince Juan Fernando was not so straightforward.

Carlo had also asked his son, but Prince Juan Fernando did not want to marry a queen. A queen would always have to concern herself with the affairs of her own country, which meant Queen Wilhelmina could not live abroad for long periods. She would need to stay in her own country, the Netherlands.

Since Prince Juan Fernando was not interested in Queen Wilhelmina, Carlo certainly wasn’t going to force the issue.

For Spain, the Danish royal family was not much different from the Dutch royal family in terms of suitability.

As for Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands, she was still young anyway, so the Spanish royal family still had a chance.

Carlo planned to have Martin and Alexander also undertake a diplomatic tour of Europe after they turned twenty.

Anyway, all the countries had a tacit understanding of such actions. The diplomatic visit was a pretext; the real purpose was to meet the princesses of Europe’s royal houses and find a marriage partner.

Martin was born in 1879, so he would turn twenty in another three years. By then, Queen Wilhelmina would only be nineteen. Historically, she was not yet married at that age, so he could try to matchmake Queen Wilhelmina and Martin.

As for his youngest son, Alexander, who was born in 1884, he would not turn twenty until 1904. He would certainly miss the chance with Queen Wilhelmina, the most high-status marriage candidate.

Carlo was quite anxious about his three sons’ marriages. After all, it concerned not only the succession to the Spanish throne but also the inheritance of their own noble titles.

These princes needed to marry princesses of equal social standing to avoid public controversy.

As for the marriages of his two daughters, Princess Sofia and Princess Christina, Carlo was not in such a hurry.

They didn’t need to marry someone of equal social standing. Carlo hoped they would find someone they loved. The Spanish royal family’s wealth was more than enough for them to live a lifetime without worrying about necessities. Not having to inherit the throne, living as a noble was actually quite good.

Chapter 386: The Marriage

A diplomatic delegation led by the Danish royal family soon arrived in Spain. Carlo met with Crown Prince Frederik of Denmark to discuss the specific details of the marriage between Prince Juan Fernando and Princess Louise Caroline Josephine Sophie Thyra Olga.

As both sides were intent on making the match, and because Prince Juan Fernando and Princess Louise were mutually fond of each other, the marriage was quickly arranged.

The engagement ceremony would be held at the end of this year, with the wedding to take place next summer.

The engagement ceremony could be a smaller affair, but the wedding was of great importance, requiring lengthy and meticulous preparations by both governments and royal families.

As Carlo’s eldest son and the nation’s crown prince, Prince Juan Fernando’s wedding would be an extremely grand occasion, and its cost was bound to be substantial.

Fortunately, the Spanish royal family’s wealth was already immeasurable. Spending a few million pesetas on a lavish wedding was a mere trifle to them.

After the marriage was settled, Crown Prince Frederik, along with Princess Louise and a few other members of the royal family, stayed in Spain for several more days.

Compared to the more northern Denmark, Spain’s climate was significantly warmer. Coupled with its vast territory and abundant resources, Crown Prince Frederik was quite curious about the country.

Led by reception staff from the Spanish government and Prince Juan Fernando himself, the Crown Prince and his retinue visited the once-famous Madrid City that Never Sleeps, which was in reality a bustling street fitted with a large number of streetlights.

Crown Prince Frederik also watched a Spanish bullfight. Bullfighting had become an indispensable part of Spanish culture; whether in a large city or a small town, any match could attract tens of thousands of spectators.

The star bullfighters who performed exceptionally well were often adored by the Spanish people. The ultimate victor in the annual bullfighting season could become a hero celebrated throughout Spain overnight.

Although bullfighting brought a great number of casualties. Since Carlo decided to vigorously promote bullfighting in Spain, the number of bullfighters who had died or been seriously injured in the ring had reached over a hundred.

Including those with minor injuries, the total number of accidents during bullfights had reached several hundred.

But it was clear that the high accident rate could not deter the bullfighters from their fearless challenges, nor could it dampen the audience’s enthusiastic spectatorship.

Crown Prince Frederik was full of praise for Spanish bullfighting. Although such competitions seemed somewhat dangerous, there were few forms of entertainment in this era. For most Europeans, the opportunity to watch such a spectacle from time to time would likely be a welcome one.

During his few days touring Spain, what surprised Crown Prince Frederik the most was not the country’s current development and prosperity, but the Spaniards’ heartfelt love and support for Carlo.

Carlo’s prestige within Spain was extremely high. Especially after the annexation of Morocco, his reputation had reached its zenith, and with it, he had gained supreme power.

The populace would support any order from the Royal Palace in Madrid without hesitation. This meant Carlo had the potential to achieve a true absolute monarchy, becoming the sole ruler whose word was law.

The higher Carlo’s prestige and the greater his power, the better it was for the Danish royal family. After confirming the marriage alliance between their royal families, the Spanish royal family had become an ally of the Danish royal family.

From the perspective of his own interests, Crown Prince Frederik naturally hoped the Spanish royal family would wield greater power, as this would allow them to assist the Danish royal family in more ways.

To demonstrate Denmark’s sincerity, during the Danish royal family’s visit, the government officials sent by Denmark had already settled the terms of their cooperation with their Spanish counterparts.

Although, like the Netherlands, Denmark was a small European nation, its current status was clearly inferior. The Netherlands still possessed the vast colony of the Dutch East Indies, which provided it with a large fiscal revenue each year.

Denmark, on the other hand, was left with only two major colonies, and neither Iceland nor Greenland could generate any substantial income for it.

The only reason Denmark could still hold onto these two colonies was that their value was simply not very high.

Both Iceland and Greenland were large in area, but because they were so close to the Arctic Circle, most of their land was uninhabitable.

Furthermore, since both colonies were islands, far from the European and American continents, they were naturally even more sparsely populated.

Stronger nations looked down on these two colonies, while weaker nations could not defeat Denmark. This was why Denmark had held onto them for so long.

The cooperation agreements reached between Denmark and Spain mainly included the import and export of grain, the purchase of warships, and the import of weapons and equipment.

In fact, Denmark was quite unique compared to other small European countries.

The Danish mainland consisted of several large islands and a peninsula, the three largest being the Jutland Peninsula, Zealand, and Funen.

Although all of Denmark’s territory was composed of peninsulas and islands, the country had achieved basic self-sufficiency in agricultural products.

The combined area of these islands and peninsulas was as high as forty-three thousand square kilometers, yet Denmark’s population was a paltry 2.28 million.

In contrast, other small European nations like the Netherlands, Belgium, and Portugal all had populations of at least five million or more.

Even countries like Switzerland and Greece had long surpassed three million people. Denmark’s population of 2.28 million was relatively small even among the medium and small countries of Europe.

The reason Denmark could achieve food self-sufficiency, aside from its small population, was its geography, having few mountains and many plains.

Denmark’s livestock industry was quite developed, with high production of dairy products and meat. It even exported large quantities of these products annually.

For Spain, the food import-export trade with Denmark would provide it with Danish dairy products and meat.

Originally, Spain had no shortage of these items, but due to its constantly growing population, while grain production had barely kept pace, the output of dairy and meat was clearly falling behind the rate of population growth.

While Spain could obtain dairy and meat from Denmark, Denmark could similarly obtain vegetables and fruits from Spain.

When it came to vegetables and fruits, Spain could confidently claim to be number one in Europe.

After the West African Colony took on the task of growing grain, much of the land on the Spanish mainland was converted to producing vegetables and fruits.

As a result, Spain’s production of vegetables and fruits continuously increased. Even after supplying its domestic population of over thirty million, it still exported large quantities annually, earning a considerable amount of foreign exchange income.

Compared to the Netherlands, Denmark’s shipbuilding industry was not as developed. Nor did Denmark need to maintain a large navy; after all, it had few overseas colonies, and they were not too distant from its mainland.

After seeing off the Danish diplomatic delegation, the various departments of the Spanish government all turned their attention to wrapping up their work for the year.

As mentioned before, in the coming year, 1897, Spain would hold a new election for the Cabinet government.

This meant that in the few remaining months, the ministers of all departments had to make a final effort to burnish their records from their five-year term of office.

Only with an impressive report card would they be qualified to seek re-election or further advancement.

If their political achievements were a mess, re-election would naturally be impossible. The Senators would not support someone with little competence to continue holding the high position of a cabinet minister.

As early as the beginning of this year, Carlo had already communicated with Prime Minister Evan Bradley.

Prime Minister Evan Bradley was no longer young. He was considering officially retiring after his current term as Prime Minister ended, to enjoy what remained of his later years.

Carlo would naturally not stop Prime Minister Evan Bradley. The constant rotation of the Spanish Prime Minister was actually a good thing for Carlo.

Of course, such a rotation had to be a normal one. If a Prime Minister were impeached and forced to step down before their term was up, it would only cause political instability in Spain.

In the nearly thirty years since Carlo became King of Spain, the country had actually only gone through four Prime Ministers, with each serving an average of over seven years. Such a term length was quite healthy.

It both ensured the long-term implementation of government policies and prevented a Prime Minister from gaining enough power to threaten the royal authority.

Since it was confirmed that Prime Minister Evan Bradley would retire at the end of his term, the most important matter for Carlo was to find a successor for him.

The choice of Prime Minister was crucial, as it concerned the stability of Spain’s political situation and its development over the next five years.

The first suitable candidate was the current Deputy Prime Minister, Jovellar Soler. As the number two figure in the Conservative Party during Prime Minister Canovas’s era, and after a five-year term as Deputy Prime Minister, Carlo did not need to worry that his political prestige was insufficient for the position of Prime Minister.

Jovellar Soler’s political stance was somewhat similar to that of Prime Minister Canovas, making him one of the more suitable candidates.

The second suitable candidate was the current Speaker of the Congress of Deputies, Ewald Battle. Compared to Jovellar Soler, Ewald Battle was more senior. He had held the important position of Minister of Finance during Prime Minister Primo’s administration and was one of Primo’s absolute loyalists.

Because he was deeply trusted by Prime Minister Primo, Ewald Battle served as Spain’s Minister of Finance from 1869 until he left the post in 1882, holding the position for a total of thirteen years.

He successfully returned to the Cabinet during Prime Minister Evan Bradley’s administration, becoming the Speaker of the Spanish Congress of Deputies. This made him the only cabinet minister in Spain to have served through the terms of four prime ministers, so his seniority and political prestige were beyond question.

However, compared to Jovellar Soler, Ewald Battle had a rather obvious drawback: he was already quite old.

Ewald Battle was born in 1834, making him sixty-two years old this year. If he were to serve as Prime Minister for another five years, he would be sixty-seven by the time he retired.

Whether he could be a qualified Prime Minister for five years, from age sixty-two to sixty-seven, was a question for Carlo to consider.

It was undeniable that the average life expectancy in this era was short. Being in one’s sixties was already considered old age. Both physical condition and the energy for handling affairs of state could not compare to that of younger men.

Compared to the elderly Ewald Battle, Jovellar Soler was a bit younger, but not by much.

Jovellar Soler was born in 1839, making him exactly fifty-seven this year. If he were to serve as Prime Minister for five years, he would be sixty-two upon retirement, the same age as Ewald Battle is now.

Compared to these two older prime ministerial candidates, Carlo was actually more optimistic about the current Minister of Industry, Angelo Orcajo.

Born in 1847, Baron Angelo Orcajo was still only forty-nine years old. Whether in terms of physical condition or energy for handling matters, he was clearly much better off than the two old-timers.

More importantly, Baron Angelo Orcajo was truly one of their own people, a loyalist of Carlo.

His ability in industrial development was also beyond doubt. He had worked his way up from the position of regional governor of the Barcelona Industrial Zone, successively serving as the regional governor of the Barcelona Industrial Zone, mayor of the Barcelona Special Municipality, mayor of the Madrid Special Municipality, and Minister of Industry in the Spanish Cabinet, which was a testament to his outstanding capabilities.

In fact, during the 1892 prime ministerial election, Carlo had considered appointing Baron Orcajo to the position.

But at the time, Baron Orcajo was only the mayor of Madrid. It would have been very difficult to leap directly to Prime Minister without ever having served in the Cabinet.

Back then, Jovellar Soler, Ewald Battle, and leaders of other parties were all contenders. Competing against them, Baron Orcajo’s own advantages were not enough to secure his election.

For this reason, Carlo had appointed the military-出身 Evan Bradley as Prime Minister, to buy Baron Angelo Orcajo five years to build his credentials and prestige.

Looking at it now, Baron Orcajo had performed quite brilliantly as Minister of Industry. Spain’s industry had undergone good development over the past five years, even showing a trend of securing its position as the world’s fourth-strongest industrial power.

Under these circumstances, placing great trust in Baron Orcajo seemed to be a matter of course.

If Jovellar Soler or Ewald Battle were to become Prime Minister of Spain, they could at most serve only one term.

After all, their age had to be considered. No matter how capable they were, Carlo could not let a man nearing seventy continue to serve as Spain’s Prime Minister.

On one hand, there was the concern for the Prime Minister’s health; a man in his seventies could very well die of illness while in office.

On the other hand, it was also a concern for Spain’s own development. As a great power, Spain faced many different matters and situations.

A Prime Minister approaching seventy would simply not have enough energy to handle these affairs, which would, to some extent, affect Spain’s development—something Carlo could not accept.

If Baron Angelo Orcajo were to become the Prime Minister of Spain, he would not be limited to just one term.

Because Baron Orcajo was only forty-nine, as long as he had no health issues, he could serve at least two consecutive terms as Prime Minister in the future.

And during his ten years as Prime Minister, Spain’s political situation could become more stable, and its industrial and economic development could make great strides.

Considering this point alone, Carlo’s choice for Prime Minister leaned more toward Baron Angelo Orcajo.

Unless any unforeseen circumstances in the next few months affected Carlo’s judgment, Baron Orcajo would likely be the victor in the prime ministerial election at the beginning of next year.

Although Carlo had a preliminary choice for Prime Minister, on the surface, the competition for the next term was still quite fierce.

Besides the three aforementioned candidates, the Progressive Party, Conservative Party, and Workers’ Party also had their own respective contenders.

Theoretically, any member of the Spanish lower house was eligible to run for the office of Prime Minister.

However, there were certain restrictions on political parties. Each party could only recommend one candidate for the election, and this candidate would represent their party.

If one could not obtain the qualification to run for Prime Minister through a party nomination, they could only run as a non-partisan.

Running as a non-partisan had significant disadvantages. The prime ministerial election itself was based on the number of votes received, and being non-partisan meant having almost no help from others.

Besides party nominations and self-nominations from non-partisans, one could also become a candidate through a direct nomination by the king.

The prime ministerial election was divided into three rounds. The first round was a competition among all non-partisan candidates. The two winners could participate in the second round against candidates nominated by other parties, which would ultimately decide the three final candidates for the last round.

If the king did not personally nominate a candidate, the final round would be a contest among these three. If the king did nominate a candidate, the final round would be a contest among four.

The one with the highest final vote count would become the Prime Minister of Spain, while the others would have to seek the positions of cabinet ministers instead.

This electoral process was much more refined compared to Prime Minister Primo’s era. As the King of Spain, Carlo also had more decision-making power during the election stage.

If Carlo did not want a certain person recommended by a certain party to become a candidate for Prime Minister, he could also reject that party’s nomination and request that they submit another candidate.

This ensured that the final few prime ministerial candidates were people Carlo was willing to see, preventing the reappearance of ambitious, power-consolidating Prime Ministers on Spain’s historical stage.

This was also done to prevent the Spanish royal authority from being sidelined. The king did not have to be an autocratic despot, but the power in his hands must absolutely not be made-for-show.

Even if this power was not used, holding it was a great deterrent. This power was the trump card for future Spanish kings to hold onto their thrones.

Even if voices opposing the royal authority were to rise in Spain in the future, the King of Spain could use the power in his hands to do his utmost to prevent extreme republicans from reaching the upper echelons of the Spanish government.

This was about all Carlo could do. He could only ensure that the throne would not be lost in the hands of his son and grandson. As for what happened after that, it was beyond his control.

Even if Carlo could successfully annex Portugal and reclaim Gibraltar, becoming one of the greatest monarchs in the hearts of the Spanish people, he could not guarantee that the Spanish throne would remain in the hands of the House of Savoy for hundreds of years.

To hold onto the Spanish throne, the efforts of every future King of Spain would be required. Only by winning the trust of the people was there a possibility for the Spanish royal authority to be passed down.

If the day truly came when the Spanish throne had to be lost, it would not necessarily be the end of the world for the Spanish royal family.

After all, Carlo had already built up immense wealth for his descendants. With this wealth alone, the future Spanish royal family could become top-tier capitalists.

Royal authority might not be able to make the Spanish royal family the country’s decision-makers, but this vast wealth could. By then, even if they lost their noble titles, the wealth in their hands would be enough to make them the highest echelon of the nation.

Chapter 387: The Prime Minister Candidate

News that the Spanish royal family was to be joined with the Danish royal family through marriage was no longer a secret, and the people of Spain offered their blessings to the soon-to-be-wed Crown Prince Juan Fernando.

Crown Prince Juan Fernando’s engagement ceremony would be held in the Iberian Cathedral, a church that Carlo had specially built for the Archbishop of Spain. Its purpose was to host weddings, funerals, and other important ceremonies for members of the royal family.

Queen Sophie would personally oversee the engagement ceremony, for which the royal family would budget at least one million pesetas.

Although a budget of one million pesetas wasn’t an exorbitant sum, this was, after all, only an engagement ceremony. When Prince Juan Fernando and Princess Louise held their wedding, the funds mobilized by the royal family would certainly be far greater.

Carlo would not be the least bit stingy with his sons. His own wedding had cost several million pesetas, and when his sons married, the cost would only be higher.

For members of the royal family, such a grand wedding was a once-in-a-lifetime event. Carlo hoped they could all enjoy the highest standard of wedding. Regardless of whether they would inherit the throne in the future, Carlo wished for them to live out their lives in wealth and peace.

While preparing for Crown Prince Juan Fernando’s engagement ceremony, the Spanish government also sent out invitations to friendly nations and royal families.

The scale of the engagement ceremony was not as grand as a wedding, nor was it necessary to invite all the European nations. Only those governments and royal families on better terms with Spain needed to be invited, providing an opportunity for everyone to sit together and catch up.

Only for Prince Juan Fernando’s wedding would the Spanish government extend a broad invitation to the governments and royal families of Europe.

After the engagement ceremony, the year would turn to 1897.

For the Spanish government, two matters were of utmost importance in 1897.

The first was the Cabinet election at the beginning of the year, which would determine who would hold the highest authority in the Spanish government for the next five years.

The second was the Crown Prince’s wedding ceremony. The bride and groom were very likely to be the future king and Queen of Spain. Neither the current Spanish Cabinet nor the one formed after the election could afford to treat this wedding with anything less than the utmost importance.

Not only would most European countries and royal families be invited to this wedding, but high-level government officials from around the world would also be in attendance.

Carlo had given special instructions that the Spanish Navy would be deployed for the wedding. On one hand, it was to enhance the scale and prestige of the event; on the other, it was to showcase Spain’s current strength to the outside world.

As the 20th century approached, the situation in Europe would become even more chaotic. Only by displaying sufficient military might could Spain command the respect and caution of the European nations.

Carlo had no desire to see the Spain he had painstakingly reformed and developed reduced to cannon fodder for other countries in a world war. Participating in a world war was acceptable, but Spain had to gain sufficient benefits and ensure it remained on the winning side.

For Carlo, there was no preference between the two major military blocs. Whichever could provide Spain with more benefits, whichever held a greater advantage in the conflict, that was the side Spain would choose.

Even though both the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italy in the German-Austrian-Italian Military Alliance had kinship ties to the Spanish royal family, Carlo would not let that sway his decision.

If the French offered enough, making an enemy of Germany and Austria-Hungary was not out of the question. Of course, if the Germans offered more, Carlo wouldn’t mind directly opposing Britain and France for control of Gibraltar and the western Mediterranean sea outlet.

Although the Franco-Russian Alliance currently looked formidable, Carlo knew that this was the final blaze of glory for the Russian Empire.

In a few years, the war that would propel another nation to the status of a great power was set to erupt. Russia would suffer a crippling blow from this war, which would indirectly trigger the revolution during the First World War, leading to the complete demise of the House of Romanov that ruled Russia.

This war, which would send Russia into a thorough decline, was the Russo-Japanese War that broke out in 1904.

Although on the surface it appeared that Japan defeated Russia in a head-on conflict, securing its position as a great power, the reality was that Japan had only defeated Russia’s Far East army and fleet, not the main body of the Russian military.

One reason for Russia’s defeat in this war was that Japan’s rise was supported by Britain, whose aim was to undermine Russia’s hegemony in the Far East.

Another reason was the dissatisfaction of Russia’s own ally, France, with Russia’s actions in the Far East. France’s core interests lay in mainland Europe and its African colonies, and the French naturally did not want their ally to focus its attention on the distant Far East.

A Russia focused on the Far East was not a significant threat to Germany and Austria-Hungary. If Russia could not tie down a large number of German and Austro-Hungarian troops, France would face the prospect of confronting Germany and its allies alone.

For this very reason, France’s support for its ally Russia during the Russo-Japanese War was negligible. They hoped a defeat would make Russia see the situation clearly and shift its focus back to Europe.

Compared to the shifting dynamics in Europe, the struggle for hegemony in the Far East was less important. As long as the Franco-Russian Alliance successfully defeated the German-Austrian Alliance, would hegemony in the Far East be far behind?

Europe was the most developed region in the world at the time. A successful domination of Europe meant that the Franco-Russian Alliance would have the capital to dominate the world.

During the Russo-Japanese War, Japan’s comprehensive strength was actually far inferior to that of the European great powers. The reason it was able to defeat Russia was simple: Russia’s core regions were too far from the Far East. Transporting supplies and mobilizing troops required enormous amounts of time and money.

Although Russia was building the Trans-Siberian Railway to connect Europe and the Far East, the problem was that construction on this railway began in 1891 and was not officially completed until 1916.

On one hand, the Siberian region was extremely cold, making construction difficult and slowing down the pace of railway building. On the other hand, Russia’s own industrial strength was not that formidable, so the speed of construction was inherently slow.

It was for these reasons that a railway of more than nine thousand kilometers took a full twenty-five years to build, with an average of less than four hundred kilometers of track laid each year.

Perhaps even Tsar Nicholas II, who presided over the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway, never imagined that the railway he built would not benefit him, but rather the Soviet Union, which would later seize power in Russia.

Because the railway was only completed in the mid-to-late stages of World War I, the Trans-Siberian Railway played little role in that conflict.

But in World War II, the vital strategic importance of the Trans-Siberian Railway became apparent. Stalin called it Russia’s “dragon vein,” and it served as a crucial lifeline for transporting strategic materials for Russia during the war.

Had such a railway existed during the Russo-Japanese War, the outcome of the conflict would have been genuinely difficult to predict. Although the combat effectiveness of individual Russian soldiers was not high, the sheer number of Russian troops was the largest.

In a war of attrition against Russia, a nation with a population of over one hundred million, there were few countries in the world that could keep up, aside from the great Eastern nation with its hundreds of millions of people and Britain’s colony of India.

The first month of 1897 was the preparatory stage for the Spanish Cabinet election. The major political parties all began shouting their slogans during this time, drumming up support for their respective prime minister candidates.

Spain’s major newspapers also reported on news related to the prime ministerial election, boldly speculating on which candidate would achieve final victory.

As the end of January 1897 approached, the final candidates for prime minister were largely determined. In addition to one nominee from each of the four major parties, Carlo also recommended the incumbent Minister of Industry, Angelo Orcajo. Adding to that three self-nominated non-partisans, a total of eight candidates would participate in the election.

It was, in fact, predictable that these three self-nominated non-partisans would most likely be eliminated in the first round of voting.

It couldn’t be helped; non-partisans were inherently at a great disadvantage in such large-scale elections.

Senators who belonged to a party would almost never cast their votes for them. The only ones they could rally were other Senators who also had no party affiliation.

The problem was that among the 298 seats in the Spanish Congress of Deputies, non-partisan Senators made up only a small fraction.

This essentially sealed the fate of these non-partisan prime minister candidates. Unless they could gain the King’s support or fortuitously win amidst a deadlock among the various parties, it was impossible for them to become Prime Minister.

The goal of these three non-partisan candidates was not to win the election, but to add some color to their resumes.

After all, between an ordinary Senator in the Congress of Deputies and a Senator who had run for Prime Minister, the latter clearly seemed more impressive.

Even if the bid for prime minister was unsuccessful, even if they were eliminated in the first round, they were still Senators who had competed for the premiership.

In this respect, Spain’s electoral system was quite well-designed. Regardless of whether these candidates could ultimately win, as long as they met the criteria, they were qualified to be prime minister candidates.

To a certain extent, this could be considered a manifestation of fairness. As for competing but failing to win, that could only be attributed to their lack of support from other Senators, not a problem with the electoral process itself.

To a degree, as the candidate for the largest party, Jovellar Soler should have had the greatest advantage and popular support.

But it couldn’t be helped. In this prime ministerial election, Carlo had personally recommended Baron Angelo Orcajo. Knowing that Carlo supported Baron Orcajo, the public would naturally favor him as well.

This was the boost conferred by Carlo’s immense public prestige. The people would naturally trust the candidate recommended by Carlo, even if that candidate did not inherently have an advantage.

Veteran cabinet ministers like Jovellar Soler and Ewald Bartel were not foolish. The moment Carlo personally recommended a prime minister candidate, they understood that the next Cabinet’s Prime Minister had already been decided.

Unless they could leverage their party’s advantage to swiftly win with a large number of votes, the smaller parties would certainly cast their ballots for Carlo’s chosen candidate in the event of a stalemate.

Doing so was not only a way to express their loyalty to His Majesty the King but also a way to get on good terms with the new Prime Minister in advance.

Baron Angelo Orcajo had one huge difference from the other prime minister candidates: he himself did not belong to any party.

Spain did not restrict the Prime Minister or prime minister candidates from joining parties. Did this mean they also had a chance to recruit the highly popular prime minister candidate, Angelo Orcajo, into their own party?

Of course, recruiting him would certainly not happen now. Since each party could only recommend one prime minister candidate, the time before the election concluded was not the best moment to court Baron Orcajo.

He could also be courted after the election. If Baron Orcajo were to win, he would definitely seek re-election after his term ended. With the help of a political party, Baron Orcajo’s chances of re-election would be even greater.

If Baron Orcajo did not win this election, he could still be brought into a party to bolster his prestige, waiting for the next prime ministerial election in five years.

In any case, this was a candidate supported by His Majesty the King himself. Even if he failed in this election, his chances of winning the next one would only be higher.

After all, Baron Orcajo’s age was also a great advantage. A 49-year-old politician was still in his prime.

Although the average life expectancy in Europe was only in the thirties and forties, this was because the large number of European commoners dragged the average down.

For members of Europe’s upper class, living to sixty or seventy was no problem at all. This was especially true for the nobles who lived in pampered luxury, whose lifespans were generally over seventy.

For these people, being under fifty was really not considered old. Baron Orcajo’s political career could be calculated to last for more than a decade, so investing in him was certainly not a losing proposition.

Even if he could only serve one term as Cabinet Prime Minister, the boost to a party’s power would be immense. During Prime Minister Primo’s administration, the largest party in Spain was the Progressive Party.

By the time of Prime Minister Canovas, the largest party in Spain had become the Conservative Party.

It was only because Prime Minister Evan Brad himself had no party affiliation; otherwise, it was hard to say whether the Conservative Party could have maintained its status as Spain’s largest party.

In fact, from a party perspective, one could explain why Carlo ultimately gave up on letting Deputy Prime Minister Jovellar Soler become Prime Minister.

Deputy Prime Minister Jovellar Soler was, after all, a member of the Conservative Party. If he were elected Prime Minister, it would only make the Conservative Party’s power in Spain even greater.

Although the Conservative Party was also part of the royalist faction, an excessively high level of support for the Conservatives was not a good thing for Spain’s development.

Carlo hoped for more participation in Spanish politics from the Progressive Party, Liberal Party, and Workers’ Party. Only with a vibrant political landscape where a hundred flowers bloom could Spain’s development avoid being confined to a single ideology.

To a certain extent, Ewald Bartel might also have been a good choice. He was from the Progressive Party, and if he became Prime Minister, Spain would return to a situation where the Progressive and Conservative parties counterbalanced each other.

Unfortunately, Ewald Bartel’s age was simply too great. Considering the approaching 20th century, Spain needed a Prime Minister with more energy and a more open mind.

As time moved into February 1897, the Spanish prime ministerial election officially began.

The major parties had spent over a month warming up for the election, but the entire voting process lasted less than three days.

As the parties had predicted, the Conservative Party’s Jovellar Soler did indeed gain a huge advantage at the beginning.

But this advantage was not enough to make him Cabinet Prime Minister, and he could not gain the support of other parties, so he had no choice but to give up.

As for Ewald Bartel, there was no need to say more. The Progressive Party of today was not the largest party it had been during Prime Minister Primo’s era. Relying solely on the support of the Progressive Party to become Spain’s Prime Minister was impossible in the current political climate.

Those parties with no hope of winning the premiership would not support the candidates of the Conservative and Progressive parties. When the two parties reached a stalemate, they instead cast their votes for Baron Angelo Orcajo.

Seeing that the tide had turned, the Conservative and Progressive parties had no choice but to also cast their votes for Baron Orcajo in exchange for certain interests.

The final result was that Baron Orcajo became the Prime Minister of Spain immediately after his first Cabinet term ended, ascending to the highest seat of political power in the nation.

For the pragmatic Conservative candidate Jovellar Soler, who knew when to advance and when to retreat, Carlo did not mind giving him a bright future.

The day after the Prime Minister was decided, Carlo publicly announced that Jovellar Soler would be re-elected to the position of Deputy Prime Minister, allowing him to end his political career in this high office.

Although he ultimately could not claim the prime minister’s seat, with a resume that included two terms as Minister of Agriculture (during Primo’s second term plus the Provisional Cabinet), three terms as Minister of Industry, and two terms as Deputy Prime Minister, Jovellar Soler could still become a great contributor to Spain and receive a noble title from Carlo upon retirement.

To win a noble title for himself and his descendants was perhaps the best possible ending for Jovellar Soler.

Apart from not having much land, the new-style nobles were not much different from the old-style nobles. The title Jovellar Soler was likely to receive was Count, which was a hereditary title.

For Jovellar Soler himself, achieving the goal of turning his family into a true noble family through his own efforts could be considered a perfect conclusion.

As for the Progressive Party’s candidate, Ewald Bartel, he too could retire from the position of Speaker of the Congress of Deputies.

This was not just compensation for him, but also a balancing of power on Carlo’s part.

The Conservative Party was already the largest party in Spain, so the position of Speaker of the Congress of Deputies was destined not to be held by a Conservative member.

If the Speaker’s position were controlled by the Conservative Party, the Congress of Deputies, the most important body in parliament, could very well become the party’s one-man show.

Although the Conservative Party was currently loyal to Carlo, who could guarantee that the party’s political ideology aligned with Spain’s developmental needs?

Allowing a single party to become dominant did not conform to Carlo’s political layout. Both now and in the future, the position of Speaker of the Congress of Deputies could not be held by the largest party of the time.

Ewald Bartel’s credentials were even more senior than Jovellar Soler’s. He had served four terms as Minister of Finance and one term as Speaker of the Congress of Deputies. If he were re-elected as Speaker, he too could receive a noble title of Baron or higher in the future.

Although they were unable to sit on the highest throne of Spanish political power, such an outcome was already quite perfect for them.

Most politicians strive for only three things in their lifetime: first, fame; second, fortune; and third, the nation.

Jovellar Soler and Ewald Bartel had already achieved both fame and fortune. As for serving the nation, they had also made significant contributions.

Now that all three goals had been fulfilled, what reason did they have to be dissatisfied?

Chapter 388: Reserve Force Expansion

Although the prime minister for the new Cabinet government had been decided, the formation of the new Cabinet was just beginning.

The new Prime Minister, Baron Angelo Orcajo, had to submit a list of Cabinet members to Carlo within half a month. Only after receiving Carlo’s approval and swearing an oath of allegiance to him would the formation of the new Cabinet government be complete.

Unlike the previous transitional Cabinet, the new one was destined to have many new faces to shake off the Conservative Party’s influence over the Spanish government.

Carlo had also specifically instructed Prime Minister Orcajo that when appointing ministers for cabinet departments, he should appropriately select younger officials with more energy and a pioneering spirit.

As expected, when Baron Orcajo submitted the list of Cabinet members to Carlo, apart from a few familiar names, most were joining the Cabinet for the first time.

Jovellar Soler was successfully re-elected as Deputy Prime Minister, and Ewald Battle was re-elected to his position as Speaker of the House of Deputies.

Ricciotti continued to serve as Minister of Defense, Eli Veric as Minister of Public Welfare, Alan Carlton as Minister of Education, and Count Menotti as Minister of Colonial Affairs.

Aside from these familiar names, the appointees for nearly all other Cabinet positions had changed.

The new Minister of Justice was Klaus Brown, a rising political star who had graduated from a Spanish university and had served as a lawyer and city councilor for several years.

The Minister of Justice was elected by the Upper House, which also meant that Klaus Brown, in his capacity as Minister of Justice, could, to some extent, be considered one of Carlo’s loyalists.

The position of Minister of Royal Affairs was filled by Grant Jefferies. The Minister of Royal Affairs was a true close attendant to the king, so Carlo naturally had to choose a loyalist he could trust.

Grant Jefferies came from the orphan development system established by Carlo, having gone through rounds of selection and elite training from a young age. His loyalty to Carlo was exceptionally high.

Furthermore, because Grant Jefferies was a Spaniard in the truest sense, he was actually more suitable for the post of Minister of Royal Affairs than the previous appointment, Count Menotti.

The Minister of Finance was Aul Acosta, a rising political star from the Progressive Party who had previously served as the provincial governor of Catalonia.

Although Catalonia, having lost Barcelona, was no longer the most developed province in Spain, its population was still among the highest.

During his tenure as the provincial governor of Catalonia, Aul Acosta demonstrated considerable ability in financial matters, which was why he was promoted to Minister of Finance.

His affiliation with the Progressive Party would also help the Cabinet government better balance the various political parties, making him a relatively good choice overall.

The Minister of Industry was Roger Wells, a new face from the Workers’ Party. The Workers’ Party had now grown into the third-largest political party in Spain. Some of their proposals were quite helpful for improving Spain’s industrial environment, which was why they were able to secure the position of Minister of Industry.

The Minister of Agriculture was Ethan Stevens, an out-and-out member of the Conservative Party. Although power needed to be balanced within the Cabinet government, it did not mean that Conservative Party members could not become Cabinet members.

The Minister of Agriculture only needed to manage the development of domestic agriculture, so it was fine to give this position to the Conservative Party. As long as agricultural development proceeded step by step, there would generally be no mistakes.

Of course, by just developing agriculture conventionally, it would be impossible for the Minister of Agriculture to achieve significant political achievements. Unless he performed well during natural or man-made disasters, protecting Spain’s agriculture from their effects, it was basically impossible to advance further from the position of Minister of Agriculture.

The Minister of Transportation was Valen Francis, another member of the Progressive Party. With the rise of the automobile, and as the construction of cement roads was gradually becoming the choice for European nations, Spain’s road system was also set to undergo certain changes.

If nothing else, several of Spain’s future national-level main roads would definitely be repaved with cement and widened into multi-lane thoroughfares.

Having served as the Director of the industrial zone, Baron Orcajo certainly understood the significant boost a convenient and developed transportation system could provide to industrial areas.

If Spain wanted to achieve further industrial growth, improving the domestic transportation system was essential.

The Minister of Public Security was Anthony Slack. Anthony Slack was from the Conservative Party, and public security did not require major improvements; maintaining order in the cities by the book was sufficient.

The Minister of Health was Austin Strauss, who was also the only remaining Liberal Party member in the Spanish Cabinet government.

The Spanish Cabinet had a total of seventeen members. The Liberal Party and the Workers’ Party each had only one Cabinet member, their appointments largely serving to balance power.

The Conservative and Progressive parties held five and four Cabinet seats, respectively. With a total of eleven Cabinet members having party affiliations, this meant the remaining six members were non-partisan.

The reason for so many non-partisan members in the Cabinet was actually quite simple. Positions such as the Archbishop, the Minister of Royal Affairs, the Minister of Colonial Affairs, the Minister of Justice, and the Minister of Defense were almost always held by non-partisans.

Coupled with the fact that the current Prime Minister, Baron Orcajo, was also non-partisan, this was why the number of non-partisans in the Spanish Cabinet government reached six.

On March 15, 1897, as the members of the new Cabinet government swore their allegiance to Carlo, the sixth term of the Cabinet government under Carlo’s rule officially began.

The very next day, Carlo summoned Prime Minister Baron Orcajo to discuss the direction of the Spanish government’s development over the next five years.

Given the increasingly obvious confrontation between the two major military blocs in Europe, it was necessary for Spain to strengthen its military power to ensure its mainland would not be affected by their conflict.

Because of Spain’s location on the Iberian Peninsula, aside from its neighbor Portugal, the only country it truly needed to defend against was France to the north.

Considering the possibility of Spain joining the German-Austrian Alliance, if war with France were to break out, it would be crucial to prevent the French army from rapidly invading the Spanish interior and causing massive damage to Spain’s industry and economy.

The border between Spain and France stretched for over four hundred kilometers, but because the central part was blocked by the Pyrenees Mountains, they only needed to guard the plains at the eastern and western passes.

This meant that even if a war were to break out between Spain and France in the future, they could easily repel the French army with a small number of troops by building sturdy defensive fortresses at the two passes of the Pyrenees.

By equipping the two fortresses with large numbers of cannons and machine guns, and leveraging the logistical advantage of being supplied from the Spanish mainland, it would be absolutely impossible for even hundreds of thousands of French troops to breach them in a short time.

With air superiority, it would be no exaggeration to say that Spain could hold off an attack from over a million French troops with just three hundred thousand of its own.

This was the advantage afforded by geography, and it was why Carlo did not fear a great power like France in the slightest.

After discussions with Prime Minister Orcajo, a proposal was finalized to build military fortresses at Irún in the west of the Pyrenees and Llançà in the east.

Though called military fortresses, they were actually two solid defense lines built into the Pyrenees. According to the construction plan, these two fortresses would consist of large and small bunkers and surface forts, with a total capacity for over two hundred thousand soldiers.

Before being confirmed as an enemy of France, these defensive positions would not be fully manned; the number of stationed troops would not exceed one hundred thousand at most.

Once it became clear that they were enemies with France, these defensive positions would be rapidly brought to full strength. The government would also assemble more manpower to build additional defensive positions and trenches, turning these two border areas into an iron defense line to ensure that French and other enemy forces would not set foot on Spanish soil.

Although both were forms of war, the costs and casualties of offensive and defensive battles were completely different.

With cannons and machine guns, the defending side was bound to suffer fewer casualties. Even if Spain were to participate in the World War, it was destined not to be the aggressor.

If they did not have to fight France, that would undoubtedly be a better outcome. It would mean Spain’s enemies were not its neighbors, and for the most part, Spain would not need to worry about its own mainland security.

In addition to building defensive positions, Carlo also approved the Ministry of Defense’s request to expand the reserves.

As of 1897, the total population recorded by the Spanish government had reached about 32.07 million.

Although this population was not large by European standards, it had largely closed the gap with the European great powers.

A population of thirty-two million allowed the Spanish government to expand its army with confidence. Appropriately increasing the reserves was also a measure to prepare for a war that could come at any time.

It was worth noting that the number of active and reserve troops in European countries had been continuously increasing ever since the confrontation between the two major military blocs officially took shape.

According to information from the Spanish Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, around 1890, the numbers of active and reserve armies in European countries were still within a reasonable range.

At that time, Russia had the largest active army, with fewer than seven hundred thousand soldiers. Germany and France each had armies of just over five hundred thousand men, which was reasonable given the intense rivalry between them.

The other European great powers all had active armies of fewer than five hundred thousand. The Austro-Hungarian Empire had just over three hundred thousand active troops, while Italy had an active army of only a little over two hundred thousand.

Apart from Germany, France, and Russia, whose reserves numbered over a million, other countries only had reserves numbering in the hundreds of thousands.

Because the British government implemented a professional soldier system, their reserve system was relatively weak, and their number of reserves was the lowest among the European great powers.

But now, the numbers of active and reserve troops in various countries had changed significantly.

Russia’s active military had surged to the million-man level, achieving a commanding lead over other nations.

Russia’s ally, France, also had an active army of nearly seven hundred thousand. The combined active forces of France and Russia already approached two million, not to mention that both countries’ reserves also numbered over two million.

It was precisely because of the continuous military expansion of France and Russia that Germany was forced to increase its own active military to around seven hundred thousand.

Combined with its reserves, Germany could also expand its army to over two million in a short time, just enough to handle the pressure from either France or Russia.

As Germany’s ally, the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s performance in terms of army size was subpar. The Austro-Hungarian Empire had only four hundred thousand active troops and fewer than five hundred thousand reserves.

Their active and reserve forces combined numbered less than one million. It was completely impossible to rely on the Austro-Hungarian Empire to hold back the Russian army.

As another ally of Germany and Austria-Hungary, Italy’s army had also seen a new round of expansion in recent years. Italy’s active army now exceeded three hundred thousand, with reserves also reaching three hundred thousand.

Although this was a significant increase for Italy, it was clearly no match for France and Russia.

This was why, on the surface, the Franco-Russian Alliance had a greater advantage than the German-Austrian Alliance. Apart from Germany, which could match either France or Russia, the combined forces of Austria-Hungary and Italy could not stand against the other super great power.

Due to the continuous military expansion of the two blocs, Britain had no choice but to keep expanding the size of its army.

Because the Boer War had just ended, Britain had not demobilized its troops. Britain still had a garrison of over two hundred thousand soldiers deployed in South Africa, and even this was not enough to completely quell the Boer rebellion.

It was this two-hundred-thousand-strong garrison that propelled the size of the British army to a high of seven hundred thousand.

But unlike other European countries, Britain’s performance regarding reserves was still quite poor; their reserve numbers were on the same level as Italy’s.

More importantly, Britain’s seven hundred thousand active soldiers were significantly padded.

Only two hundred thousand were elite troops from the mainland; the remaining nearly five hundred thousand were all auxiliary troops from various colonies, whose actual combat effectiveness could not be guaranteed.

The reason the British army suffered high casualties in the Boer War was not only because the Boers’ guerrilla tactics were a major headache, but also because the combat effectiveness of the large number of colonial troops mobilized by Britain was simply atrocious.

Troops from India alone lost tens of thousands of lives on the Boer battlefield. It was the extremely poor performance of these colonial troops that greatly dragged down the performance of the British army, making them, along with the Italian army, a laughingstock among European nations.

Fortunately, Britain still had a powerful Navy, which was sufficient to maintain the glory of the British Empire. The army’s poor performance could be overlooked, as Britain was the ultimate victor.

Compared to the four great European powers, Spain had the smallest active army. Including colonial troops and the Guard Division, Spain’s active army numbered only 329,000.

This army size was on the same level as Italy’s, smaller than even the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s active army, let alone those of the four great European powers.

If Spain wanted to participate in a future war and secure sufficient benefits, it was necessary to either moderately expand the active army or increase the number of reserves.

Only by ensuring that it could quickly arm a million-strong army at the outbreak of war could Spain calmly face its enemies in the World War.

Considering the financial pressure of expanding the active army, Carlo ultimately chose the second option: strengthening Spain’s military power by increasing the number of reserves.

Currently, Spain’s army totaled 329,000, with 175,000 in the Royal Army, 15,000 in the Royal Guards, and 138,000 in the colonial forces.

The proportion of the forces revealed that the number of elite troops in the Royal Army and Royal Guards was far too small. Nearly half consisted of colonial troops who were there to pad out the numbers, and their overall combat effectiveness was clearly somewhat inferior to the active armies of other European nations.

Even if Spain’s colonial troops were more effective than Britain’s, they were still no match for the mainland armies of the European great powers.

Therefore, Spain needed to increase the number of reserves not only for its colonial forces but also for its mainland army.

In certain crucial battles, it would be necessary to commit mainland Spanish troops, whatever the cost.

Although deploying a large number of mainland troops would incur huge casualties and affect domestic production and order, such sacrifices were necessary to win the World War.

Spain could use its large number of colonial troops to reduce casualties, but relying solely on them to win the war was impossible.

To put it bluntly, the greatest role of these colonial troops was to serve as cannon fodder, relieving some of the pressure on the elite forces on the main front.

After lengthy discussions with Prime Minister Orcajo and Minister of Defense Ricciotti, it was decided to increase Spain’s reserves to 1.5 million.

Although 1.5 million might seem like a lot, these troops had to be differentiated.

The number of reserves from the Spanish mainland would be only seven hundred thousand. Combined with Spain’s existing mainland forces, this would ensure that Spain had a million-strong mainland army at the outbreak of war, which was the true foundation of Spain’s confidence in winning the war.

The remaining eight hundred thousand reserves would be provided by the various colonies, serving as cannon fodder and pathfinders for the mainland army after the war began.

When undertaking particularly arduous assault missions, these colonial reserve forces could be used first to reduce casualties among the elite mainland troops, allowing the mainland army to be committed to more critical battles.

By increasing the number of reserves to around 1.5 million, Spain’s total potential force of active and reserve troops would reach 1.83 million, just barely reaching the two-million-man threshold.

Although this figure of two million was inflated, it included nearly one million mainland troops, which could ensure Spain would safely navigate the early stages of the war.

As for the middle and late stages of the war, it would certainly be necessary to draft and train large numbers of new soldiers from the mainland and the colonies. It was completely impossible to last through an entire World War relying solely on active and reserve forces.

Chapter 389: The Trading Company

With the first major event of 1897, the Cabinet election, complete, the second was naturally the wedding ceremony of Prince Juan Fernando of Spain.

The wedding was set for June 12, 1897. Spain invited royal families and government representatives from all over the world to gather in Madrid for the grand ceremony.

Because Spain was a great power, the royal families and high-ranking government officials of the world’s nations showed their respect. Every country in Europe, regardless of its strength, sent a diplomatic representative to attend the wedding.

European royal families also turned out in force, instantly multiplying the scale of what seemed like an ordinary wedding ceremony several times over.

Upon learning that all the European nations were sending diplomatic representatives, Carlo immediately issued an order to raise the standard of hospitality for the wedding once more, telling his staff not to be stingy with the money spent on the upgrade.

After all, the Spanish royal family lacked many things at present, but money was not one of them.

Since it was a marriage, there naturally had to be a bride price and a dowry.

Of course, bride price and dowry were more Eastern concepts. European royal marriage alliances also had similar exchanges of material goods. At its core, a marriage between two countries was a combination of a political alliance and an economic transaction. The exchange of gifts not only demonstrated one’s wealth and power but also effectively strengthened the relationship with one’s in-laws and allied nation.

Prince Juan Fernando was his eldest son, so Carlo naturally wouldn’t be stingy with the bride price. He directly gifted the Danish royal family assets worth nearly two million pesetas, including a large quantity of precious gold and jewelry, one million pesetas in cash, and twenty of the latest automobiles from the Royal Benz Automobile Company.

The gifts for Prince Juan Fernando’s wife, Princess Louise, included a specially customized car worth as much as thirty thousand pesetas, jewelry worth two hundred thousand pesetas, a jewelry company valued at three hundred thousand pesetas, and one hundred thousand pesetas in cash.

In total, the bride price given to the Danish royal family and Princess Louise exceeded three million pesetas in value.

Such a sum was undoubtedly substantial, even in Europe. Barring weddings where land or other rights were directly gifted, the bride price for this ceremony had reached the highest level.

On the day of the wedding, Carlo also learned the value of the dowry from the Danish royal family.

The Danish dowry made it clear that their royal family placed great importance on this marriage alliance.

Their dowry was worth nearly one million pesetas. In addition to the usual precious jewels, gold, and silver, the Danish royal family also directly granted Spain sovereignty over the Danish West Indies.

The Danish West Indies were, in fact, what would later become the U.S. Virgin Islands. They were located to the east of Spain’s American colony of Puerto Rico and had a total area of 344 square kilometers.

Historically, Denmark sold this colony to the United States in 1917, and it eventually became the U.S. Virgin Islands.

This colony was indeed of little value to Denmark. With an area of only 344 square kilometers, the entire colony was composed of three large islands and dozens of smaller ones.

Both the three large islands and the dozens of smaller ones had very limited potential for development. More importantly, the straight-line distance from the Danish mainland was over seven thousand kilometers, and the sea voyage was more than ten thousand kilometers long.

For Denmark, the West Indies were truly more trouble than they were worth—a useless possession that was still a pity to discard.

But for Spain, the Danish West Indies were only a few dozen kilometers from its colony of Puerto Rico.

At their closest point, Puerto Rico and the West Indies were barely more than ten kilometers apart. It could practically be described as being on their doorstep.

This was likely Denmark’s reason for gifting the sovereignty of the West Indies to Spain. Trading a piece of land of little value to themselves for the staunch support of a powerful ally like Spain was a bargain for Denmark, no matter how one looked at it.

Even giving up sovereignty over the West Indies would not be a great loss for Denmark. After all, Denmark’s core region was its mainland. Iceland and Greenland were not of primary importance, let alone the tiny 344-square-kilometer West Indies.

When Carlo learned that Denmark’s dowry included not only the usual cash, gold, and jewels but also the sovereignty of a colony, he was somewhat surprised.

But he quickly understood the Danes’ intentions.

It was akin to Carlo trading the sovereignty of São Tomé and Príncipe for the help of an equally powerful super great power in retaking Gibraltar.

Even if Carlo were the one making the decision, he would still consider it a very worthwhile deal.

Since Denmark had shown sufficient sincerity, Carlo naturally had to demonstrate Spain’s sincerity as well, to pull Denmark firmly to his side.

The day after the wedding, Carlo summoned Crown Prince Frederik of Denmark to the Royal Palace in Madrid.

Although Crown Prince Frederik was eight years older than Carlo, his attitude during their conversation was quite respectful. This was the confidence that national strength gave Carlo; even when facing Queen Victoria, the so-called “Grandmother of Europe,” Carlo would not be at a disadvantage in terms of status and standing.

After a friendly conversation that lasted several hours, the two finalized the positive direction for cooperation between Denmark and Spain in the coming years.

Previously, the two sides had only cooperated on the import and export of agricultural products and the import of military-industrial goods. This time, Carlo and Crown Prince Frederik, representing their respective nations, directly signed an economic alliance treaty.

This economic alliance treaty stipulated that the two sides should achieve closer cooperation in economic matters. Denmark and Spain would each lower their respective tariffs to promote closer import-export cooperation.

This economic cooperation included not only their respective mainlands but also economic collaboration within their colonies.

Denmark’s colony on the Gold Coast had been annexed, but they still had many trading posts there. With a wave of his hand, Carlo permitted the Danes to engage in various economic activities in Spain’s Guinea colony, including agriculture and the prospecting and mining of minerals.

As long as the Danes abided by the local laws of the Spanish colony and legally paid their taxes, all their economic activities would be legal in Spain’s colonies.

In any case, Spain’s colonies were vast and resource-rich, with an abundance of various mineral resources. Under such circumstances, giving the Danes a small piece of the pie was entirely acceptable to Spain.

If giving the Danes a taste of the profits could turn them into a loyal lackey, it would be an extremely worthwhile deal.

Although Denmark’s overall strength was not great, it was one of Europe’s monarchies with deep historical roots. More importantly, Denmark’s geographical location was quite significant.

Before the completion of Germany’s Kiel Canal, Denmark controlled the only sea outlet from the Baltic Sea, capable of constraining both Germany and Russia along its coast.

Although Germany’s construction of the Kiel Canal had significantly reduced Denmark’s influence over the Baltic Sea, it could not completely erase the importance of Denmark’s geographical location.

Making Denmark a staunch ally would be a definite asset for Spain. While Denmark’s military might was not formidable, it could still offer Spain a degree of diplomatic support.

One could never have too many allies, especially an ally like Denmark, which was very far from the Spanish mainland and had virtually no conflicts of interest with them.

After Spain took possession of the Danish West Indies, Carlo kept an eye on one thing: whether the United States would, as in history, launch a war against Spain’s colonies in the Americas.

As it turned out, history had indeed changed considerably at this point.

Spain had long ago traded Cuba to Britain, and its own strength had grown immensely. Even though Spain still held Puerto Rico and had acquired sovereignty over the Danish West Indies, the United States did not set its sights on Spain.

Of course, the United States did not have the guts to seize Britain’s Cuban colony either. While America indeed harbored ambitions to display its power, those ambitions had to be unleashed at the right moment.

Making an enemy of the British was something the Americans would not do at this time, even if they lost their minds.

Unable to annex the West Indies on its doorstep, the United States could only turn its attention to the more distant regions of Central and South America.

Setting aside South America for a moment, the region of Central America was of considerable importance to the United States.

Why was this so? The Panama Canal had not yet begun construction. Although the United States had coastlines on both the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, communication between the two coasts required circumnavigating the entire continent of South America.

Consider this: the straight-line distance between the East and West Coasts of the United States was just over four thousand kilometers. But by sea, the journey was over twenty thousand kilometers. For trade between the Northeast and Northwest, the distance was even more than thirty thousand kilometers.

Such a long route meant that before the Panama Canal was opened, land transport was more cost-effective than sea transport for communication between the US coasts.

The time cost of sea travel was immeasurable. The sea journey between the US East and West Coasts was even longer than the one from Spain to the Philippines, which was why the United States had always wanted to open the Panama Canal.

The good news was that, because the Boer War had broken out four years early, the United States could not support Britain in the war in exchange for British support to build the Panama Canal.

Without British backing, it would be difficult for the United States to build the Panama Canal alone. Even if it could be built, sovereignty over the canal would likely not belong to the United States.

At this time, the Panama region belonged to the Republic of Colombia, and the Isthmus of Panama was the narrowest of all suitable locations for building a canal, offering the shortest construction distance.

Although some other areas in Central America were also suitable for building a canal, they were wider, meaning the canal would need to be longer.

For the United States, the prerequisite for building the canal was to ensure its control over it. The prerequisite for gaining control was to incite Panama’s independence as much as possible, changing its adversary from the large nation of Colombia to the small nation of Panama.

There was a reason the United States was historically able to incite Panama’s independence. Without dwelling on the earlier history of the Republic of Colombia, the area was once a Spanish colony that eventually became independent and formed its own nation.

Since Colombia’s independence, the political situation in South America had been relatively chaotic. First, Gran Colombia ruled the northern part of the continent, which included present-day Colombia, Venezuela, and Ecuador.

However, due to intense conflict between centralism and federalism, this vast, centralized federal state lasted only a short time.

After Gran Colombia, the Republic of New Granada made its debut. The name itself revealed a strong Spanish influence; New Granada had once been a Spanish colony, and now it had become the name of the local country.

After the establishment of the Republic of New Granada, its first president, Santander, implemented an autocratic rule, which ultimately led to power struggles between the Conservative and Liberal parties, causing long-term internal strife and political instability.

In 1861, the Republic of New Granada was renamed the United States of Colombia. This name lasted for just over twenty years before it was changed again to the Republic of Colombia.

The reason for the change to the Republic of Colombia was a constitution enacted in 1886 by the Conservative government to consolidate the dictatorship of Colombia’s large landlords and restore the legal authority of the Catholic Church.

This constitution not only declared Catholicism the State religion of Colombia but also greatly strengthened the powers of the president, causing strong public dissatisfaction.

Since the establishment of the Republic of Colombia, the Conservative government had cruelly persecuted dissidents and suppressed popular uprisings.

It was for this very reason that the United States was historically able to incite the Panama region to regain its independence, successfully controlling Panama and, indirectly, the Panama Canal.

Spain was, of course, aware of American actions in South America.

Although the South American nations had fought wars against Spain during their struggles for independence, this did not mean that Spain and they were still enemies.

On the contrary, because the political situations in the various South American countries were relatively chaotic and unstable, they needed a strong external ally to help them maintain order.

During the period of Spain’s gradual revival, it had already established close economic cooperation with South American countries.

Many South American residents had immigrated to Spain, and many Spanish citizens had traveled to South America to conduct their own economic activities.

One of these economic activities was the development of Argentina’s fertile black soil. Argentina possesses one of the world’s four great black soil regions, making it a natural breadbasket and pastureland.

And this was indeed the case. Historically, Argentina did prosper for a time, relying on the export of agricultural and livestock products.

Even in later generations, the export of agricultural and livestock products remained one of Argentina’s most important sources of income. Spain’s agricultural import-export companies had already set foot in South America, especially in Argentina, where Spanish-related companies controlled nearly one-third of the country’s grain and meat import-export trade.

A considerable portion of the meat supplied to the Spanish army and schools came from Argentina. It was precisely because of this trade relationship that, among the nations of South America, Argentina had the best relations with Spain.

These Spanish economic activities in South America were, in fact, somewhat similar to the famous American United Fruit Company.

The United Fruit Company could be described as the greatest power in South America’s history, capable of easily manipulating the political situation in various countries.

The rise of the United Fruit Company was also simple: first, it would acquire exclusive rights to build and operate railways, then buy up vast tracts of cheap surrounding land.

After converting all this cheap land into banana plantations, it would then use the profits from fruit exports to earn massive revenues and repeat the process of laying railways, buying land, and building banana plantations.

Due to the rapid accumulation of capital, the United Fruit Company quickly monopolized the banana plantations in South America.

When a business achieves a monopoly, it can generate enormous profits, no matter how small the business.

Historically, after achieving a monopoly in the banana trade, America’s United Fruit Company quickly transformed from a simple banana enterprise into a giant conglomerate integrating production, processing, transportation, and sales.

Because there were no checks on the United Fruit Company’s early development, by the time the governments of South American countries realized the company had an extremely powerful financial backing, it was already too late to regulate it.

The United Fruit Company had already established connections with opposition forces in various countries. Coupled with the large number of employees in its banana plantations and other industries, a single misstep could trigger strikes and protests involving tens or even hundreds of thousands of people.

This was how a single company, the United Fruit Company, was able to control the governments of South American nations—it was no longer just a capital enterprise, but a vast power with connections to political parties, the military, and the public.

Of course, it was only 1897, and the United Fruit Company had not yet been formed. Its predecessor, a banana enterprise founded by an American capitalist, was currently still confined to Central America.

This banana enterprise did have a certain influence in Central America, but compared to Spain’s presence in South America, its influence was clearly much weaker.

At least in the southern part of South America, Spain’s trading companies had already completed a comprehensive deployment. In Colombia, Venezuela, and Ecuador, Spanish trading companies also had a presence.

Even if the United States’ United Fruit Company were established at this moment, it would not be able to win in a competition on its own strength.

In terms of assets, Carlo’s wealth was by now immeasurable; even American conglomerates could not compare to the fortune he possessed.

In terms of political capability, Carlo’s trading companies were formidable in their own right. The Spanish trading companies operated under Carlo’s banner; the word “Royal” in their names was enough to show their true backing.

Under these circumstances, unless the United States supported the United Fruit Company at the national level, the company, even if established, would not be able to compete with Spain’s trading companies.

After confirming that the United States had set its sights on Central and South America, Carlo immediately ordered his trading companies to expand their operations in Colombia.

Since the United States could control the situation in South America through the United Fruit Company, Spain could likewise use its trading companies to influence the various nations of the continent.

If not to control the political situations of these countries, then at least to influence their choices and prevent the Americans from achieving their goals.

Chapter 390: The Engine Problem

The entire construction process of the Panama Canal was incredibly complex. For Carlo, there was no need to worry about the United States gaining control over the project in the short term.

At that time, the company responsible for building the Panama Canal was a French construction firm. This company had taken over the project from another French enterprise under the French government’s leadership.

To prevent the French from gaining operational rights to the canal after its construction, the Americans tried every conceivable method to create trouble for the French company during the construction process.

The route for the Panama Canal designed by the French ran parallel to the American-operated Panama Railway. The reason for this design was to facilitate the transport of materials.

However, the United States refused to cooperate with the French construction efforts. The railway department set up multiple obstacles for the delivery of materials, adopted a passive-aggressive approach, and delayed the transport of supplies as much as possible.

Left with no other choice, the French company was forced to buy the railway, valued at only 7.5 million US dollars, for the astronomical price of 25.5 million US dollars. This created enormous financial problems for the company.

And that wasn’t the end of it. Although the French company had bought the American-built railway, they did not dismiss the American employees in the railway department in the interest of stability.

These American employees remained within the French company and continued to stir up trouble, ensuring that the Panama Railway, now belonging to the French, still could not effectively transport materials for the canal’s construction.

If it were only that, the United States could have merely delayed the canal’s construction to a certain extent.

In addition to external pressures from the US, the French canal construction company also had massive internal management problems. The senior management, led by Lesseps, continued to unscrupulously embezzle funds from the publicly issued canal stocks, even as the construction faced numerous obstacles.

To cover up the truth, they continuously issued various new debts and used large sums of money to bribe local officials.

According to records, 150 ministers and senators in the French government accepted bribes, which was why the canal company could remain unscathed even when the project was clearly failing to meet expectations.

Of course, a fire cannot be wrapped in paper forever. In 1889, the French canal company was finally at the end of its rope and had to declare bankruptcy.

The current French company building the Panama Canal had taken over the project under these circumstances.

From this, one could also see that the French government had certain ambitions regarding the sovereignty of the Panama Canal. They did not want the operational and management rights to fall into American hands. After all, if the Panama Canal were completed, it would be a vital artery for transit between the east and west coasts of North America. The toll fees alone would be enough to make them lose count of the money they were making.

Carlo didn’t care when the Panama Canal would be completed. For him, as long as the operational and management rights of the canal did not fall into American hands, it was perfectly acceptable for anyone else to control it.

Of course, the best-case scenario would be for Spain to also become one of the shareholders of the Panama Canal, participating in its daily operations and management, thereby further restricting the development of the United States.

Historically, the reason the United States ultimately obtained the operational and management rights to the Panama Canal was mainly because they had the support of Britain and only had to compete with France.

But now, because Britain had already concluded the Boer War, the British government would most likely not be willing to give up its claim to the canal and let the Americans take it for free.

The French government was even less likely to do so. From the beginning of the canal’s construction, it had always been French companies doing the work. Although the previous French canal company’s progress had been too slow and its own management problems were severe, it was an undeniable fact that it had completed one-third of the total project. The French were the true heroes of the Panama Canal’s construction to date.

As for the United States, which had always coveted sovereignty over the canal, they had made no contribution to its construction and had even been constantly creating trouble for the French company.

Undeniably, the United States had surpassed its masters in the realm of capital. Compared to European countries, the United States was a thoroughgoing capitalist nation.

Capital held supreme power in the United States, so for the American government, such common business tactics were second nature.

However, for Carlo, the methods used by the United States served as a good reminder. If the US could use these dirty business tactics, why couldn’t Spain retaliate with the same?

Carlo was very interested in the countries of South America. Although there wasn’t a single truly powerful nation in South America, its countries were relatively rich in resources.

Brazil possessed extremely abundant iron ore reserves. Argentina had vast expanses of fertile black soil that could be used for agriculture or animal husbandry. Chile had massive nitrate mines, and Colombia possessed the Panama region, the best location for building a canal.

Moreover, most South American countries were once Spanish colonies, and their populations were largely composed of mixed-blood descendants of Spaniards and local natives.

For Spain, most of the population from South America was acceptable, with the exception of the Black population.

This was no longer a simple matter of slowing down America’s development. If Spain could bring South America into its sphere of influence, it could continuously enhance its own comprehensive strength. That was what Carlo truly wanted to do.

No matter how much America’s development speed was slowed, its land area and mineral resources were still there; the country’s overall strength would not be too poor.

Only by trying every possible means to enhance Spain’s own strength could he ensure that Spain would have the confidence to face the United States at any moment.

As time drew closer to the 20th century, Carlo finally felt a sense of urgency.

Starting from mid-1897, Carlo would inquire about the research progress of the Academicians at the Royal Academy of Sciences almost every month, hoping that Spain could be one step ahead of other countries in fields like aircraft and tanks.

Currently, Spain had made certain breakthroughs in both the Sky and Water Tank projects. The Sky project referred to airplanes, while the Water Tank project referred to tanks.

Knowing full well that research and development in the field of aviation was not easy, Carlo had only provided the Sky project with some of his own ideas about airplanes and hadn’t paid much attention to its progress afterward.

He had heard that the Sky project team was currently building the first aircraft and might be able to conduct its first flight test within two years.

Unlike the slow-progressing Sky project team, the Water Tank project team, which was dedicated to developing tanks, had made some progress.

To be frank, the design of the most primitive tank was also very simple. It was essentially a structure similar to an automobile, fitted with a thin layer of steel plating and then armed with a machine gun or a cannon.

If it were just a tank based on such a simple principle, Spain, with the production lines of the Royal Benz Automobile Company, could build thousands of them in a short period.

But the problem was, Spain did not need such crude tanks. Carlo hoped that Spain could possess true tanks before World War I, which could play an extremely important role in the land warfare of the Great War.

Especially in offensive campaigns, whoever could achieve significant results first would naturally receive the largest share of the post-war spoils.

If they were enemies with France, tanks might be used in the campaign to attack Paris. If they were enemies with Germany, tanks might be used in the campaign to attack Berlin.

For Spain, it didn’t matter who the enemy was. What mattered was whether Spain could possess such an important weapon as the tank before war broke out.

The good news was that tank development had already made some progress. The current tanks bore some resemblance to their later counterparts and could already demonstrate their role in warfare.

But the bad news was that because the tanks were covered with a relatively thick layer of steel plating on all sides, it put an unparalleled amount of pressure on their power systems.

Currently, the tank’s steel armor protection and firepower were not major issues; the biggest problem was concentrated in its power system.

Such tanks would often break down after driving only a few kilometers. And the power system was the most crucial part of a tank. If a tank couldn’t move on its own, wouldn’t that just be a larger, heavier cannon?

Seeing the problems reported by the tank development project team, Carlo understood that Spain had to conduct deeper research in the field of engines.

Spain currently had an Engine Research Office, but it was under the responsibility of the Royal Benz Automobile Company, and its main area of research was gasoline engines used in automobiles.

For a larger and more cumbersome machine like a tank, the power of a gasoline engine was clearly insufficient. A more powerful diesel engine was needed to power the tank, which meant that Spain also had to have its own engine research office for tanks.

And that wasn’t all. Tanks needed engines, and so did airplanes.

Rather than waiting for problems to arise during aircraft development, it was better to start researching aircraft engines early and solve the problem one step ahead.

With this in mind, Carlo no longer hesitated. He immediately ordered the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau to keep an eye on engine scientists across Europe and to use any means necessary to recruit them to Spain.

Since engine research was crucial to Spain’s development of tanks and airplanes, Spain would spare no expense in attracting talent.

If normal incentives were not enough to attract these engine scientists to Spain, then they would have to resort to forced kidnapping.

In any case, for Spain, it was better for these talents to disappear than for them to remain in non-Spanish countries.

Although such scientists were only single individuals, the research they produced could sometimes be more powerful than an entire division.

Soon, a list provided by the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau was placed on Carlo’s desk.

Among the names of numerous internal combustion engine scientists from various European countries, Carlo’s eyes fell upon a figure who would become famous in later generations: Rudolf Diesel.

Without a moment’s hesitation, Carlo immediately ordered the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau to bring Rudolf Diesel to Spain at any cost.

Hailed as the “father of the diesel engine,” this internal combustion engine developer’s strategic value was extraordinary. The diesel engine he developed became the main power source for the submarines of various countries during World War I, and it was also widely used in later generations. This point alone was enough for Carlo to bring him to Spain at any price.

The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau also attached a dossier on Rudolf Diesel. The scientist, born in 1858, was not yet forty years old.

Rudolf Diesel’s parents were both German, but he was born and raised in Paris. When the Franco-Prussian War broke out, Rudolf Diesel’s family had to flee to London and eventually returned to Germany.

In Germany, Rudolf Diesel received a good education and was highly regarded by the famous machinery professor, Linde.

After working for several years in Switzerland and Paris, Rudolf Diesel resolutely resigned and founded his own Engine Laboratory.

After reading this information, Carlo valued Rudolf Diesel even more and eagerly anticipated what kind of progress Spain’s engine research would make after he was brought to the country.

Although Diesel’s research was mostly in the field of diesel engines, some of his concepts on engine design were still widely used in later generations.

For such a scientific talent, Carlo felt nothing but respect. It would be best if Diesel were willing to come to Spain. Carlo could provide him with the best research environment in the world and enough funding to develop any internal combustion engine he wanted.

Whether it was the diesel engine Rudolf Diesel developed in his early days or the biofuel engine he wanted to develop later but never got the chance to, Carlo could give him all the support imaginable.

About a week later, the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau finally brought Carlo a piece of good news: Rudolf Diesel would soon be arriving in Spain.

Initially, he was unwilling to come. After all, Rudolf Diesel’s engine research had made great strides in recent years, and the engine currently being tested had shown extremely powerful potential.

Rudolf Diesel had also received strong support from investors, which gave him the confidence to refuse the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau’s recruitment offer.

But to the Royal Security Intelligence Bureau, such a small group of investors was beneath mention.

They didn’t even need to dispatch intelligence agents; the Benz Automobile Company’s Paris branch could handle those investors.

Faced with a major corporation like the Benz Automobile Company, these investors were quite sensible. They quickly “voluntarily” gave up their support for Diesel.

It was for this reason that Rudolf Diesel finally came to Spain.

UNTITLED

Chapter 1: The Man Who Shouldn’t Be Alive

Chapter 2: A Father’s Love, a Mountain of Wealth

Chapter 3: Loren Royat
Chapter 4: The Italian Sun
Chapter 5: The Persona is Most Important
Chapter 6: A Pleasant Surprise
Chapter 7: The Austro-Prussian Conflict
Chapter 8: Persuasion
Chapter 9: The War Ends
Chapter 10: The Spanish Revolution
Chapter 11: We Want Bread, Not the Republic
Chapter 12: Kicking a Man When He’s Down
Chapter 13: Regarding the Spanish Carlists
Chapter 14: Choosing a King for Spain

Chapter 15: The War Sparked by the King’s Election

Chapter 16: The Inspection

Chapter 17: A Conversation Between Father and Son

Chapter 18: Victorious
Chapter 19: Preparations Before Departure
Chapter 20: Arrival in Madrid
Chapter 21: Cabinet Selections
Chapter 22: The Four Elements of Reform

Chapter 23: The Agricultural Tax Reduction Act

Chapter 24: Suppressing the Cuban Rebellion

Chapter 25: Italian Laborers

Chapter 26: Major Expansion of Royal Enterprises

Chapter 27: The Coronation Ceremony

Chapter 28: The Royal Military Academy of Madrid

Chapter 29: A Troubling Reform Plan

Chapter 30: The Rougher the Waves, the More Expensive the Fish

Chapter 31: Surging Undercurrents
Chapter 32: The Capitalists’ Unrest
Chapter 33: The Carlist Rebellion
Chapter 34: Taking Over the Factories

Chapter 35: The Spanish Military Academy Begins Classes

Chapter 36: A Proposal to Abolish the Tithe
Chapter 37: Expansion of the Court Guard
Chapter 38: A Confident Carlos
Chapter 39: Every Man for Himself
Chapter 40: The Fickle Human Heart
Chapter 41: The Rebellion Is Quelled
Chapter 42: The Iron-Willed Carlos
Chapter 43: France Has Another Coup d’État

Chapter 44: An Unexpected Assist from the Citizens of Paris

Chapter 45: Winning Over the Nobility
Chapter 46: Jacopo’s Private Banquet
Chapter 47: The Royal Council
Chapter 48: More Terrifying Than Prussia

Chapter 49: A Fresh Five Billion in Reparations

Chapter 50: The Founding of the German Empire
Chapter 51: Assassination
Chapter 52: A Foolproof Plan
Chapter 53: A Pretext to Condemn

Chapter 54: Hard to Prove Guilty, Harder to Prove Innocent

Chapter 55: An Exchange of Interests

Chapter 56: The Royal Security Intelligence Bureau

Chapter 57: Cuba Pacified
Chapter 58: Serrano’s Return
Chapter 59: The Five-Year Plan
Chapter 60: Investiture and Military Parade
Chapter 61: The Pleasures of a King

Chapter 62: The Royal Spanish Academy of Sciences

Chapter 63: Gramme

Chapter 64: Money Sways the Heart

Chapter 65: Military Industry Through Imitation

Chapter 66: The Three Kidnapped Founders of Benz

Chapter 67: Maybach and Daimler

Chapter 68: The Hope of the Second Industrial Revolution

Chapter 69: The Large Laboratory

Chapter 70: The Infallibly Profitable Steel Mill

Chapter 71: Preparations to Carve Up Africa
Chapter 72: A Spain in Need of People
Chapter 73: A Visit to Italy
Chapter 74: Pushed to Marry
Chapter 75: A Father’s Love
Chapter 76: Author’s Note on VIP Release
Chapter 77: Hunting
Chapter 78: Meeting Garibaldi
Chapter 79: Menotti
Chapter 80: Cooperation Agreement
Chapter 81: Camillo Golgi
Chapter 82: Returning Home
Chapter 83: The Ceuta Rebellion
Chapter 84: Colonial Plan
Chapter 85: The Expedition Team
Chapter 86: Declaration of War on Morocco

Chapter 87: Quick, Summon the British Government!

Chapter 88: A Troublesome Meeting
Chapter 89: The British Response
Chapter 90: A Great Harvest

Chapter 91: The Generator and the Electric Motor

Chapter 92: The Idea of a University
Chapter 93: The Choice for Dean
Chapter 94: The Meeting
Chapter 95: Antonio Cánovas del Castillo
Chapter 96: Christmas Arrives
Chapter 97: Progress of Government Work
Chapter 98: Fiscal Revenue and Budget
Chapter 99: The Future Plan for Agriculture
Chapter 100: Higher Education, Higher Income
Chapter 101: Impact
Chapter 102: On the Great Powers
Chapter 103: Maxim: Buy One, Get Two Free
Chapter 104: Labor Policy
Chapter 105: Archduchess Sophie
Tired, Taking a Day Off

Chapter 106: A Visit to the Austro-Hungarian Empire

Chapter 107: On Marriage

Chapter 108: The Engagement and the Return Home

Chapter 109: Military Academy Graduates
Chapter 110: Industrial Aid
Chapter 111: The Barcelona Industrial Zone
Chapter 112: Military-Industrial Aid
Chapter 113: 1872
Chapter 114: The Wedding
Chapter 115: Changing History?
Chapter 116: Chaos in the Army
Chapter 117: Military Reform
Chapter 118: The Vetterli M1872 Rifle
Chapter 119: Development of the Arsenal

Chapter 120: Agriculture is No Match for Finance

Chapter 121: Development of Royal Industries
Chapter 122: Inspecting the Industrial Base
Chapter 123: The Hispano-Austrian Alliance
Chapter 124: The Coming Economic Crisis
Chapter 125: Encouraging Economic Data
Chapter 126: The Land Lease Act
Chapter 127: The Laborer’s Minimum Income Act
Chapter 128: The Cabinet Meeting
Chapter 129: Technical Schools
Chapter 130: The Colonial Question
Chapter 131: The Debate on Military Expansion
Chapter 132: Reforming the Army’s Structure

Chapter 133: The Infantry Division and the Guard Division

Chapter 134: Temporary Technical Training Courses

Chapter 135: Reforming the Bureaucracy
Chapter 136: Implementing the Bill
Chapter 137: A Visitor from France
Chapter 138: At a Disadvantage

Chapter 139: The Morocco Agreement (Two-in-One)

Chapter 140: Investing in Shipyards

Chapter 141: The Two Pillars of Military Industry (Two-in-One Chapter)

Chapter 142: Reorganizing the Slums
Chapter 143: Christmas
Taking a Day Off Today

Chapter 144: Encouraging Childbirth, Three Major Research Projects

Chapter 145: Annual Work Report
Chapter 146: An Economic Crisis is Coming
Chapter 147: A Cooperative Treasure Hunt
Chapter 148: In Disguise
Chapter 149: Golden Mountain
Chapter 150: A Reward of Half a Ton of Gold

Chapter 151: The Value of the Treasure and National Unification

Chapter 152: One Country, One People, One Language

Chapter 153: The Economic Crisis Has Arrived

Chapter 154: Cooke & Company

Chapter 155: Warship Design and Acquisition Plan

Chapter 156: Acquisition and Recruitment Plans

Chapter 157: The Weight of an Invitation

Chapter 158: The Results of the Five-Year Plan

Chapter 159: The Nobles’ Worries

Chapter 160: Splitting the Ministry of Industry

Chapter 161: The Second Five-Year Plan
Chapter 162: Educational Reform
Chapter 163: The State of the Americas
Chapter 164: The Expedition’s Great Haul

Chapter 165: Military Intelligence Bureau, Research and Development Cooperation

Chapter 166: The Prototype Automobile
Chapter 167: The East Indies in Motion
Chapter 168: The Joy of Sweet Soda
Chapter 169: Gaining a Foothold in Kalimantan
Chapter 170: Industrial Base Development
Chapter 171: 1875

Chapter 172: The Problem of Military Expansion

Chapter 173: An Envoy from Lanfang Arrives
Taking a Day Off to Rest
Chapter 174: The Assimilation Experiment
Chapter 175: Timid Little Portugal
Chapter 176: Synchronizing the Railway Gauges
Chapter 177: Collaborative Colonization
Chapter 178: Naming the Firstborn
Chapter 179: Birth of the First Son

Chapter 180: The Establishment of the Congo Territory

Chapter 181: The Military Advisory Group in Lanfang

Chapter 182: A Day in Carlo’s Life

Chapter 183: Land Swap

Chapter 184: United Agricultural Development Company

Chapter 185: Valencia State Shipyard
Chapter 186: The Light Bulb
Chapter 187: National Flag Redesign Proposal
Chapter 188: Remnants of the Bourbons
Chapter 189: A Tour of Southern Morocco
Chapter 190: The Uprising Begins
Chapter 191: Assassination and Trump Cards
Chapter 192: Prime Minister for a Day

Chapter 193: Dissolving Parliament, Abolishing the Cabinet

Chapter 194: Harsh Punishment
Taking a Day Off
Chapter 195: Primo Awakens
Chapter 196: Protecting Workers’ Rights

Chapter 197: Rebuilding Parliament, Reforming the System

Chapter 198: The General Election and Industrial Development

Chapter 199: The Performance Evaluation Bureau and the Anti-Corruption Bureau

Chapter 200: Lower House Elections and Educational Achievements

Chapter 201: Compulsory Education and Three Meals a Day

Chapter 202: Turbulent Ottomans, Volatile Balkans

Chapter 203: Child Worker Schools
Chapter 204: The Second Economic Crisis
Chapter 205: Empress of India
Chapter 206: Bullfighting
Chapter 207: The Ironclad is Launched
Chapter 208: The Population Import Plan
Chapter 209: Eldest Daughter Sofia
Chapter 210: The Warmonger, Tsar Alexander II
Chapter 211: Russia Enters the War
Chapter 212: The Arms Trade

Chapter 213: The Development of the Bullfighting Competition

Chapter 214: The Covert Colonial Expansion

Chapter 215: Victor Emanuele II is Critically Ill

Chapter 216: Renewed Spanish-Italian Cooperation

Chapter 217: Inspecting Barcelona
Chapter: Happy New Year’s Day
Chapter 218: Labor and Grain
Chapter 219: Cadets and University Students

Chapter 220: The Cuban Rebellion and a Colonial Exchange

Chapter 221: A Middle-Ground Solution

Chapter 222: A Shifting Situation and a Large Order

Chapter 223: The Birth of the Maxim Machine Gun

Chapter 224: Machine Gun Orders and the Reserve Force Plan

Chapter 225: The Cola Company and the Formation of the Reserves

Chapter 226: Army Training and the Machine Gun Company

Chapter 227: A Rout is Like a Landslide

Chapter 228: The Anglo-Austrian Alliance

Chapter 229: The Medal of the Royal Bullfighter

Chapter 230: Major Military Expansion in the Congo Territory

Chapter 231: Massacre of the Bangui Tribe

Chapter 232: Troop Movements and a Major Colonial Military Expansion

Chapter 233: Return to Italy
Chapter 234: Funeral and Meeting
Chapter 235: Visiting Austria
Chapter 236: The Ruhr
Chapter 237: France and Spain Cooperate Again
Chapter 238: Political Parties

Chapter 239: The Anglo-Russian Conflict and German Neutrality

Chapter 240: Shipbuilding Cooperation

Chapter 241: Nikola Tesla

Chapter 242: Electrification and the Internal Combustion Engine

Chapter 243: 1879

Chapter [arabic_numeral]: Happy New Year’s Eve, Everyone!

Chapter 244: The Results of the Second Five-Year Plan

Chapter [arabic_numeral]: Happy New Year!

Chapter 245: Cabinet Election

Chapter 246: The Third Five-Year Development Plan

Chapter 247: Foreign Capital
Chapter 248: Population
Chapter 249: Gold Rush

Chapter 250: Reforming the Political Contribution System

Chapter 251: Sanitation and Hygiene Reform

Chapter 252: Madrid, the City that Never Sleeps

Chapter 253: Technology Exchange
Chapter 254: Promoting Electricity
Chapter 255: The Birth Rate
Chapter 256: The Lanfang Conflict
Chapter 257: Counterattack
Chapter 258: Negotiation
Chapter 259: The Role of the Light Bulb
Chapter 260: The Tram
Chapter 261: Win-Win Cooperation
Chapter 262: Colonial Exchange (Part 1)
Chapter 263: Colonial Exchange (Part 2)
Chapter 264: Colonial Exchange (Part 2)
Chapter 265: The Hispano-British Secret Pact

Chapter 266: Laying the Groundwork for Naval Construction

Chapter 267: The West Africa Development Plan
Chapter 268: Portugal’s Ambition
Chapter 269: A Second Colonial Exchange
Chapter 270: The Tsar’s Death

Chapter [Number]: The Latest Colony Map Has Been Uploaded to the Book Review Section

Chapter 271: France’s Move
Chapter 272: A Reason for War
Chapter 273: War and Response
Chapter 274: Peace Negotiations
Chapter 275: Dividing Tunisia in Two
Chapter 276: The Madrid Peace Talks
Chapter 277: Naval Development Plan
Chapter 278: Umberto’s Ambition
Chapter 279: Warship Purchase Order
Chapter 280: The Ashanti War
Chapter 281: The Fruits of Discord

Chapter 282: The League of the Three Emperors Renewed

Chapter 283: The Carlo Prize
Chapter 284: The Automobile Industry
Chapter 285: Drought and Disaster Relief
Chapter 286: Inspection
Chapter 287: The Automobile Exposition
Chapter 288: Manual Telephone Exchange

Chapter 289: One Million Tons of Grain Production

Chapter 290: A Hero’s Twilight

Chapter 291: The Death of Prime Minister Primo

Chapter 292: The Expansion of the Automobile Industry

Chapter 293: The Establishment of the West African Colony

Chapter 294: Colonizing Oman
Chapter 295: Expansion of the Central Powers
Chapter 296: 1884
Chapter 297: The Population Problem
Chapter 298: The Portuguese-British Crisis
Chapter 299: Taking a Public Stand
Chapter 300: The Berlin Conference, Advanced
Chapter 301: Britain’s Concession
Chapter 302: Pan-Iberianism
Chapter 303: Colonial Unification Strategy
Chapter 304: Major Military Expansion
Chapter 305: The Battle Plan
Chapter 306: Encounter Battle
Chapter 307: Retreat
Chapter 308: The Colonial Treaty
Chapter 309: Smokeless Powder
Chapter 310: The Maxim M1884 Rifle
Chapter 311: 1885
Chapter 312: Aspiration for Battleships
Chapter 313: Reform Dispute

Chapter 314: Provinces, Cities, and Counties; States, Cities, and Towns

Chapter 315: The New Administrative Divisions
Chapter 316: The Tour
Chapter 317: Barcelona’s Development

Chapter 318: The Nomination-based Election System

Chapter 319: Changes in the Upper House

Chapter 320: The Sino-French Armistice

Chapter 321: The Provocation of the French Fleet

Chapter 322: Retaliation
Chapter 323: The Two-Faced French Government
Chapter 324: Negotiation and Compromise
Chapter 325: The Sokoto War
Chapter 326: Encounter
Chapter 327: The Death of the Caliph

Chapter 328: The Policy of Using Natives to Control Natives

Chapter 329: 1886
Chapter 330: As If Money Grew on Trees
Chapter 331: Good Economic News
Chapter 332: A Spring Outing
Chapter 333: High Birth, High Death
Chapter 334: Turmoil in Germany

Chapter 335: Another Kaiser’s Demise, The Struggle for the Canal

Chapter 336: Preparations for War
A Leave of Absence I Had to Take
Chapter 337: 1889
Chapter 338: Balkan Crisis
Chapter 339: The War Begins
Chapter 340: The Makings of a Great War
Chapter 341: The British Reaction

Chapter 342: The Possibility of Surpassing France

Chapter 343: Bismarck Resigns
Chapter 344: The Arms Trade
Chapter 345: The African Railway
Chapter 346: Collapse of the Defense Line
Chapter 347: Saint Primo High School
Chapter 348: The Collapse of Serbia
Chapter 349: Surrender
Chapter 350: Austro-Serbian Peace Talks
Chapter 351: Secret Franco-Russian Talks

Chapter 352: The Theory of Sea Power and the Shipbuilding Plan

Chapter 353: Monarch-class Battleship
Chapter 354: Naval Arms Race
Chapter 355: Consolidation and Monopoly
Chapter 356: Nine-Year Compulsory Education
Chapter 357: The Prime Minister Candidates
Chapter 358: A New Era
Chapter 359: Portugal in Chaos
Chapter 360: The Portuguese Civil War

Chapter 361: The Northwest Descends into Utter Chaos

Chapter 362: The Portuguese Republic

Chapter 363: The Civil War Ends

Chapter 364: Warship Orders and Cola Development

Chapter 365: Population and Economic Development

Chapter 366: The South African Dispute
Chapter 367: The Boer War Begins
Chapter 368: The Moroccan War
Chapter 369: The British Threat

Any Fellow Readers Taking the College Entrance Exams?

Chapter 370: Britain’s Concession
Chapter 371: The Casablanca Landing
Chapter 372: The Siege of Rabat
A Few Words
Chapter 373: The Treaty and the Italian Farce
Chapter 374: History of the Iberian Peoples
Chapter 375: The Cuban War of Independence

Chapter 376: The British Who Provoked Public Fury

Chapter 377: Educational Endeavors
Chapter 378: Juan Fernando’s Marriage
Chapter 379: The End of the Boer War
Chapter 380: The Medical Security Act

Chapter 381: Moroccan Railway and Grain Reserves

Chapter 382: The Dreadnought Concept
Chapter 383: Tesla and Radio
Chapter 384: Submarine
Chapter 385: The Danish Princess
Chapter 386: The Marriage
Chapter 387: The Prime Minister Candidate
Chapter 388: Reserve Force Expansion
Chapter 389: The Trading Company
Chapter 390: The Engine Problem