Holy Roman Empire: Volume Two
Author: New Sea Moon
Date: 2024-09-30T14:27:16.968000+00:00

Chapter 1: Ascension to the Throne

Time flew by swiftly, and before long, it was the end of August. With the approaching coronation of Franz, Vienna became bustling with activity.

Laughter and joy diluted the shadows cast by the March rebellion.

The wartime economic system implemented by the government played a significant role in economic recovery, and Austria had escaped the impacts of the economic crisis.

A large number of state-owned enterprises emerged and the implementation of “Labor Protection Law” allowed the working class to take a breather, making life much better for everyone.

Thanks to the long-term positive propaganda by the newspapers, Franz had a good reputation among the people. The public had high expectations for their young monarch.

The face of the Habsburg Family still carried weight; nobility from all over Europe sent important figures to attend the ceremony, making Vienna a gathering place for the elite.

Franz finally got to experience what it meant to be part of the lower half of the Habsburg Family, with relatives scattered all across the European Continent—a messy web of relations that was impossible to untangle.

Fortunately, Europe didn’t pay much attention to seniority; otherwise, Franz would have been dumbfounded. Depending on the perspective, a relative could be your uncle, great-uncle, younger nephew, or cousin…

It was only due to the unstable situation on the European Continent, with many nobles staying in their own countries to steer affairs, that Vienna wasn’t even busier.

The capitalists must be thankful to Franz. His coronation directly elevated the level of commercial prosperity in Vienna.

The guests who came to attend the ceremony were all important figures. They couldn’t step out without a few followers, and now Vienna suddenly had tens of thousands of powerful purchasing customers, making it impossible for business not to boom.

On September 1st, a day full of commemorative meaning, God showed exceptional favor, as if blessing His faithful believers.

Today, the sky above Vienna was especially high, the air exceptionally fresh, and the breeze extraordinarily gentle. Lacking the heat of summer and the bone-chilling cold of winter, the earth was teeming with greenery.

In this fine and sunny day, Franz ascended to the throne of the Austrian Emperor at the Hofburg, turning a new page in the history of Austria.

Franz didn’t want to comment on how the sacred coronation went; he had only one feeling now—exhaustion.

First, he had to walk through the coronation proceedings like a puppet, then he had to greet a crowd of distinguished guests, leaving him utterly worn out.

In the evening, back in his bedroom, Franz felt an overwhelming sense of emptiness. The luxurious Vienna Palace seemed unable to offer him a trace of warmth.

Emperors are destined to be lonely. A great emperor must abandon unnecessary emotions, which are also a part of the political system.

Emperors are lonely whether in matters of the heart, political ideology, or decision-making for reforms. They also cultivate a heart of stone and the capacity for tolerance in their solitude.

Things are somewhat better in the European Continent, where internal struggles within the royal family are not so severe. Under normal circumstances, there is no need to worry about siblings plotting for power, which is the only good news.

Franz was lucky to have two younger brothers and a sister. The sister who had passed away early need not be considered as she had met God before Franz’s transition, so there could be no talk of sentiment. The remaining siblings all shared a good relationship.

As brothers are there to be teased, Maximilian and Carl Ludwig, the two youths, were pushed by Franz to greet the guests, fulfilling their responsibility as royal family members.

He would spare the youngest sister the trouble; Franz wasn’t looking for problems. Princess Ludwika Victoria, only 6 years old, was in her lively and active years, with pranking being one of her hobbies.

Like his father, Archduke Carl, Franz adored this doll-like sister and indulged her greatly, much to the chagrin of Madam Sophie, who aspired to mold her into a proper princess.

Looking at the additional gifts in his room, Franz’s cold heart melted. Opening the exquisite gift box, he found a chubby clay figure inside.

The clay figure wore something on its head that might have been a hat or could have been a crown, who knows?

Picking up the note beside it, and reading its content, Franz felt a bittersweet sensation. According to the letter, the clay figure represented the grand image of Franz in his sister’s eyes.

The chubbiness of the figure was one thing—it’s a substandard product, so one couldn’t ask for too much. But missing an arm, what did that mean? Was he, the brother, a disabled person?

Franz could only pin this on the Renaissance. After the European Renaissance, many statues in Europe were missing limbs or had short legs, a phenomenon known as the beauty of imperfection.

This had corrupted the younger generation—imperfection was seen as beauty. So this creation by Princess Ludwika Victoria would be no exception either.

Having resolved to correct this flawed aesthetic view, Franz had already lain down on his bed and quickly drifted into sleep. There was work to be done tomorrow; the young man’s time to enjoy had not yet come.

The next day, Franz woke up early as usual, looking in good spirits. He strolled around Vienna Palace, which also served as a substitute for his training that day.

As one of Europe’s most renowned trio of palaces, Vienna Palace was indeed beautiful. Everywhere he looked were dazzling enamel-painted windows and lifelike marble reliefs that seemed touched by Rodin’s hand, animated by Michelangelo’s soul, spirited by da Vinci’s ingenuity, and casual like Raphael’s work…

“Your Majesty, the Prime Minister and Cabinet Ministers request an audience.”

The clear voice of Maid Jenny rang in Franz’s ears. He still hadn’t quite adjusted—just yesterday, he was addressed as ‘Your Highness,’ and now he had become ‘Your Majesty.’

This feeling of unease quickly disappeared as Franz responded, “Please, have them come in!”

This early in the morning, Prime Minister Felix and his Cabinet appearing on the doorstep clearly meant there was a serious matter; otherwise, they wouldn’t have acted so precipitously.

“Sit down, everyone. Jenny, tell the kitchen to prepare some extra breakfast.”

Franz knew that most of them had come so early, likely on an empty stomach, and as a good leader, he naturally cared about his subordinates’ well-being.

“Now tell me, what has happened that you’ve come in such a hurry?” Franz asked.

The Austrian Government had been pursuing a policy of stability for the smooth proceeding of the coronation ceremony—it could be said that the nation was prosperous and peaceful; no major incidents were expected to take place.

Prime Minister Felix answered with a grim face, “Your Majesty, the matter of our secret investigation into the Church’s assets is about to be exposed. A document related to the inquiry within the Cabinet was stolen yesterday, and now it’s missing.”

Upon hearing this news, Franz’s good mood vanished instantly. The timing of this leak could not be worse; the Church had deep roots, and auditing their assets wasn’t a task that could be accomplished overnight.

This wasn’t like suppressing rebels where you could simply arrest people and confiscate their homes. The Austrian Government could not be so brutal with these men of the Church.

Franz only wanted their money, life could be spared; the people still needed spiritual solace—they couldn’t all be condemned with a single strike.

Once the leak was out, continuing the investigation slowly would become difficult. There were countless ways to transfer and hide assets, and once these people got wind of it and tidied up their affairs, the Austrian Government would end up with little to show for it.

After thinking, Franz said, “Then let’s take action ahead of schedule. We never expected to completely drain the Church anyway, we just need to confiscate their illegitimate properties and bring them back.

“Land owned by the Church can’t really be hidden, can it?

“Have the Foreign Office negotiate with His Holiness the Pope. Command him to order all the Churches in Austria to sell their land to the government—the proceeds will act as military funding to save the Papal State.”

The opportunity was too good to miss. Now that Pius IX had been driven into exile by the Revolutionaries, Franz had just been crowned yesterday, and Pius IX was currently in Vienna. This blatant quid-pro-quo was not something he could easily refuse.

As for the Austrian Church suffering due to this, what did the Pope care?

The Papal State was the foundation of Pius IX, and the Austrian Church’s loss mostly hurt the local bishops. Paying a small price to reclaim the Papal State was hardly an issue.

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Metternich replied.

Using the Pope against the Church was the best strategy. With a justified cause, the Austrian Government could easily pressure these bishops to compromise.

The Austrian Government was after Church property, not their personal possessions; it wasn’t enough to drive them to desperation.

Having just suppressed domestic rebellion, heads were rolling across many parts of Austria, and the Nobility held a fearful respect towards the government—it was the perfect time to act.

“Your Majesty, why not convene the bishops from all over to Vienna in the Pope’s name and announce this decision to them? Those who oppose can be stripped of their bishopric by Pius IX,” suggested Prime Minister Felix.

Clearly, in a time when ecclesiastical authority was declining, the Pope was no longer considered untouchable. Prime Minister Felix didn’t take Pius IX seriously; if Austria so wished, replacing the Pope wouldn’t be too difficult.

The respect the Austrian Government was currently showing Pius IX was because of their previously agreeable collaboration and simply a matter of a Catholic country showing respect to the Pope.

Hearing Felix’s suggestion, the image of a “Hongmen Banquet” flashed across Franz’s mind. The bishop’s seat wasn’t hereditary; The Vatican had the right to dismiss them.

Although nowadays, most bishop appointments were decided by the local Church, with the Roman Curia merely going through the motions.

Now, if the Austrian Government had need, the Pope could reclaim this right for a short while.

Those who comply will flourish, those who resist shall perish.

Any intelligent person knew that once stripped of their bishopric, their scandals would be thoroughly exposed by the Austrian Government in the shortest time, and there could only be one outcome for them—death.

“Very well, let’s proceed with this.” Franz nodded and said, why resort to bloodshed if one could settle matters civilly?

The Church’s greed and corruption had a long history, and he, a pseudo-Catholic, had no intention of cleansing the Church on God’s behalf.

Chapter 2: Let the Russians In

Franz’s breakfast was very simple, consisting of bread, jam, milk, as well as some fruits and vegetables, similar to the standard of the middle class.

However, where coffee would be, there was instead milk. Perhaps influenced by his past life, Franz had no love for coffee and even preferred dark bread.

The dark bread in the palace, naturally, differed from the hodgepodge found outside. At Franz’s request, seeds, sesame, and walnut kernels were added to it…

Today, with the addition of another person, the kitchen had prepared a somewhat more lavish spread, including coffee, sandwiches, butter, pastries, and ham.

Everyone had different tastes, so breakfast was chosen according to individual preference. The relationship between European monarchs and their subjects was unlike that in the East; people were informal during meals without the need for excessive caution.

After breakfast, everyone had their schedules to adhere to, and scattered to commence their day’s work.

“Your Majesty, your appointment with Grand Duke Alexander Nikolayevich is coming up,” Maid Jennie reminded.

Grand Duke Alexander Nikolayevich was Nicholas I’s eldest son, the famous Alexander II who accomplished the reform of the Russian serf system.

He was also quite the scholar, fluent in English, German, French, and Polish, and was the most educated amongst all the Russian Tsars.

Alexander Nikolayevich and Franz shared many similarities. Both were military trained from a young age and had the bearing of a soldier. They were also both scholars.

Like attracts like, and common ground should have made the two men friends, but unfortunately, after the outbreak of the Crimean War, they found themselves on opposing sides.

Now history was set to change. The strategy of keeping friends close and attacking nearby enemies was not always correct. Situated in a region bordered by conflicts on all sides, Austria needed at least one stable ally.

At present, the best choice seemed to be Russia. Despite Russia’s insatiable greed and the difficulty of gaining advantages in a partnership with them.

However, forming alliances between such imperial nations was more reliable than with the purely interest-driven British. Sometimes, the personal views of the Tsar could overrule national interests, decreasing the likelihood of being betrayed from behind.

Franz had already decided to abandon the struggle for dominance in the Near East. If the Russians wanted to take Constantinople, let them. Whether Austria gained a little more or less in the Balkan region didn’t matter.

Of course, the most crucial reason was that Russia also had many internal contradictions and was essentially a paper tiger—strong on the outside, hollow on the inside. They could not really grow bigger before sorting out their internal issues.

September in Vienna brought invigorating post-autumn winds and a refreshing autumnal chill. The weather was pleasantly cool, perfect for the season. The earth displayed a delightful scene of harvest bounty, uplifting spirits, and prompting joyful celebration. Yet at the same time, it incited a sense of loss and a call for reflection.

It was easy to be informal with someone you could speak to as an equal. Alexander had already visited Austria before, having been to Vienna back in 1838.

However, at that time, Franz was just a little brat. They had met and formed a slight impression of each other but did not have any significant relationship.

As the Emperor, Franz could not play the role of a tour guide for others, although an exception might be made if the visitor was a beautiful princess.

Alexander had already begun to engage in Russian politics, and as the Crown Prince, he had considerable influence. This meeting between the two was also for political reasons.

After some pleasantries, they moved on to the main topic of today’s conversation.

“Russia and Austria share a long-standing connection, and it’s necessary for us to communicate more profoundly on international issues and strive for mutually beneficial cooperation as much as possible.

The Ottoman Empire is declining. On the issue of the Near East, Russia and Austria should reach an agreement promptly to avoid giving England and France an opportunity to exploit,” Franz suggested.

Compared to its peak, the Ottoman Empire was indeed in decline at this time, but their true nature of being outwardly strong yet inwardly weak had not been revealed yet, and the powers had not started their frenzy of partitioning the Ottoman Empire.

“Of course, the Ottoman Empire is our common enemy. It’s natural to strike the enemy swiftly. They are undergoing internal reforms, and if they succeed, they won’t be so easy to deal with,” Alexander stated earnestly.

“Does Russia plan to take action against the Ottoman Empire now?”

This question flickered through Franz’s mind briefly. The frequency of Russo-Turkish wars, once every decade or so, meant it was about time for another.

“In light of this, Alexander, how about we first delineate the influence of our two nations in the Balkan region to avoid unnecessary conflicts, preserving the relationship between our countries?” Franz proposed.

The partition of the Balkan Peninsula? Alexander’s expression changed dramatically—this implied that Austria was no longer opposed to Russia’s expansion into the Near East.

Alexander quickly realized that, after the recently concluded Ausa War, due to the intervention of the British, Austria had given up its expansion in the Italian Area.

Thus, Austria had few choices left—either continue to march west to unify the Germany Region or move into the Balkan Peninsula.

If the Germany Region were that easy to unify, the Habsburg dynasty would have done it long ago, so why wait until now?

In the effort to unify the Germany Region, the Habsburg dynasty even exhausted the The Empire on Which the Sun Never Sets. A significant factor in Spain’s decline was the excessive expenditure on the conflicts with German princes, without investing in industrial development.

“No problem, in order to rescue the people of the Balkan region from the evil clutches of the Ottoman Empire, our two countries must work together sincerely,” Alexander said briskly.

Certainly, the detailed negotiations for the division of interests couldn’t be settled in just a few words; it wouldn’t be surprising if it took two or three years of negotiations between the two nations over this issue.

“Although rescuing the people of the Balkan region is important, the friendship between our two countries is equally significant. I suggest we support each other’s core interests, and in the event of any conflict, we can make compromises elsewhere,” Franz proposed.

“Is Austria willing to support Russia in obtaining the Black Sea Strait?” Alexander asked eagerly.

The Black Sea Strait isn’t merely about Constantinople; the Russians are aiming even further, casting their eyes upon the Asia Minor Peninsula.

“Of course, Austria has no interest in the Black Sea Strait, that is not our goal. As allies, we have no reason to hinder the actions of the Russian Empire!” Franz said, with genuine forthrightness.

He wasn’t afraid of Russian greed, only their indifference. Now Europe stands divided between England and Russia, with the latter drawing on the prestige from the anti-France wars and boasting itself as Europe’s foremost land power.

Strength plus interest are the best catalysts for ambition. Seeing the British earning huge profits from establishing Overseas Colonies, the Russians were no longer content with merely controlling land power.

Russia has a large maritime territory, but unfortunately, most areas are frozen wastelands. The ports in the Arctic Ocean are ice-bound for a long portion of the year, offering no conditions for naval development.

The only regions that might potentially foster the naval force are the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea. Having failed in the Baltic Sea, the Russians have now turned their attention to the Black Sea.

It doesn’t take much consideration to know that, with a modicum of military common sense, one realizes the Ottoman Empire’s control of the Black Sea Strait is a stumbling block that Russia must remove before accessing the sea.

Upon hearing a firm response, Alexander wasn’t as composed as he appeared on the surface.

It was out of the ordinary that Austria had removed its restrictions on Russia, deviating from history—this version of Austria had not sought Russian support in suppressing domestic revolutions and therefore had no need to compromise.

“Franz, Austria has completely changed its state policy, what do you wish to gain? The Danube Basin?” Alexander questioned.

It was no wonder that Alexander was so excited; with Austria’s support, who could block Russia from obtaining the Black Sea Strait?

The French were busy with internal strife, distracted even by the nearby possibility of dividing the Kingdom of Sardinia, with no time to prevent the Russians from joining the competition in the Mediterranean.

The Ottomans? The British?

Neither would suffice. Even with full British support for the Ottoman Empire, the Russians would not back down. The Russians are unprecedentedly confident on land, even if they can’t overpower the British at sea.

“This issue, I suggest we let the Foreign Ministry handle it, our status is not appropriate for quibbling over matters of interest,” Franz reminded him.

This Austrian Emperor was alright; he could make decisions. But whether Alexander, the Crown Prince, could do the same was uncertain.

Without authorization from the Tsarist, even if an agreement was reached, who knows if could later change? Where would Alexander place his dignity then?

If an agreement is reached now and the Russians act swiftly enough, they may occupy Constantinople before the French resolve their internal issues. This could potentially reverse the future course of history.

Unless the Russians pull off a miraculous victory at sea against the British, Franz would resign himself to acknowledging the Russians, humbly serving as a subordinate to Mao Xiong—a likelihood no greater than the Chinese national football team winning the World Cup.

Otherwise, it is likely that England and France, with their substantial resources, would engage in a protracted struggle with Russia, likely ending in mutual damage.

This was precisely what Franz hoped to see. Whether victory or defeat, it served Austrian interests.

If the Russians lost, Austria would have the chance to expand further in the Balkan region; if England and France lost, Austria could claim a larger share of Overseas Colonies.

Chapter 3: The Feast at Hongmen

Franz and Alexander’s meeting still yielded constructive results as the Russian-Austrian relations quickly began to warm up, with the minor frictions caused by the Prussia-Denmark war dissipating like smoke in thin air.

Kingdom of Sardinia

The Austrian Army was packing its bags; the armistice was signed, and half of the war indemnity was paid. The British Government guaranteed the rest, and the time to withdraw the troops had also arrived.

Franz had no intention of reneging. If possible, he wouldn’t mind withdrawing the troops immediately; maintaining a large army abroad is very expensive.

However, since they occupied the Kingdom of Sardinia once, it was impossible for the Austrian Army to leave empty-handed. It was unthinkable not to participate in plundering; nearly all of the soldiers were now returning fully loaded.

With so many spoils of war, transportation became troublesome. Selling them on-the-spot was not feasible in the recently war-torn Sardinia, where one could hardly get a good price, and some goods even lacked buyers.

Marshal Radetzky was a fine marshal. To protect everyone’s interests, he immediately decided to have the troops transport the goods back home for sale and then divide the money amongst themselves.

In the industrial district of Turin, a major was directing a troop, “Tom, be careful. These machines are valuable assets, supposedly worth over ten thousand shields. You better not turn them into scrap metal; we wouldn’t even earn enough to cover the transportation cost!”

“Don’t worry, Major. I wouldn’t dare let them get damaged,” Tom replied.

The looters were as thorough as a comb; the soldiers cleaned out as thoroughly as a rake.

Ever since the Vienna Government decided to abandon the Kingdom of Sardinia, the Austrian Army had been playing to their strengths, embarking on a wealth-gathering journey.

Of course, they were too lazy to rob ordinary civilians; not only was there no profit, but it would also be a waste of time.

Raiding a noble or a capitalist could yield more than pillaging a village, making it an easy choice.

Marshal Radetzky ran a strict military; the wealth-gathering was organized. Each unit was assigned a zone and then promptly set into action.

This also tested their professional knowledge, as European armies had always had a tradition of plundering. During the anti-French wars, the Kingdom of Sardinia had been raided multiple times by the French Army.

Through being robbed and robbing others, everyone learned how to hide their wealth.

Properties and lands needn’t be worried about since these immovable assets that couldn’t be taken were safe. The real trick was how to conceal easily transportable valuables such as cash, antique paintings, and calligraphy.

The nobility and capitalists were not fools; they would hide their wealth before the enemy arrived. As long as one didn’t resist, the army usually just robbed without killing.

How much one could hide was a matter of skill, and those with experience knew to conceal the most valuable part of their wealth while leaving some cash on hand for the soldiers to plunder.

If everything was hidden away, it would most likely end in total loss. How could the soldiers let go if they didn’t find anything? If they got desperate, what would happen if they resorted to torture?

Extorting money wasn’t exclusive to Li Zicheng; many have done it, though none quite as excessively as him.

Franz, a man of integrity, naturally wouldn’t allow the Austrian army to engage in such unskilled activities.

Before the operation commenced, he had already sent people to train the soldiers, for example: artifacts such as antique paintings must be carefully preserved, and mechanical equipment must be handled with care.

Basements, hidden compartments, hollow walls, newly disturbed soil… these potential hiding spots for wealth were all major targets of the search.

Everything fears specialization. A quality plundering squad had formidable fighting power, and now, they were bursting at the seams with spoils.

In that era, there was no railway connecting Sardinia to Austria, and transportation relied mainly on manpower and animal power, so naturally, speed was an issue.

Since August, the Austrian army had been transferring their belongings back to the homeland and were still making efforts to continue doing so.

A soldier reported to the major, “Major, we’ve found a warehouse full of black wheat, apparently stored here by a grain merchant.”

The major frowned and hesitated before saying, “We have already seized a large quantity of grain, and we are about to withdraw soon, so we can’t possibly consume it all. Seal it and leave it there for now; wait for orders. I will report this first.”

Austria wasn’t short of grain. Transporting it from Sardinia at great expense was hardly profitable, classifying it as an insignificant spoil of war.

The highest command of the expeditionary force, Marshal Radetzky, had received too many reports of seized grain, coal, ore, industrial raw materials, and other basic commodities.

For Austria, these items were as useless as chicken ribs, not profitable to transport back home, and likely not even enough to cover the transportation costs.

Leaving them to the Sardinian government was not something he was willing to do. After this battle, normalizing relations between the two countries would not be expected for decades; weakening the power of the Kingdom of Sardinia aligned more with Austria’s interests.

To destroy or not? Marshal Radetzky hesitated.

“Marshal, why not sell these supplies cheaply to the merchants?” Major General Edmund Leopold Friedel suggested.

Choosing victims for looting was important, and certainly, foreign traders from England and France were not to be targeted. Of course, this only applied to well-backed major merchants; minor ones were fair game if looted.

After the Austrian army had occupied the Kingdom of Sardinia, merchants were already interested in purchasing the war booty. However, Marshal Radetzky didn’t want to suffer a loss since the offers were too low, so he opted instead to transport the goods back to the country to be sold.

After hesitating for a moment, Marshal Radetzky said, “Then sell it!”

One shouldn’t pick a fight with money. So many basic supplies—even if sold cheaply—would add up to no small sum.

As for the consequences of these supplies falling into the hands of these foreigners, Marshal Radetzky couldn’t be bothered to think about it anymore; certainly, it wouldn’t bode well for the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Inside St. Stephen’s Cathedral in Vienna, a grand religious feast was in progress, with Pope Pius IX personally “attending” the meeting.

That’s right, attending. Despite being the top figure in the religious world, he was now a tiger that had fallen flat on the plains and, though not quite abused by dogs, he had lost the authority of absolute command.

Faced with the terms offered by the Austrians, he truly had no grounds for refusal.

With the headquarters of the Roman Curia in ruins, it was only logical to sell some of the Church’s assets to fund the military efforts to reclaim their base.

Anyone who dared oppose this was not devout enough in their faith to God. Clergy who lacked devout religious conviction didn’t have the right to continue serving God.

That was Pius IX’s opinion. To many Austrian bishops, however, this was utterly unreasonable. With the extensive properties owned by the Vatican, why should they sell those under their control?

“Enough bickering. This is an order. Anyone who opposes the recovery of the Holy Land, I will strip of his bishopric right now!” threatened Pius IX.

Removing their roles was probably only the first step; further draconian measures would likely follow, spelling disaster.

They weren’t Protestants who could treat the Pope’s orders as nothing or regional lords who could march their armies to Rome to challenge the Pope’s decrees.

Monte Rey, one of those blinded by self-interest, was among them.

Unlike long-established bishops who had already made their fortunes, he had only just begun his position. For this role, Monte Rey had risked his entire fortune and had yet to recoup his investment.

Now, with talk of a massive sale of Church assets, wasn’t that cutting off his revenue?

Surveying the room and seeing the furious faces of all the bishops, his courage surged.

This wasn’t the Middle Ages anymore. Why should the Pope have such unchallenged authority?

“Your Holiness, the clergy need to eat too. If we sell the Church’s assets, what shall we live on?” Monte Rey challenged.

“As servants of God, we’re not meant to covet luxuries. The Church’s revenue is enough to sustain the clergy’s livelihood,” Pius IX dismissed casually.

The Church wasn’t without business, especially in a country like Austria with a strong religious atmosphere; there was never a shortage of faithful donations.

Monte Rey continued his defense, “But, Your Holiness, the Church also needs to operate. Without sufficient funds, we’ll be unable to ensure that the public’s faith doesn’t diminish.”

Pius IX, with pious resolve, said, “As a devout believer, one must overcome these difficulties. My child, if you lack the capacity to take on this responsibility, then let someone capable do it!”

Those ready to offer support quickly chose to stay silent instead. Clearly, the Austrian government had set its sights on the Church’s wealth, and Pius IX, in his bid to reclaim the Papal State, had already sold them out.

Forget about deposing a bishop—it was a minor problem if all of them were dismissed. Without the halo of sanctity, they were no match for the government.

Seeing the indignant bishops quieten down, Monte Rey knew his fate was sealed.

He’d inadvertently become the chicken used to scare the monkeys. At this point, he didn’t even have the courage to argue.

By admitting his guilt compliantly, he could hope for a lighter punishment; continued resistance would mean a light penalty was death—his entire family might suffer.

Don’t assume Europe to be free of collective punishment; even if it didn’t escalate to involving entire families, his clan would not be spared retaliation.

Watching Monte Rey admit his guilt, Pius IX was quite satisfied with the authority he had established.

With no objections left, Prime Minister Felix was invited to attend.

In God’s presence, Pius IX representing the Church and Felix representing the Austrian government signed an agreement transferring Church assets.

Chapter 4: Disarmament

Under the cooperation of Pope Pius IX, the Austrian Government successfully persuaded the bishops, and from there, the pressure naturally cascaded down.

No liability for Crowd Action?

Such a thing didn’t exist; there were plenty of clergymen who aspired to become bishops.

Even after losing a major part of their church property, the Church remained a wealthy entity with a substantial amount of public funds available for their consumption without any supervisors.

Franz always advocated convincing people with reason, and the transaction with the Church this time was a fair deal, personally confirmed by Pope Pius IX.

For the clergy who did not understand, they had to be persuaded with kind words, continue mental work if necessary, criticize and educate the stubborn ones, and finally help them correct their bad habits.

After the removal of a Chief Archbishop, eighteen local bishops, auxiliary bishops, and over a hundred priests who lacked devout faith, everyone cooperated very actively with the government in the handover process.

Under normal circumstances, clergy identified as lacking devout faith would certainly meet tragic ends.

However, this time was an exception, Franz interceded for them. All they needed to do was to prove themselves as devout believers in the upcoming battles to recover the Papal State.

Being able to solve the Church’s problem without bloodshed made the Austrian Government realize the importance of the Papal State—an ally pope would help the Austrian Government manage the clergy better.

Simply put, if there was a bishop they disliked, they could just send him to serve God in the Papal State, for instance, guarding the Holy Land, which was a job with great prospects.

Having taken advantage, it was now time for the Austrian Government to pay up, since Pope Pius IX had done everything expected of him.

Franz detested unpaid wages, naturally, he would not become the person he disliked the most.

“How are things with Marshal Radetzky; do we need to redeploy troops from within the country?” Franz asked

“Your Majesty, the withdrawal of troops from the Kingdom of Sardinia is about to be completed, the morale is high on the front lines, and they can certainly continue to participate in this operation.

However, Marshal Radetzky suggests that these soldiers return home, and we redeploy a portion of fresh troops to intervene in the Papal State,” replied Prince Windischgrätz, the Army Minister.

Clearly, he was somewhat dissatisfied with Marshal Radetzky’s suggestion. Transferring troops back and forth might sound simple, but it was troublesome to implement.

It was natural for morale to be high; the Sardinian Army was only a soft target. They had hardly fought any tough battles, easily sweeping through.

The troop casualties were minimal, yet the spoils of war were extremely abundant. Even with large discounts on sales, each soldier could receive several hundred shieds, which was equivalent to the income of an ordinary person for several years.

(1 Shield was about 11.69 grams of silver)

Besides this unexpected fortune, the land promised by Franz was also about to be delivered, and naturally, the soldiers were willing to fight such a favorably-winding war.

After considering Marshal Radetzky’s suggestion, Franz thought it was very necessary to have new troops from home experience the battlefield, as there was no real danger—it could be treated as a training exercise.

Especially since Vienna’s City Defense Army, equipped with the best weapons, could potentially be the weakest in fighting strength due to lack of combat experience among the Austrian Army ranks.

Franz found an excuse to say, “The soldiers at the front have been continuously in battle for nearly half a year. It’s time to let them rest.

Let’s follow Marshal Radetzky’s advice, redeploy a portion of new troops from the rear to replace them, and send out the Vienna City Defense Army for some real combat training.”

Purely from a military standpoint, any force continuously in combat for half a year, no matter how elite, would feel the strain.

Although the Ausa war was nominally fought over four or five months, the actual time of engagement between both sides was less than a month, and the Austrian army had pushed from Venice back to Turin.

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Prince Windischgrätz replied

These were minor issues, and naturally, no one would reject Franz’s face.

Intervention in the Papal State was more about deterrence by force; the chance of a full-scale war breaking out was very small.

Even though the Revolutionary Party’s government had taken control, there was still a part of the army within the country supporting the Pope, and the indecisive bourgeois government was afraid of igniting civil strife, not having yet carried out a major purge of the military.

Prime Minister Felix spoke up, “Your Majesty, the situation within the country has stabilized, and the international environment is also in our favor.

Continuing to maintain such a large army puts a lot of financial pressure on the government. The Cabinet suggests demobilizing a portion of the officers and soldiers, and the savings should be invested into restoring production and construction.”

Expanding the army during times of war and cutting back afterwards was quite normal.

Although Europe’s situation was still not very peaceful—it was the revolutions that were stirring up trouble—the conflicts among the nations had not yet erupted, so under these circumstances, the likelihood of war breaking out between the major powers was almost non-existent.

“How many troops is the government planning to demobilize?” Franz inquired with concern

Felix spoke confidently, “Considering that we are about to intervene in the Papal State, the government suggests first cutting 100,000 troops within the year, and another 130,000 the next year. Our final total military strength will be maintained at around 350,000.”

This downsizing mainly targeted the regular army, the troops temporarily conscripted from local areas were gradually sent back after the war ended.

Many places are still working on career resettlement, which was Franz’s innovation. Before this, Austria had no such thing as career resettlement for soldiers.

The government currently possesses a large number of industries, and under the planned economic system, naturally has enough positions to resettle these people.

It’s worth noting that most soldiers who received larger amounts of land as rewards chose to go back home to farm.

In the eyes of people of this era, factories are not considered good places to work. If they have a choice, most would not want to become a worker.

The same is true for state-owned factories, although they are slightly more popular than private ones, as there is no worry here about the boss defaulting on wages.

After all, from the start, these state-owned factories were piecework systems. The harder you worked, the more you earned; there was no room for idling, so it was naturally just as tiring.

At this time, Franz could not help but be grateful that he was clear-headed and had not blindly annexed the Kingdom of Sardinia, otherwise he would be struggling with military downsizing and might even need to expand the army.

A few hundred thousand Austrian troops could defeat the Kingdom of Sardinia, but ruling it would likely require two or three hundred thousand troops, which might not even be enough.

This was a consequence of the awakening of nationalism; without a thorough purge, it would be very difficult to govern the territories. The best method would be to pack up the locals and send them away, and then the region would become stable.

If it were the twenty-first century, relocating five or six million people at once wouldn’t be a big deal, as long as one was willing to spend the money to make it happen.

But now it’s the mid-nineteenth century, and even if the Austrian Government did nothing else but organize the transportation of people every day, it would take five or six years to complete this task.

Once the people are sent away, all that remains is a white land devoid of resources and industry. What could Franz do with that?

If he had that kind of effort, he might as well go and open up colonies. Even investing only one percent of the resources could yield land many times the size of the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Prince Windischgrätz objected, “Prime Minister, we are negotiating with the Russians, and we will soon reach an agreement.

We will inevitably send troops to the Balkans, and the time will not be long. Is there enough time for downsizing the military now and then expanding again? If we cannot achieve a quick victory and get tied up with the Ottoman Empire, our interests will be hard to protect once England and France intervene.”

For Austria, expanding into the Balkan region now is indeed an opportunity.

Not long ago, the Austrian Government made concessions to the British on the issue of the Kingdom of Sardinia, thereby gaining British support for Austria’s expansion in the Balkans.

To provoke conflicts between Russia and Austria, the British were unusually generous this time, recognizing all of Austria’s demands in the Balkan region, and the two countries even reached a memorandum.

Palmerston could not have dreamed that the Austrian Government would make a deal with the Russians; after all, once the Russians occupied the Black Sea Strait, Austria’s interests in the Mediterranean would also be hit.

If the Russians were to expand their influence in the Mediterranean, Austria would be trapped in the Adriatic Sea, losing the strategic initiative.

These concerns were shared by the higher echelons of the Austrian Government, but in the end, they were all persuaded by Franz.

The reason is very simple: at sea, the Russians cannot defeat the British, whose Mediterranean fleet could blockade the Russians inside the Black Sea.

Prime Minister Felix shook his head and said, “Who said we are going to join hands with the Russians to provoke war right now?

Austria has just been through a civil strife; what’s most important now is to recover production. Dividing the Balkan Peninsula with Russia is just a strategic need—defining interests in advance is only to avoid conflict.

Turning the content of the treaty into reality is a matter for the future. In the short term, the Austrian Government has no intention of provoking war.

We have made it clear to the Russians that Austria needs to recuperate and won’t be expanding in the European Region for at least the next ten years.

If they cannot restrain themselves and want to start early, Austria can support them with supplies but will not participate in the war personally.

This was our stipulated condition for signing the alliance, so you can rest assured about downsizing the military; war is not going to break out in the short term.”

This explanation wounded Prince Windischgrätz deeply. As the leader of the Near East faction, he had already begun preparing for war only to be suddenly told that the war was called off.

There was no choice; military needs must serve political ends.

Due to Franz’s butterfly effect, the power of the Austrian military had not swelled, and though it had significant say in domestic and foreign policy, it had no decision-making power.

On this matter, Franz supported the government. What was most important for Austria now was to recuperate and to develop its national strength. Expansion should be put on hold for the time being; there would be no harm in waiting until the country became stronger.

Chapter 5: Swiss Mercenaries

Whether the military liked it or not, Austria’s disarmament resolution had been decided. The government shifted its focus from military affairs to local construction.

Above all, the most important national policy was obligatory education. To motivate the bureaucrats, Franz decided to implement an appraisal system.

That is, to link the effectiveness of obligatory education with the promotion of officials.

At the core of this was the promotion of the Austrian language. After all, the purpose of this compulsory education was not simple—it was mainly to unify the language and culture, laying the foundation for national integration.

“Have the assets purchased from the Church been accounted for?” Franz asked with concern.

Finance Minister Carl replied, “Your Majesty, it’s still being tallied. Many of these assets are complex and difficult to appraise.

An initial estimate shows about 4.78 million hectares of land, including farmland, forests, meadows, etc.; 386 mines of various sizes, including gold, silver, copper, iron, coal, and other minerals; as well as immovable property like shops and residences…”

Franz nodded. These assets were indeed difficult to appraise. The cash, antiques, and paintings had already been divided up among the clergy.

Even if there were any artworks left, they would be in the churches, and the Austrian Government couldn’t possibly take them.

Many of these immovable properties had become the private possession of some clergy, but under pressure from the Austrian Government, they were forced to hand them over.

They had no choice in the matter. Immovable property could not be hidden, and if they didn’t hand them over, they would have to join the death squads in the Papal State.

“Take your time with the valuation of these assets. First, give me an estimate of the annual income, how much is it approximately?” Franz inquired.

“Around 80 million shields, Your Majesty. This income is very stable and unlikely to vary significantly,” Carl answered.

This figure did not astonish anyone. Since ancient times, religion has been a wealthy institution, especially in a monotheistic system like Europe’s, where the Church is often much wealthier than the government.

They enjoy many privileges, such as tax exemptions on church properties and the freedom to manage donations from believers.

This is after the religious reformation. If it were the Middle Ages, the Church would have controlled most of the European Continent, and kings and emperors would have had to depend on them.

“What about the tithe?” Franz continued to ask.

By the mid-19th century, the tithe in Austria was not exclusive to the Church; monarchs and nobility would also take a share of the profits.

After being converted into an education surcharge, this money would go directly into the finance department’s purse, with no need to share it.

The tithe, originating from the time of the Old Testament, had continued through to the present, mainly targeting agricultural products, including grain, wheat, fruits, vegetables, and livestock.

The tax rate was a fixed 10%. As far as Franz knew, even by the 21st century, some places would still be collecting this tax.

The French were the first to abolish it during the Great Revolution of the 18th century, and other European countries gradually followed suit during the 19th century, with the British continuing until 1936.

“Your Majesty, the Austrian tithe is roughly between 80 million to 100 million shields. However, considering the actual situation, we probably cannot directly convert it into an education surcharge,” Carl said thoughtfully.

“The reason?” Franz asked.

“Your Majesty, as obligatory education benefits all Austrian citizens, if we impose an education surcharge, only targeting landowning farmers and the nobility, that would be unfair,” Carl reminded.

Franz instantly understood that the name of a tax could not be arbitrarily changed; its social impact must also be considered.

If it were converted into an education surcharge, then it would have to be collected from all industries. Otherwise, there was no hope that the nobility would pay their taxes honestly, and it could easily stir up social strife.

If Austria were to levy an education surcharge on all industries, other taxes would have to be cut back, otherwise it would exceed their economic capacity.

On the surface, changing it seemed trivial since everything was already in the pot. In practice, however, it was difficult to implement.

The first to be unable to bear this tax burden would be the working class. Their incomes were limited. Just as their financial binds had loosened a bit, if an education surcharge was imposed, they’d soon revert to their old difficulties.

Such a move was definitely not feasible. Franz did not wish to court disaster by losing the public goodwill he had carefully built up.

“Does the Finance Department have any suggestions to avoid this issue?” Franz asked with interest.

After thinking for a while, Carl replied, “Your Majesty, the Finance Department suggests that the tithe continues to be collected by the clergy, without changing its name. The Finance Department will oversee it.

We can request His Holiness the Pope to issue a decree to transfer all of Austria’s tithe to the government, serving as education funds.”

Now, it seemed the Austrian Government was prepared to turn the Vatican into their subsidiary, letting the Church take care of all the unpopular duties.

Having thought it over, Franz said, “Alright, let’s put aside the issue of the education surcharge and continue to allow the Church to levy the tithe.”

He truly could find no reason to object. For the sake of Austria’s obligatory education, the black mark could continue to stain the Church.

After all, the Almighty was omnipotent. A few complaints could be withstood, and after collecting for thousands of years, a few more decades wouldn’t matter.

When the Austrian Government became wealthier, they could find a reason to abolish it.

The Austrian Government’s scrutiny wasn’t limited to the Catholic Church; other churches also couldn’t escape the same fate.

However, these were not mainstream and didn’t have enough influence or wealth, so not much money could be extorted from them. They weren’t worth Franz’s personal attention.

On November 2, 1848, at the invitation of Pope Pius IX, the Austrian Government dispatched 80,000 troops to help mediate the internal power dispute in the Papal State.

This naturally met with the opposition of the reactionary bourgeois governments, and the anti-Austrian movement within the Italian region surged once again. Countless nationalists gathered in Rome, attempting to deter the Austrian Army with their actions.

In the end, the result was that Pope Pius IX ordered—kill, and then the brave Austrian army sent them to meet God.

On November 7, 1848, the Austrian Army launched an attack on the reactionary governments, killing over eight thousand people on the spot and capturing more than thirty thousand, inflicting severe physical damage on the Italian nationalists.

The stronghold of Italian nationalism was in the Kingdom of Sardinia, and unfortunately, the Kingdom of Sardinia was annihilated by Austria, dealing a heavy physical blow to the backbone of nationalist thought.

The Charles Albert Government, which had just returned to the Kingdom of Sardinia, was already frightened and dared not act recklessly anymore.

In order to preserve their power, they clung to the United Kingdom’s coattails on the one hand and on the other suppressed domestic radicalism, fearful of provoking Austria and attracting a catastrophic demise.

The disheartened Italian nationalists fled to Rome, where they plotted their final counterattack, attempting to preserve their last stronghold.

The outcome, of course, was tragic. Pope Pius IX returned to Rome, and the first thing he did was to suppress the nationalists.

Uniting the Italian region was also the wish of Pius IX, provided the unification was led by the Papal State he governed. If this was not possible, then preserving the Papal State was his foremost priority.

Among the Italian States, the Kingdom of Sardinia was the strongest and most progressive, and many nationalists supported it.

In the eyes of Pius IX, this was a blatant betrayal, just as detestable as the Revolutionaries. Now that he had Austria’s support, he was naturally ready for a major slaughter.

Killing may not solve problems, but it indeed is the best way to physically eliminate enemies. After the bloody suppression, the situation in Rome stabilized.

After the recapture of Rome, the Papal Army naturally sided with Pius IX, and the subsequent battles no longer required the intervention of the Austrian Army.

During his time in Vienna, Franz had given Pius IX a bad piece of advice, suggesting that he disband part of the army and, with the savings, hire Swiss to ensure the security of the Papal State.

This had a precedent; Swiss mercenaries were a force renowned throughout the European Continent for their combat abilities, and they often undertook tasks to defend or attack a country.

Since the 16th century, the Vatican Guards had been Swiss, and the Swiss had gained respect through their actions.

In 1789, 138 Swiss mercenaries vowed to protect Louis XVI in the Palace of Versailles, and all died in battle without a single deserter.

Having experienced a coup, Pius IX readily agreed. If Franz had recommended German mercenaries, he might have feared a plot.

But with Swiss mercenaries, he had no such worries. Everyone knew of the grudge between the Habsburg Family and the People of Swiss; though relations had thawed, most Swiss still wouldn’t be influenced by the Habsburgs.

Under Franz’s butterfly effect, henceforth the guards of Rome would not be Italians, but the valiant and skilled fighting Swiss mercenaries.

With these mercenaries willing to die for pay, the authority of Pope Pius IX was greatly strengthened.

Other armies might empathize with the revolution, even support the Revolutionary Party, but these foreign Swiss mercenaries had no interest in the revolution whatsoever.

Of course, that was a matter for the future. His Holiness the Pope’s Swiss Guard had not yet had the chance to form, and the forces currently at his disposal were still those of the Papal Army.

As for this army, Pius IX did not trust them at all, they were all sent out to suppress the rebels, and it was still the Austrian army that guarded his safety.

The Vatican

A Cardinal said with joy, “Your Majesty, we have contacted three Swiss mercenary regiments willing to accept our employment, with a total strength of more than two thousand men.”

Pius IX nodded with satisfaction. The Swiss mercenaries were a bit expensive, but you get what you pay for. These men were loyal and reliable, far better than the rabble of the Papal Army outside.

Consider this—if Louis XVI had not had 138 Swiss mercenaries but 1,380, would he have been sent to the guillotine?

He probably would have cut his way out under their cover and called upon the Royalist forces to suppress the rebellion long ago.

Take, for instance, King Louis-Philippe, who was just overthrown. Had he had a Swiss mercenary regiment in his hand, he would have quelled the revolution early on, without the need to flee in such a disgraceful hurry.

Reflecting on his own experiences, Pope Pius IX realized that had he had two thousand Swiss mercenaries back then, he would have already decimated the Revolutionaries, obviating the need for an overseas exile.

The more he thought about it, the more sidetracked he became.

Pius IX had forgotten that the very fact a monarch needed foreigners to secure his safety was ample evidence of his utter failure.

This implied an extreme lack of trust in his subjects, and once that trust was lost, the relationship between monarch and subjects could never again be intimate and close.

However, this was of no concern to the Pope. After all, his throne was not hereditary; as long as he was comfortable, why bother about his successor?

After pondering, Pius IX said, “Sign the contract with them as soon as possible and have them come to Rome to take up their posts immediately.

Also, continue to reach out to Swiss mercenary regiments. A little over two thousand isn’t enough for a single regiment’s strength, far from sufficient to defend the Papal State.”

“Your Majesty, are the Austrians withdrawing their troops?” the Cardinal asked with concern.

“Indeed, Lieutenant General Edmund has urged us multiple times to form a loyal army as soon as possible, as they want to return home to celebrate Christmas with their families,” said Pius IX cheerfully.

Requesting the Austrian army to suppress the rebellion, his biggest worry was that it might be easy to invite them, but hard to see them leave; should the Austrian army refuse to go, that would cause a great deal of trouble.

Fortunately, none of this happened. The Austrian army took the initiative to propose a withdrawal, which perfectly aligned with Pius IX’s wishes, sparing him a significant headache.

The Austrian army’s conduct also greatly satisfied Pius IX—strict military discipline, no harassment of the locals, and even their looting was disciplined, never overreaching.

Perhaps it was his too pleasant cooperation with the Vienna Government; the Austrian army’s commander, Lieutenant General Edmund, showed great respect for him as the Pope, always held him in high regard, never causing any trouble.

Chapter 6: Education Reform

New officials tend to start their tenure with assertive actions, and Franz, as the new Emperor, certainly didn’t hesitate. How could he live up to his identity as a transmigrator without accomplishing something notable?

“Reform” became the theme of the government. The Austrian Empire had many problems, and even after last year’s great revolution, which disposed of much debris, the festering flesh still clung to the Empire.

To excise the flesh? That was too painful, and Franz believed that the Austrian Empire could not afford such an injury without anesthetic—it might even be fatal.

He was not prepared to risk death; thus, he could only gradually remove these hidden dangers. After all, the serfs had been liberated, and the land issues had been settled, barely keeping the working class fed.

The bourgeoisie and the blabbermouths who dared to cause trouble had been greatly reduced after the sweep of the recent past.

Those who survived were clever enough to know what could be said and what could not be said; what could be done and what could not be done.

The Citizens of Vienna, having experienced a revolution, had grown to detest the Revolutionary Party to the bone. Anyone daring to spread revolutionary ideas among them was guaranteed a beating before being turned into the police station.

Up to this point, the Vienna Police Department had already taken in dozens of such Rebels. With every new arrest, they uncovered more, and after several months of public security clean-up, hundreds of Rebel members were arrested, dealing a heavy blow to the audacity of the Revolutionaries.

A large portion of these were young students, which made Franz very angry and determined to overhaul the Austrian educational system.

Freedom of speech was acceptable, but everyone had to be responsible for their own words. Spreading rumors, mischief, and malicious slander all warranted time in prison for reflection.

Schools operating independently without government supervision was a thing of the past, especially universities, which were a main focus of monitoring.

Incidents like those before the March Revolution, where Vienna University refused police entry to arrest Revolutionaries, were no longer possible.

If it ever happened again, I’m sorry to say, everyone impeding the execution of public duties would be jailed alongside the criminals. The notion of collective irresponsibility does not exist in Austria.

“Count Hohenberg, has the Ministry of Education developed any specific plans to strengthen ideological education among young students?” Franz asked.

Minister of Education, Leo Von Thun-Hohenberg, promptly replied, “Your Majesty, the Ministry of Education has decided to employ special educators in schools, responsible exclusively for ideological education of students. Should any negative tendencies be detected, they will be immediately addressed.

To strengthen control over schools, the Ministry of Education has decided on having key school leaders appointed only with approval from the Ministry, and this will apply to private schools as well.

The number of students admitted by schools each year must be filed with the local education departments; faculty and staff employed at the schools must possess the correct worldview and have no criminal records.

To reinforce university supervision, the Ministry of Education will provide advisory opinions about the variety of offered majors and the enrollment capacity of each.

The Ministry of Education will allocate financial grants for the following year based on each institution’s performance. Institutions with recurring issues will be shut down, and the responsible individuals will face legal accountability.”

This was a move aimed at the pocketbook—education cost money, and without government support, most schools likely couldn’t survive on tuition fees alone.

In these times, Austria adopted an elitist model of education; enrollments at each school were not large, typically only several hundred students, with faculty and staff numbers proportionately high.

Without funding from the Ministry of Education, if primary and secondary schools were to charge slightly higher tuition fees, which only wealthy families could afford, they might barely get by.

But this was not feasible for universities, which couldn’t afford expert professors and couldn’t sustain themselves even by enrolling only arts students.

This was Austria; don’t count on societal donations—schools not favored by the government wouldn’t win the favor of social elites either.

Having reflected on it, Franz said, “Supervisory work must be taken seriously, and it’s definitely necessary for the Ministry of Education to guide school enrollments.

What’s the point of enrolling so many students in majors society doesn’t need? Being guaranteed unemployment upon graduation is akin to leading students astray, isn’t it?

While implementing oversight, we must also enforce accountability in education. For every problem, we can trace it to those responsible.

The head of a school is the primary responsible person. As a principal, it is their duty to educate every student well; at the class level, we could implement a class teacher system, appointing one teacher responsible for an entire class.

As for the specifics, determine them based on the actual situation. Before implementing compulsory education, we must first bring the existing schools under management.

This type of management must be strategic, ensuring the smooth progress of educational activities while also strengthening ideological education among the students.”

However, there’s no need to set up specialized ideological education teachers, as that can easily provoke backlash.

We can integrate ideological education into subjects such as history, politics, and language, making it a compulsory part of the entrance exams.

The Ministry of Education must supervise the entrance examinations to prevent any interference. If wealthy people’s children perform poorly and want to advance, let them pay a sponsorship fee to the school. Do not allow these people to disrupt our education system.”

Franz too was taking precautionary measures. If the wealthy were not given an alternative, they would find ways to corrupt the education system, so it might be better to set a clear price.

It’s not a problem if they fail to qualify. They can pay to enroll, and whether or not their children graduate is their own issue. If it comes to it, they can always pay more money to buy their child a diploma.

Prime Minister Felix suggested, “Your Majesty, now that we’ve decided to implement compulsory education, should we also restrict private education? These private schools are always a potential risk.

Education is sacred and should not be used as a tool for some to seek personal gains!”

His words were not unfounded. An investigation into the young students involved in the Vienna riots revealed that nearly eighty percent of them came from private schools.

Students who frequently participated in protests and demonstrations were mostly from private schools, while public schools usually prohibited their students from leaving campus during class times.

In other words, the sources of revolutionary thought were mainly spread through these private schools independent from the government system, subtly influencing young people’s life philosophies.

It’s ironic that these private schools also received education funding from the Austrian Government. In the end, the Austrian Government paid the money, the capitalists made a profit, and a group of anti-government students was cultivated.

“This is indeed a problem. How does the Ministry of Education plan to solve it?” Franz inquired.

As the Emperor, he wasn’t in the habit of figuring out everything by himself and having his subordinates execute them.

If he did that, his subordinates would be free of burden, but he would work himself to death. Emperors diligent in government affairs often had short lifespans, a common tale throughout history.

Even more tragic is that if one’s experience is insufficient, it’s very easy to make foolish decisions. Toiling to the point of exhaustion, one might end up with unappreciated hard work, a prime example being Emperor Chongzhen.

The wisdom of one person is no match for the collective wisdom of many. There are experts in every field, and it’s better to have professionals handle specialized matters.

As an Emperor, one can amend the plans of subordinates or abolish them, but one absolutely must not prevent subordinates from making plans.

Count Leo von Thun-Hohenberg responded, “Your Majesty, the Ministry of Education is still discussing this issue, and we have two options to consider.

The first is to prohibit the private sector from continuing to establish private schools and for the government to fund the acquisition of those already established, thereby bringing education fully under government management.

The second is to stop the educational grants to private schools, strengthen the approval process for establishing private schools, and tighten management of them.”

Both methods aim at curbing private schools, with the first one being slightly more drastic.

Once burned, twice shy. The Ministry of Education now harbors a strong aversion to messy ideologies, and as a result, nearly a hundred teachers have been dismissed from public schools, some of whom have even been sent to prison.

Franz said with a sneer, “Stop the funding to private schools then. Since they are private, they should be responsible for their own profits and losses.

We should also add an investor responsibility system and strengthen the management of private schools.

If there is a large-scale spread of illegal thoughts in a private school, both the capitalists and the principal behind it should go to jail!”

The Austrian Government still needs to be mindful of its image; it cannot simply resolve issues with a blanket approach. In European society during this era, education was essentially a business.

However, it was a unique business, vested with different meanings. Those who invested in education during this time were certainly not philanthropists; they had their own agendas.

The children of the lower classes were not entitled to education, even at the cheapest church schools, as they couldn’t afford the most basic stationery.

In such an environment, who has the resources to sponsor impoverished students? It’s not just one or two, not just ten or twenty thousand, but millions who desperately need education.

Reality is far crueler than what’s recorded in textbooks. Living in this era, Franz was well aware that it was a dark and grim time.

Chapter 7: The Dark Ages

Who would have thought that in the factories of capitalists there could be child laborers as young as three or four years old? Not merely one or two, but hundreds, even thousands.

The lifespan of these child laborers usually did not exceed twenty years. Entering the sunless factories at such a young age severely damaged their health.

The United Kingdom was the most extreme, as the originator of the Industrial Revolution. With a limited population and labor force, capitalists turned their attention to women and children to cut costs.

The wage of an adult male worker could employ two female workers, or three to seven child laborers, with the younger ones being paid even less.

Compared with adults, child laborers were clearly easier to manage, and suppressing their strikes was also simpler. Factories not requiring too heavy labor were filled with a large number of child workers.

The sources of these child laborers were diverse, some were shipped to factories by the lower-class populace out of necessity; others were bought from the market.

Indeed, at this time, child labor was also a commodity, with orphanages, Church relief agencies, and human traffickers serving as the biggest sellers, along with the rare few sold by their parents.

The bloody factories served as the truest social portrayal of the era.

On one hand, they reaped enormous profits by ruthlessly exploiting child labor, while on the other, they maintained a gentlemanly façade in public, donating to the Church and investing in education under the guise of supporting poor students.

Franz was too lazy to even criticize; he simply did not believe that capitalists could be so benevolent. One only needed to see the hidden agenda in these private schools to know the truth.

The superiority of the capitalist political system would be a feature of the future, but in this era, capitalist nation-states exploited even more severely than the feuding nobility.

Ever since Austria’s “Minimum Wage Act” was rolled out, Austrian capitalists’ interest in child labor greatly diminished, which also related to the national situation.

Industrialization in Austria had just begun, and there was not an overwhelming demand for labor, coupled with an abundant working-age population.

Following the implementation of the “Minimum Wage Act,” capitalists found their compensation to child laborers had significantly increased, making it not much less than what they would pay to adults, thus the incentive diminished.

Especially after the government fined a few typical cases into bankruptcy, everyone remembered that Austria had a “Minimum Wage Act.”

Prime Minister Felix joked, “Your Majesty, since we’ve implemented the ‘Minimum Wage Act,’ the number of homeless children in the country has skyrocketed. Now the government has become the world’s largest daycare.

According to the data we’ve compiled, up until three days ago, we have sheltered 38,600 children, and that number continues to grow.

It seems that the capitalists are ready to give up on using child labor, and now it’s up to us to clean up their mess.”

On the surface, sheltering so many orphans appears to be a burden on the government, but politically it’s a significant boon.

In the old Austrian Empire, the nobility were deeply influenced by chivalric ideals and were willing to show compassion to the weak, provided it did not affect their own interests.

Now, with the Austrian Government stepping in to take in these homeless children, they occupied the moral high ground in public opinion and could also condemn the heartless capitalists.

Denouncing heartless capitalists was politically correct in Austria. As the Industrial Revolution progressed, the strength of the bourgeoisie would rapidly grow.

The current Austrian Government relied on the nobility class to suppress the bourgeoisie, but it might not hold in the future, as a strengthened bourgeoisie would inevitably reach for political power.

It was necessary to make preparations in advance to restrict the bourgeoisie.

After all, these were the facts. The media exposing social realities was their fundamental job.

The more scandals exposed, and the worse the reputation of capitalists, the more advantageous it was for the Austrian Government. Should the bourgeoisie dare to step out of line in the future, Franz wouldn’t mind letting them experience the “iron fist of Austrian people’s dictatorship.”

Franz thought it over and said, “Leave this problem to the Ministry of Education. Earl Hohenberg must recruit enough teachers as soon as possible and start providing compulsory education to these homeless children.

Government will establish orphanages in major cities, specifically to shelter homeless children. Those from impoverished families who can’t afford to raise their kids can bring them here as well.”

That was all he could do. After completing compulsory education, aside from the one percent of geniuses who could continue to secondary education, these children would step into society.

Reality was indeed cruel. Even with compulsory education completed, these children were only twelve or thirteen years old, which in future eyes was still child labor exploitation.

Unfortunately, this was the time of the first Industrial Revolution. Every country was as equally culpable. Accumulating initial capital was an unavoidable hardship. In comparison to entering factories at three or four, this was still considerable progress.

The most important aspect of any decree is its implementation. Compulsory education had become the highest national policy of the Austrian Government, so cracking down on capitalists’ use of child labor became an inevitable choice.

Prohibit the use of child labor? That was an impossible task, not just for the capitalists to accept, but for the lower classes to endure as well.

In those times, it was common for ordinary people to have five or six children, and some even had as many as a dozen. How could they possibly afford to raise them?

If Franz had not been aware of the social situation and had the government assume all costs of compulsory education, a blindly established compulsory education law would most likely have resulted in another human tragedy.

Vienna

As the heart of Austria and the origin of the “Labor Protection Law,” the “Minimum Wage Act” also began its spread from there.

After the Hungarian rebellion was suppressed, the Austrian Empire settled into peace. The government abolished local tariffs, ended serfdom, and unlocked the vast rural market, leading to thriving commerce and industry in Vienna.

Watching the orders grow each day, Daniel was far from happy; in fact, he felt extremely uncomfortable. As the owner of a hydro-powered cotton mill, he was one of the biggest victims of the “Minimum Wage Act.”

The labor intensity at the cotton mill was not high. With the introduction of machinery, both the physical and skill requirements for workers were lowered; they just needed to attend to the thread splicing.

To reduce labor costs, Daniel naturally followed the successful examples of his British peers, extensively hiring cheaper women and children into the factory.

But now it was no longer feasible, with the “Minimum Wage Act” in place, Austrian child labor was no longer cheap.

Despite the fact that labor costs were low in this era, and that even with increased labor costs they still reaped substantial profits, the greed of capitalists knows no satisfaction, does it?

Daniel dared not blatantly break the law either; the reality in front of him was that one of his competitors had gone bankrupt because they ignored the Labor Protection Law and faced severe penalties from the Vienna Government.

Looking at his highly paid factory manager, Daniel asked, “Jason, do you have a way to lower my labor costs?”

“Sir, why don’t we also adopt a piece-rate system, set a target workers can’t meet, and then deduct from their wages?” Jason sinisterly suggested.

Daniel shook his head and said, “It’s no use, I’ve already consulted with a lawyer. The government’s reference standard is set by state-owned enterprises, and if we use a piece-rate system that exceeds this standard, we have no right to deduct wages.

Even signing a contract is useless, the Vienna Government will deem it an invalid contract, and we would face a penalty starting at a minimum of a thousandfold, with no upper limit.”

Since the outbreak of the March Revolution, the Vienna Government hasn’t been on good terms with the capitalists, and past connections were of no avail.

Now, Daniel had become more cautious with his words. Had this happened before, he would have long since colluded with his peers to stir up trouble, but now he didn’t dare.

If the Vienna Government declared him conspiring to rebel, he would immediately be executed by decapitation. The great purge that occurred in Vienna just a few months ago was still fresh in his memory.

If he hadn’t been lucky enough to fall ill and missed attending the capitalists’ gathering during that time, he wouldn’t have been able to continue sitting here.

Capital is without borders, that is a matter for the future. In this era, capitalists did not dare to relocate at will; without strong backing in a strange place, you’d be sure to be swallowed up to the last hair.

Despite his dissatisfaction with the Austrian Government, Daniel continued to do business in Vienna. A little less profit was better than taking risks.

In comparison, labor costs in Austria were moderate compared to those in Western European countries like England and France. After all, Austria was a grain-exporting country, and the prices of living materials were lower due to ample supply and no shortage of labor.

The world of capitalism’s highest average wages was in London, ranging from one-third to one-half higher than Vienna, and this was after Austria had its Labor Protection Law.

For every policy from above, there’s a countermeasure from below.

Daniel still thought of ways to reduce labor costs, such as cutting overtime pay, deducting time workers spent in the bathroom, or deducting downtime when machinery stopped running.

These were all routine strategies; for the more ruthless, there were capitalists who built free toilets several kilometers away and set up pay toilets inside the factory.

Even some capitalists sold inferior-quality uniforms as work clothes at high prices to their workers.

With high-priced work clothes came high-priced food. The capitalists forbade workers from bringing food into the factories and then sold them overpriced food for profit.

Essentially, there was nothing they hadn’t thought of or done to squeeze labor costs; the capitalists racked their brains to do it.

Chapter 8: Austrian Civil Service Examination

The Austrian Government had been quite busy lately. After the war, the government’s promised military honors had to be fulfilled; properties recently taken over from the Church needed management; and the implementation of compulsory education required strong cooperation from local authorities…

With so much governmental work piling up, naturally, there was a shortage of hands. Since there was a need for more personnel, recruitment from outside was necessary.

In this world, there might be a shortage of any kind of talent, but there will never be a shortage of people who want to become officials.

Of course, there would be exceptions in less desirable locations, but that was absolutely impossible in Austria itself.

Who knows how many scions of the nobility were at home unemployed, struggling to find opportunities, gradually degenerating into parasites.

Now that an opportunity had arisen, they certainly intended to join the ruling elite.

Don’t think that a grassroots civil service position isn’t desirable. For the declining nobility, securing a respectable job was not easy.

Austria was conservative. The majority of the nobility’s offspring could not lower themselves to work for capitalists, as this would damage their family’s reputation.

They would rather join the military and slowly climb the ranks than work under a capitalist with a hefty salary, which would make them feel that their dignity was insulted.

At first, when Franz proposed to hold a nationwide civil service examination, he was immediately met with collective opposition from the government. After analyzing the actual situation, he graciously abandoned this tempting idea.

Intellectuals were scarce in that era, consisting mainly of nobility, capitalists, the middle class, and only the rare commoner descendant. Even if there were some, Franz dared not employ them.

As a qualified monarch, ensuring the loyalty of his subordinates came first. As for abilities and such, what abilities did ordinary civil servants need? As long as their IQ met the grade, and they could follow orders from above, they were suited for the job.

So the selection was still to be made from among the scions of the nobility. If one looked at it comprehensively, the overall ability level of the nobility’s children was somewhat higher. They had also received some of their parents’ inherited life experience, which was not something nouveau riche could compare with.

Of course, due respect had to be given to the Emperor. The civil service examination still had to be held, but it was a civil service examination with Austrian characteristics, which excluded most people on the basis of eligibility.

For example, education had to start from middle school level; there was a need to pass a social knowledge level test with satisfactory grades; political vetting (correct worldview, no record of improper remarks, no record of illegal crimes for three generations in the family); industry avoidance system (children were not allowed to take regulatory positions if parents or relatives were involved in the industry)…

If it weren’t for the children of the nobility getting a green light, directly entering the second round, then this civil service examination could be considered fair overall.

At least, the government’s restrictions were reasonable on the surface. After the restrictions were published in the newspapers, public opinion was in an uproar.

Contrary to Franz’s expectations, such blatant discriminatory conditions were seen as a major progressive reform by the Austrian Government in the eyes of outsiders, and they received high praise from the public opinion.

If he hadn’t been sure that he wasn’t manipulating public opinion, he might have suspected that all these unanimously positive reviews were the work of paid commenters.

It wasn’t that there were no objections. Many young students had opinions, as they felt that their participation in protests and criticism of the government could become obstacles to their civil service exam applications.

Of course, they could only keep their opinions to themselves. Ever since the Ministry of Education had strengthened its management of educational quality in schools, their course loads had significantly increased.

The magic of examinations had been adopted into the Austrian education system by Franz; there were monthly tests, mid-term exams every half year, and annual exams once a year.

The results of each examination were made public. Those who were not afraid of losing face could try. Their academic performance during their school years would be noted on their future graduation certificates.

If you failed three times in a row, prepare to repeat a year. If you still can’t pass after repeating, then you’ll just have to wait to be advised to drop out by the school.

Of course, the wealthy and willful tycoons could still play the game; if they didn’t want to repeat a year, they could just pay. The fee for reading along the first time was five thousand shields, the second time ten thousand shields, and the third time twenty thousand shields…

If you had the money, you could keep buying your way through, as Austrian universities did not mind selling graduation certificates. If you had enough money, even your performance while in school could be altered.

Under the high pressure of the Ministry of Education, the Austrian students spent their days “happily” immersed in their studies.

Dare to skip classes? You’ll be directly expelled. Try it if you have the guts to see what good consequences await you after being expelled from school.

The capitalist class, which was the most restricted, was collectively silent this time. The Vienna Government had been targeting them for more than a day or two, with a plethora of restrictive measures.

There was no choice, their peers had orchestrated the damned March Revolution, successfully provoking the Austrian Government. Although those bastards were now dead or had fled, the government clearly still held a grudge, right?

Everyone was smart and had rich experience in social struggles. They knew that this was not the time to show their heads, and that even if they had any ideas, they had to wait until the storm passed.

Franz had anticipated all these circumstances in advance. His greatest concern was that someone would oppose the privileges of the nobility and cause internal turmoil.

The nobility already had the advantage and went directly into the second round, leaving no chance for others.

As it turned out, he was overthinking it. The vast majority of Austrians were not so enlightened in their thinking yet. Regardless of the conditions set, it would never be their turn, so they were unconcerned and uninvolved.

As for the implicit prohibition on capitalists becoming government officials, everyone was extremely supportive. Those guys were already shady. If they became officials, what then?

Well, since no one else was commenting, Franz decided to take it as tacit consent.

The matter was settled. Whether it was written examinations or direct interviews, Franz was too indifferent to inquire about how each department was recruiting. He only cared about the results.

The bureaucrats were not fools either. The people they were recruiting were meant to work, specifically as low-level clerical officers. How could they bring in a bunch of nobles to add to the chaos?

If the work was done poorly, it would mean that they would be held accountable by their superiors. The Austrian Government did not have any temp positions to take the blame, so if subordinates performed poorly, their direct leaders would be in trouble as well.

Ever since Prime Minister Felix came to power, he had purged the Austrian bureaucratic corps once. At this time, the government’s efficiency in handling affairs had significantly improved.

Belvedere Palace, located in the southwest of Vienna, was originally built in the 17th century and underwent several expansions. It was not completed until the reign of Queen Maria Theresa.

With 1441 rooms and a total area of 26,000 square meters, it boasts a mix of regional cultural styles and is second only to the Palace of Versailles in its opulence.

Franz was born in Belvedere Palace, and perhaps due to the influence of his predecessor’s memories, he has a special affection for the place, which became his permanent residence after his accession.

Within the palace, there is specifically Eastern classical architecture, such as Chinese-styled rooms inlaid with red sandalwood, blackwood, ivory, and Japanese-styled rooms decorated with gold back-painting and lacquer.

The interior decorations of these rooms are also uniformly coordinated in Eastern style, with walls and ceilings embellished with ceramic works. Among the dazzling array of ceramics, there are Chinese celadon, large Ming Dynasty Wucai porcelain plates, and Cizhou flower vases, among others.

Before his transmigration, any one of these items could have ended his life as a commoner, but now they were wholesale in front of him.

Beyond the initial excitement, Franz felt little else. Antiques, so what? At his status, any object he had used would become an antique relic in future generations.

The precondition is that he continues to succeed. If he fails, the value of these objects would be greatly diminished.

Franz knew well that the luxurious Belvedere Palace was actually an unfinished construction project. The original design intended for it to rival, if not surpass, the Palace of Versailles in scale and splendor, but due to financial constraints, the original plans were never fully realized.

As a man of integrity who took over the project, Franz did not mind completing the original design, but of course, that was a matter for the future; he was not willing to invest money in it for the time being.

Franz began to enjoy spending time under a large camellia tree, drinking tea, and reading books or newspapers.

“Your Majesty, Prince Windischgrätz requests an audience.”

The maid’s crisp voice woke Franz from his reverie.

“Bring him here, and add an extra chair,” Franz instructed.

This was his way of showing respect to his ministers. In informal settings, everyone was casual about meetings; chairs were available for sitting as one pleased, and for coffee, tea, juice—whatever one preferred, they simply ordered the maid to fetch it.

Unless it was a first meeting, Franz would personally entertain briefly. After that, make yourself at home; don’t expect the great Emperor to pamper you every day.

Prince Windischgrätz was well aware of Franz’s way of handling things; a noble of his stature had the grace befitting his rank.

After greeting with the proper etiquette, he took a seat and requested a cup of coffee from the maid before speaking:

“Your Majesty, as the government departments are expanding their personnel, our resigned military officers also need to be placed. How about allowing them to fill some of the positions?”

From military to administration was a standard practice in Austria. Looking at Franz’s Cabinet, all members hailed from military backgrounds.

This was the choice of most nobility in the Germany Region; eligible sons had to serve time in the military, even if only in name, to make an appearance.

Given such conventions, the transition from military to civil service faced no obstacles. Prince Windischgrätz’s request was simply seeking a favor.

“In principle, there are no issues, but what positions they are suited for will have to be determined by assessments,” Franz replied calmly.

Prince Windischgrätz continued to plead his case: “Your Majesty, these retired officers have military merits, they…”

“I am aware of these matters. For their own good, I believe it’s best to place them where they fit.

If we give them positions they cannot handle, I don’t think that’s a reward; it’s setting them up for failure.

The Austrian Government is no longer what it used to be. Now, every employee in the government must be responsible for their work.

If they fail due to incompetence, they will be held accountable. Do you want these men of merit to ruin their reputations for the rest of their lives?” Franz retorted.

Perhaps feeling that his words were harsh, Franz added, “Instead of discussing this here, the Army Department should rather conduct training for retired officers. With the necessary skills, wouldn’t they outcompete others?”

Favoritism? Franz was indeed in favor of treating soldiers well, but there is a basic principle he wouldn’t abandon: Equal qualification could be given priority. If one’s skills were insufficient, then they would have to settle for simpler tasks.

Chapter 9: Napoleon III Takes Power

France

After the Bourgeois Republican Government suppressed the June Revolution, it began to court disaster in various ways.

In an effort to cater to interest groups, the Bourgeois Government chose to compromise with the Monarchists and the Church power faction. First, they abandoned the economic program of the Bourgeois Republicans, and then they reinstated the fiscal system of the July Monarchy.

On July 3, the French government announced the abolition of the state-owned railway plan; on July 11, the French government reinstated the high taxes on newspapers and publishing houses; on August 9, the French government began to restrict the freedom of publication and assembly…

All these were minor issues; to the common people, they weren’t terribly painful, and some policies even helped consolidate the regime. But what the French government did next was truly courting death.

On August 30, the French government started to implement an additional tax law of 45 centimes;

On September 6, the French government announced the abolition of the 8-hour workday, extending working hours to 12-14 hours;

On September 7, the French government announced the abolition of the “Labor Protection Law” and the “Minimum wage guarantee law”…

The French Government, by raising taxes and abolishing laws that protected the interests of the working class, naturally aroused widespread dissatisfaction among the French populace.

The French were not to be trifled with; harmed workers and peasants naturally resisted, and from the 9th month onward, there were uprisings among workers and peasants in 23 provinces.

With such a reckless government in place, it was natural for the French people to use their ballots to punish the Bourgeois Government in the coming presidential election.

Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte (Napoleon III) miraculously obtained 75% of the votes, although according to Article 44 of the French Constitution, anyone who had lost their French citizenship could not be elected president.

Not only had Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte lost his citizenship by acquiring Swiss nationality, but he had also served as a special police officer for England. Yet such a person was somehow elected President of France.

It was quite comical, really; the Nobility, naturally opposed to the Republican Government, voted for Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte, who they thought couldn’t possibly be elected. Those from the Bourgeoisie who had suffered losses in the revolution did the same.

These votes alone obviously did not constitute an absolute majority, but after a period of turmoil, French farmers once again recalled the good life of the Napoleonic Era and supported Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte.

Of course, the story behind his rise to power is not so simple; Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte’s ascent was due in no small part to his own efforts.

He boasted of being the heir to his uncle, Napoleon I, a steadfast defender of “national unity,” and he presented a provocative program to all classes, making enticing promises:

To Catholics, he promised “freedom of religion”;

To workers, he assured “the elimination of unemployment,” “amnesty for the arrested June insurgents,” “implementation of Labor Protection Law,” and “adoption of the eight-hour workday”;

To farmers, he guaranteed “tax reduction,” “protection of small land ownership,” and “elimination of poverty”;

He used “low-interest loans,” “tax cuts” to appease the Bourgeoisie, and so on.

Behind the scenes, however, Bonaparte was active everywhere, building up his political following; he colluded with the Monarchists and Church power faction; he bought off Mole and Thiers, employed his close ally Persigny, and used the monarchist “Committee of the Pouatchy Street” to serve his purposes.

He spared no expense, not only spent 300,000 francs of his own but also withdrew 1,000,000 francs from a British bank manager to fund newspapers, publish pamphlets, compose music, and more, in order to build public opinion for his campaign and defeat his opponents.

Due to the support from the British in securing his position, the government of Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte had to lean towards the London Government during his future reign.

The rise of Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte meant that new internal conflicts were beginning in the French government and signaled potential new complications in Franco-Austrian relations.

Vienna

“Your Majesty, after the election of President Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte of France, he immediately tore up the France-Austrian Secret Treaty on the pretext of the French government’s love for peace, which I fear is ill-intended towards the Empire,” Metternich said with a furrowed brow.

It took great effort to draw the French in with a France-Austrian Secret Treaty, only for it to be destroyed by Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “The France-Austrian Secret Treaty is in the interest of the French, even if it means losing the best opportunity to divide the Kingdom of Sardinia, having the France-Austrian Alliance can still help the French government break through diplomatic difficulties.

“Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte is no fool, and his eagerness to rip up the treaty suggests there may be other factors at play. Check to see if it is the British who are up to mischief.”

John Bull is just so unpopular that he became the first suspect.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Metternich answered.

At this time, the international environment facing Austria is still quite relaxed. Even if the French tear up the treaty, it does not significantly harm Austria.

Since Franz took charge, the Austrian government has deepened the Russian-Austrian Alliance and further developed relations with Anglo-Austria. A renewed Prussia-Austria alliance has already entered the negotiation stage.

The British have the motive to sabotage the France-Austria relations, as today’s Great Britain Empire is not the same as Great Britain thirty years ago.

Their strength has grown, and naturally, so have their political ambitions. If Austria re-establishes the Vienna System, they will still be excluded from European politics.

From the standpoint of interest, the Vienna System has stabilized the European Continent for thirty years, and Austria has effectively been making a bridal gown for the British.

With no European affairs to distract them, only then could the British have the capacity to expand outward and build a vast Colonial Empire.

“Your Majesty, if the British are behind this, should we take revenge?” Prime Minister Felix asked with concern.

“There is plenty of time in the future to consider it,” Franz replied calmly.

In this era, Austria has no fear of the Great Britain Empire. Being consistently excluded from the European Continent, with the Russians also contesting for dominance, the British do not yet hold the prestige of later times.

According to the norms of the great powers, such an event would certainly call for retaliation. However, Franz wasn’t a man to act rashly. Retaliating against England and France might be satisfying, but it wouldn’t result in any tangible benefits.

It is better to remember this and keep this excuse in reserve, waiting for a time when it can be turned to advantage before tripping them up.

Paris

After tearing up the France-Austrian Secret Treaty, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte began to regret it.

Having designs on the Italian Area was a need for internal French interest groups; the France-Austrian Secret Treaty was just their first step. Had it not been for the June Revolution, France would have already occupied half of Sardinia by now.

Now that he has torn up this treaty beneficial to French interests, it naturally caused dissatisfaction among many, which undoubtedly added insult to injury for Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, who desperately needed to consolidate his power.

British support is indeed important, but even that is not as valuable as interests. If he cannot satisfy these interest groups, his position as an elected president could still be at risk.

Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte’s political maneuvering was still quite formidable. On one hand, he made promises to the interest groups to return to Italy, and on the other, he introduced some positive reform policies, such as repealing the additional tax decrees of The Republican Government and reducing taxes on newspapers and publishing houses…

While pursuing internal reforms, he did not forget to improve foreign relations. Apart from clinging tightly to the British, he also sent out Marquis Turenne to visit various European countries in preparation for restoration.

Chapter 10: Beautiful Misunderstanding

On December 12, 1848, a civil service exam with far-reaching influence on Austria began registration, signifying a fundamental change in how Austria selected its talent.

Although this exam was still an internal competition among the nobility, having competition was better than having none at all.

Here, the declining nobility had the opportunity to return to the center of power, and the Austrian Government regained their support.

Government agencies, state-owned enterprises, teachers, and a series of other positions, combined, provided nearly 130,000 job opportunities for society, attracting over 186,000 applicants.

If this competition ratio was put into later times, many people would probably be overjoyed, but in this era, many still complained about the pressure.

In a small tavern in Vienna, a young man in his twenties complained, “Damn it, Raul, do you know what the Treasury Department is trying to do? Why do we still have to take an exam when we’ve entered the second round?”

“Give it a rest, Wigel. Everyone knows that we got into the second round without taking a test. I heard that the number of applicants for the Treasury Department already exceeds 8,000, but they are only recruiting 876 people, a pass rate of one in ten.

To eliminate the vast majority of candidates, is there a faster way than an exam?

If you’re afraid of competition, you could apply to be a primary school teacher. There are more positions available there and fewer applicants.” Raul took a small sip of wine and said with a chuckle

He wasn’t afraid of exams; he had been a top student at school and was confident in passing the exams unlike his friend, Wigel, the underachiever.

Cheating on the exam? Don’t even think about it, look at who’s allowed to take the exam. If a bunch of nobles caused a commotion, who could handle it?

If one had a strong network, they would have already joined the civil service without competing here, right?

“Forget it, I don’t want to spend my days in the countryside, no bars, no friends, it would be the death of me!” Wigel shook his head and said

Compared to departments with actual power, it was much more tragic for the Ministry of Education recruiting teachers, many of whom turned pale at the thought of teaching in the countryside.

They planned to recruit 50,000 teachers but received less than 20,000 applications. To recruit enough teachers, the Ministry had to build schools on the outskirts of towns and cities.

Since the government was covering all the compulsory education costs, it was possible to manage by concentrating the students together, and at worst, they could adopt a boarding system.

In most areas, the government had confiscated a significant amount of the rebels’ immovable property, which could be transformed into school buildings.

Even so, the number of applicants for primary school teacher positions was still low, and the Education Ministry had to reduce the number of recruits.

After all, compulsory education couldn’t be popularized across the country overnight; it needed time to be promoted gradually. If there weren’t enough teachers, they could be trained slowly. The teacher training classes of the Education Ministry had already started enrolling students.

“So we have no choice but to compete. You know, the most competitive Senate Secretary position is only recruiting two people, yet over eight hundred applied, and the number keeps growing.

God, the chance of passing is less than one in four hundred, yet still, people dare to apply. You have to admire their courage,” Raul said in an exaggerated tone

A man nearby interjected, “What’s there to wonder about? The Senate Secretary serves the Cabinet Government, hobnobbing with the bigwigs every day. The potential for advancement is much greater.

Everyone wants to rise to the top in one step. If by chance you pass, you’ve hit the jackpot; if not, you’ve merely wasted a bit of the application fee.”

“Now that you mention it, I’m a bit tempted myself. After all, the examination times for each department aren’t all the same; it might be worth giving it a try,” Raul said after thinking it over

The civil service exam wasn’t conducted uniformly; each department needed different kinds of talent, and Franz wasn’t planning on recruiting a bunch of all-rounders.

Therefore, the recruitment conditions varied; some departments faced fierce competition, with written and oral exams underway, while others had so few applications there was no room to be picky, and meeting the basic requirements sufficed.

As it was the first exam of its kind, nobody knew what would be on it, and the candidates could only fret without any direction for last-minute cramming.

Not only were they clueless, but even the various government agencies hosting the exam were somewhat bewildered, lacking experience and forced to refer to foreign talent selection systems.

In that era, Europe was still predominantly following the patronage system, and Austria was at the forefront of the world in breaking away from this system.

The Austrian civil service exam was closest to the Manchu Qing Dynasty’s imperial examination system. If there wasn’t such a time crunch, the Cabinet would have even considered sending people over for research.

Ultimately, Franz himself came up with suggestions; although he had never presided over a civil service exam, he had participated many times in his previous life and had rich experience in being eliminated.

Belvedere Palace

Prime Minister Felix furrowed his brow and said, “Your Majesty, for this civil service examination, we offered a total of 128,939 positions, with 589,656 entries, facing a serious situation where individuals are applying for multiple departments at once. Moreover, nearly thirty-five thousand positions received no attention, mainly concentrated in the educational department.”

Considering this situation, the government has decided to cancel these unapplied positions and to invalidate multiple applications from the same person for different departments, recognizing only the earliest department they applied for.”

In Austria, this civil service exam naturally couldn’t be as intricately subdivided as in the internet era, detailed down to every specific position.

What individuals are applying for now are only departments, and the final allocation of specific positions depends on the actual situation. Except for a few departments that are recruiting only a few people and have specified positions, everything else is an unknown.

For example, those who apply to the Tax Department might stay in Vienna, possibly go to Croatia, or even become a traveling tax inspector around the country. The specific job placement won’t be known until after the exam is concluded.

Hearing that so many positions were unclaimed, Franz couldn’t help but massage his forehead. It was precisely because he was worried about the lack of applicants for posts in remote areas that he had incorporated all recruitment into the departments, to be allocated at the end.

He hadn’t expected that even so, it would still be impossible to fill all the vacancies. At that moment, he considered whether to transfer a portion of personnel from other departments to fill the gaps.

After hesitating for a while, he eventually dismissed this idea. A melon forced off its vine is not sweet. Such a forced arrangement would certainly lead to resentment, which would then affect the purity of the government team when brought into their work.

“The positions with no applicants can be entirely canceled, and if we’re short-handed, we’ll just have to train our own. I reckon that even if they pass the exam, many won’t want to go to some desolate backwater.

If they don’t want to go, let it be. We can’t force them against their will. Isn’t the army full of retired soldiers? Places in remote corners that the nobility’s offspring scorn surely wouldn’t be despised by soldiers, right?

We can select literate soldiers from among them, train them a bit, and have them serve as grassroots civil servants in remote areas.

As for the situation of individuals applying for multiple positions, let it go this time. We didn’t previously establish any rules, and their actions were legal, so consider it a lesson learned.

However, after they have passed the examination for one department, they will no longer be permitted to participate in subsequent departmental exams, and the registration fees will not be refunded.”

Franz did not bring up the issue of retired military officers. In this era, most of the Austrian army’s officers were of noble birth, and even if he himself no longer had a noble title, their parents, grandparents, uncles, or aunts would be nobility.

As offspring of the nobility, their treatment was different. The rank they held before they left the army would be matched with equivalent treatment after they transitioned to civilian life.

In other words, they were officers in the army, and they remained officials after transitioning. If they lacked the ability to perform adequately, they might be demoted, but their salary and benefits would not be reduced.

Of course, this only applies to those with military achievements. Officers without such achievements would not be afforded such favorable treatment upon their transition.

Franz’s suggestion to select and train talented individuals from among the soldiers was also limited to those who had made meritorious contributions; ordinary soldiers without battle honors naturally weren’t included in the training program.

Franz understood the applicants who repeatedly applied all too well, having experienced it himself. Everyone desires an additional opportunity, another option. However, this would increase the workload for the recruiting departments.

Franz still had integrity; since the government had not clarified this beforehand, they couldn’t shirk the responsibility. Increasing the workload would be accepted as their own burden to bear, a pit they had dug themselves.

With the government suddenly canceling more than thirty-five thousand positions, the recruitment ratio finally climbed to 2:1, hinting at a sense of fierce competition.

While the recruiting units were still concerned about creating exam questions, European public opinion was already boiling over.

Mainstream media outlets published various viewpoints; some supportive, some opposed. In any case, Austria’s civil service exam had become a focal point in European society.

Engels published an article in the Rheinische Zeitung, fully affirming the Austrian Government’s civil service examination system.

The reason was straightforward: the conditions published by the Austrian Government, which exclude the bourgeoisie but impose no restrictions on the working class or peasantry.

Theoretically, as long as their education level was sufficient, they could be selected to enter into the government system.

Together with the recent proposal for compulsory education by the Austrian Government, many believers in social ideologies considered Austria to be actively reforming, preparing to incorporate the working class into the government.

Alright, Franz wouldn’t come out to clarify this beautiful misunderstanding; having more supporters was always a good thing.

As an Emperor, what he needed was a group of people whose loyalty was above the passing line to help him manage the country, and the origins of these people were of no great importance.

One could only say that different national conditions require different talent recruitment mechanisms. In Austria, reliance on the nobility is a must, whereas in England and France, the bourgeoisie can also be the pillar of the state.

This is determined by the social environment. In a newly established country without deep-rooted nobility or a powerful bourgeoisie, the working class and the peasantry could likewise become the pillars of a nation.

If one blindly reforms and strays from the class that supports them, then Wang Mang serves as the best example.

Chapter 11: Austria’s Economic Circle Plan

While the civil service examination was causing a stir, the Austrian Army in the Papal State—bade farewell by Pope Pius IX—embarked on their journey home.

Having just assumed the presidency, and desiring to make his presence felt by intervening in the Papal State, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte had no choice but to regretfully abandon the idea.

The Austrian Army had already completed their task, and Pope Pius IX had no intention of changing his allegiance. If the French Army were to proceed, it would be an invasion.

If the Austrian troops hadn’t left, perhaps Pius IX would have sought to balance them with the French, but now that the withdrawal had begun, why would he cause himself unnecessary trouble?

History took a turn here, as the French were unable to extend their influence into the Italian Area by taking advantage of the military action in the Papal State. Austria maintained its influence over the Italian countries.

This was of utmost importance to Austria’s industrial and commercial sectors. Retaining political influence also meant maintaining a commercial market, injecting a strong boost into the ongoing Industrial Revolution.

At the new round of government meetings, Finance Minister Karl Ludwig von Bruck declared with great enthusiasm, “The development of industry and commerce is inseparable from the market.

Looking at countries around the world, only the British have completed the Industrial Revolution, which is based on their possession of vast colonies.

Austria does not have vast colonies; if we want to catch up with the British, we need to establish a market that belongs to Austria.

We have unleashed the domestic market through a series of reforms, but this needs time to develop and is far from enough to meet the actual needs of our industrial and commercial progress.

Using diplomatic means to establish an Austria-led economic circle will greatly promote domestic economic development and accelerate our industrialization process.

Incorporating the Kingdom of Naples, the Papal State, Tuscany, Bavaria, Württemberg, and other areas into our economic circle, we will form a market of sixty-seven million people, becoming the largest economy on the European Continent.

Forming Europe’s largest economy by combining the Italian countries and South German States was not only economically significant, but politically, it could also solidify Austria’s dominance in Southern Europe.

At the same time, it could strike a blow to the rising Kingdom of Prussia. Once the Austria-centered commercial circle was established, the German Customs Union would be in name only.

Because of transportation issues, even if the Prussians joined the new economy, they couldn’t reach the Italian Area. Before the railway networks were linked, transportation costs alone would make their products noncompetitive.

They wouldn’t be able to reach the new market, and the existing market in the Germany Region would face the impact of Austrian goods. The current Kingdom of Prussia is not what it will be in twenty years—their manufacturing industry does not have an advantage over Austria.

Although the plan was good, implementation would not be easy. The first question was how to convince everyone that a common economic body would be beneficial for them.

In any alliance, interests are the best glue. An economy circle led by Austria obviously aligned with Austrian interests, but it was not necessarily the case for the member countries.

Austria needed to draw resources from the outside world for its Industrial Revolution, at least in the initial phase, and this was undeniable.

Only in the later stages could we use the guise of balanced trade, leveraging high-value-added products for profit, making the exploitative nature appear more palatable.

Metternich objected, “Mr. Carl, your plan is indeed excellent, but unfortunately, this plan has too low a chance of success.

Whether it’s the Italian countries or the South German States, if they feel over-exploited, they will switch sides. Austria is not their only option.”

These small countries followed Austria for their benefit. If Austria could no longer guarantee their interests, then changing their allegiance was entirely possible.

There should be no talk of loyalty between countries; loyalty does not exist. The absence of betrayal is simply due to insufficient incentives to betray.

Finance Minister Carl confidently explained, “But Austria is their best choice! Indeed, we benefit the most from a common economic body, but that does not mean they have no benefits at all.

At least some of those who cooperate with us can gain more, and if we turn the ruling class into this interest group, then everything is solvable.

As long as we can control this well, the lower classes won’t feel it, like the Customs Union in the Germany Region, didn’t the people not protest against the Kingdom of Prussia?

Once the Industrial Revolution is completed, leveraging our technological advantage, we can also promote commercial balanced trade and further conceal this wealth plundering.”

Franz was shocked; they were about to support a comprador class.

The budding industries in the Italian Area were in the north, and the central and southern regions were a blank slate—capitalist economics had yet to develop; the South German Region wasn’t much better, with slow economic development and markets flooded with goods from the Kingdom of Prussia.

Now Austria wanted to establish an economic circle, which didn’t damage the interests of the ruling class of these Sub-States. On the contrary, everyone could achieve a win-win through cooperation.

“What about the attitudes of the other great powers? If we promote this plan, could it create an uncontrollable diplomatic situation?” Prime Minister Felix asked with concern.

Metternich stood up and paced the room for a few steps before giving an answer.

“It will not be a big issue. The aforementioned areas are within our traditional sphere of influence, we are not overstepping our bounds, and the reaction of the great powers won’t be too intense.

Not long ago, British Foreign Minister Palmerston visited Vienna, where we reaffirmed our respective spheres of influence in the Italian Area. Even if the British are dissatisfied, they have no reason to interfere.”

The Russians might support us there, the Tsarist Government wouldn’t mind such trivial matters.

The French are too preoccupied with themselves, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte resorted to disgraceful means to be elected president, the Republicans will not accept him.

With a cabinet and parliament dominated by Republicans at odds with the president, the French will be incapacitated for a long time to come.

I reckon the Prussians will strongly oppose, but their opinion is neither here nor there, powerless to stop our actions.”

“The British have no reason to intervene,” a joke indeed. Franz would rather believe the British lacked the power to intervene, or rather, they lacked the compelling interest that would make them act desperately.

In this era, the Great Britain Empire is not short of markets; as the sole industrial nation, coupled with the widest colonial markets, they’re living comfortably.

British investments in Italy are mainly focused on the Kingdom of Sardinia, and then there are Lombardy and Venice; scarcely any merchant would be foolish enough to invest in the destitute Southern Italy.

The Italian countries are still feudal monarchies; the commercial markets are of little concern to John Bull and not worth falling out with Austria over.

With Russian support, even British opposition would be ineffective. Before the Crimean War, the British had not yet been recognized as the preeminent power; Austria, at least, did not acknowledge them.

The attitude of the Kingdom of Prussia is not yet a concern for Austria; they have not unified Germany and are not yet the formidable Second Empire of the future.

In 1848, the Kingdom of Prussia had a population of just 13 million, barely 40 percent of Austria’s, and their economic output was roughly half of Austria’s. (Note: Economic output is not equivalent to industry)

“What about Spain?” Franz asked with concern.

Other European nations might be ignored, but Spain’s stance cannot be overlooked. In the Kingdom of Naples, Spain’s influence is no less significant, even stronger.

Spain is no longer under the Habsburg dynasty; now it is the era of Isabella II of the Bourbon Dynasty, and their attitude must also be considered.

Metternich explained, “Your Majesty, according to the intelligence we have, there are severe internal conflicts within the Kingdom of Spain, and a revolution could break out at any time.

We are only establishing a commercial alliance without harming their interests; the likelihood of the Spanish Government interfering is not great.”

Franz nodded. Squeezing the softest fruit is just standard practice; as long as Austria hasn’t annexed the Kingdom of Naples, the Spaniards can accept it.

Besides, given the current level of Spanish industry, there aren’t many industrial products exported to the Kingdom of Naples anyway.

“Mr. Carl, as we expand the market like this, can our domestic industry and commerce keep up? If we cannot seize the market immediately, and instead nurture a bunch of competitors, it will be humiliating,” Prime Minister Felix frowned and asked.

Don’t mock others. Austrian industry is not very developed at this time either. It’s advanced for Southeast Europe but far behind the British, and even slightly behind the French.

“Your Excellency Prime Minister, you can rest assured on this point; our Ministry of Industry can guarantee that we will defeat any competitor!” exclaimed the confident Industry Minister Kascin-Qubeck.

His confidence is based on the preliminary success of the national enterprise system; unlike private enterprises that chase after profits, the current strategic goal of state-owned enterprises is to quickly complete the industrial revolution, with profits being a secondary concern.

The Austrian Government isn’t leeching from these enterprises, and the profits they are generating are naturally being fully invested into technological innovation and production expansion.

Now recovering from the damage the war has done to commerce and industry, Austria’s manufacturing sector is rapidly ascending.

This rate is not yet the limit, as long as the government is willing to spend money in this area, it can continue to increase.

This was within Franz’s expectations; regardless of how future generations might criticize the state-run system, state-owned economies have played a positive role in the stage of primitive capital accumulation.

As long as the management of these companies doesn’t decay, state-owned enterprises with their many advantages are definitely more combative than private ones.

The Soviet Union is the prime example, having developed by leaps and bounds in a short time, and establishing a vast empire.

As for the decline in the later period, Franz completely dismisses it as irrelevant. Before decline comes rise. Why worry about problems that have not yet appeared?

If the state economy fails, economic transformation can be carried out later. After all, Austria is not just about state-owned economy; private enterprises are also developing.

Once the industrial revolution is completed, the non-profitable light industrial enterprises can gradually be sold off, and the government just needs to control industries critical to national wellbeing.

Seeing no further questions from the gathered officials, Franz said, “If there are no more doubts, let’s proceed to vote on establishing a commercial circle centered around Austria. Those in favor, please raise your hands.”

Democratic voting was not Franz’s innovation; it was already present in Europe, and he simply learned from the experience of predecessors.

In Austria, the eligible decision-makers were ministers and higher-ranking officials, with the main purpose being checks and balances.

Franz is not a man who covets power, most of the political affairs were delegated to the Cabinet. To prevent being marginalized, he added democratic voting in the expanded government meetings.

Ministerial and higher-ranked officials are personally appointed by the Emperor and are normally incorruptible. They are potential Cabinet ministers, leading the Cabinet while also dividing its power.

Chapter 12: The Holy Roman Alliance

Since no one had any objections, the plan to create the Austrian economic circle naturally passed with a high number of votes.

As for how to implement it, honestly, Franz really didn’t know; times were different, national conditions were different, and many things could not simply be copied directly.

Including recruiting younger brothers, ideological work must be done one by one, and the benefits promised to each sub-state may all be different.

On this point, Franz still trusted Metternich, after all, the “European Chancellor” was experienced, and balancing the interests of all parties was his expertise.

In Franz’s opinion, this economic alliance could also transform into a political alliance, a military alliance, in the future – as the economic development proceeds, it’s just a matter of time before everyone’s interests are bound together.

Being prepared for a rainy day was therefore very important.

For example, the name of the alliance must be representative; Franz thought that The Holy Roman Alliance was a good choice.

“Your Majesty, if we name it Holy Roman, I fear the Italian countries would find it difficult to accept emotionally,” said Prime Minister Felix thoughtfully.

“What if we place the headquarters of the alliance in Rome? We could even set it up right next to the Vatican in the Holy Land. With both the sacred and Rome present, there shouldn’t be any problems with this name, right?” Franz retorted.

Metternich advised, “Your Majesty, placing the headquarters in Rome would damage the Empire’s reputation within the Alliance.”

After thinking it over, Franz said, “That’s not important. The essence of the economic alliance is that it revolves around Austria; we’ve already taken the leading position, so the impact on reputation is minimal.

We can also send a signal to the outside world that this is merely an economic union, lowering the vigilance of other countries.

We don’t have to propose this name directly. We just call everyone together to decide where to establish the headquarters. As long as Austria does not participate in the competition, where could possibly be more competitive than Rome?

Once the headquarters are established, we’ll have His Holiness the Pope propose the name. Pius IX won’t refuse something that can expand his influence.”

Franz cared least about empty titles. If the economic alliance’s headquarters were to be situated in Vienna, even if everyone agreed, Franz wouldn’t dare to use the Holy Roman banner.

Don’t think that just because the Holy Roman Empire has been extinct for so many years, everyone has forgotten it. The European countries are very vigilant; if Austria hinted at rebuilding Shinra in diplomacy, it should expect no good days ahead.

To play it off to the side like this is still possible, with headquarters in Vatican, next to the Holy Land of Christendom, having both sacred and Rome – such a name is also justifiable.

“Your Majesty, how does this benefit us?” Metternich asked, puzzled.

It’s like a religious branding of The Holy Roman Alliance. It has nothing to do with the Holy Roman Empire of the Habsburg dynasty, and it doesn’t seem like there are many benefits for Austria.

“On the surface, there are indeed no benefits, but in reality, The Holy Roman Alliance and Holy Roman Empire are only two words apart.

If the economy develops further, we can let the media change the name a bit, like calling it the Holy Roman Economic Empire, or just the Holy Roman Empire directly.

These are all names used by the media, unrelated to us, and other countries’ governments would have to grit their teeth and accept it even if they have objections,” Franz explained calmly.

The influence of the Holy Roman Empire was profound in Europe, especially in the Germany Region, known as the First Teutonic Empire, also the only Empire recognized by the German States.

This was a huge political resource left by the Habsburg dynasty; how could Franz not utilize it?

The more it’s mentioned, the more accustomed people will become. Ordinary people don’t have so much effort to distinguish between this “Holy Roman Empire” and that “Holy Roman Empire.”

Once everyone acknowledges this “Holy Roman Empire,” the foundation for Austria’s annexation of the people of the South German States will also be established.

With economic ties and political infiltration, at that time there wouldn’t even need to be any use of military force to achieve unification.

It is impossible to lend anyone tools or titles.

— “Zuo Zhuan” – “Battle of Ao”

Franz was taking advantage of the time difference to preemptively claim naming rights; as long as Austria could grow and expand its advantages over the states, it could create a fait accompli by substituting one for the other.

Public sentiment is fickle; the unification of the Italian Area and the Germany Region came about because the idea of unification deeply penetrated the hearts of the people.

Without that foundation, the Kingdom of Sardinia wouldn’t have had the power to unite the Italian Area; the Kingdom of Prussia would have probably experienced the Habsburg dynasty’s hardships, beaten into semi-paralysis by the German Confederation joined with foreign forces.

Prime Minister Felix sneered, “As long as the people of the Germany Region acknowledge it, even if the governments of the states are reluctant, they will have no choice when the time comes.

To avoid foreign interference, it’s better if we act in secret, signing secret treaties with these states one by one, and announce it to the outside world after the agreement has been reached.”

As a staunch supporter of the Teutonic cause, Prime Minister Felix was unwilling to let go of any opportunity that could expand into the Germany Region.

In his view, The Holy Roman Alliance, or rather, the Holy Roman Empire, was the best weapon to counter the concept of Lesser Germany put forward by the Prussians.

If the powers of Prussia and Austria continue to grow, the German States will be left with only two choices: either join the Lesser Germany led by Prussia or join the Holy Roman Empire led by Austria.

Yes, it will not just be The Holy Roman Alliance in the future, but the Holy Roman Empire.

Due to religious beliefs, the North German states are likely to lean toward the Kingdom of Prussia, but the South German States are different; they naturally tend toward Austria.

Under the influence of Franz, voices advocating a joint Prussian-Austrian partition of the Germany Region have emerged, not only in Austria but also finding supporters in Prussia.

Before the unification of the Germany Region, Prussians themselves did not believe they could unify it; Frederick William IV’s highest goal was merely to incorporate Northern Germany.

The Junker nobles were not yet as arrogantly domineering as in later generations and would probably turn tail before the battle against Austria or France even began.

It wasn’t a matter of whether they could fight or not, but rather that they simply could not win.

Otherwise, during the latter stages of the Crimean War, the Kingdom of Prussia would have made its move as England and France and the Russians were mired in tough fighting; defeating Austria would have allowed them to unify the Germany Region.

Do not look to the invincible German Army of the future; it was, after all, the future, not the present. The rise of the Kingdom of Prussia commenced after the reforms of 1848 and entered a period of rapid development.

At present, it was still a feudal dynasty, and its composite national power constrained the strength of its military forces. The successes of history were full of coincidences—the Austro-Prussian War and the Franco-Prussian War were both gambles on national destiny.

It was not as the textbooks claimed, that victories were due to their system, to mandatory education, or to overall national power.

If the Austrian Government had not been self-destructive, using the wrong people and botching military deployment, the Austro-Prussian War would not have ended so easily. If the war had dragged on for three to five months, Prussia would have been left in tears.

The Franco-Prussian War was even more of a farce, with Napoleon III, already buoyed by pride, presuming himself to be the reincarnation of the God of War. He did not mobilize the entire nation and rashly declared war on the Kingdom of Prussia, pitting his 220,000-strong French Army against the 470,000-strong Prussian Army.

The outcome goes without saying. After the Franco-Prussian War, the unification of Germany, having undergone some packaging, established the spirit of the German Army, with its combat strength at its peak.

As a successful entity deserving respect, Franz was very wary of the Prussians, who were on the rise.

In his view, he either had to preemptively disrupt Prussia’s path to unification, or simply let Prussia unify the Germany Region and shift Austria’s development direction.

He had no choice in the matter; reality had made the decision for him. The Austrian public could not tolerate the loss of their leadership position in Germany, and the Austrian Government could not bear the political consequences.

Hence, Franz could only proceed down the first path. Simply disrupting Prussia’s plan was not enough. Since Austria’s energies were tied up in the Germany Region, they naturally had to reap some benefits.

A joint Prussian-Austrian division of the Germany Region was a fine concept. As compensation, Austria would support Prussia’s expansion in other directions.

All right, this was purely a ploy. Aside from naïve teenagers, the majority of politicians did not believe that Austria would genuinely support Prussia’s external expansion, especially since they had no direction left to expand into.

Expanding into Northern Europe, have they asked the Russians?

Expanding into the Low Countries, do they have the consent of the French?

As for seizing overseas colonies, where is the powerful navy?

“The issues of negotiation will be handled well by our Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The current issue is where the common interest of this alliance lies, and what we can use to entice them to join?” Metternich asked indifferently.

Since it was about binding interests together, it was essential to first make everyone see where the benefits lay.

“We can imitate the German Customs Union, reducing tariffs together to facilitate the flow of goods.

We can also grant the sales rights of certain products to powerful factions in each country, bribing them with interests.

For example, our competitively advantaged agricultural products.

If we sell them directly, we will surely harm the interests of the local Nobility. However, if we let them handle the sales, such issues will not arise.

These Sub-States would have to import food from outside anyway. Where they buy it from doesn’t change anything, does it? With lower tariffs, everyone’s profits would even increase,” Finance Minister Karl explained.

In simple terms, it meant conceding parts of the profits to local Nobility in exchange for the unimpeded flow of Austrian industrial and commercial goods.

Once the Nobility’s interests were satisfied, the interests of the capitalists were naturally sacrificed. These Sub-States were still feudal monarchies with Nobility in control. Bribing them meant bribing the government.

“No, if we do that, how can we ensure the profits of our agricultural products?” Archduke Louis objected.

The interests of any industry are limited, and each link in the industry chain seeks to extract profits. If one link takes more, another inevitably takes less.

“Don’t forget, we can enter the market with lower tariffs, giving us a price advantage. We can also manipulate the Alliance to raise tariffs on foreign agricultural products, protecting everyone’s interests.

After eliminating the competitors, we can further expand our overall grain exports; we can even monopolize the grain imports of the German States.

Austria’s grain production has not yet reached its limit, and there is still a wealth of fallow land available for cultivation.

After serfdom is abolished, and the enthusiasm of farmers for grain growing increases, domestic grain production is set to explode.

If we do not open up new markets, our domestic grain will likely suffer from massive unsold stockpiles. What good is discussing profits when the grain can’t even be sold?

To open up new markets and give up a bit of the immediate profits in exchange for greater profits in the future—that’s not too much to ask, is it?” Finance Minister Karl persuaded.

It must be said, his theory was very logical. Profits aside, the grain first had to be sold; what good would it do to talk about profits if the grain just lay unsold at home?

This wasn’t much different from dumping goods at low prices in later ages; however, the low price was only applicable to wholesale. The profits went into the hands of the elite, and the market price of grain still wouldn’t fall much.

Chapter 13: Cruel Society

Regardless of Carl’s embellished words, the essence remained unaltered; to accelerate the pace of industrial development, the sacrifice of agriculture was an undeniable fact.

Capital’s original accumulation was a bloody process, and market expansion abroad inevitably entailed internal oppression.

It was the destiny of the times, and for an emperor aspired to be unparalleled in history like Franz, maintaining appearances was inevitable; outwardly, the Austrian Government never oppressed the peasants.

A mere 5% agricultural tax was amongst the lowest in the European Continent at that time.

In reality, on top of the agricultural tax, there was also a tithe tax of ten percent, collected in the name of the Church.

It couldn’t be more; the Austrian Government, ruled by the Nobility, had to lean its policies toward the ruling class. Getting them to pay taxes at all was quite an achievement.

However, for most of the populace, they also had to pay a land redemption fee, which was their greatest burden and, paradoxically, one they took on voluntarily.

The Austrian Government didn’t force peasants to redeem their land; it was entirely voluntary. The government’s land rent was only thirty percent, and after deducting the taxes, it was a mere fifteen percent—far from being a sign of severe exploitation and oppression.

If one wished to redeem their land, they had to pay an additional twenty percent of the land’s income as redemption money, over a span of forty years, or compensate with a lump sum cash payment.

If the government had mandated the payment for land redemption, with such a heavy burden, it’s likely that many would have been resentful and dissenting voices would have been numerous.

But by leaving it to their volition to purchase land, the situation was different; peasants were grateful to the Emperor who allowed them to own land.

Even with the heavy burdens, their lot was much better than in serfdom days. They had enough to eat and owned some disposable property as well.

Of course, they worked harder; working for the Nobility was a Sloppy Joe’s effort—doing as little as possible. Now working for themselves, nobody was lazy. Those who could cultivate ten acres would not settle for five.

Everyone wanted to earn more money, pay off their redemption fees sooner, and enjoy better lives.

Indeed, in the hearts of the peasants, owning land meant having good days ahead.

Since Franz’s governance, the Austrian Government’s tax system had been significantly simplified, with many convoluted taxes gradually abolished.

Aside from the 5% agricultural tax, other taxes were no longer the concern of the peasants; they wouldn’t be collected from them.

The tithe didn’t count; it was collected by the Church and had nothing to do with His Majesty the great Emperor.

Now, the government aimed to use low grain prices to win over interest groups in the Sub-States, which was beneficial in the long run as it increased the market share of Austria’s agricultural products.

The future United States would engage in low-cost dumping, proving it to be a profitable strategy. Even if agriculture wasn’t lucrative, other areas had reaped substantial returns.

Otherwise, the United States would have ceased such practices. They weren’t running a charity; who can endure annual losses?

By uniting with other major grain-producing countries to inflate the price of grain, it was not out of reach for the United States. They continued with low-cost dumping because there were larger interests at stake.

On the surface, the Austrian Government’s wholesale of low-priced grain caused losses for local interest groups. But once Austria controlled the grain supply of the Sub-States, the situation was transformed.

Like it or not, the governments of those countries became politically obliged to align with Austria; they had no choice in the matter.

No matter how grand the strategy, the farmers and Nobility who grew grain in the initial stages became sacrificial pawns; the Austrian Empire provided no subsidies for grain.

“How do we control this balance? If the price is just slightly lower than the international grain price, it might be acceptable. But if it’s too low, it could discourage domestic grain production,” said Prime Minister Felix, frowning.

From a personal standpoint, he should have opposed the measure, but as the Prime Minister of Austria, he couldn’t focus solely on immediate interests.

Carl’s persuasions had been successful; everyone knew that Austria’s grain production would skyrocket, domestic consumption couldn’t keep up, and if no export markets were found, the surplus would rot in the warehouses.

Everyone’s thinking had been skewed; facing such a situation, the solution was not singular. For example, reducing taxes related to agricultural products, or increasing the competitiveness of grain prices.

Or developing complementary industries such as winemaking, advancing livestock farming, and implementing deep processing of grains…

“Prime Minister, the loss is only for the first few years. Considering the actual situation, we now propose to lower the international grain price by twenty percent, to preemptively enter the market.

Once we dominate the market, we can gradually raise prices. The losses everyone incurs now will be recovered in the future.

Additionally, the government encourages the export of processed products, aiming to export high value-added products as much as possible, to ensure everyone’s interests,” Carl analyzed earnestly.

This venture was something only the Austrian Government could dare to undertake. Other grain-exporting countries didn’t have as many state-owned enterprises capable of controlling grain export prices.

Capitalists are profit-driven, and with low entry barriers in the agricultural product industry, which capitalist would care about future benefits?

They prioritize the present, for if they don’t, they could be crushed by competitors before even reaching the future.

The strategy of “dumping at low prices” was thus formulated. Who could resist temptation when faced with interest?

Franz merely furrowed his brows in acknowledgment. Reality was that cruel. Without sufficient benefits, how could one persuade others to join them?

Fortunately, in this era, industrial importance was not yet fully recognized. Under the feudal system, capitalists had little say; otherwise, the cost for the Austrian Empire to establish an economic alliance would have been even greater.

It was easy to devise a plan, but implementing it was not so simple. The much-discussed Austrian civil servant examination commenced on December 21, 1848.

To avoid the difficulties of monitoring and prevent serious cheating, the Austrian Government decided to hold all examinations in Vienna.

The finance department was the first to begin its examinations, not due to a lack of desire to hold them simultaneously, but rather because the Austrian Government did not have a venue large enough.

Unlike modern schools with classrooms aplenty, making finding a place for testing a simple task, there was no such abundance of space back then, leading many to take their exams in outdoor squares.

Even the square in front of Franz’s Imperial Palace was borrowed by the government to serve as an examination hall.

Atop the Vienna Palace, Franz took out his telescope and observed the long lines of candidates waiting to enter, feeling a myriad of emotions.

There was a time when he was also part of that massive troop of examinees, experiencing failure after failure, attempt after attempt, and before the results of his last attempt were out, his fate had already been rewritten.

After a sigh, Franz put down his telescope and descended from the castle. The examination had already started at this time.

In the examination area, candidates were answering questions earnestly; some were deep in thought, others were writing furiously, and some were scratching their heads in bewilderment, while proctors patrolled the aisles quietly.

This was the first civil service examination in Austria, and the proctors were extremely professional, yet the pressure they exerted on the examinees was immense.

Soldiers armed to the teeth acted as proctors. If someone had poor mental fortitude, just the sight of this set-up might throw them off their performance.

Time ticked away, and the “ding, ding-ding” of the bell signaled the end of the examination.

“Everyone stop writing immediately and leave the examination hall. Violations will result in the voiding of exam results,” came the cold voice of a proctor.

One by one, candidates had to leave the examination hall with downcast gazes. Clearly, the majority felt that they had not done well, with many leaving vast blank spaces on their papers.

Outside the examination hall, the noise of people was already intense, with groups huddled together, voicing their complaints.

“Wigel, how did it go?”

“How could it go? Who knew the finance department would set such offbeat questions? It’s as if they were testing everything. What about you?” Wigel responded with a wry smile.

Politics, history, culture, economy, military, religion, geography, numbers, music, art, international affairs… all sorts of topics appeared on the exam paper.

Even though professional knowledge was the main focus, the variety of questions had significantly dampened everyone’s spirits.

“Me? I’m preparing for the next exam. No matter what the position, I have to pass something; otherwise, I won’t be able to explain myself when I get home,” Raul said with a serious face.

The pass ratio for this examination had been announced already: an astonishing fifty percent. Failing meant belonging to the eliminated half.

Nobility needed to save face; openly competing and being part of those eliminated would lead to a long time before they could hold their heads high again.

Luckily, there were not many commoners taking the exams in this era. Otherwise, if they lost to commoners, their pressure might have been even greater.

“You’re probably worried about how you’ll explain it to Eilinna, aren’t you? After all, you’ve talked up a storm in front of her,” Wigel said unabashedly, revealing the truth.

Raul, unbothered by his uncovered lie, said, “So what? I’m an academic failure. It’s normal for me to not pass.

It’s inherently unfair to have someone like you, a high achiever from Vienna University, testing alongside us.”

Wigel calmly responded, “Are you trying to say that if I fail, you’ll have something to laugh at me about for a lifetime? Rest assured, that’s not going to happen!”

Wigel still had the confidence to pass the exam; what he aspired to was a good ranking. There was a difference between passing with a perfect score and just scraping by.

High scorers stayed at headquarters, while those with lesser scores were sent to work in different locations — it was practically an open secret. No one could complain about unfairness, as everyone’s results were their own doing.

The Austrian Government valued efficiency, and the marking process had already begun concurrently with the end of the exams. Once the results were out, they were immediately published, with candidates selected based on the scores they had achieved.

If scores were the same, it came down to one’s background; those of higher social standing were prioritized for recruitment. There weren’t many more reasons one could argue.

Chapter 14: Investment Preparation

Christmas

As the most important festival in the European world, it naturally could not be taken lightly. Hadn’t everyone noticed how the soldiers from The Papal State were rushing back to celebrate?

Franz, as per tradition, held a Christmas banquet at the Imperial Palace and invited a host of people to attend the feast.

This was the first Christmas since Franz’s ascension to the throne, and everyone paid extra attention to it. The guests who were invited and could make it, all showed up.

Relatives, friends, key figures from military and political circles, along with their families, swelled the guest list to four digits. The feast was filled with the clinking of goblets, cheerful conversations, and a heartwarming ambiance.

Franz could tell that everyone was putting on a happy face for his sake, but in reality, they were bored to death, engaging in dry conversations.

Palace banquets emphasized etiquette, and guests really couldn’t let loose and have fun. Especially the children, who couldn’t wait for the banquet to end so they could go out and enjoy a merry Christmas.

There was no helping it; even he, the Emperor, was unbearably annoyed. Using tableware that glittered with gold, Franz briefly wondered if it was just gold-plated. However, tests proved that he was overthinking it; it was indeed made of pure gold. It seems his subordinates didn’t dare deceive their Emperor.

Well, Franz usually did not use such tableware; he generally preferred silverware, which was said to have antiseptic properties.

In this era, although Western medicine had advanced from primitive bloodletting techniques, its technology was still lacking. Almost any illness could be fatal, so a life-conscious Franz promptly made his choice.

After enjoying a lavish meal, everyone went their separate ways. Christmas is better spent at home, and Franz had no intention of keeping everyone for the holiday – that would have been like asking for punishment.

He would bet that if palace banquets weren’t a status symbol for these individuals, the majority of them would prefer not to attend.

Even though the banquet was extravagant, costing tens of thousands of shields (1 shield ≈ 11.69 grams of silver), how could anyone present be a pauper?

Once the guests had left, Franz and his family had their own Christmas Eve to enjoy. His younger brothers immediately revealed their true selves; today was a special day, and they were free to revel as they pleased.

Franz envied them. Although he was only 18, he was no longer able to let himself go. Even more tragically, his mother’s Christmas wish was for him to hurry up and find a wife.

Being an Emperor and still pressured to marry? Franz felt it was utterly ludicrous. On considering the ages of the princesses of the European Royal Family, he felt relieved.

There was no need to worry for the time being. The intended Princess Sissi was only just 11 years old, and even her older sister was only a year or two older. Other princesses of suitable status were either too young or already married.

However, Franz remained vigilant, fearing that without caution, he might end up with a loli fiancée.

Early engagements were common among the Nobility. As the Austrian Emperor, Franz was considered the most eligible bachelor among the European nobility, and there was no shortage of nobles interested in him.

Luckily, now that Franz was Emperor, he had a say in personal matters. If he insisted on disagreeing, no one could force him to consent.

Under normal circumstances, Empress Sophie would consult with him on this issue. As for his father, a chronic bronchitis patient, he had little to say in household affairs.

The midnight chimes resonated, rescuing Franz from his thoughts.

The family all stood up, lit candles one by one, recited the Bible in chorus, blessed each other, and then started singing Christmas carols.

This year, Vienna’s Christmas was exceptionally lively. As the earliest established public holiday, factories had closed early.

Capitalists were not willing to pay triple wages, so workers were not required to work overtime today. If they encountered a generous boss, they might even receive a Christmas present.

The streets and alleys of Vienna were now filled with children’s figures, singing Christmas carols, and going from house to house, spreading good cheer.

This was the time for everyone to display their generosity. Wealthy individuals typically prepared some Christmas gifts in advance, like candies and nuts, to distribute to the children bringing tidings of joy.

This Christmas, Franz’s wallet had deflated a bit more.

Christmas gifts were a considerable expense. He presented every hardworking and overtime-serving servant and guard in the court with a Christmas gift.

Friends, public officials, soldiers still on duty, and even the orphans housed by the government, all received a Christmas gift from His Majesty the Emperor.

Though the gifts were just candies and nuts and not worth much, the overwhelming number of recipients made a difference. To win people’s hearts, Franz spared no effort.

However, there are always returns on investments. In this age, people’s hearts were pure, and faced with the unexpected Christmas gifts, many saw their loyalty to the Emperor soar.

Especially for the orphans under government care, many received their very first Christmas gift, which had an especially great impact on them.

The price was that Franz spent nearly two hundred thousand shields on one Christmas. If it weren’t for the grand business of the Habsburg family, the royal pensions alone might not have been enough for Franz’s extravagance.

The royal pensions of Austria were only recently set, calculated at one and a half percent of Austria’s fiscal revenue, amounting to roughly five to six million shields each year.

This money was not for Franz alone to spend; the large royal family all had their shares, with Uncle Ferdinand I and his wife taking one and a half million shields.

Other close members of the royal family also had their own parts, leaving only about three million shields for him, the Emperor, to freely spend—and there was still a large group to support within the Imperial Palace.

Living frugally was not an issue, but to squander without care was obviously not possible.

After Christmas, Franz was ready to invest in more industries. As for what specifics to undertake, that gave Franz a headache.

There were many quick profit-making businesses, mostly legal, and as a great Emperor, he obviously couldn’t lead the way in breaking these rules.

Franz even considered selling civil service exam study materials at one point, but he quickly dismissed the thought. It was too demeaning; it wouldn’t make much money, and the potential damage to his reputation wouldn’t be worth it.

Agriculture was out of the question. Even though the Habsburg family did not lack in land, the rate of return was too low. Even with cash crops, the return would not enable quick wealth accumulation.

Franz would not touch “drugs”, as that would tarnish his illustrious image.

He could sell arms, but unfortunately, arms trade is now dominated by political factors, and Austria had limited overseas influence as it had been circling around Europe these years.

That left the financial industry, but unfortunately, Franz lacked knowledge in this area. In this era, the finance industry was full of scams, and Franz would be devastated if he got tricked.

Don’t think that no one dares to cheat the Emperor. To capitalists, as long as the profit is high enough, there is nothing they wouldn’t dare to do.

After much consideration, Franz felt that investing in the food processing industry was promising; businesses that follow government policies are usually “money paths”.

Once the Holy Roman Economic Alliance was established, he could immediately benefit from explosive growth. With the Habsburg family’s connections, he didn’t have to worry about sales channels.

Though he couldn’t produce the various snacks from future eras, simple products that didn’t require technical skills like popcorn, fries, biscuits, canned food, and beverages were very simple to make.

Besides this, mining was also a very promising industry, requiring little technical knowledge. As long as one had strong support and found a rich mine, one could make money while simply lying down.

This was tailor-made for Franz—at least in Austria, mining was sure to be profitable for him. He only needed to find the mines; everything else would take care of itself, and no one dared cut off the Emperor’s wealth.

In a short time, Franz wrote down a list of business projects in his notebook. To implement them, he still needed to conduct market research.

All transmigrators had a common weakness—they loved to be at the forefront of the era. This was very dangerous and could easily lead to becoming a martyr.

Franz was very cautious about this and seldom acted arbitrarily. In his view, if the elite of his era couldn’t accept something, how could he expect the average person to embrace it?

“Jennie, hand over the list I’ve compiled to Baron Kas, and have him do a market study on these industries. Collect as much information as possible. I want to choose the most suitable projects for investment,” Franz ordered.

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Jennie replied.

This was the benefit of being an Emperor—whatever needed to be done, one could simply order others to do it. There were plenty of people willing to give their lives to his service.

Take, for instance, Baron Kas, a vassal of the Habsburg family, whose ancestors had served the Habsburg Family for five generations.

After Franz became regent, he inserted many people into government departments to strengthen control, and Baron Kas was one such individual, positioned within the commercial department.

Now Franz had him do private tasks, Baron Kas would do it with more dedication than official duties.

If Franz hadn’t given him private work, but instead assigned it to his colleagues, Kas would likely worry, afraid of being abandoned by the Emperor.

As for the issue of using public office for private tasks, sorry, in this era, it was quite hard to distinguish between the state and the Emperor. To many, their loyalty was to the Emperor, not the state.

This situation was very common in the Austrian Empire, as it was the Emperor, not the government, that bound the diverse nations of Austria together.

Chapter 15: Reformist

The tumultuous civil service exams in the Austrian Empire continued until February 1849, when the final results came out, leaving some overjoyed and others in despair.

Franz heaved a sigh of relief that it had finally come to a smooth end. With this good start, the talent selection system of Austria underwent a significant change.

The Central Government now oversaw the unified selection of talents, deploying them to local positions, which greatly weakened the local power factions and strengthened centralization.

On February 6, 1849, the Austrian National Assembly officially convened, marking the beginning of all Austrian ethnic groups’ participation in governance and decision-making for the nation’s fate.

A total of 115 members from various Austrian ethnicities attended the meeting. Theoretically, seats were allocated based on population proportions, but considering practical scenarios, the number was increased by 15.

Since many Austrian ethnic groups lived in scattered settlements, Franz couldn’t possibly gather them all together. Therefore, the election of assembly members was based on regions.

Naturally, the candidates were nominated by the great His Majesty the Emperor, after which they were elected by local votes. If a certain ethnicity lacked representation, don’t worry or panic; it merely meant their interests had been represented.

Amid the cheers of the public, the Austrian National Assembly, the nominal supreme authority of Austria, was thus established.

The first matter addressed by the National Assembly upon its opening was the passage of the Austrian Compulsory Education Law. The highly anticipated compulsory education was finally enshrined into law in Austria.

The Government’s call for public suggestions also came to an end, with hundreds of thousands of proposals received in total, though most of them were redundant.

What surprised Franz was that there were so many opponents to compulsory education. Nearly half of the suggestions were advising the government not to waste resources and tax money.

Indeed, many saw compulsory education as a waste of resources and tax money.

They even cited examples, pointing out that the two great powers of the modern world—England and Russia—did not practice compulsory education, and the Kingdom of Prussia, which did, hadn’t become the world’s dominant power.

Franz, with his strong mental fortitude, decisively ignored these dissenting opinions.

The benefits of compulsory education in the Kingdom of Prussia might not be obvious now, but once the second Industrial Revolution unfolded, everyone would suddenly realize that the Kingdom of Prussia had a vast number of technical workers and engineers.

With a massive number of technical workers and engineers, Germany’s economy soared past the United Kingdom after the outbreak of the second Industrial Revolution.

After several rounds of screening, only five feasible proposals remained in Franz’s hands, including the sandbox-style teaching he had arranged for.

However, one of the proposals greatly angered Franz.

“Work-study compulsory education,” which basically meant making children undergoing compulsory education work in factories for half a day, then attend school for the other half, using their labor income to finance the costs of compulsory education.

On the surface, it seemed unobjectionable, but in reality, it was deeply problematic. If capitalists and schools colluded, compulsory education would likely turn into a source of cheap labor for capitalists.

Even if all children were assigned to state-owned enterprises, the outcome wouldn’t improve much, as the managers of these enterprises would also pursue profits. It wouldn’t be surprising if half a day’s work turned into a full day’s work after collusion.

Franz still had his integrity—exploiting children was something he could not do.

Moreover, if even the Kingdom of Prussia, poorer than Austria, could implement compulsory education, there was no reason why it couldn’t be pursued in his domain.

Decisively rejecting this proposal, Franz realized that there was always a scheme deeper than the last.

There was even a suggestion for Church-administered compulsory education, which meant entrusting compulsory education to the Church. The government would fund the Church, letting it handle compulsory education.

Franz really wanted to find the scoundrel who proposed this and tear them to pieces.

Indeed, it could save some costs, as churches were widespread, students could stay at home, avoiding school construction expenses; Clergy had other sources of income and didn’t live off salaries—just a bit of subsidy would suffice.

But what would be the consequences? Whether the next generation cultivated by the Church would remain loyal to the Emperor or to the Church was a serious concern.

Franz didn’t underestimate the power of religion. From the Middle Ages to the present, European governments have been striving to weaken the influence of religion. It would be absurd to go back in history.

These two seemingly feasible but nefarious proposals had hidden risks, and yet many people agreed with them. Franz couldn’t help but lament, “National quality education still needs to be strengthened!”

After excluding the two problematic proposals, Franz said, “Prime Minister, submit these three rather reliable suggestions to the Parliament for discussion. Select the one that’s most suitable for Austria’s national condition for compulsory education.”

“Yes, Your Majesty,” replied Prime Minister Felix.

The so-called discussion is nothing more than a formality; the will of the Emperor is the will of the Austrian National Assembly. It’s fine to have one’s own opinion, but it must not conflict with the Emperor’s.

Of course, Franz is also amenable to reason; he is willing to adopt any good suggestions as long as they are convincing.

Minister of Education Leo von Thun-Hohenstein, presented a thick document and said, “Your Majesty, the Ministry of Education has prepared the plan for obligatory education, please review it.”

Franz took the document, which was about two or three hundred pages thick; he didn’t rush to open it, as the amount of content was not something to be understood in a short time.

The Austrian Empire is a multi-ethnic state with very complex national conditions; the methods used to implement obligatory education in different ethnic areas vary.

Since many aspects are involved, the final plan naturally became thicker.

“Count Hohenberg, could you give a preliminary explanation of your plan, and how far it has progressed?” Franz asked with concern.

Count Hohenberg quickly replied, “Your Majesty, after conducting field research throughout the country, the Ministry of Education decided to implement obligatory education in phases, starting with densely populated urban areas and gradually extending to rural areas.

This year our goal is to start obligatory education in major cities like Vienna, Prague, Pecs… and strive to extend obligatory education nationally within five years.

The school locations in these major cities have essentially been determined, and considering budgetary issues, we are principally renovating existing buildings.

To date, we have completed the construction of 1,023 schools and recruited 34,216 teachers, who are undergoing urgent training and expected to be ready by May.

The Ministry of Education plans to officially start obligatory education in June of this year. During the early phase, considering school capacity, we will enroll students who voluntarily sign up, and after five years, we will enforce compulsory education for all eligible children.”

Franz nodded; his biggest fear was that officials, eager for political achievements, would rush projects and mess up the well-planned obligatory education.

“Has the Ministry of Education considered students from families with better financial conditions? They have their own money to pay for tuition and require better educational conditions.

They need not compete for resources with other children for obligatory education. Has the Ministry differentiated these students?” Franz asked doubtfully.

Poor education is naturally the privilege of the poor; surely the descendants of capitalists and the nobility shouldn’t also be going to class with their sand trays?

Count Hohenberg explained, “Your Majesty, Austria already has fee-paying schools, and we have not made significant changes to these; these schools are not incorporated into the obligatory education system.

Considering equitable selection, in the future, the Ministry of Education will gradually reduce the allocations granted to these schools. The Ministry will allocate education funds based on the number of students in all schools, using a unified standard.”

Perhaps this is not the best choice, but it is the most suitable one. The Austrian Central Government provides equal education funding for every student participating in obligatory education, taking the principle of fairness into account to the greatest extent.

Those who have money can spend it on better schools; these are their freedoms. After the government reduces grants to these fee-paying schools, naturally, the tuition will increase.

The times have changed; before, the Austrian Empire only needed to pay for the education of some two to three hundred thousand students, but now it must foot the bill for the education of millions of students, making educational disparity inevitable.

Of course, local finances also contribute to education funding; wealthier areas get a bit more, less affluent areas get less. The Central Government’s education funding allocations can only guarantee the most basic completion of obligatory education for students.

“Let’s proceed with this for now, and continue to solicit opinions from domestic education experts. As long as the suggestions are practical and beneficial for Austria, we can accept them,” Franz thought for a moment and said.

Since it was necessary to make a political show, it was essential to do everything properly. Since the initial phase involved consulting the public, naturally, this must continue.

Whether or not the suggestions are adopted in the end, at least after a round of lively debate, the relationship between the Austrian Government and experts and scholars in society has improved a lot.

Last year, the Austrian Government’s suppression of the rebellion created barriers between itself and cultural figures, but these have been gradually diminishing.

Many people’s dissatisfaction with the Austrian Government stems from a rigid system that hampers the country’s development, not because they don’t love the country or want to revolt.

In fact, Austria is quite conservative. Revolutionary ideas popular in France find it hard to take root here; people are seeking reform, not revolution.

In the Metternich Era, ‘reform’ was touted as a slogan every day, yet when it came to action, the government made no move, which left everyone extremely dissatisfied.

In Franz’s era, the Austrian Government’s reforms have been continuous, first with the abolition of serfdom, then the implementation of Labor Protection Laws, followed by civil service exams, promotion of obligatory education, and so on.

Although these reform measures leave much leeway and are not radically enforced, such progress already satisfies the reformists.

Aside from naive teenagers, no one expects perfect results immediately. Especially the older generation who prefer to boil the frog in warm water, making social changes step by step.

Chapter 16: Basic Operations – Digging Pits

The initiation of compulsory education marked a temporary conclusion to Austria’s internal reforms. The government’s energy is limited; it’s not possible to attend to every aspect at once.

Taking advantage of the great revolution of 1848, Austria’s domestic reforms had already taken a significant step forward. Now was the time to solidify those successes.

After all, no reform can be completed by a single government decree; more often, policy implementation is key.

As the government officials busied themselves, Franz found his life much easier. In his view, the emperor could only have an easy time if the bureaucrats beneath him had work to do.

Whenever they had idle time, that’s when problems arose. Either political strife within the government would intensify, or they would band together to try to wrest power from the emperor, or even do both simultaneously.

Belvedere Palace

Maid Jenny chattered in Franz’s ear, “Your Majesty, this is the finest tea leaves Viscount Paul Korchagin has brought back from the Qing Empire—Longjing.

It is said to originate from West Lake, the place with the best water quality. To think that a tea tree could grow in water, indeed, the world is full of wonders.”

Franz laughed heartily, “Nonsense, who told you that tea trees grow in water?”

As emperor, how could he lack sycophants? Once people knew about Franz’s fondness for tea, naturally, they catered to his preferences.

Due to cultural differences, many things naturally took on a different flavor when translated.

As for whether these tea leaves are truly West Lake Longjing, only heaven knows. At most, Franz could confirm that this was Longjing tea; whether it was actually from West Lake, or Yuezhou, or even Qiantang, would be asking too much of anyone.

Considering the output, Franz guessed that even if these tea leaves were from West Lake, they probably would not be the best Longjing; Viscount Paul Korchagin was likely cheated by the merchants.

In this era, they could not venture deeply into inland areas, and there were many cases of being deceived in business dealings there.

“Could it be that scoundrel Paul Korchagin deceived me? Hmph! I must settle the score with him later!” Jenny said angrily.

She was genuinely upset; as Franz’s maid, there were no shortage of people trying to please her.

Just like these tea leaves—if Franz were to drink them, he probably wouldn’t finish even by the next century.

Viscount Paul Korchagin had exaggerated the tea leaves exuberantly and offered generous gifts, prompting Jenny to casually mention them in front of Franz.

Only to result in a big misunderstanding, the maid, who regarded this as an embarrassment, was naturally furious.

Franz touched Jenny’s forehead to comfort her, “All right, don’t be angry. I guess he was duped by someone too.

West Lake Longjing has a history of over a thousand years. Centuries ago, it was merely considered a premium tea. In modern times, an emperor of the Qing Empire toured West Lake and took a liking to Longjing.

As the saying goes, ‘like emperor, like subjects.’ The status of West Lake Longjing among teas rose as a result, and now the best Longjing has become a tribute, with very small production and seldom available outside, hardly accessible to ordinary folks.

In reality, there’s no such thing as the ‘best tea leaves’ in the world; everyone’s tastes are different. Only the tea that one likes the most is the best.

These tea leaves are still decent; they have the full complement of color, aroma, flavor, and shape—considered top-grade goods.”

After this display, Franz successfully gained a wave of admiration from the little maid.

Following the incident, Franz successfully remembered Viscount Paul Korchagin.

Austria was not lacking in talent, even though these individuals did not leave significant marks in history. This was a matter of circumstance, not an indication that their abilities were truly lacking.

In this era, there were generally three types of people who ventured overseas: fugitives, those yearning for further social status, and fortune-seekers.

To Franz, they were all talented individuals. Once Austria’s overseas colonization ambitions began, there would be a role for these people to play.

Drinking tea, reading newspapers, studying—this was Franz’s leisure life. He would have liked to try the glittering life of luxury, but unfortunately, he couldn’t deviate from the public persona.

The original person had been a veritable ascetic. A sudden change would easily court trouble. The emperor was not an ordinary person; every word and action could have political repercussions.

If Franz led a life of corruption, it probably wouldn’t take long for the recently recovering Austrian bureaucracy to regress once again.

For the happiness of over thirty million Austrian people, Franz had to continue playing his role, at most, sneak in a little slacking off.

“Your Majesty, Mr. Metternich is here,” the maid’s voice rang out.

“Bring him in,” Franz said calmly.

The Emperor had no fixed rest days and had long since grown accustomed to being disturbed during his rest.

“Your Majesty, news has just come in that the Prussia-Denmark War has erupted again,” Metternich began.

After the revolution in Berlin, the Kingdom of Prussia had reached a preliminary internal compromise. To divert internal conflicts, Frederick William IV, along with the liberals, tacitly instigated the Prussia-Denmark War, attempting to engulf the Two Principalities, Schleswig and Holstein.

Ultimately, under the strong pressure of the Russians, the Kingdom of Prussia made concessions and both sides reached a ceasefire agreement.

“What happened? Did the Prussians inform us beforehand?” Franz asked, concerned.

On the matter of the Schleswig and Holstein, the Austrian Government was the only supporter of the Prussians.

Though it was only verbal support, amid the backing of Denmark by various European states, they should not give up on seeking support from Austria.

“The conditions between the Prussia-Denmark sides were too disparate; negotiations broke down three days ago, and they declared war on each other yesterday. It was after the outbreak of the war that the Prussians notified us,” Metternich answered with a frown.

Clearly, he was very dissatisfied with the Prussians’ actions. Not even giving prior notice was the equivalent of ignoring Austria, wasn’t it?

Franz, however, understood the action of the Prussian Government. Even if they had discussed it with Austria, the Austrian Government definitely would not support their annexation of the Two Principalities, Schleswig and Holstein.

Better to create a fait accompli; then, as long as Austria did not wage war against the Kingdom of Prussia, they would have no choice but to begrudgingly accept it.

“Since that’s the case, let’s contact the Russians and make our stance clear to them, let them confidently proceed. Austria will only offer nominal support to Prussia,” Franz said with a cold laugh.

In this era, the Kingdom of Denmark had long been in decline and was no match for the Prussians. However, it could rely on marriage alliances, having the Russians as a backer.

Without Austria’s full support, Prussia seeking to annex Schleswig and Holstein would have to ask the Russians for permission, no?

The will of the people indeed mattered, but if it meant Prusso-Russian engagement in a war, Franz did not mind going against public opinion just this once. He had already thought of an excuse: the Austrian Government had no money for war.

After all, Austrians had not cultivated internationalist spirit to the point of protesting over such matters. If someone clamored for war, Franz wouldn’t mind seizing their property to fund the military.

“Your Majesty, it’s unlikely that the Russians would initiate an attack on the Kingdom of Prussia; otherwise, the Russian Army would have attacked last year.

If we don’t intervene, it’s indeed possible for the Prussians to occupy Schleswig and Holstein, which would be very disadvantageous for us,” Metternich analyzed.

It was quite apparent that the Russians did not wish to engage in war with the Kingdom of Prussia on Denmark’s behalf, as it wasn’t in their interest to initiate such a war.

With the Russians reluctant to fight, other European states were even less likely to do so. They might support the cause vocally, but when it came to deploying troops, it was expected that they would balk.

Austria’s nominal support further increased the Prussians’ confidence, assuring them they need not worry about trouble from the south.

“Express our dissatisfaction to the Prussians, and at the same time, incite them to persist in their fight through German nationalists, creating an illusion that the German people are behind them.

Secretly contact other German Confederation Sub-States so that once the Prussians occupy Schleswig and Holstein, we can jointly pressure them to grant independence to the Two Principalities.

When necessary, we can launch a preventive war, ceding Prussian Poland to the Russians in exchange for their support through military intervention,” Franz reflected.

Alright, that would be the most ideal scenario. If the Prussians were not foolish, they would come to this realization in advance, as they historically did retreat, didn’t they?

Franz was digging this pit as a precaution, in case he could trap the Kingdom of Prussia, which would be a considerable gain.

“Your Majesty, if we want to trick the Kingdom of Prussia, it would be best not to secretly contact other German Sub-States, as involving more states would make it difficult to keep things confidential,” Metternich suggested after some thought.

Though he doubted the success of Franz’s plan, Metternich didn’t mind giving it a try—failure would mean a mere empty show by the Austrian Government, but success would solidify Austria’s dominant position in the German Confederation.

“Leave it to the Foreign Ministry to handle. If the Prussian Government doesn’t fall for it, let the nationalists put pressure on them, making the Prussians prolong their wartime efforts as much as possible,” Franz concluded after some thought.

War was incredibly costly, and with each day the Prussia-Denmark War dragged on, the Prussian Government had to dish out a significant sum for military expenses.

The more money the Prussian Kingdom spent on the war, the less they would have for domestic investment.

A day or two might not make a difference, but a few months’ delay could deplete the Prussian Kingdom’s annual fiscal income.

Bear in mind that the revolutionary governments in the Schleswig and Holstein regions also needed Prussian financial support—all pure investment with no short-term return.

Even if they defeated the Kingdom of Denmark, there was no prize; backed by the Russians, the Danish people were neither to cede territory nor pay indemnities.

Historically, the Kingdom of Prussia, pressured by various countries, withdrew ignominiously from the war and then had to watch helplessly as the Schleswig-Holstein revolutionary government they supported was extinguished by the Danish people.

Chapter 17: The Russo-Austrian Secret Treaty

Causing trouble for Prussia, Franz did so only as a matter of convenience; the Austrian Government would not commit too many resources to this, as the most important thing was still domestic development.

While the Prussia-Denmark War broke out once again, the Russo-Austrian negotiations also came to a close. After nearly half a year of effort, the two countries finally reached a consensus regarding their respective interests.

On March 21, 1849, the Austrian ambassador to Russia, Wessenberg, signed the Russo-Austrian Trade Agreement with the Russian Foreign Minister Carl-Wasserod in St. Petersburg.

The treaty contained:

1. Both countries would be granted most-favored-nation status, with tariffs on commercial exchanges not exceeding those of a third country;

2. Both countries formed a strategic trade partnership, following the principle of free trade; (trade would continue as usual between the two countries even if one party went to war with a third country)

These rather hastily agreed upon trade agreements clearly were not the culmination of half a year’s efforts by the governments. What truly merited attention were the secret treaties signed, including the Russian-Austrian Military Alliance and Russian-Austrian Power Division.

The Russian-Austrian Military Alliance included:

1. As of the date of the treaty signing, the two countries officially entered into a military alliance;

2. If one party were subject to a foreign military invasion, it would be considered as declaring war on both countries;

3. When one party declared war on a third country, it could request assistance from the other, including material and military support;

Undoubtedly, the Russian-Austrian Military Alliance was an extension of the Berlin Convention, and it even went a step further. The only difference was that the contracting state did not include Prussia.

Because of the Prussia-Denmark War, Nicholas I had a very cold attitude towards the Kingdom of Prussia, and the outbreak of this war also marked the end of the “Northern Three Courts” era.

Compared to the military alliance, the Russian-Austrian Power Division was the cornerstone of the coalition between the two countries. Both parties got what they needed and acquired all that was necessary.

The treaty stipulated:

1. Austria recognized the complete sovereignty of the Russian Empire over the Black Sea Strait, the Dardanelles Strait, and the coastal lands; (including Constantinople, the Asia Minor Peninsula, and parts of the Balkan Peninsula)

2. Austria recognized the rights of the Russian Empire in the Far East;

3. The Austrian Government recognized the interests of the Russian Empire in the Central Asian region;

4. The Austrian Government recognized the rights of the Russian Empire in Persia;

5. The two countries would jointly divide the interests in the Balkan Peninsula and the Mediterranean;

6. The Russian Empire recognized Austria’s sovereignty over the South German Region;

7. The Russian Empire recognized Austria’s interests in the Danube Basin;

8. The Russian Empire recognized Austria’s interests in the Italian Area;

9. The Russian Empire recognized the interests acquired by Austria in its overseas colonies;

It was very clear in the agreement: you support my acquisition of lands along the Black Sea coast, and I support your annexation of the South German States, and together we divide the hegemony of the Balkans and the Mediterranean.

Beyond these core interests, as long as there were no conflicting interests between the two, they would support each other.

With both sides in agreement about their expansions, this also meant that the British-led Convention concerning the Straits was voided. Without Austrian support, it became very difficult for England and France to suppress Russian ambitions in the Near East.

According to the agreement, Austria would gain the South German Region, the regions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, most of Serbia, most of Romania, and a portion of Bulgaria.

In terms of territorial size, this was still less than half that of Russia; economically, the two were even less comparable.

In this era, regions along the Black Sea coast were developed, with the essence of the Ottoman Empire located there. Aside from the South German States, other areas on Austria’s side had not yet been developed.

Seeing the comparison of gains between the two sides, Franz understood why historically Russia and Austria would fall out. The Russians took too much, and the Austrian Government was envious.

More critically, once the Russian ambitions were achieved, the Austrian Empire would no longer be able to sleep soundly.

Initially, Franz thought that the interests in the Black Sea Strait would be enough to satisfy the Russians, with at most half of the Balkan Peninsula. It proved that he was wrong; the Russians had also marked the Asia Minor Peninsula as their own.

Since the Russians had a voracious appetite, he certainly didn’t mind giving them a push. The Austrian Empire recognized Russia’s acquisition of the Asia Minor Peninsula, and the Russians made a concession of interests in the Balkan Peninsula.

The range of influence in the Balkans agreed upon by both parties was of no great concern to Franz. It would be good to secure it, but it was also fine if they didn’t; all that mattered was occupying Belgrade.

The current Austrian Empire didn’t possess such an appetite yet—gobbling it all up would only leave them bloated. If it weren’t for the fact that the Balkan Peninsula’s population was still sparse during this era, he wouldn’t even dare to touch it.

However, the act must be played out in full. If the appetite of Austria seemed too small, the Russians might suspect a conspiracy behind it all.

Franz boldly guessed that at this moment, the court in St. Petersburg was celebrating this great victory.

In history, the Russians dismantled the “Strait Convention” in exchange for sending troops to help Austria suppress the Hungarian rebellion.

In this timeline, the Austrian Government faced no chaos and settled the rebellion on its own, naturally eliminating the need for assistance, and thus there was no talk of compensation.

If the “Strait Convention” had been in place, the Crimean War that followed could not have broken out, as the Russians would not dare take on England, France, and Austria alone.

This is also why Austria, after betraying Russia historically, was in a bad position both internally and externally. In the eyes of England and France, if it wasn’t for Austria’s initial leniency towards Russia, the war would never have started.

“Your Majesty, we stand to lose too much from this treaty. Once it becomes reality, no one will be able to contain Russia!” said Prime Minister Felix, frowning.

The policy of annexing the South German Region was led by him as Prime Minister, but upon witnessing the cost of compromise with the Russians, he regretted it.

“If the Russians don’t grow stronger, do we stand a chance to annex the South German Region? Which nation in Europe would want to see the Austrian Empire continue to expand?” Franz countered.

Metternich, agitated, said, “Your Majesty, it’s easy to let the Russians out, but it’s going to be difficult to contain them once again.

Moreover, can we really annex each state of South Germany?

If the Russians indeed occupy the aforementioned areas, and we haven’t yet digested the South German Region, then Austria will have lost its future prospects.”

Franz replied calmly, “Do not let greed blind you. On the surface, this treaty seems hugely advantageous to Russia, but do you actually think the Russian national strength can support this plan?

The Russians now aim to swallow the Ottoman Empire whole, and the Sultan Government will surely resist to the death. This war obviously won’t be ending anytime soon.

The French have extensive interests in the Near East and will not allow the Russians to expand unchecked; the Russians’ actions might even unite the French government against a common enemy.

There’s even less to say about the British. They’ve never let down their guard against this rival, and supporting the Ottoman Empire is inevitable. They might even pull the French along into the fray.

Do not be fooled by the British naval prowess; they have deep pockets. As long as the Ottomans don’t reach extinction, the British can keep the war going.

Even if the Russians are formidable, they will eventually be worn down.

Unless the Tsarist Government decides to quit while ahead, stopping all military action after seizing Constantinople and defending locally with Russia’s national strength. Defending a fortress city for a few years is manageable, and after some time, England and France will naturally give up.

Then, the Russians can slowly consume the Ottoman Empire. If nothing goes amiss, within three to five decades, they might achieve their goal.

That length of time is sufficient for us to accomplish much. By then, the Austrian Empire may not necessarily be weaker than Russia.”

Speaking of the French, Franz couldn’t help but smile. In modern history, the French are matched only by the Habsburg dynasty in squandering wealth.

The Ottoman Empire doesn’t count, as they haven’t started on their path to ruin yet; they’re still in possession of a vast territory.

Beginning in the 18th century, the French embarked on their tragic journey. If anyone paid attention, they’d see that, at its zenith, the First French Colonial Empire truly was prosperous.

They were defeated in the Austrian Succession War, losing their holdings in the Indian region; the Seven Years’ War saw them relinquish Canada. After supporting American independence, they were barely done when the anti-French Wars erupted, and they were strong-armed by the United States into selling the Louisiana area. (The US bought 2.6 million square kilometers of land for 15 million dollars.)

And that was just the start. If history remained unchanged, the French would continue to lose their stakes in Central America, including the Panama Canal, and their dominant position in Egypt…

Each fall of France directly fed the British and Americans, both of which became world powers by stepping on French shoulders.

Of course, the Habsburg dynasty contributed significantly to this. Without their selfless contributions, neither the British nor the Americans would have risen so successfully.

Franz finally convinced the Cabinet, and of course, the treaty being signed—fait accompli—played a significant part in this.

In theory, as long as England and France put in the effort, it would be difficult for the Russians to realize their ambitions. The frailty of the Ottoman Empire hadn’t been exposed yet, and expectations were still high for them.

If the Russians chose a conservative strategy and struggled gradually, that would be even less concerning.

Three to five decades are more than enough for the Austrian Empire to not only complete industrialization but also to assimilate the South German Region.

Chapter 18: The Fraudulent Donations Scandal

Nations always prioritize interests in their dealings with each other. As Franz was scheming against the Russians, the Tsarist Government was likewise scheming against Austria.

This kind of planning was unrelated to alliances and was conducted within the confines of established rules. As long as interests outweighed contradictions, the relationship between the allies remained reliable.

After the establishment of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the Tsarist Government eased its repression of Prussia.

Clearly, after the Austrian Government revealed its ambitions for the South German Region, the Tsarist Government worried that Austria might unify the entire Germany Region, threatening their hegemony in Europe, and prepared to allow the Prussians to counterbalance Austria.

The most direct expression of this was that Russia’s diplomatic pressure on the Kingdom of Prussia was no longer as forceful as before.

To some extent, Franz had inadvertently helped the Prussians. Of course, this assistance wasn’t enough for the Russians to allow the Kingdom of Prussia to annex the two principalities of Schleswig and Holstein.

The Tsarist Government still didn’t want to give up Denmark, a minor ally, as they needed a stable Northern Europe, and Prussia’s expansion had already disturbed the balance in Northern Europe.

The Tsarist Government was caught in a dilemma; the best choice was to let the Kingdom of Prussia develop towards the Central German Region and delay Austria’s unification of the South German States.

However, they couldn’t allow Prussia to unify the Germany Region, which would conflict with Russia’s strategy. In the eyes of the Tsarist Government, Austria was the best choice for an ally.

They had a certain strength but not enough to threaten Russia. Most importantly, the Habsburg dynasty was already very old, and it’s extremely difficult for any established empire to rejuvenate.

In comparison, a newly risen young empire was more worrisome. Youth meant it was still in its ascendancy, with endless possibilities for the future. Unfortunately, the Kingdom of Prussia was potentially one such young empire.

The Russians were very conflicted. On one hand, they wanted Prussia to balance Austria; on the other hand, they were concerned that Prussia might be swayed by England and France, stabbing Russia or Austria in the back at a critical moment.

In Nicholas I’s view, the best choice was to bring Prussia back into the fold, to return to the “Era of the Three Northern Courts,” or rather, “The Triple Alliance.”

Easier said than done.

In the end, it all came down to interests. For now, the Russians couldn’t sacrifice Danish interests, as it would chill the hearts of their allies.

Therefore, a joint Prussia-Austria partition of the German Region also became impractical. Clearly, one Northern Germany was hardly enough to satisfy the Prussians.

If Prussia were to reach out to the Germany Region, not to mention Austria’s unbearable agitation, even Nicholas I wouldn’t stand for it, as he couldn’t tolerate the emergence of a German Empire.

More critically, if Prussia and Austria divided the Germany Region, then the Kingdom of Prussia would indeed have grown significantly, conveniently blocking their path west.

Worse yet might be that after “The Triple Alliance” had defeated its enemies, it might lead to a Prussia-Austria front against Russia. The feeling of nurturing one’s own enemy is always undesirable.

St. Petersburg

To resolve the troubling issue, Nicholas I specifically convened an imperial conference.

The Prime Minister spoke first, “Your Majesty, we must either fully woo the Kingdom of Prussia, continuing the Berlin Convention, or join forces to suppress Prussia, ensuring they lack the ability to cause us trouble!”

Everyone knew what the choice entailed. Suppressing Prussia was simple: just ally with Austria and give them a sound beating, and it would ensure Prussia couldn’t recover for a decade or two.

But the problem was that once Prussia was subdued, Austria might aim not merely at annexing the South German Region but at unifying the entire Germany Region.

If suppression wasn’t viable, then the alternative was to woo Prussia. Wooing would come at a price—a price the Russians weren’t willing to pay. Asking them to cut their own flesh was akin to asking for their lives.

Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell analyzed, “Your Majesty, the Prussians are very ambitious. Currently, there are two main ideas for the unification in the Germany Region. One is the creation of the Greater German Empire by Austria’s unification of the entire Germany Region, and another is the unification of the German Confederation, excluding Austria, by the Prussians to establish Lesser Germany.

The latter is an idea concocted by the Prussians, whose goals are clear: to unify Germany. The war against Denmark they have initiated is an effort towards this goal.

If we are willing to support Prussian unification of the Germany Region, they will surely join the alliance. However, Austria will certainly not agree. It’s possible that before our strategy even starts, Prussia and Austria would have already come to blows.”

Nicholas I asked with a frown, “Is North Germany not enough to satiate the Prussians?”

The Russians pursued a policy where power determined the share of interests. Right now, the Kingdom of Prussia was at the bottom among the great powers, or rather, a quasi-great power.

The high regard for the Kingdom of Prussia in later times was because they unified Germany and established the formidable Second German Empire, elevating their status.

It’s not as if their mid-sized country with a population of 13 million had the power to match the other great nations.

“Your Majesty, we could try using North German to woo the Prussians. If that doesn’t work, we could then entice them to expand into the Low Countries,” suggested Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell.

The 19th century was an age of expansion, with every nation seeking to extend its power. Not expanding during this era essentially meant a slow suicide.

Don’t be fooled by many countries’ continued existence beyond this era; in reality, many overlook the risks they faced.

Let’s not even mention small countries like the Netherlands and Luxembourg. Even a great nation like Spain was continuously beaten down later on.

For countries like Prussia and Austria, with highly disadvantaged geographic locations, failing to expand and strengthen externally meant tragedy in the event of Russian advances to the west or French campaigns to the east.

Farming and development were not out of the question, but the pace of agricultural development was too slow. Without ample markets or industrial raw materials, two or three decades of hard work couldn’t match the results of others in just two or three years.

“No, allowing the Prussians to annex the North German Confederation is already very dangerous. If they were to gain Belgium and the Netherlands, then we would have another France.” The Prime Minister vehemently opposed.

“Your Excellency, our path to expansion to the west has already been blocked. Even if the Kingdom of Prussia grows stronger, it is impossible to retaliate against Russia. As long as we stir up Prussia-Austria conflicts, the western front will be stable. Our national policy should focus on fully exploiting the Mediterranean,” explained Carl-Wassell.

Russians’ incessant internal disputes relieved Prussia’s diplomatic pressure, giving the Prussians an illusion that as long as they conquered the Danish people and created a fait accompli, Russia would compromise.

Influenced by this, the Prussian Army quickly defeated the Danish forces at the front. On April 9, 1849, the Prussian Army once again entered the Jutland Peninsula.

Unlike the previous restraint, This time, to force the Kingdom of Denmark to capitulate, the Prussians showed no mercy, slaughtering all in their path. Before April was even over, half of the Jutland Peninsula had fallen.

If the Danish hadn’t had the foresight to establish their capital on Zealandia, and given the weakness of the Prussian navy, the Prussian Army would probably have marched straight to the heart.

Unable to withstand the pressure, Nicholas I was also infuriated by Prussia’s actions.

Who beats a dog without regard for its master? He had called a halt multiple times already, and yet they dared to continue military actions, utterly disregarding him.

Feeling his dignity provoked, Russia immediately took action.

On May 7, 1849, two Russian infantry divisions landed on the Jutland Peninsula, blocking the advancing Prussian forces.

Fighting was out of the question, Frederick William IV caved. News from St. Petersburg indicated that Russia’s tolerance had reached its limit.

Starting a war is easy, ending it is hard. Do not think that just because Frederick William IV had already suppressed the Revolutionary Party domestically, he could do as he pleased in Prussia.

The army’s overly successful campaign at the front was not entirely positive. Now the public’s attention was focused on the Prussia-Denmark War, and no one remembered their suppression of the revolution anymore.

However, the after-effects of burgeoning nationalism were emerging—the public could not tolerate failure, especially since victory on the battlefield had been achieved, only for the government to make concessions afterward.

A ceasefire was acceptable, but giving up the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies was not. This was a matter of principle; anyone who compromised was a traitor.

It wasn’t just Austria helping to rally support for Prussia; all the states in the German region, including those in the North Germany that leaned towards Prussia, made efforts.

It can be said that the entire German region was spiritually supporting Prussia. If this spiritual support could be converted into tangible support, then Frederick William IV wouldn’t have to cave.

Vienna

“Your Majesty, the Prussian ambassador in Vienna has sought our help. After the Foreign Office refused, they proposed fundraising war funds in Austria.

According to the intelligence we have received, the Prussians have already started fundraising domestically, and now they are targeting the entire German region. Their finances must be on the verge of collapse,” said Metternich with a chuckle.

Fundraising for war funds? That was a great idea Franz came up with to help the Prussian Government—the public’s money is not easy to take.

If the money was taken but the task was not accomplished, the enthusiasm with which people donated would turn into an equal measure of resentment.

“In that case, let’s cooperate with them. Have government officials aid in their fundraising, hype it up in the German region, and maybe inflate the actual funds raised by just a little bit.

The Foreign Office, on behalf of the Austrian Government, will donate ten million shields to Prussia to support their military campaign to reclaim Schleswig and Holstein for the German Federation.

But there’s no rush to give them this sum. Find an excuse to delay it, and if it can’t be postponed, claim financial difficulties as a reason for installment payments,” Franz pondered aloud.

A fundraising scam? In the 21st century, some would still dare to play this game, and Franz certainly did not mind emulating it.

No, his actions couldn’t even be considered a scam; it wasn’t as if the money wouldn’t be given at all.

As long as the Prussians could bring the two German Duchies back into the embrace of the German Federation, the Austrian Government would pay.

If the Prussians couldn’t withstand the pressure and gave up the already seized Schleswig-Holstein dukedom, naturally, the money wouldn’t have to be given either.

By the way, they should also incite the people of the German States to protest at the Prussian embassies, demanding the return of their hard-earned money.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Metternich replied.

Prussian representatives would probably be overjoyed to hear this news. Would they be so thrilled that they’d die from excitement?

Chapter 19: Making a Fortune? Starting with Embezzlement**

Franz was imbued with a sense of national responsibility, and to raise war funds for the Kingdom of Prussia, he, the Emperor himself, took the lead by donating one million shields and deposited it into the Austrian Royal Bank.

(1 shield ≈ 11.69 grams of silver)

Soon, nobility, businesspeople, and students from across Austria raced to make donations, except these funds were not handed directly to the Prussian Government but deposited into the Austrian Royal Bank.

Indeed, this Austrian Royal Bank was a recent concoction of Franz, and its primary business now was to collect donations from the public, while also overseeing the allocation of this money to the defense campaign in the Schleswig-Holstein dukedom.

The Prussian Army now moved unimpeded across the Jutland Peninsula, having crossed over the line that justified the use of the donations.

It mattered not what the Prussians thought to Franz, who was extremely pleased at present. The Royal Bank, with an initial capital of merely one million shields, had attracted nearly thirty million in deposits—no, in donations—in just one short month.

It was simply that the bank had issued receipts to those who donated, with the stipulation that all donations be used proportionally, and any unused amounts would be refunded afterwards.

To display his patriotic integrity, the Royal Bank even waived the most basic transaction fees, completely offering its services for free.

Since these were donations, naturally, there was no interest. Before this substantial sum was put to use, Franz had already acquired a significant amount of liquid funds on hand.

Holding a large amount of cash without employing it was criminal, so Franz quickly took out a loan for himself to invest in the construction of a comprehensive food enterprise and incidentally, to also acquire a considerable number of high-quality mines.

In those days, gold and silver could serve directly as currency, and gold and silver mines were naturally very valuable. Even for Franz, the Emperor, it was not easy to come by such assets.

In contrast, minerals like iron, coal, lead, zinc, manganese, and rare earths were much cheaper. The industrial revolution was ongoing, and even the most fundamental consumptions of coal and iron remained very limited. Many of the rarer minerals currently had no industrial use.

Franz had no desire to fight tooth and nail for these resources; seizing the moment while they were undervalued, he preemptively secured the future valuable minerals for himself.

Regrettably, the Austrian Empire lacked large mines, otherwise, this move could have set him up for a lifetime.

In any case, with money in hand now, it was time to buy, buy, buy everywhere. Others investing in mining had to first consider the problem of transportation.

Franz didn’t bother with such concerns. As long as the mine’s products were of good quality and the reserves plentiful, that was sufficient. Why worry about transportation?

Others might not know, but how could he, himself, be unaware? It wouldn’t take long for the Austrian Government to heavily invest in the country’s infrastructure development.

What now seemed like mines without development value, would soon surge in worth as soon as roads were built. Coupled with the advancement of industrialization, the demand for mineral resources would increase, making it difficult not to profit.

In just over a month, Franz had spent more than 5.8 million shields, which startled him into prudence. Even when misappropriating funds, there must be limits, right?

If he spent this entire large sum in one go and it was discovered, how would he manage the aftermath?

The Habsburg Family had assets, but not so much cash at hand. Even for Franz as Emperor, it would be challenging to borrow such a large sum in cash within a short period.

If only a part was misappropriated, Franz still had means to balance the books, after all, he was running a bank. Had there not been a shortage of manpower, the Royal Bank would have already started its expansion.

A bank holding thirty million in funds was a behemoth in that era, its cash flow ranking first among all banks in Austria and among the foremost in the world.

Currently, the Austrian Royal Bank had only around thirty branches, which on the scale of things made it a medium-sized bank, with all business outlets concentrated in a few major Austrian cities.

John-Steva, formerly a senior executive at Austria’s First Savings Bank, was poached by Raul and became the first-ever manager of the Royal Bank.

It was only at this time that Franz discovered that the Habsburg Family held shares in many banks—he couldn’t be bothered about how they came to be.

After all, behind every bank, there are supporters; otherwise, it would not be easy to survive in this era, or even in earlier times.

“Your Majesty, the Royal Bank is ready and can now start accepting deposits,” John Steward said somewhat nervously.

“As for banking matters, you are the expert, so it’s up to the management to discuss and decide. The Royal Bank will not offer loan services to the public for the time being,” said Franz, expressionless.

Such a huge amount of money had been misappropriated, but it needed to be paid back. Heaven knows how long the Prussians will hold out; once the Prussian Government makes a compromise, all that money has to be returned.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” answered John Steward.

“Estimate for me how much of these donations can be converted into our depositors? How much money is likely to remain?” Franz asked with concern.

“Your Majesty, our bank’s interest rates are set according to the average level, but the Royal Bank’s credibility far surpasses any competitor.

Approximately twenty percent of the donors are likely to become our customers. Since one third of these donations are from the government, the final amount of funds remaining could be around three million shields,” John Steward estimated after a moment’s thought.

Do not think that three million shields is a small sum. In this era, people do not yet have the habit of depositing money in banks; most of the nobility prefer to pile gold coins in their cellars.

Even opening a bank account comes with a threshold, for instance, the Royal Bank has set it at 150 shields. If you have less than this number, sorry, this place isn’t for you.

In the entire Austrian Empire, the total savings in 1848 didn’t amount to 100 million shields. Having three million shields would account for more than three percent of Austria’s total savings.

Franz had considered lowering this account opening requirement, but thinking of the need for a large number of tellers and the increased difficulty in management and operational costs, he decisively abandoned the idea.

Banks, too, have a certain prestige to uphold. In this era, those who visit banks are the upper-mid-tier of society. Once the restrictions are lifted, and a large number of lower-class citizens flood in, it’ll be too late to regret losing those high-quality customers.

The Austrian public is too poor; saving a dozen or so shields a year is considered having a decent income. Under these circumstances, rashly conducting this business has too high a risk of loss.

“Understood, you should go back and start the deposit-taking business as soon as possible. All salespeople must be strictly trained, and everyone is required to receive each customer politely,” Franz instructed.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” John Steward answered.

During this period, the attitude of bank service personnel was actually not bad because, due to the limit on the deposit amount, those able to make deposits at the bank were essentially middle-class or of an even higher status.

In terms of social hierarchy, bank employees did not have an air of superiority and, naturally, there was no so-called discrimination.

Moreover, being private banks where everyone’s competing for performance, those who perform well get promoted, while the underperformers can just dream on!

Franz was worried and confused; he still had a hole to fill, didn’t he?

The Habsburg Family did not have the luxury to produce several million shields in cash at any time. The Royal Bank was still his personal property, and Franz did not wish others to get involved.

The Royal Bank’s current policy of not issuing loans was not because he did not want to engage in that business, but because he dared not. If the Prussians caved in tomorrow, he would have to face an immediate withdrawal peak.

The donations received by the Royal Bank had been promised for specified uses. If the money couldn’t be produced on demand and the misuse of donations became public, the damage to the credibility would be enormous.

Secrecy was impossible; the reason no one had pierced the window paper yet was that Franz was the Emperor, and no one dared to be that outspoken whistleblower.

Also, they did not know how much money Franz had diverted; if the amount was small, filling the hole would not be difficult. When the time came, one could be charged with spreading rumors and tarnishing the Emperor’s reputation, a crime punishable by death.

Chapter 20: Doing this also puts me in a difficult position

Berlin

Ever since learning that a large sum of donations had been raised in Austria, Frederick William IV was thrilled. Yes, thrilled, definitely not angered.

Besides the Kingdom of Prussia, the donations collected from across the German Region, if converted to Austrian shieds, amounted to about 43 million–with Austria alone contributing over 30 million.

That sum was nearly half a year’s fiscal revenue for the Kingdom of Prussia. If it could all be obtained, it would undoubtedly be a godsend to the cash-strapped Prussian Government.

Unfortunately, His Majesty Franz had proposed earmarked funds, resulting in many German states following suit, though of course, they weren’t as scrupulous as His Majesty Franz.

Up to this point, the Prussian Government had still received over five million shieds in donations from the German Region, with the remainder being intercepted by their respective governments.

With such a significant benefit at stake, how could the bureaucrats remain inactive? Their donations were not as strict as those of Franz; receipts were issued for all, and unspent funds could be refunded.

As one might expect, the rest of the money was doomed not to reach the Prussian Government.

Even more frustrating for Frederick William IV was that according to the media, the Kingdom of Prussia had already received donations from the German Region, and this total amount had already exceeded 100 million shieds.

In an era of poor communication and without bank statements to check, these were all verbal claims. The states did not want to lose face and each claimed to have donated astronomical sums.

Real or fake, does it really matter?

After all, these were figures published by the media from various places, not officially acknowledged by the government. In the future, even if found out, it would hardly matter.

If faced with a shameless government, they could insist that they gave the money to the Prussian Government, and no one could prove otherwise.

For example, Franz had allocated the first donation to the Prussian Government, a total of one million shieds in cash, handed over to the Prussian Embassy witnessed by the media.

Of course, perhaps thinking one million was too little, Vienna’s newspapers turned one million into three million. If Franz were less scrupulous, he could have pocketed the extra two million shieds.

Not everyone is as conscientious as Franz. Inflating donation numbers is a minor issue; many places that only gave two hundred thousand insisted on Prussian officials signing receipts for five hundred thousand.

After all, it’s take it or leave it when the money is in their hands. When faced with self-interest, the bureaucrats fight fiercely.

Apart from the states heavily influenced by Prussia, where such incidents were less frequent, the South German Region was particularly affected.

Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich said with concern, “Your Majesty, we cannot accept this money!”

“What’s wrong?” Frederick William IV asked, puzzled.

Discontent with the other German states is one thing, but there was no need to refuse money, right? Even if much of it had been embezzled by bureaucrats from other nations, the amount eventually received was still significant.

The Prussian Government was now deeply in debt. If the times had been different, Frederick William IV was even ready to declare government bankruptcy and default on all debts.

“Your Majesty, these states are nominally supporting our war efforts, but in reality, they all have ulterior motives.

Now that they have elevated us so high, what do we do if the Russians insist we give up the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein? How will we end this?” Joseph von Radovich said with a wry smile.

Without a doubt, this strategy of using war to divert internal conflicts had gone too far, and the Prussian Government was now in a dilemma. If they could not take back the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, they would have no way of explaining to the public.

And that was not just to the people within Prussia, but also to those across the German Region.

They could attempt to steer domestic public opinion, but there was no hope of influencing foreign opinion. Wouldn’t it be odd if they weren’t slandered?

Frederick William IV had also thought of this issue, but he had no choice. Whether or not he accepted the money, the outcome would not change.

If they succeeded in reclaiming the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, they would be heroes to the German People. If they failed, they would be traitors to the German nation.

Unless they had the courage to truly battle the Russians, then regardless of victory or defeat, they could justify their actions.

In this era, Russia was the hegemon of Europe. It was normal for Prussia to be unable to defeat Russians one-on-one, something the populace could understand. They would then redirect their anger toward Austria and other states that did not participate in the war.

If Prussia didn’t fire a shot and just backed down, how could nationalists and patriots accept this?

In the eyes of the common people, all the states of the German Region were their support—shouldn’t they be undaunted even against the Russians?

Public opinion is terrifying, but the Russians are even more so!

What if a Prusso-Russian war were to break out, who would Austria help?

In Frederick William IV’s view, it was unlikely that Austria would side with Russia. Under the pressure of public opinion, it would most likely support Prussia.

Unfortunately, such support was very limited. It was impossible for Austria to truly exert itself. After all, if the Kingdom of Prussia were to collapse, Austria’s biggest obstacle to unifying the German Region would be gone.

Even if Austria’s support was weak, it would offset the diplomatic pressure from France. A whole bunch of German States cheering would be enough to counteract the diplomatic pressure from smaller European countries.

The diplomatic pressure that the Kingdom of Prussia is currently under is, compared to history, far too small; yet the pressure exerted by domestic patriots has surpassed that of the same period in history.

Neither Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich nor King Frederick William IV could resolve to give up the two duchies of Schleswig and Holstein.

Too much has been invested; the war expenditure paid by the Kingdom of Prussia for this war has already exceeded Austria’s spending in the Ausa War.

Although the war has been ongoing for over a year, and despite the short actual combat time and the Prussian Army easily defeating the Danish people, a military standoff still costs money!

During times of war, military spending is often several times higher than in peacetime—posing a considerable difficulty for the militaristic Kingdom of Prussia.

Military expenditure in the Kingdom of Prussia has always been exorbitantly high. From the accession of Frederick II in 1740, the number of Prussian soldiers increased sharply from 70,000 to 200,000—accounting for 9.4% of the entire population—with annual military spending consuming four-fifths of the government’s entire budget.

At the time, Prussia ranked tenth in Europe by area and thirteenth by population, yet its army was second only to the forces of Russia, France, and Austria, placing fourth in Europe.

Furthermore, this figure increased to 235,000 personnel under Frederick II’s successor, Wilhelm II, and the numbers of the Prussian Army subsequently never fell below this figure.

Maintaining such a large troop in times of peace was an immense financial strain for the not yet industrialized Kingdom of Prussia, with its modest population.

For this country, budget deficits were a common occurrence. In such circumstances, it was incredibly difficult for the Kingdom of Prussia to seek loans abroad or issue bonds.

It was only because the government was out of money that Frederick William IV humbled himself to seek assistance from the German Confederation. Despite knowing the difficulties in obtaining this money, he still accepted it.

“It’s too late to speak of these things now, let our people first gather evidence. If a change of situation occurs in the future, we can also drag them under water.”

“These are all inferior strategies, our ultimate plan is still to retain the two duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. By then, these states will obediently hand over the money.” Frederick William IV said fiercely

“Your Majesty, I’m afraid things aren’t that simple; most likely, these states will demand the independence of the two duchies,” Joseph von Radovich said thoughtfully.

“Don’t worry, as long as we successfully reclaim these two duchies, once we establish a done deal, there’s nothing they can do about it, and we are not without supporters,” Frederick William IV confidently stated.

After so many years of promotion, the idea of Lesser Germany has outweighed the theory of Greater Germany in many regions, with no small number of people supporting the Kingdom of Prussia’s unification of Germany.

If it weren’t for Franz causing disturbances at the Frankfurt Convention, the Lesser Germany idea would have become mainstream in the German Region by now.

The Prussian Government’s persistence is causing a great deal of trouble for the St. Petersburg Government.

From the beginning, they stood by Denmark, and the Tsarist Government even publicly announced that if the Prussian Government did not yield, they would use military force.

What to do now? To act would be to benefit the Austrians gratuitously; not to act would bring into question whether Russia’s face mattered anymore.

How could the Tsarist Government be so fickle as to not even protect their own subordinate states, and then continue to mingle on the international stage confidently?

It can only be said that things are not the same as in past times.

Once, the Tsarist Government could treat their credibility like toilet paper, use it and throw it away; now, the Russian Empire is competing for world hegemony, and if they do not pay attention to credibility, who will submit to them?

A lonely world leader might look imposing but is actually full of crises. Unless they can forcefully unite the entire world, taking a page from Napoleon would do.

St. Petersburg

Nicholas I asked with concern, “What’s the stance of the Austrian Government? Are they willing to mediate this Prussia-Denmark war?”

“Your Majesty, the Austrian Government has refused to partake in this mediation. That old fox, Metternich, says that due to domestic public opinion, the Austrian Government’s participation would only support Prussia’s side,” Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell replied with difficulty.

Russians do not wish to wage war against the Kingdom of Prussia; the Tsarist Government is trying every means to avoid conflict. This fact is no secret and was naturally discerned by the Prussian Government.

Tragically, having obtained this intelligence, the Prussian Government made a strategic misjudgment, believing that Russia would not intervene with force, bolstering their confidence.

“Damn it, the Austrians are probably still dreaming that we’ll clear the hurdles for them in unifying Germany. Are they not afraid that we’ll leak the Russo-Austrian secret agreement?” Nicholas I muttered to himself.

All those present were perceptive people; none dared to foolishly reply with: “Not afraid.”

If the Russo-Austrian pact leaked, Austria’s subsequent strategies would be troublesome, and Russia’s would be downright doomed.

Austria, which sought to annex the South German States, would make the British wary at most, barely raising their threat level to an extent nearing the French. However, when compared to Russia—which aimed to swallow the Ottoman Empire—Austria’s threat became insignificant.

There are plenty of ways to restrain the former, whether by supporting the Kingdom of Prussia, instigating Franco-Austrian tensions, or sowing discord between Russia and Austria.

The latter’s situation differed; the British could only watch Russia at the moment, and if they allowed Russia to annex the Ottoman Empire, a change in the world’s hegemony would inevitably happen sooner or later.

Even if Nicholas I very much wanted to draw Prussia onto the ship, he dared not leak a shiver of information to them, going so far as to raise confidentiality to the highest level during deliberations.

Chapter 21: Walking the Tightrope

Everyone was in a difficult position, and Franz breathed a sigh of relief; the war between Prussia and Denmark would not end in the short term, which meant that he had enough time to fill the gap.

You can’t hide flaws in paper, and if you don’t fill the gap, even if you try to pin the blame on the Prussians, it’s not credible!

If it gets exposed one day, would Emperor Franz still have any face left?

Diversion of funds and embezzlement are two completely different concepts. The former can be explained as normal capital operations of a bank. In any case, as long as the money is paid on time, it’s fine. The latter is forever a dark history.

While Prussia and Russia were deadlocked, the great powers of Europe were not idle either.

The French, aside from occasionally expressing their opinions on international issues to swear their presence, were mainly busy with internal struggles, even overseas colonial expansion was affected.

The British were busy, on the one hand, intensifying their aggression in India, and on the other hand, expanding their colonies in Southeast Asia. They also launched an invasion of New Zealand

The British Colonial Empire was almost completely formed. With the exception of the African Continent being absent, other regions had basically been included or were being included into the British Colonial Empire.

Everyone was very busy, which created opportunities for the Austrian Empire.

While the world’s attention was focused on the Prussian-Danish battlefield, on April 15, 1849, the Austrian Empire established the Holy Roman Economic Alliance in Rome with Naples, the Papal States, Tuscany, Bavaria, Württemberg, Baden, and the Hesse-Darmstadt Sub-State, among others.

European public opinion exploded with shock. Fortunately, Franz didn’t set up the headquarters in Vienna, or the political influence would have been even greater.

The most intense reaction came from Prussia, who were hard-pressed at the forefront with Russia for the unity of the Germanic Region, and Austria had pulled the rug out from under them.

Apart from the Kingdom of Prussia, the main sub-states in the Germany Region joined the Holy Roman Alliance led by Austria, meaning that Prussia was kicked out of the discourse in the Germanic Region.

Influenced by the establishment of the Holy Roman Alliance, the idea of Greater Germany rose again. For many nationalists, economically banding together would help the nation’s unity.

Even within Prussia, there were people advocating to join the alliance established by Austria. As for the German Customs Union, its historical mission was completed, and it could be relegated to the dustbin.

This change caused Frederick William IV a lot of headaches. Nationalism was a double-edged sword: it could support Prussia’s unification of Lesser Germany and could also support Austria’s unification of Greater Germany.

As for the addition of the Italian Area, nationalists didn’t care. In their eyes, as long as the German People had the dominant position, the bigger the empire established, the better.

“Prime Minister, what attitudes do the nations hold towards Austria’s wild ambitions?” Frederick William IV asked expectantly.

Joseph von Radovich thought for a while before replying, “The British have issued a diplomatic note to Austria, opposing Austria’s alliance actions, and strongly condemning Austria for breaking the principles of free trade.

The French government has protested against Austria’s establishment of an economic alliance that excludes third countries, and so far, no further action has been taken.

The Spaniards have stated that they are closely watching the subsequent developments of the situation. Most European nations hold a neutral stance, and Russia has not yet made a statement.”

Undoubtedly, everyone is too busy now to be bothered with Austria’s troubles.

The British, who have not strongly intervened in the Prussian-Danish war, likewise lack the energy to interfere with Austria’s alliance actions. Without the support of the Great European Nations as enforcers, their influence on the European Continent is limited.

As for the French, let them settle their internal factions first. Otherwise, in the midst of internal conflicts and opposition for the sake of opposition, the French government won’t be able to accomplish anything.

Frederick William IV was extremely depressed. As he saw it, the Russians, who were most capable of interfering with Austria, were currently restrained by their help, and the Tsarist Government could not intervene in the Prussia-Austria situation simultaneously.

Without a military threat, could mere protests overwhelm Austria? Frederick William IV shook his head. Prussia faced significant diplomatic pressure as well and still managed to withstand it, didn’t they?

Austria’s establishment was only an economic alliance, and most European countries, unconcerned with the issue, hung up high and became onlookers on the sidelines.

“Haven’t the British taken any action?” Frederick William IV asked concernedly

London

As the world’s number one instigator, how could the British just watch Austria form an alliance?

One must know that the Holy Roman Economic Alliance encompassed almost half of the Germanic lands, more than half of Italy, and the Austrian Empire—a behemoth that was the number one economy in Europe in terms of economic volume.

Even though these places were mostly semi-feudal and semi-capitalist with not weak industries of their own, and the British market share there was not significant, they were not lacking markets.

But even a mosquito’s share is meat, and simply giving it up is not John Bull’s style.

“Something’s amiss, why are the Russians reacting so sluggardly this time?” Prime Minister John Russell asked with suspicion.

Palmerston thought for a moment and said, “Perhaps they are hesitating. The Prusso-Russian war has already tied up a lot of their attention, and intervening in Austria at this point might lead to a unified front between Prussia and Austria.

Nicholas I is no fool. If it comes to that, the ‘Nordic Three Courts’ system would crumble to pieces, and as long as they don’t want to be isolated in Europe, they won’t act against Austria.”

Since the Berlin Convention, the European Continent had entered the “Prussian-Austrian-Russian Union era,” with the three countries jointly maintaining the Vienna System, and even the British were excluded from the European Continent.

Now, due to the Prussia-Denmark war, cracks appeared in Prusso-Russian relations, and the British naturally wanted to find a way to break up this alliance.

Whether it was encouraging Austria to expand into the Balkan region, supporting Austria’s occupation of the Danube Basin, or indulging Prussia in launching a war against Denmark, it was all part of this plan.

It has to be said that the Russians have kept their secrets well this time, fooling everyone, with all imagining their own misconceptions.

“The Russians probably never dreamed that the Prussians would hold on this time. Now they are also in a difficult position.

“However, the Holy Roman Alliance established by Austria is also a trouble. With Metternich, that old fox around, it’s going to be difficult to unite the countries to pressure them,” John Russell said with a frown.

Palmerston smiled and said, “Why must we force the Austrians to dissolve the alliance? After all, it’s not us who should be most worried about it.

Russia, Prussia, and France— which one of them is not more anxious than us?

Especially the Prussians, who are at an impasse with the Russians. Austria would have been the best mediator, but now Austria has set up this alliance, so it looks like the Nordic Three Courts alliance is about to come to an end.

Do we need to help them prolong this alliance?”

Prussia, facing conflicts with both Russia and Austria, naturally can’t continue in the Tripartite Alliance.

The British have made quite an effort to dismantle this alliance, and now it’s just missing the final push—they certainly won’t be giving it a lifeline.

“It looks to be very much to our advantage, but we still have to be wary of Austria. What Metternich, the old fox, is best at is balancing, and the influence of the Habsburg dynasty is deep-rooted.

We cannot let them turn this economic alliance into an empire, or else our interests in the Mediterranean won’t be secure,” John Russell said gravely.

This is not an unfounded worry; everyone knows that the Habsburg Family is best at marital alliances. Through internal intimacies within the structure of the alliance, merging into one family after several generations, that is how the Austrian Empire came to be.

If Franz knew the thoughts of the British, he would surely want to laugh. An alliance with the Italian countries would be fine, but to annex them? No thank you, he doesn’t want to look for trouble.

“Rest assured, Prime Minister. The Austrians won’t get that chance. As soon as they dare to take the first step, the alliance will crumble,” Palmerston pondered aloud.

“However, the Prussia-Denmark war is a real trouble, with the Prussian Government still persisting under public pressure. I’m worried they’ll provoke the Russians, which could lead to a war between them.

If the Kingdom of Prussia is crippled by Russia, without the internal support, Austria might actually dare to unify the Germany Region,” Palmerston said after some thought.

Imperial nations often can’t be analyzed solely from an interest perspective; if the Tsar is provoked, he might indeed wage a war regardless of the consequences.

“Prepare for mediation. Once the situation spirals out of control, we’ll pressure the Prussian Government to force a compromise,” John Russell said fiercely.

There is no other way. Trying to exert diplomatic pressure on Russia is futile—they completely ignore it—thus, the softer target Prussia becomes the only option.

Although Britain has good relations with Prussia, that doesn’t mean the UK will support Prussia unconditionally. In matters of interest, connections with the British mean nothing.

Vienna

Since the establishment of the Holy Roman Alliance, Franz hadn’t slept well for several days; it had all gone too smoothly, which seemed very abnormal.

It was natural for Russia not to intervene; there was a secret treaty between them, and if not for the need to keep it secret, Russia could openly support Austria.

However, the reactions of other countries were surprising to Franz. Neutral small countries aside—since they had no say and were just onlookers—the response from England and France was unexpected.

The French government’s reaction he could barely understand: to quell internal unrest before dealing with external threats. Austria had not invaded France, so their reluctance to share a common enemy was understandable.

Aside from protestations, the British did nothing. According to earlier analysis, the British should have teamed up with France, along with a bunch of minions, to pressure Austria by now.

This unexpected move gave Franz a lot of headaches. Metternich, the Foreign Minister, was still overseeing work in Rome, and the Foreign Office came up with two answers:

The British were preoccupied with colonial expansion and could not attend to Austria;

The British wanted to provoke conflicts between Prussia and Austria, Russia and Austria, to dissolve the Prussian-Austrian-Russian Union.

Except for a few Cabinet members, others were unaware of the contents of Austria’s secret treaties with England, France, and Russia, thus unable to perform a comprehensive analysis.

At this time, Franz suddenly realized that, in just over a year, Austria had signed so many secret agreements, it was almost unthinkable.

If not for the oversight of Metternich as Foreign Minister, Franz suspected that the Austrian Government would have already collapsed.

Previously, Austria attempted to walk a tightrope between England, France, and Russia, but failing to maintain the balance, turned potential allies into enemies.

Just thinking about it made Franz shudder. No matter how much better Austria’s current situation was compared to history, if its foreign policy collapsed, they could instantly become isolated.

And the consequences? There’s no need to think twice about it.

Naturally, it meant keeping a low profile, quietly farming at home. Silently watching Prussia unify the Germany Region, then challenging the world order together.

In theory, the reformed Austrian Empire would be much stronger than the historical Austro-Hungarian Empire; perhaps a joint effort between Germany and Austria could lead to a counterattack.

But obviously, that was unlikely to happen. Franz was prepared; if the situation got out of control, then it would have to be a head-on confrontation with the British, French, and Prussians with Russian-Austrian support.

Purely from a military standpoint, the chances of failure weren’t high—the most likely outcome would be a mutually destructive fight until Russia and Austria ran out of money and ended the war.

In history, when Russia faced England and France alone, they lost the Crimean War not due to military failure but because the government ran out of funds. Had they had enough money, they could have continued fighting.

With a casualty count of just 300,000, it wasn’t much for the ‘Mao Xiong’ to bear; even if that figure increased tenfold, they would still have enough ‘gray livestock’ to spare.

Chapter 22: I reflect on my own behavior three times a day.

After reflecting on Austria’s foreign policy, Franz resolutely decided that in the days to come, he would focus on farming peacefully.

Recently, Austria had been gaining quite a reputation, swiftly bringing the Kingdom of Sardinia to its knees, extorting a sum of war reparations, and then meddling in the Papal State, consolidating its hegemony in the Italian Area.

Now, they had come up with The Holy Roman Alliance, and everyone knew that this alliance was not as simple as it appeared on the surface; one could tell just by looking at the reaction from the Germany Region.

The difference between The Holy Roman Alliance and the Holy Roman Empire was just a matter of two characters, which easily led to associations.

Had it not been for the Italian countries’ involvement and the establishment of their headquarters in Rome, many people would probably have lost sleep over it.

Even so, to many nationalists in the Germany Region, this was seen as Austria’s prelude to the unification of the region.

The seeds had been sown; all that remained was to wait for them to take root and sprout. As for reaping the harvest, that would have to wait until they had enough strength.

On June 1, 1849, Austria officially inaugurated its duty education, allowing all children between the ages of 6 and 13 to enroll at any compulsory education school of their choice.

Austria’s compulsory education borrowed some successful experiences from Prussia, as both had the same core objective, making it natural to learn from their management methods.

The principle of Prussia: “Through schools strictly controlled by the government, to resist the spread of revolutionary ideas and to train a loyal and battle-ready citizenry.”

Austria’s purpose was much the same, albeit phrased differently, with an educational principle dominated by “loyalty to the monarch and patriotism,” adopting semi-militarized management.

Since everyone considered this approach appropriate, Franz naturally wouldn’t oppose it. The national conditions and the era were different, and many things from later generations were not applicable in this time period.

For instance, Franz was still concerned that the compulsory schools would be overcrowded at the beginning, as the addition of just over a thousand new schools would not be enough to accommodate so many students.

It turned out that he was overly worried; many of the lower-class citizens were not particularly interested in compulsory education. Those living in the cities or their surroundings were better, having a broader horizon and understanding that an education made it easier to find work.

In remote mountainous areas, many people had never ventured out beyond a hundred li in their entire lives, and they had no idea what good reading a book could do.

As the public mindset had not yet shifted, Franz felt relieved that he had not taken it upon himself to turn the tithe into an education surcharge; otherwise, many would probably have claimed they didn’t need compulsory education and thus would choose not to pay the tax.

Make no mistake, European citizens resisting taxes under the excuse of not needing the services in question had already become commonplace. With just a little prompting from Revolutionaries and further encouragement from the Nobility, it could easily turn into a nationwide tax resistance movement.

Fortunately, Austria’s compulsory education charged no tuition fees, and with a government mandate, everyone would comply.

Though it meant one less laborer, it was also one less mouth to feed, wasn’t it? That was a calculation everyone could still make, as the schools were boarding schools. Aside from vacations, parents were relieved from the burden of their children’s expenses for the rest of the time.

“Have the statistics for the new student enrollments come out?” Franz asked with interest.

“Your Majesty, a preliminary count has been made. This term, a total of 1.246 million students have enrolled, which is one-fifth less than we had expected,” replied Count Leo von Thun-Hohenberg, the Minister of Education.

In this era, Austria’s education rate was not as low as Franz had originally thought. The Ministry of Education reported that in 1848, more than 2.3 million children were enrolled in primary schools, and the number of secondary school students had also exceeded 50,000.

Of course, the distribution of the educated population was extremely uneven. In economically developed regions such as Austria, Bohemia, the enrollment rate had already reached 94% by 1842, while neighboring Galicia was only at 27%, and the province of Dalmatia had the lowest rate at less than 5%.

Naturally, this data was not perfect; it only accounted for free citizens while excluding serfs.

Moreover, enrolling in school did not equate to actually receiving education. Many of the free church schools were merely using education as a pretext to swindle donations.

Students came and went as they pleased, and teachers taught whatever they felt like teaching; not many could truly gain knowledge.

Due to local government corruption, many public schools had delayed funding, leading to frequent cases of teacher salary arrears. Some schools were even plagued by ghost employees.

Not long ago, when a strict inspection of the local education system was carried out, there was a school that was supposed to have fifteen teachers on staff, but in reality, there was only one teacher, who was responsible for all the courses of all grades in the school.

Even more bizarre was that the school existed, the teachers existed, the students existed, but the inspectors couldn’t find where the school was located.

These instances of defrauding government education funds were not isolated cases; the more remote the area, the more severe the phenomenon became.

This has been confirmed by many historical records. In 1865, only 4.5% of the soldiers recruited in Galicia, Austria could perform simple writing tasks, which was far from the initial enrollment rate.

Franz hadn’t yet had the chance to take harsh measures to reform the chaos within the education system. He had just ascended the throne, and domestic stability was paramount, but that didn’t mean the issue was resolved.

The mandatory education now being promoted was a test, and it was a good opportunity to deal with those who were ineffective or dared to reach out for bribes.

Anti-corruption efforts could only start from the present, for if old accounts were to be settled, a major investigation of the Austrian Government would reveal that out of ten officials, nine deserved to be executed, and even then some would escape.

This was a common trait of all old empires. Faced with this situation, Franz was also quite helpless; after all, he couldn’t just arrest everyone, could he?

He was not Emperor Chongzhen, who could not tolerate a speck of dust in his eyes. As long as one could do the job, personal integrity issues could be put aside for the time being, and noted down in a little booklet to be dealt with at a later date — there was no rush.

“How could there be such a big difference?” Franz asked with concern.

“Your Majesty, the schools for mandatory education are mostly concentrated in the cities, and our recruitment targets only those urban areas or the surrounding regions.

These areas happen to be the best-educated regions, and by recruiting now, we miss the optimal time, as those who are able to attend school have already been enrolled.

The Ministry of Education has already accounted for all the students that could have been enrolled this year, but among these, as long as the household’s conditions are passable, they would not choose to send their children to mandatory education schools,” explained Count Leo von Thun-Hohenberg.

There was no helping it; after all, Austria’s mandatory education was impoverished education.

To save on expenses, all non-essential facilities were cut, and even the teachers were fresh out of training—the quality of education was only better than none at all.

Considering the number of children in this era, and based on the population foundation of Austria, there should be around 6 million elementary school students in Austria during this period to consider that mandatory education has been basically achieved for all citizens.

“In that case, the Ministry of Education and local governments should work together to fill the remaining gaps in student recruitment and not let resources go to waste.

At the same time, the management system of Church schools must also be regulated. Those who want to defraud educational funds under the name of a school should just go to jail,” Franz considered and then said.

If it weren’t for fear of a bad impact, Franz would learn from the Prussian Government and directly seize control of education from the Church.

“Your Majesty, rest assured. Starting from now, all Austrian students will have to participate in unified exams organized by the Ministry of Education every year. If there is a large number of students failing, those rubbish schools will be closed down.

Additionally, we will send people to inspect schools unannounced. If we discover that the teaching materials are not those uniformly distributed by the education department, we will hold the teachers and school managers accountable for their educational responsibilities,” answered Count Leo von Thun-Hohenberg.

The Austrian Government, currently strained for financial and teaching resources, does not have the capacity to universally deploy mandatory education, and in the future, these Church schools will be considered for closure.

Austria only needs the Emperor’s voice; the Church should just serve God well. If they have abundant energy, they could even go to the colonies to vent, and leave the next generation’s issues out of their concern.

Since the head has already decided, the Ministry of Education naturally has to work towards this direction. Most notably, starting from 1850, the Austrian Government will cease funding to Church schools.

If they can avoid government aid and operate schools with Church funds, complying with the management requirements of the Ministry of Education,

Franz would not object. Such enthusiastic individuals deserve recognition, and he doesn’t mind awarding them an education medal.

Any country always has a group of quietly contributing individuals, and Austria is certainly no exception; a wholesale cut always has its drawbacks.

Chapter 23: Core Industries

What should be the focus of industrial development in Austria?

Franz still had no answer. The resources of the Austrian Empire were still plentiful, and at the early stage of industrialization, there was almost nothing it lacked.

Historically, from Austria to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, there was no colonial expansion, which was related to the abundance of domestic resources.

Of course, this was only the case in the early stages. From a development perspective, the domestic resources of Austria were no longer sufficient.

Take the steel industry as an example. In the era when the annual steel production of various countries reached tens of thousands of tons, hundreds of thousands of tons, or even millions of tons, Austria did not lack resources. It could barely keep up during the ten-million-ton era, but once it entered the era of tens or even hundreds of millions of tons, it would be very difficult to sustain.

This was a long-term problem, one that Franz did not need to worry about for decades.

Theoretically, most industries could become the pillar of Austria’s economy, such as agriculture and agricultural product processing, metallurgy, machinery manufacturing, military industry, railways, shipbuilding, textiles

This is the advantage of having a strong foundation. Before losing Lombardy and Venice, Austria’s industrial scale was very close to that of the French.

There is nothing surprising about this. In this era, Austria was a combination of the Austro-Hungarian and half of Italy; Lombardy plus Venice equaled half of Italy.

Franz would not say the foolish words that all industries should advance at the same pace. In such a competitive world, if the government could not give policy support to certain industries, could you ensure the defeat of your competitors?

Not even Austria, even the United Kingdom, as the only industrial country in the world, did not develop evenly, focusing on the financial industry, shipbuilding industry, and textile industry.

This multiple-choice question is not easy to answer. Once a choice is made, it will be a national policy that lasts for decades, and the country’s economic development will change accordingly.

There are many factors that determine a nation’s pillar industries, including resources, markets, industry advantages, interest groups, national development directions, international situations

Free economy? Market economy?

It’s just talk, and one should never take it seriously, or else they should prepare to cry.

Every successful country’s pillar industries have received policy support, such as tax cuts, policies that benefit industrial development

Belvedere Palace

Franz was walking with Prime Minister Felix in the square, while also discussing the development direction of Austria.

“Prime Minister, what do you think will be the strategic focus of Austria in the future?” Franz asked.

It was an era of survival of the fittest, and expansion was the theme of this time. Since the break-up of the Vienna system, European countries entered a new round of competition.

Small countries had no choice but to drift with the tide; big countries seeking development had to push against the current, for it was to retreat if not to advance.

The Austrian Empire was actually at a crossroads. Choosing to ally with Russian-Austrian was Austria’s first strategic choice, but this choice was about allies.

Why did the Austro-Hungarian Empire step on the Balkans, this powder keg in history? Was it really a strategic decision-making error as commented by experts and scholars?

Franz had also thought so at first, but after experiencing it, he realized he was wrong.

Austria had many opportunities for foreign expansion, which they all endured, and the final choice to step on the Balkans was definitely not what the rulers wanted.

Just thinking about the international environment at that time, Franz understood; it was an inevitable choice.

In the great struggles of the world, the great powers were all expanding their influence, only Austria and Spain were standing still, not keeping up with everyone’s pace.

This meant that two sheep had mingled among the wolves. If they did not want to be eaten, they at least had to disguise themselves as wolves.

Austria occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina, disguising itself as a wolf, which brought a few years of peace; Spain did nothing, and the Americans discovered this fat sheep, and then the US-Spanish War erupted.

Without hesitation, Prime Minister Felix answered, “The Germany Region!”

“The reason?” Franz asked.

Prime Minister Felix thought for a moment and said, “After the annexation of the South German Region, we will directly border with the French. Don’t look at the current good relations between France and Austria, but the French’s ambition for dominance on the European Continent has always been there. We have to consider our defense on the western front.

Moreover, we have to guard against the Kingdom of Prussia. To prevent interference from other countries, while we unite the South German States, they will also annex the Northern Germany, creating a de facto division of Germany.

After uniting North Germany, the Kingdom of Prussia’s strength will at least quadruple, posing a much greater threat than now, and most importantly, they also have the ambition to unite the entire Germany Region.”

“What if we divert the disaster to the west?” Franz asked.

With Austria being so large, it seemed not easy to provoke. Once it annexed the South German Confederation, it would become even more formidable.

In comparison, Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands were all soft targets, and fat, oily soft targets at that.

Belgium’s industry was developed, the Dutch’s maritime trade was thriving, there was also a large expanse of colonies, and Luxembourg, despite being tiny, was a country of steel.

“Your Majesty, I fear the Prussians have the will but not the strength. They would have a hard time passing the French if they wanted to expand to the west, and the British would not agree,” said Felix after some thought.

To ordinary people, the Prussians seemed to not have the courage to challenge the French.

As for the attitude of the British, in reality, as long as Prussia could take down the French and there were no more enforcers afterwards, they would be powerless, at worst blockaded at sea for a few years.

The French are not easy to provoke, but compared with the enhanced version of Austria + Russia, they are a bit easier to deal with.

“It all comes down to the ambitions of the Prussians and the interest of the French in the Rhineland region. Satisfy one of these points, and the war can be detonated,” Franz said with full confidence.

There was no way around it, other countries may have armies, but in Prussia, the army owned the nation. Nationalism had been reawakening, and at that time, a little provocation would ignite the flame.

If they didn’t have the courage to start a war, wasn’t there still Austria? At worst, Prussia and Austria could join forces against France, and I didn’t believe the Prussians could resist the temptation.

Once they’ve taken the bait, in the future they can only go head to head with the French until the end, incidentally also cutting off the path for an English-Prussian alliance, and re-establishing the rule of The Triple Alliance over the political system of the European Continent.

Should he really do this? Franz was puzzled. It seemed that such a configuration was most advantageous for Russia.

Austria would merely gain a stable rear and at most snatched a few colonies from the French, while the Russians would have an unobstructed path to the sea.

Prime Minister Felix smiled and said, “Your Majesty, I believe the Prussians will be very interested in this proposal, but do they have the strength to swallow this bait in one gulp?

Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg, though Germanic nations, did not recognize it themselves and would resist fiercely to the death.

Even if Prussia defeats the French with our help, aren’t the British still supporting them in the background?

If they can’t handle it all at once, there won’t be a second chance. As long as the Prussians fall out with England and France, we will no longer support them.”

That statement was a wake-up call—the Kingdom of Prussia wasn’t the German Empire of later times; there was a huge gap in their capabilities, so how could they exhibit the same strength?

With a population of around 3.06 million in the Netherlands, 4.4 million in Belgium, and 200,000 in Luxembourg—mostly Catholics—the Kingdom of Prussia had a population of about 13 million. Could they assimilate all of them?

In terms of total economic output, the sum of the three countries was comparable to that of the Kingdom of Prussia.

Of course, this was only the present comparison of strengths; things were sure to change in the future. However, whatever changes occurred, annexing a nation where nationalism was on the rise would not be an easy task.

Franz even believed that Prussia annexing these three countries was more like a dream than Austria annexing the Balkan Peninsula.

Well, in fact, it was all just theoretically possible.

Without external forces, gradual assimilation could be possible. However, to swallow them whole would either result in a bloody mess or choke to death on the effort.

Since that was the case, Franz knew what he had to do.

Austria couldn’t compete with the British, at least not in their three core industries. Austria couldn’t possibly be a match for them. No matter, Austrians couldn’t follow the British development path anyway.

In Franz’s view, directly challenging core industries is the best suppression tactic. Starting early to lay out plans to crush Prussia’s core industries meant that they would only be a military power.

Franz made the same choice as Prussia, prioritizing the development of the military industry, railways, manufacturing, plus Austria’s advantage industry—agricultural product processing.

Railroad construction depended on government investment and encouraging private investment. Business competition was an internal matter; similarly, the military industry also relied on government funding, as the international market at this time was only a minor supplement, with the neighboring Russians being a good customer.

Manufacturing had to compete in the international market, but Franz wasn’t worried. With the huge market of The Holy Roman Alliance and the helpful ally Russia, Austria was far stronger than Prussia in history.

Agricultural product processing needed no mention, as there were hardly any competitors. Austria’s biggest competitors in the European grain market, Russia and the Ottoman Empire, were direct grain exporters.

Historically, the Russians exported wheat while importing flour from abroad—a fact not from internet memes, but a reality of this era.

No need to be surprised, ships would carry grain out and return empty, needing stones to weigh down the hull. Shrewd businessmen noticed the decent flour prices in the Russian market, saw a profit, and sold it back to the Russians.

This meant that in this field, Austria’s competitors were the food processing enterprises of grain-importing countries, and the two sides started off on different cost bases from the beginning.

This industry that had the advantage without needing much investment was naturally a priority for development. Historically, during the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Hungary was Europe’s largest supplier of flour.

As for the steel industry, which many transmigrators valued and even considered a reflection of national power—why wasn’t it a development core?

One only had to look at the demand for steel in the market at this time to understand.

The Austrian Empire produced only about 20,000 to 30,000 tons of raw steel a year, while the Russians managed a few thousand tons, and the British not much better with an annual output not exceeding 100,000 tons of raw steel.

There was no way around it; the market demand was just that small. Even including pig iron, this demand couldn’t get much higher; after all, no one had broken through the million-ton barrier.

If the steel industry was treated as a core industry, would you believe that in a few months, Austria’s market would suffer from a massive steel surplus?

Then, to solve the surplus, the government would have to invest a lot of money in other industries, only to find, to their surprise, that not only had the steel industry not developed, but an industrial crisis had arrived first.

Instead of that, it was better to develop the railways and military industry to drive steel consumption. Market demand would lead to production—that’s a market principle.

Putting too much emphasis on developing the steel industry was premature, and as for high-tech industries, there was no need to mention them. Apart from the military industry, a country’s economic model was determined by the market in deciding the prospects for industrial development.

In this era, high-tech was a desert; many epoch-making products, even if they were produced in the lab, couldn’t be widely distributed.

Such advanced fields may not work as a country’s core industry, but as a secondary focus to prepare for technical reserves in advance—this was viable.

Chapter 24: Railway Network

On July 11, 1849, Franz proposed the “establishment of an Austrian core industry system” at an expanded meeting of the Austrian Government.

Following that, the Austrian Government initiated field research to decide which industries to prioritize for development—a decision Franz couldn’t simply make on a whim.

Even with ample justification, it was essential to gather sufficient data and perform analysis to ensure an infallibly precise decision.

The reality proved to be a slap in the face: there was ample evidence that the focus of the era’s industrial development should be on the military industry, particularly naval armaments.

For the cost of tens of thousands of army rifles, one could buy just one or two battleships. Cannons were pricier, but not by much. At that time, the army’s biggest expenses were not on weapons and equipment but on salaries and training costs.

The focus of armament enterprises was on research and development and production capacity. There was no need to consider production capacity—the domestic market was of a certain size, and the international arms market was even smaller. Blindly increasing production capacity was tantamount to suicide.

Research and development wouldn’t cost much either. How much money needed to be invested in developing a few types of cannons and rifles? Would one million shields a year be enough?

If not, ten million shields would certainly be more than adequate.

At that time, it was a big question whether all the European countries combined spent as much as ten million shields on research and development for land-based weapons and equipment.

Franz estimated they did not. Most of Europe’s armament enterprises were privately owned, all operating for profit. If research and development costs were too high, they would never recoup their expenses.

As long as profits were satisfactory, one could not expect capitalists to pursue technological innovation.

In that era, technological innovation wasn’t seen as a positive term. With a failure rate exceeding ninety-nine percent, capitalists were extremely cautious about investing in it.

This is why there was a saying that wars drive the development of weapons—only during wartime would there be a willingness to invest in researching and developing new arms.

By comparison, the navy was a gold-devouring beast. Unfortunately, the Austrian Empire’s navy seemed too diminutive to rank higher than sixth or seventh in the world.

If the focus were on the navy, it probably wouldn’t take long to advance to third place in the world, immediately after the United Kingdom and France.

After that, there would be no further climbing. These two countries, unlike the others, were far stronger in terms of both technological strength and overall national power.

Considering the terrifying naval arms race, Franz felt instantly daunted. The Austrian Navy could only patrol the Mediterranean—what use would a grand fleet be?

It was colonial empires like the United Kingdom and France that developed large navies. At present, every naval powerhouse was a colonial nation. Austria, even if it planned to start colonial activities now, did not need to rush to dramatically expand its navy, right?

Franz wasn’t planning to compete with the British for India, so why engage in an arms race with them?

The final research report showed that it was sufficient to pay attention to the development of the military industry. A few million shields in government research and development funding each year would ensure a world-leading level.

The level of the basic industry was there; it wasn’t a matter of the more the government invested and emphasized, the greater the returns would be.

Reading the report, Franz could only curse those unscrupulous experts and professors from later generations who had tampered with history in his mind.

Think about it, aside from a new type of rifle, what noteworthy weapon did Prussia deploy during the Prussia-Austria War and the Franco-Prussian War?

Could it be that the culmination of the Prussian Government’s extensive investment in the armaments industry was just a breech-loading rifle?

Wasn’t that absurd? Were the leaders of the Prussian Government fools?

Without boasting, Franz was convinced that by spending just ten thousand shields, Austria could even develop machine guns now.

In other words, the armaments industry plate was still small, and with just a small portion of the government’s effort, it was possible to maintain a world-leading standard.

Indeed, in that era, the Austrian armaments industry was at a world-leading standard. It was by no means behind any country.

Franz had no intention of developing cross-era high-tech products like airplanes and tanks right away.

In fact, even if they were developed, they couldn’t be produced.

Manufacturing a tank might still be feasible; one could just settle for the legendary steam tank. Though a bit fantastical, it was theoretically possible; but has anyone ever heard of a steam-powered aircraft?

Let embarrassment be, Franz’s skin was thick enough. Fortunately, the Austrian Government was pragmatic; otherwise, once state policies were established, there would be no option but to grit one’s teeth and swallow hard.

On September 11, 1849, the Austrian Government separated the department responsible for railway construction and established the Railway Department, formally making railways the core industry of Austria for the next twenty years.

On September 13, the Austrian Government also confirmed the core status of the manufacturing and agricultural product processing industries, to be supervised by the Ministry of Industry.

Thus, the three pillars propelling the Austrian Empire forward were all in place. The question now was how to develop these industries.

“Your Majesty, this is the draft plan from the Railway Department for the rapid establishment of a national railway network, please review it,” said Baron Stein, the new Railway Minister.

After speaking, he handed over a document to Franz. The document wasn’t very thick, just a slim volume of a dozen or so pages.

Franz took the document and began to flip through it; its content was succinct but substantial. It included tables and written explanations, all handcrafted. Perhaps due to the rush in production, some of the lines were still crooked.

After spending fifteen minutes or so to skim through it, Franz said, expressionless, “Jennie, bring me a map of Austria.”

This was a plan for a national railway network, and it implicated many cities. Franz didn’t have such a good memory to clearly remember each place.

Looking at the map, Franz noticed that once the plan was implemented, all the main cities of Austria would be connected, with some railways even extending to the border regions. Clearly, the Railway Department had also taken military needs into consideration.

“The plan has no issues, but the question is whether it can be achieved technically. Many areas of the railway will have to pass through mountains, which will pose a very stern test for railway construction,” Franz thought aloud.

“Your Majesty, this is just a draft. In fact, before construction, we must send engineers to carry out field surveys along the way. Without these data, we cannot guarantee we can implement the plan.

We are prepared for the possibility that certain sections may be restricted by geographical conditions and will have to be detoured. Right now, this is only the target we want to achieve, to extend the railway to all the main cities of the country,” explained Stein.

Franz nodded. Strictly speaking, Stein was not a qualified manager; he was better suited to be an engineer.

However, the main task of the Austrian Railway Department now was to build roads. The management work of the railways was in the hands of subsidiary railway companies, which in turn were overseen by the Ministry of Transport.

If it were not for the government’s emphasis on the importance of the railways, there would probably not be a department at such a high level as the Railway Department but rather just a railway construction company.

Since it was purely about building roads, Franz naturally didn’t mind appointing an experienced engineer to oversee the work, at least there would be no concern about fanciful railway construction proposals.

Stein had been involved in the design and construction of several Austrian railways, making him one of the most renowned railway engineers of his time in Austria.

He was originally the chief railway engineer solicited by the Austrian Government, and now he was transformed into the Railway Minister.

His title changed, his power increased, but the nature of his work remained the same. He was still responsible for building railways, participating in their design and construction.

Railway designers of this era had a tough job; they had to personally participate in field surveys of critical areas and didn’t have the luxury of sitting in an air-conditioned office.

As for whether this plan for the railway network could be completed, Franz had no worries at all. The real question was when it could be completed.

The 19th century was not the 21st century; a railway network of over 38,000 kilometers, with main lines that span more than 12,000 kilometers alone.

Building so many kilometers of railway was not so simple. The railway currently in operation in Austria was only 1,359 kilometers long, with 896 kilometers under construction.

“How long will it take to complete this plan?” Franz asked with concern.

“At least twenty years, if the funds are sufficient, this time can be greatly shortened.”

Stein didn’t speak definitively; building railways wasn’t like other industries. As long as one is willing to spend money, work can proceed on multiple fronts simultaneously, and the construction speed can naturally double.

Franz said nothing for a while, as this response was as good as no answer at all. Over 38,000 kilometers of railways, if built slowly, might not be completed even in twenty years.

If construction was divided into sections, segmented into thirty smaller projects, then each would just be over a thousand kilometers long. If further divided, perhaps they could be completed in just a few years.

If one really thought that way, then they were definitely an amateur. First and foremost, it requires a large amount of capital investment, followed by a need for a large workforce of railway workers.

Aside from ensuring these two basic requirements, one must also consider whether there are enough technical personnel, transportation logistics, raw material supplies, geographical conditions, and a range of other factors.

“Then I will give you twenty years. In terms of funding, I can guarantee that the government will allocate no less than twenty million shields annually, and the government will also enact related laws to allow private capital to participate in railway construction.

I hope to see this national railway network within twenty years. Can you do it?” Franz asked seriously.

“Your Majesty, please rest assured, I guarantee I will complete the task ahead of schedule!” Stein said excitedly.

As long as there is money, railway construction is not a problem.

You see, the Austrian Government still has a bunch of laborers, right? Those who participated in the rebellion were doomed to be sacrificed from the start.

Franz didn’t believe that with these two hundred thousand lives, they couldn’t pave 38,000 kilometers of railways. If that’s not enough, just provoke another war, perhaps with the Ottoman Empire. Wouldn’t laborers come rolling in?

Industrialization of any country requires sacrifices. Without sacrifice, where would success come from?

Chapter 25: Dividing the Fruit

Anything is easy to talk about but hard to do, and Franz would not overlook the limitations of productivity. The age of railway construction technology had gradually matured, yet the efficiency of construction remained low.

Twenty years to build 38,000 kilometers of railway, averaging 1,900 kilometers per year, was undoubtedly a challenging endeavor in the mid-19th century.

Funding was also an issue, with twenty million shields to construct 1,900 kilometers of railway, the average budget was just over ten thousand shields per kilometer, which might barely suffice for construction in plain areas, assuming labor was essentially free. (This calculation only took into account engineering costs and did not consider compensation for demolition or geological conditions.)

In reality, the Austrian Empire was not a country of plains, and complex terrain was not uncommon, which severely constrained railway construction.

These natural environmental limitations could be overcome; at worst, it meant taking a detour, as it was impossible for railway construction in Austria during that era to cut through several hundred meters long, let alone several kilometers long, tunnels.

When faced with special terrain, whether detouring or tackling challenges head-on, it meant a significant increase in costs.

Ultimately, how much money would have to be spent was a question no one could answer; perhaps, after field surveys were completed, engineers could give a preliminary budget.

The government’s fiscal income was limited, and it could not be entirely invested in railway construction. In Franz’s view, the annual railway construction costs should be kept within five percent of the fiscal income.

The insufficient amount had to be supplemented by private capital; put simply, it was necessary to find a way to get the Nobility to pay for the construction of the railways.

This was a particular national condition of Austria; although the capitalist economy had developed, most of the wealth in society was still in the hands of the Nobility.

Of course, the Austrian Central Government also held a large amount of wealth now, mainly in the form of land, forests, real estate, and state-owned enterprises. However, the cash procured from confiscation was almost spent by this time, leaving less than 100 million shields.

Real estate was being gradually sold off, the income from land was mainly from renting to farmers, who paid rent and redemption fees, which could provide the government with an income of 150 million shields each year for the next few decades.

This money was not all owned by the government; compensation payments to the Nobility for land were necessary, and Franz had a reputation to maintain; this money had to be paid.

Even if it was spread over twenty years or even forty years, the money owed to them had to be paid back.

There was no other choice; the Nobility were too cooperative, and the Austrian Government could not find an excuse to default on the debt.

Considering the influence of relationships and to prevent national unrest, the Austrian Government now had to pay compensation of 100 million shields each year.

This was determined by the national condition; a government dominated by the Nobility class naturally had to consider the interests of this interest group. Franz was still clear about what could be done and what could not be done.

Such a large sum of money entering the pockets of the Nobility, if not used for investment, was clearly a waste. Moreover, with no future compensation once the payments were finished, there would be nothing left.

As a good Emperor, he naturally had to consider their future livelihoods. Investment in other projects was very risky; one misstep could mean losing it all.

Investing in railways was much safer; as soon as they opened for traffic, wasn’t that all gold running on top?

In the Cabinet meeting, Franz hesitated and asked, “What do you think is more suitable for us? Issuing railway bonds, forming a railway company to sell shares, or simply authorizing capitalists a particular route, letting them build the railway themselves?”

Finance Minister Karl hurriedly said, “Your Majesty, issuing railway bonds is not advisable; railway investment is a long-term investment which will see no return for several years.

Considering the practical situation, many railway lines might even operate at a loss for over a decade. For such a long period, a huge amount of debt would need to be borne by the government, which could easily drag down our finances.

Besides, holding so many railways entirely in our hands and operating them by the government would mean too high a management cost. It’s better to hand it over to enterprises to manage, and we can just collect taxes.”

Is investing in railways profitable?

There’s no doubt about it.

However, the precondition was to invest in railways in bustling commercial regions; the Austrian Railway network clearly took into account not just economic but also political and military factors.

Once this railway network was completed, all the major cities in Austria would be connected, even the most remote Dalmatia Province was planned to have a railway.

This implied that the operation of many sections of the railway would be loss-making. Although the territory of Austria was not vast and its natural conditions were superior, with no excessively remote areas, as long as the economy developed, the prospects for these railways were considerable. (About 698,700 square kilometers)

The government could be responsible for the construction of railways to ensure quality, but letting the government run the railways was unacceptable.

In terms of cost-saving, enterprises certainly performed better than government agencies, and private enterprises even more so than state-owned ones.

There was no helping it; Austria had the “Labor Protection Law,” and capitalists did everything possible to evade it, trying to minimize expenses, but no one in the government dared not to comply.

“Your Majesty, issuing company stocks is not a big issue, but according to Austria’s ‘Securities Law,’ stocks cannot be listed and raised before the railway construction has started.

We still need to advance the initial funds, or we could use land as shares and find some social shareholders to invest, then go public to raise funds after the work has started?” Archduke Louis suggested.

This was about sharing the profits. Although Austria was conservative, making money from railway investments was no secret. Of the few railway sections already built domestically, no one was heard to have made a loss.

In such a scenario, after the Austrian Government treated the railways as a matter of national policy, even the conservative Nobility were tempted.

After all, the risks associated with railways were tangible. As long as a good route was chosen, was there any fear of not making money?

“That’s acceptable, but we need to impose restrictions on investment ratios. The total contribution of all social shareholders must not be less than forty-five percent of the railway construction funds,” Franz thought for a moment and said.

Franz did not object to the Nobility participating in making money; initially, he wanted to contribute financially, provided that genuine gold and silver were put forth. Attempting to make a fortune without investment was not allowed.

With the advent of joint-stock companies, it became more difficult for capitalists to enter the fray. Franz only needed someone to finance the railway construction; he did not care who it was.

Ultimately, the result of the deliberations was that the government would form five railway operating companies, each responsible for the investment and construction of five different railway lines.

Undoubtedly, this was just a pilot test. If it succeeded, the approach would continue to be promoted. If it failed, they would switch to a different strategy.

The investment and construction could be left to private capital, but the railway design work must still be the responsibility of the Railway Department. They had to construct according to the designs and accept the supervision of the Railway Department.

These five railway operating companies only shared part of the railway investment, and the selected sections were mostly those that were easy to build and could profit in a short time.

Officially, this was to allow those who invested first to make money, then encourage more people to join the railway construction, and accelerate Austria’s railway construction pace. In reality, everyone understood.

Franz did not have an ethical fixation. If using the benefits of railways to attract interest groups and obtain better progress for the plan involved a share for the Royal family, he naturally would not refuse.

Profitable businesses attracted fierce competition, while loss-making deals sparked no interest. If nobody wanted to undertake them, the government had to step in.

Commercial railways could be built by the private sector, with the government only owning a certain share. For railways with political and military significance, the Railway Department had to take charge themselves.

Franz, caring about appearances, did not get personally involved.

No one would probably believe this claim. The truth was that he was out of money; after all, mining tycoons made more than the so-called ‘Iron boss,’ but the Habsburg Family had investments.

Anyway, these railway companies would become publicly-listed entities. As long as Franz was willing, he could easily set a trap for them. Once a stock market crash occurred, it would be freezing cold, and what remained was buy, buy, buy.

Chapter 26: The Yellow Sparrow Is Behind

The news of the railway companies’ public stock offerings caused an immediate sensation, and within three days, the initial shares of these five companies were completely snapped up, raising a total startup capital of thirty million shields.

One had to admit that the Nobility were truly generous, with some investing one or one and eight hundred thousand shields without batting an eye.

Everyone was well informed and fully understood the government’s intention in doing this, which was to co-opt the local power factions to profit together, so as to avoid anyone causing trouble for the railway projects.

Even so, there was no reason for anyone to refuse the opportunity to get rich, was there?

If Franz was willing to let them get rich with him, it meant that the Emperor saw them as his own people, which put many at ease.

As for the fact that last year’s suppression of the Rebels led to a rolling of severed heads, it was automatically ignored by them. Unconsciously, they shifted their positions—naturally, traitors should be killed.

With so many powerful parties buying in, Franz no longer needed to worry about what came next. These people were even more anxious than he was; the sooner the railway was completed, the sooner everyone could start making money.

The exploration teams from the Railway Department had already set out, and to speed up the process, the newly established railway companies had also organized their own exploration teams to join the work.

Five railways were being constructed simultaneously: the Shuangbu Railway (from Prague to Bratislava), the Weise Railway (from Vienna to Szeged), the Weimi Railway (from Vienna to Milan via Venice), the Lusa Railway (from Ljubljana to Zagreb), and the Galician Railway

Naturally, the actual construction distances were not just this—these five were merely the main lines.

For instance: There were branch railways connecting between the Shuangbu Railway and the Weise Railway; the Weise Railway would extend westward to Salzburg, and the Shuangbu Railway also had a bunch of branches.

And not to mention the Lusa Railway— the straight-line distance between the two places was only just over a hundred kilometers, how could such a short distance serve as a main line?

Of course, it extended to the sides. Westward to Filach where it connected with the Weimi Railway, and eastward to Slavonian Brod.

Just the main routes alone amounted to four to five thousand kilometers, and with various assorted branch railways, the total exceeded ten thousand kilometers easily.

Without a doubt, the Railway Department had smuggled in some private interests, employing bundled methods to package some of the more difficult routes.

This also had Franz’s tacit approval. As compensation, the Austrian Government would provide some free labor for the railway companies, the specifics of which would be determined based on the construction conditions.

Now that everyone was on board, thinking of getting off at this point wasn’t possible, was it? Without the government-supplied labor that could be treated as expendable, it would not be easy for the railway companies to build the railways.

If the casualty rate was too high, even the vast connections and influence everyone possessed wouldn’t be able to cover it up, right?

Just think, the social impact of tens of thousands of deaths would be tremendous. Not to mention anything else, just the compensation alone could make them bleed money.

This was also one of the reasons for the slow growth in Europe’s railway mileage. Constructing a few hundred kilometers of railway each year with a controllable casualty count was bearable for everyone.

If the deaths and injuries were severe, the workers would strike. Were they to transport slaves from overseas for construction? In this era, the price of slaves was equally expensive, and the shipping costs wasn’t a small figure either.

Building railways in this era was, to say the least, very cruel. With too little machinery, most of the burden had to be carried on human shoulders, and in dangerous areas, it was common for both people and equipment to be lost together.

Opium, moreover, was a daily necessity provided by many unscrupulous railway companies for their workers. Most people couldn’t endure the pain and relied on opium to numb themselves, resulting in their complete detriment after just a few years.

Without question, these newly established railway companies in Austria were representative of such unscrupulous companies, with shareholders behind the scenes being a group of seemingly respectable Nobility.

Because they were Nobility, they had to be mindful of their reputation—many things could be done in secret, but they couldn’t be involved in the open.

Cleaning their image wasn’t easy, and it was even more impermissible to desecrate the reputation built up by their ancestors. Just look at Franz’s performance to know, the Emperor himself wouldn’t get involved, and the Habsburg Family’s investments had to be done through shell accounts.

In such a case, what could be more reassuring than using criminals? No matter how many died, social opinion wouldn’t blame them, at least not in this era.

Of course, they couldn’t do without finding a few managers or presidents to shoulder the blame, then condemn them for managerial errors, and that would be the end of the matter.

These people were all Rebels, already vilified to the bottom in public opinion, as long as the Austrian Empire existed for a single day, there was no chance for their exoneration.

Don’t think that because Europe didn’t practice guilt by association, the Austrian Government would not engage in it either. If rebellion was involved, even the high and mighty Nobility would be finished, let alone the common folk?

Everyone pretended to be ignorant, ordinary people would not admit that someone in their family had rebelled. As long as they stayed obedient, the government would also pretend to know nothing.

Anyhow, with the chaos of war, it was very difficult to verify anything; they just processed it as mortality figures. Otherwise, how would Metternich come up with the death toll?

These people were already ‘deceased’ on the household registration, their families had treated them as dead, and many funerals had been held prematurely.

Aside from Franz’s initial lenient handling of the Vienna Rebels who “raced to surrender first,” the Rebel armies in the Italian Area and Hungarian Region were essentially considered dead.

These people also became the best laborers, those who had died once could not die again; if these people died, they were simply burned, and that was that.

There was no need to pay wages, no need to pay compensation. No families making a fuss, no media condemnation, no subsequent troubles at all.

The only issue was that these people were in the government’s hands, and naturally, there was a price to pay to use them. There weren’t really as many additional sections as initially agreed, but neither was there a promise to provide free labor, was there?

After not hesitating for long, everyone still decided to go ahead with the construction. They simply planned to build these sections later. After all, eliminating the biggest expense of labor didn’t add much to the budget.

In the future, they would put it into operation if profitable, and if not, send a train every ten or fifteen days—it was their freedom to do so.

The profitability of Austria’s railways actually isn’t too great a concern as long as the operation of train services is controlled; even in the most remote areas, it is possible to gather enough goods for a shipment every ten or fifteen days.

The railway lines planned by the Railway Department connect cities, not villages, so how could there be no business?

Less popular routes might not make much money, but breaking even isn’t a big problem, and losses, if any, won’t be significant.

This is an advantage for private railway companies, as they have the flexibility to adjust train services based on actual demand, both for freight and passengers.

But it doesn’t work for government-operated railways. If dispatch personnel are given such extensive authority, it is estimated that the railway system would be quickly plundered by them, and overseeing this would be extremely troublesome.

Private enterprise owners will watch over it themselves, but no government-appointed supervisor can guarantee against corruption. Surely, Emperor Franz can’t be expected to attend to this matter daily?

The government also has to consider political factors. Many areas need daily railway operations for economic development. While the railway system might operate at a loss in the short term, it can stimulate local economies and increase tax revenues.

In the end, it’s difficult to calculate whether the government profits or loses from this arrangement.

To prevent widespread corruption and minimize losses, most government-operated railways have fixed their schedules.

Any changes in scheduling require layers of reports, and unless there’s a special circumstance, few employees would bother, resulting in naturally higher operational costs.

After a series of negotiations, an agreement was finally reached, and Austria’s major railway construction project got underway.

To recoup costs in the shortest amount of time, the “triangular approach” (simultaneous surveying, designing, and construction) was adopted.

Just as construction started, everyone frustratingly realized something – it seemed that all the sandstone mines around the railways had fallen into the hands of the Austrian Sandstone Group.

This led many to regret not acting earlier. Before the railway construction, only the sandstone around cities was valuable – nobody was interested in sandstone from the wilderness.

But now things were different. Railway construction would inevitably use vast amounts of sand and stone raw materials. And in this era without cars, transportation relied on manpower or animal power, leaving no choice but to use local resources.

The moment they received this news, the railway company’s executives were furious. Initially hired by shareholders to do the dirty and tiring work, it was now their time to step up.

Regrettably, they didn’t get a chance to perform. When the Austrian Sandstone Group revealed their backing, everyone acted as if nothing had happened.

But something did happen. They came prepared to cause a scene, but after understanding the situation, they went into business negotiations instead, leaving with a supply contract already signed with the Austrian Sandstone Group.

The trade was genuinely fair to both young and old – all sand and stone supplies were priced at market value, which could be considered fair if it weren’t controlled.

Franz was aware of the stakes. Making a modest profit was acceptable, but overdoing it and tarnishing the reputation would not have been good.

Therefore, the market price of sandstone did not skyrocket, but only increased by three times compared to before the construction. Of course, the railway company, being a major customer, was given a twenty percent discount.

Overall, the unit price only rose by four percent, barely an increase. It was definitely a conscientious price.

This was within the rules; earlier in the year, Franz had acquired these mineral rights for a song, with many of them purchased from the nobility.

In this era, the most valuable commodity was information. There was no help for them; their sources weren’t swift enough and their greed for small benefits left them no choice but to concede.

The only consolation for them was that apparently, His Majesty the Emperor didn’t target the railway specifically. He didn’t just buy the sandstone mines but also swept up various other mines, except for the expensive ones like gold and silver mines.

Even the acquired sandstone mines were not all along the railway lines; they were scattered across barren mountains and wilderness, evidently broadening the net to make money.

Franz naturally could not manage so many sandstone mines himself; after all, the unit price of sandstone was not high, and profits mainly depended on volume.

As an emperor who valued reputation, exploiting workers was out of the question, including revealing his involvement as the silent owner.

This called for contractors. The great nobles disdained to deal in such second-hand trades, but there were lesser nobles and small capitalists, weren’t there?

Franz didn’t need to worry about that. Once the word of subcontracting spread, people swiftly made contact with the Austrian Sandstone Group.

With supply contracts in hand and a guaranteed profitable business, negotiations were easy.

Contractors were responsible for recruiting workers for mining, managing all activities on the minesite, and taking legal responsibility for these operations.

Depending on the situation, the Austrian Sandstone Group would claim twenty to thirty percent of the profits from the contracts, while the rest was left for the contractors to manage, including paying taxes and wages. The agreement would end upon the completion of railway construction.

Whether or not they could turn a profit depended on their management skills. After all, the contract was signed with the Austrian Sandstone Group, and all responsibilities were shifted to the contractors. If any significant issues arose, at most the investigation would lead to the Austrian Sandstone Group, the “shell company”.

And that was the end of it. Behind the shell company was yet another shell, and it ended there. Those in the know were clever enough not to lift the lid.

No matter how others schemed and fought tooth and claw, Franz quickly secured the largest share of the profit with the flick of a wrist.

By the time these railways were completed, it was estimated that Franz would have recouped all the money he had invested in the mines, and the mines themselves would represent his greatest profit.

Keep in mind, this was just the beginning. Only a portion of the sandstone mines had been developed, with many more waiting to be tapped into. At that moment, Franz realized, being a mine owner was truly the happiest of dealings.

Chapter 27: Standard System

Before the construction of the great railway, the Austrian government was confronted with the issue of standard railway gauge.

This standard could not be established arbitrarily; whether broad gauge railways were better than narrow gauge railways had to be determined by actual needs.

From the narrowest railway gauge of 610mm to the broadest railway gauge of 2141mm, all were considered as possible options. Of course, if needed, the gauge could continue to be narrowed or widened.

The advantage of broad-gauge railways is the increased stability of the trains, reducing the likelihood of derailment and enhancing the smoothness and comfort of the ride. Their disadvantage is the excessively large turning radius required, which increases construction costs.

Of course, with wider tracks, the carriages can also be made wider, which would increase the carrying capacity, provided that the railway can support the greater weight. This requires a comprehensive consideration and cannot be determined by gauge alone.

Overall, broad-gauge railways can carry larger loads, but due to other limiting factors, the actual weight capacity might not necessarily increase.

In passenger transport, broad-gauge railways obviously have the advantage, offering more spacious areas and a more comfortable experience.

Complex technologies like gauge changing are not to be considered during this era, including the production of high-performance trains that also could not be achieved.

Perhaps in the future, narrow-gauge railways might be able to run trains that are over three meters wide, but that was clearly impossible at this time. If it was on plain terrain, there might not be many issues, but once it came to going uphill or downhill, there would be a high risk of derailment.

Beyond these considerations, political and military factors had to be taken into account. For the sake of national defense, railways with different standards from neighboring countries would be purposely built so that the enemy could not quickly utilize their railways during wartime.

“Your Majesty, why must we unify all railway gauges? Couldn’t we change trains at fixed stations? This way, we could build railways based on different needs and minimize construction costs,” Railway Minister Stein inquired, puzzled.

Franz explained, “We must consider efficiency. Think about the time required to unload cargo from one train and load it onto another, and how much additional labor this would need.”

After some thought, Stein said, “Your Majesty, this little bit of time isn’t much; the speed of train transport is already much faster than traditional methods. The increased labor cost is insignificant compared to the cost of railway construction. Our funds are limited; there’s no need to waste them here.”

Franz rubbed his forehead; he finally understood the chaotic state of railways in various countries during his era.

Limited by the times, the thought processes and awareness of people from this era differed from those of future generations.

People had not yet entered the era of fast-paced life; they did not view time as particularly valuable. Labor costs were ludicrously low, and the value of labor was not yet felt.

Nevertheless, Franz still needed to find a way to persuade them. Don’t be mistaken that only the German people were stubborn; in fact, the Austrians were not much different, especially these low-emotion-quotient engineers.

As high-level talents of their time, they had their own convictions. If persuasion failed, Franz would have no choice but to issue a direct order.

Clearly, that was not his desired outcome. If he couldn’t get these individuals to devote themselves wholeheartedly to the railway’s design, any passive resistance or inefficiency on their part could result in losses amounting to tens of millions.

To avoid being cheated, the core designers of the Austrian Railway were a group of local tech enthusiasts, and even the externally hired technicians were all from the Germany Region—individuals whose ideologies were ‘correct’ in every sense.

Franz replied, “It relates to the future developmental needs of the nation, to the next strategic steps of the country. Any more questions?”

“No more questions, Your Majesty,” Stein answered.

With differences in thought and understanding not easy to articulate in a short time, Franz had grown tired of explaining and sought a reason to placate them.

After all, duping these single-minded technicians was far easier than duping politicians. He still had to use the design rationale from the Railway Department to convince the government, a headache-inducing thought.

There was no choice; this was the Austrian Empire. Though the imperial power was paramount, the ministers below also held significant positions. If the Emperor acted too egregiously, offending them, they could resign their commissions on the spot.

Was replacing them easy?

Indeed, finding people who desired to be officials was easy.

However, finding a minister who was capable, loyal, and sufficiently prestigious was difficult.

If Franz ruled by whim, it wouldn’t be long before he was surrounded by a bunch of sycophants who deemed the Emperor’s commands as imperial edicts, to be upheld unconditionally.

Whether these commands could be implemented was another matter entirely. Franz knew well that 80% of good policies in the world got twisted out of shape once they filtered down through the ranks.

Without vigilant government oversight, bureaucrats would interpret things in their own interests, often resulting in completely altered outcomes.

No one likes a subordinate who sticks to principles, as they often embarrass leadership. Since the Emperor had set an example, it was natural for others to follow suit, and in the end, the government was left with only those who were sly and smooth.

Franz didn’t dare to think about the consequences. In any case, once the upper echelons of a country rot, the speed at which the lower levels deteriorate can exceed normal expectations.

To avoid this situation, one could only establish a set of rules, and as the creators of these rules, they must also be bound by them.

“Considering the actual situation of the Austrian Empire, if you base it on an annual economic growth rate of five percent, and take into account our transportation needs over the next fifty years, could you design a set of standards that suit Austria?” Franz asked.

“No problem!” Stein answered.

Stein was confident in technical matters, as for the issue of economic growth rate, that was the government’s problem. Whether it could reach five percent was not his concern.

Franz seemed to think of something else and added, “Wait, we must also consider connecting to the Holy Roman Alliance and the Balkan region. In the future, we will promote this set of standards to them, and eventually, everyone’s railway networks will become interconnected.”

The ultimate goal of establishing the Holy Roman Alliance was to achieve economic integration, and unifying railway standards was naturally an indispensable part of that.

It doesn’t matter if other regions of the Balkan Peninsula were overlooked, but Belgrade must be taken. It is the gateway to the Balkan Peninsula, and controlling it means controlling the lifeline of the Balkans.

The two principalities in the Danube Basin must also be controlled, as this is related to Hungary’s grain exports, and it is also an important import and export trade route for Austria. (Wallachia Principality, Moldavian Principality)

Before the railway networks were connected, Hungary’s grain was transported through the Danube Basin into the Black Sea and then sold to countries across Europe; the import and export trade of the Hungarian Region also heavily relied on the Danube.

This is also why Austria firmly opposed Russia occupying the Black Sea Strait, which threatened Austrian national security.

Professional matters are still best left to professionals. Austria’s big railway plan was still somewhat hasty.

Who would have thought that Franz had underestimated the investment enthusiasm of the Nobility?

Perhaps in many records, the Nobility are portrayed as decayed and backward, but in reality, while being conservative, they also have a progressive side.

The Nobility receive the best education from a young age, they have access to information that ordinary people cannot reach, which broadens their horizons.

In such a situation, how could the next generation they cultivate all be fools and idiots?

They conservatively oppose political change because it is determined by their own interests. How could those with vested interests oppose their benefits?

True fools have long been meeting God. During the Grand Revolution in Austria in 1848, there was also a major reshuffling within the Aristocratic Group, and many nobles who were mistaken in their judgments and blinded by greed were expelled.

The concepts of the Nobility also changed during this period, or rather, reality forced them to change.

In order to quell the rebellion quickly, Franz’s promotion of the emancipation of serfs and land redemption was in fact a concession made by the Nobility.

The example of the French told them that if they did not compromise and the revolution spread, the eventual losses would be even greater, so they made concessions while also helping the government suppress the rebellion.

A part of the unfortunate ones caught in the whirlwind of revolution chose to escape during these upheavals. By the time the overall situation was settled, their lands had already been forcibly redeemed.

After losing the pillar of land, these individuals were the first to start looking for new projects to transition into. At this point, railways emerged, and many saw the potential of this new mode of transport.

They needed a new industry to maintain their family businesses and not fall into decline. Railways were the choice of many, and with so many people working hard, the construction of railways was artificially accelerated.

This resulted in a situation where front-line construction had already begun, yet the standard for railway tracks had not been established.

The basic data for transportation requirements had already been provided by the government. It wasn’t difficult for the railway designers to calculate the transportation capacity needed, and from there, deciding on the railway standards was even simpler.

Soon the design standards were presented to Franz. He couldn’t understand the various other parameters as a layman, but the only thing that caught his attention was the gauge.

The Railway Department proposed four options: 1524mm standard system, 1600mm standard system, 1676mm standard system, and 1712mm standard system.

The main trunk lines that started construction in the early stage were all in the bustling commercial areas. Whether it was passenger or freight demand, both were the highest.

When establishing the railway standard system, the requirements of this region were naturally a key consideration. Plus, with a fifty-year projection, these standards naturally increased quite a bit.

There were no narrow-gauge railways. In this era, limited by train manufacturing technology, the transport capacity of narrow-gauge railways was restricted, and due to insufficient stability, they were prone to safety accidents and were rarely used in the construction of main railway lines.

Finally, the choice was back in the hands of the Austrian Government. Theoretically, all of the aforementioned proposals were feasible, but choosing which one became a dilemma.

Chapter 28: The Headache-Inducing Strategy

Franz’s dilemma wasn’t considered a problem to the people of his era.

When analyzed in terms of construction costs, the largest gap between these four standards was no more than 1.2%, meaning that the cost of railway construction wasn’t the main factor influencing the decision.

Thinking about it, it makes sense since the gauge of railways in this era was generally quite wide; Russia’s first railway gauge was 1829mm, and later, for the sake of profiteering, bureaucrats took the suggestions of American engineers to change it to 1524mm.

How much cost was saved by reducing the gauge from six feet to five feet?

It saved 3% on the budget, but of course, given the style of Tsarist bureaucrats, it was certain that not much money would end up being saved.

The standard gauge was something the British promoted to the entire world. Starting from 1846, John Bull enacted laws that established the 1435mm system as the standard gauge for both the United Kingdom and its colonies.

However, India soon became an exception, as the standard gauge couldn’t meet their transportation requirements. The British, being pragmatic, simply scaled it up; hence, most of India’s railways adopted the 1676mm standard, and naturally, there were also plenty of other hodgepodge gauge railways.

After nearly a century of British effort, it wasn’t until the mid-20th century that the 1435mm system became the international standard gauge. The initial goal of John Bull was to promote the British technical system.

Whether there was also an intention to limit the freight capacity of continental countries is unknown; anyhow, Franz didn’t believe John Bull was that benevolent.

With the technology of the mid-19th century, wide-gauge railways could handle more freight than narrow-gauge ones, and they were much safer and faster, a stark contrast to the 21st century.

Later generations solved the problem of train stability with technology, which improved the freight capacity and speed of narrow gauge railways – something that couldn’t be done in this era.

Railway maintenance costs were, in reality, much the same. Once a railway was built, the construction was completely identical; the only difference lay in the length of the sleepers. The argument that narrow gauge railways were simpler to maintain is unfounded.

As for land occupation, that argument is completely nonsensical. Who doesn’t leave a buffer zone on either side of their railways? Are they planning to make use of the land beneath the trains?

…(Let’s not digress; this has almost turned into a lecture.)

“Your Majesty, since we are going to unify the standard, why not have the Holy Roman Alliance unify the standard as well? It might be better to gather everyone and set a common standard,” Metternich suggested.

“Is there enough time, considering our railway construction has already begun?” Prime Minister Felix asked with concern.

“No problem, railway construction has just started. Making a decision within a year won’t affect the work,” Railway Minister Stein replied.

Railway construction in this era was really slow. Now they’ve just started with the demolitions, then comes the digging and filling – it takes at least a couple of years to get to the track bed construction.

“Then let’s get everyone involved; the Railway Department will be responsible for selecting the optimal solution as our suggestion and try our best to persuade everyone to adopt it.

If there’s incessant debate, then present these various standards for everyone to vote on. Anyway, these solutions are all suitable for Austria,” Franz said indifferently.

“Then let’s go with 1676mm. This standard already meets our requirements and ensures safety,” Stein quickly gave his answer.

As for an international railway standard, did such a thing even exist in this era? Who would recognize it?

It’s worth noting that when the British were constructing the Western Railway, they discovered their standard system couldn’t ensure safety due to technical reasons and switched to a wider gauge. Only by the end of the 19th century, when technology was adequate, did they rebuild with their standard gauge.

Once the Holy Roman Alliance established a new standard, then perhaps there would be two sets of future international railway gauge standards.

Not to mention anything else, if the railways of the South German States unified their standard, would Prussia follow suit or not?

If they didn’t follow, the economies of both sides would become segmented; if they did, Central Europe and Southern Europe would unify their standard systems, which would undoubtedly create a significant influence.

As an emperor, many issues had to be considered from political and military perspectives. For example, now, if the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Russians unified their railway standards, Franz would immediately hesitate.

The reason is well known; any country neighboring Russia must be cautious. Even if allies, precautions are still necessary.

In this period, the major European powers were all somewhat hollow despite their outward strength, and Austria was no exception. Social reforms had just begun and had not yet transformed into national power.

The British empire had not yet reached its peak; India had not been fully conquered, Australia and New Zealand still had indigenous forces resistant to them, and in South Africa, they had just established some footholds along the coasts. Colonization was ongoing in Southeast Asia, Egypt was still dominated by the French, and thus the great Colonial Empire had not finished its puzzle.

The French were busy with internal conflicts, while the internal contradictions in Russia were merely suppressed, waiting to be detonated by external forces.

The Kingdom of Prussia still relied on foreign wars to divert social conflicts, and internal reforms had only just begun. Although their military strength was seemingly formidable, their domestic economy was lackluster.

Spain continued its decline without initiating social reforms; across the ocean, the United States, at this time, was merely an agricultural country with a population just over twenty million, its main economic income from exporting cotton. The conflict between the North and the South had already emerged.

At this thought, Franz suddenly had an idea. Should he seize the opportunity to meddle in South Africa?

South Africa was vast, and the British had only established colonial rule along the coast. The interior was still no man’s land, and aside from the Cape of Good Hope, the British hardly paid any attention to other regions.

The British were too busy to care about more areas in Africa. With so many points of entry, getting involved now might secure a piece of the action.

If all else failed, he could start with Namibia and then occupy Botswana, skirting the fringes; or start with Tanzania, take over Zambia and Zimbabwe, and infiltrate South Africa from the inland.

Theoretically, all these options sounded good, but practically, they seemed unreliable. The African Continent at this time was not at all endearing—disease, venomous insects, and fierce animals abound, requiring one to prepare for an exceedingly high mortality rate if planning to colonize.

Theoretically, it wasn’t that high. With caution, keeping the mortality rate below ten percent was probably manageable.

While this might sound feasible in theory, in practice, one would realize that people were not that brave; who would willingly risk their lives when living comfortably?

That would change with the lure of profits, such as the discovery of the gold mines in South Africa, which would make everyone suddenly brave enough to face diseases, venomous creatures, and wild beasts.

Regrettably, by the time the gold was discovered, it would be too late for Austria to claim a stake unless it occupied the territory beforehand and then allied with the Boer people; otherwise, they had no chance against the British.

Despite being sensible, once the idea came to Franz, he couldn’t shake it off.

There was still plenty of time before gold was discovered in South Africa. If nothing else, he could support the internal African colonial faction and have them establish a foothold first.

By the time the Anglo-Boer war broke out, Austria would have risen, and having a foothold would be crucial whether to support the Boer people in their struggle against John Bull or to join in and take a share for themselves.

The timing of any action had to be chosen carefully, ideally when the British were preoccupied and unable to respond to a sudden advance creating a fait accompli.

Under the international laws of the era, no man’s land belonged to whoever occupied it first, provided they could hold onto it.

There was no need to rush. Franz wasn’t a man of impulsive actions. For now, it seemed necessary to push for the construction of the Suez Canal.

Monopolizing this canal was beyond Austria’s capability, but stirring up some action to turn it into an internationally managed canal was within the realm of possibility.

When the Suez Canal was being dug, the British Government was fully opposed, believing that it would threaten their naval supremacy.

The British public thought the canal wouldn’t accommodate large vessels and the Canal Company’s shares were virtually ignored in the United Kingdom.

On the contrary, sales were good in France. The Canal Company even encountered financial difficulties mid-way, halting construction and nearly resulting in an abandoned project, before the Rothschild family intervened for its completion.

Historically, the canal wasn’t operational until 1869. By that time, Austria’s navy should have gained some significance.

No guarantees for other outcomes, but becoming a shareholder of the canal was achievable.

Historically, France couldn’t withstand British pressure and faced financial issues, forcing them to give up; but if it turned into a Franco-Austrian venture leading the Suez Canal, the outcome would be different.

As for how to proceed, Franz was troubled. The relations among the great powers were extremely complex, with collaboration and back-stabbing happening simultaneously.

One day allies on one issue, the next day they’d be at each other’s throats elsewhere.

To reduce conflicts, only agreements like the Russian-Austrian secret treaty, where each gets what they need by setting out spheres of influence in advance, seemed to work.

But merely imagining such scenarios was impossible. Austria could make concessions to Russia because their core strategic interests did not clash.

Franz also knew that the moment Russia’s strategy was initiated, it would suffer a thrashing from the alliance of England, France, and the Ottoman Empire. The Russians didn’t have the resources to sustain long-term warfare, and failure was inevitable.

Austria would only be drawn into the conflict through alliance obligations if England and France initiated an invasion. But a glance at the map made it clear that unless Russia led the way, an English or French invasion would be difficult.

Obviously, such an event couldn’t happen again. Austria had to choose a major power as an ally  waffling opportunists were liable to be crushed easily.

Chapter 29: Despicable Tricks

As the railway plan was initiated, Franz did not forget the other two core industries, though the government’s direct involvement in these industries was much less.

In a way, the manufacturing industry can be seen as a whole. The food processing industry could be separately peeled off, with no other factor but the simple ability to make money.

At present, the main source of foreign exchange for the Austrian Empire is agricultural exports, which include refined agricultural products and exports of raw ecological agricultural products.

Undoubtedly, the profits from exporting processed grain are much higher, which can drive large numbers of employment and bring substantial tax revenue to the country.

From the perspective of economic development, this is a point of GDP growth. Franz even hoped that the profits from agricultural exports would offset the trade deficit.

In international trade, the Austrian Empire was in a deficit most of the time, which was also the main cause of the continued depreciation of the Austrian shield.

In those days, currency wasn’t like the credit systems of later generations; it was real gold and silver, and gold and silver were used for international trade settlements.

International currency? The British Pound could barely qualify, but it did not have the status it achieved in the late 19th century, and most countries and regions did not recognize it.

Against this backdrop, a continued trade deficit would lead to an outflow of wealth, affecting the development of the domestic economy.

After Franz took charge, stabilizing the value of the Austrian shield became key to the normal development of the domestic economy.

Addressing the trade deficit as quickly as possible became an urgent matter for the government.

In the short term, the only way for the Austrian Government to balance trade was through the export of refined agricultural products to earn added value.

In August 1849, the Austrian Government issued a decree: to reduce by two points the tax rate for agricultural product processing enterprises, and also announced that after 1850, the export tariffs on raw ecological agricultural products would be increased by one point.

In order to encourage more investment in the industry, the Austrian Government also stipulated that newly established agricultural processing enterprises would enjoy a tax exemption in the first year, and a half-tax benefit for the following three years.

Influenced by this policy, Austria saw an increase of 221 agricultural processing enterprises in the last few months of 1849, including Franz’s own involvement.

Austria was already a major exporter of agricultural products and naturally had an advantage in developing the agricultural processing industry; a simple policy encouragement was all that was needed.

The manufacturing industry, however, was more troublesome; its scope was too broad, and while Austria had advantages in some areas, it was already starting to fall behind in most industries.

But this backwardness was only relative to the United Kingdom, which had already completed industrialization; in the Southeast Europe region, Austria’s industry still had an advantage.

In Franz’s view, promoting the development of manufacturing was essentially accelerating industrialization; mechanized production had far too much advantage over manual labor.

This was not something that could be done in a short time, but the government still supported heavy industry, such as the steel and machinery manufacturing industries.

This support was not just a matter of lowering tax rates; local governments also helped solve basic infrastructure problems, such as industrial water supply and transportation issues.

To develop manufacturing, the most important thing was to be able to endure loneliness. Not to mention one year, even three to five years might not see evident results, but after ten to twenty years of persistence, success was certain.

Innovation?

It is too early to discuss this issue now. Before completing industrialization, Austria’s manufacturing industry followed the path of copying the British, and of course, an occasional unexpected gain was also pleasing.

Overall, from the second half of 1848 to the end of 1849, the economic reforms carried out by the Austrian Government were all aimed at clearing the obstacles to domestic economic development.

As a unique country with a mix of planned and market economies, Austria achieved notable economic success in 1849.

The most tangible feeling for the citizens of Vienna was the decrease in grain prices, which had fallen by fifteen percent compared to 1847.

This figure might seem insignificant, but in fact, it was very important industrially. The decrease in grain prices meant that the cost of feeding the workers was reduced.

The reduction in the cost of living also improved the lives of the lower-class citizens. Many people had a trivial amount of savings, and with this money, some chose to save, while others chose to spend.

Individual insignificance might seem neglibigle, but when the numbers add up, they become significant, and the prosperity of the market increased.

These seemingly insignificant consumptions ultimately fed back into industrial production. With a market, production naturally follows, driving an increase in industrial capacity.

If such an impact was negligible, then the removal of internal tariffs and the opening up of the Hungarian Region’s market had a much greater effect.

No matter how backward the economy was, there were still more than ten million people. After the emancipation of the serfs and the redemption of lands, these people became property owners.

Having assets naturally leads to purchasing power. Although this market had not yet fully grown, the increase in total consumption was an indisputable fact.

Without tariffs, Austria’s industrial and commercial products greatly increased their competitiveness in the Hungarian Region. Coupled with the market expansion there, it naturally stimulated the development of domestic industry and commerce, resulting in a minor boom.

According to statistics from the Ministry of Industry, Austria’s industrial capacity increased by 15% in 1849 compared with 1847, a result that was both unexpected and reasonable for Austria.

Industrial capacity could not skyrocket overnight, and expanding production also took time; in this era, unlike later times, one could not immediately get equipment after placing an order.

The following years would be the explosive period for Austrian industrial capacity.

Beyond the expansion of the domestic market, the establishment of the Holy Roman Economic Alliance provided the domestic industry and commerce with a much broader market, naturally stimulating industrial production.

While Franz was envisaging a bright future, bad news came.

“Your Majesty, we’ve received news from St. Petersburg; the Russians are out of patience.

A week ago, after the Prussian Government announced national mobilization, Tsar Nicholas I made a decisive counter-decision, and the Russian Empire’s troops are now gathering on the Prusso-Russian border.

Yesterday morning, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a 72-hour ultimatum to the Prussian ambassador in Russia.

Without any surprises, the Prussian Government will soon yield to the Russians; they dare not go to war with Russia now,” Metternich said with a frown.

The Prusso-Russian standoff over the Danish War was in Austria’s interest; while it drained the Prussian Government’s strength, it also worsened Prusso-Russian relations, highlighting the importance of the Russian-Austrian Alliance to the Russians.

But since the Russians have run out of patience, the Prussian Government can no longer hold on.

At first, the Prussian Government was confident in annexing the duchies of Schleswig-Holstein, but as they witnessed the Russians’ firm attitude, their confidence gradually waned.

By this point, the factor that prevented them from giving up was no longer the annexation of the duchies of Schleswig-Holstein, but rather public sentiment in the Germany Region that wouldn’t allow them to back down.

Russians are formidable, and their neighbors feel this most keenly, but the German Confederation states separated by Prussia-Austria can hardly sense it.

To curry favor with domestic public opinion, the Saxon-Gotha Duchy Government brazenly declared, “For the territorial integrity of the German Federation, we are ready to fight a decisive battle against the Russians!”

The Kingdom of Hanover also made a strong statement, “As long as the Russians dare to invade Schleswig-Holstein, we will fight them to the death!”

Even Franz had to admit, “If it’s necessary to deploy troops to defend Schleswig-Holstein, Austria won’t be left behind.”

While these kingdoms and duchies only remained tough in their rhetoric, places like the Free Cities that are ruled by public opinion had already taken practical action.

The Hamburg German National Expeditionary Force, the Lübeck German National Self-Defense Force, the Bremen Hanseatic German National Volunteer Army…

There was no need to take them too seriously; these impressively named forces were actually composed of just a few hundred nationalists—the political significance outweighed their actual significance.

With everyone acting this way, naturally, the Prussian Government was embarrassed to back down.

Frederick William IV felt he needed to save face. If he backed down without a convincing reason, could he even continue mixing in the Germany Region?

But standing firm was not an option either. If Prussia truly started fighting the Russians, wouldn’t these same people, who shouted slogans that shook the heavens, switch sides in an instant?

In the eyes of politicians, what does integrity amount to? There are thousands of excuses; would they worry about failing to find one?

If worst came to worst, they could just organize a group of volunteers to go as reinforcements, cramming any unwelcome enemies into the fray as cannon fodder; it wasn’t like this couldn’t be done.

Just look at the approach of the Austrian Government—you wanted to participate in the frontlines, just sign up, and right after the war erupted, they’d send you there.

In the end, there were no more protest marches, and the Austrian Government neither suppressed them nor expelled the protesters, but simply sent a few Scribe Officers to record the names of those participating in the demonstrations.

Those listed were all activists with a passion for the German Federation, ready to go to the frontline. War had broken out, and the Federation needed you to defend it. Shouting slogans wouldn’t cut it; patriotism had to be proven through actions.

The loudmouths hesitated. They were fine with shouting slogans but leaving the actual fighting on the front lines to others.

The student troops, which should have been the main force, were still hitting the books in school. They were concerned about the events unfolding outside, but couldn’t leave, could they?

With the government’s seemingly active stance, there was nothing more for them to do, and no need to break school rules, right?

The general populace all had jobs. Supporting the recapture of the two duchies of Schleswig-Holstein was one thing; taking to the streets was quite another. Could protests reclaim the territory?

Everyone was rational, and it was sufficient to cheer on the Kingdom of Prussia. It wasn’t necessary to create chaos for the country, especially since demonstrating could also impede economic growth.

“If the Prussian Government is going to compromise, there’s nothing we can do. After dragging this out for so long, the Kingdom of Prussia must brace for a tough year ahead.

Frederick William probably regrets it by now; after spending so much, in the end to come away empty-handed,” Franz said with a wry smile.

He truly wasn’t rejoicing in another’s misfortune, had the Prussians not provoked the Russians into a national mobilization, Nicholas I wouldn’t have been set off so easily, and then dragging the Prussia-Denmark war into next year wouldn’t have been an issue.

By then, a portion of the funds that Franz had invested out, combined with the savings the Royal Bank attracted from the public, would fill the gap left by his misappropriation of donations.

It’s obvious that the Prussians can no longer hold on, which is why they are deliberately provoking the Russians to borrow Russia’s military threat and persuade the nationalists within to compromise.

Otherwise, why would Frederick William IV, full and bloated, order a national mobilization?

When it comes to fighting the Kingdom of Denmark, Prussia’s current military strength is enough. If they were to fight the Russians, not even a national mobilization would suffice, right?

It’s possible to persuade the nationalists within Prussia, as everyone would feel uneasy about fighting the Russians, and this time the Prussian Government has incorporated them into the army with the national mobilization.

Shouting slogans, nobody backs down. But once they’re in the barracks, many begin to rethink. They can’t just risk their lives for the two duchies of Schleswig-Holstein, can they?

If Prussia were to go to war with Russia, even if the entire German Confederation supported them, it would still be Prussia who would suffer the most. If they lose, not only could they not recuperate the two duchies, they might even have to cede more territory.

With such a low chance of military victory, everyone’s enthusiasm naturally wanes. By convincing the domestic front, the Prussian Government would have overcome its difficulty.

As for the public opinion in the Germany Region, Frederick William IV has clearly given up. How could they possibly reverse such an obvious problem easily when the German Confederation teamed up to trip them?

Being criticized is just fine, as it’s not as if they’ll lose a piece of flesh.

They may have the ambition to unify the Germany Region, but they lack the corresponding strength. Even if they won public support, what good would it be if they can’t win on the battlefield?

The Prussian Government made the right choice by stopping its losses in a timely manner. Compared to real benefits, reputation can be sacrificed as well.

Without prestige in the Germany Region and with worsened Prusso-Russian relations, the prospects for the Kingdom of Prussia to unify Germany were virtually gone.

In terms of strategy, the Austrian Empire had won. However, Franz was not pleased; money, money, money, without which, nothing could be done.

Biting his lip, Franz decided to employ a delaying tactic. Once the Prussian Government conceded and gave up the two duchies of Schleswig-Holstein, he would have the Royal Bank demand the return of donations from the Prussian Government.

You must know that by now the Royal Bank has already paid over four million shields in donations to the Prussian Government for the war, and it was clear they couldn’t possibly refund it, having spent the money on the war.

By using the return of donations as an excuse to delay, he created time for the repayment. Although this move was somewhat despicable and even thoroughly offended the Prussian Government, Franz had no other choice.

Without doing this, how would he refund the public’s donations?

If he had to stick to previous promises and pay out based on the remaining funds, Franz’s financial shortfall would quickly be exposed.

By insisting that the Prussian Government deceived them into giving donations, representing all citizens who had donated to demand their money back, he could divert everyone’s attention and secure enough time to raise funds.

“Contact the governments of each German nation, the moment the Prussian Government gives up the two duchies of Schleswig-Holstein, let us all strike together and incite the public to reclaim the money swindled by the Prussian scoundrels,” Franz thoughtfully said.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Metternich responded.

Chapter 30: Cleared of Charges (Please Subscribe)

The Russians really know how to pick their moment, the deadline of their ultimatum happens to be December 24th, and the next day is Christmas.

Whether to stubbornly resist to the end or to choose to compromise, the Prussians wouldn’t get to celebrate Christmas this year. Delaying a few days before issuing the final ultimatum to the Prussian Government, there was also an intent to disgustingly irritate Frederick William IV.

Berlin

Upon receiving the ultimatum from the Russians, the Kingdom of Prussia was in an uproar, with the War Party and the Peace Party in endless disputes, and the plan to incite Polish independence was brought up again.

Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich said excitedly, “It’s no use, Poland will never become a force to be reckoned with. Even if we give up Prussian Poland and let them declare independence, it won’t stop the Russian forces.

On the contrary, doing so will enrage the Russians, and they will join forces with Austria and France to attack us. The Kingdom of Prussia can’t possibly win this war!”

The newly appointed Foreign Minister Alfa disdainfully said, “Prime Minister, don’t be an alarmist, at most we will only be fighting the Russians.

The French are too caught up in intense internal strife; whatever the president supports, the parliament opposes, and any law passed by the parliament is vetoed by the president. How could they possibly get involved in this war?

This time Austria is on our side, even if the Austrian Government has ulterior motives, the Austrian people are our staunch allies.

If the Austrian Government dares to join hands with the Russians to attack us, a revolution will break out within their country before they can even act. They can’t afford to take that risk.”

Pausing for a moment, he continued to agitate, “The Russian Empire is already in decay. This great empire is ripe for piercing. Since they stand against us, why not pierce through them?

As long as we take a stand this time, the entire population of the Germany Region will become our loyal supporters, and the great enterprise of uniting Germany will be completed in our hands.”

Unfortunately, the top echelons of the Prussian Government are no longer naïve teenagers. The Russian Empire may be in decay, but this decaying empire is not something Prussia can challenge.

Ally’s strength? Don’t make me laugh, it’s good enough to cheat some naïve teenagers, but where does Prussia find allies?

The many sub-states of Germany are all too keen to see trouble without getting involved; each one shouts slogans that shake the heavens, but when it comes down to confronting Russia, they each have a different interpretation.

If you analyze it carefully, you’ll find that the so-called defense of the integrity of the German Federation’s territory does not include parts of Prussian Poland and East Prussia.

This is a glaring pitfall, and once Prussia jumps in, it will have to face Russia alone. Of course, there is still support, and there are plenty of countries that are displeased with the Russians.

Finance Minister Holder said coldly, “Mr. Alfa, unless all the sub-states of Germany declare war on Russia simultaneously, we alone cannot possibly win this war.

Perhaps you haven’t noticed, but to support the Prussia-Denmark war, we have spent the last Gold Coin in the treasury. As early as six months ago, government civil servants were unable to receive their full salaries, and for the last three months, they haven’t received a penny.

Under national mobilization, our strategic materials will last at most for half a month of combat. Unless our troops can win this war within half a month, there’s no need to start it.”

Lack of money is one of the biggest problems. The Prussia-Denmark war has been raging since March of last year. There was a ceasefire in the middle, but the armies of both countries were still in a standoff.

The finances of the Kingdom of Prussia are perennially in deficit, and to support this war, they have tried every possible way to raise military funds.

Now they really have no other options left. They can’t borrow international loans; government bonds issued are ignored in the financial market, and the citizens have already drained their wallets donating to support the war.

Even to raise funds, they did not hesitate to swallow their pride and beg for help from the people of the Germany Region. Although they received a decent amount of money, by the time it reached the hands of the Prussian Government, there was very little left.

Lack of money is just one aspect, another is that they truly cannot win the war. In the age of line infantry, the human wave attack is one of the most effective tactics.

There’s no defense along the Prusso-Russian border, and once the war breaks out, the Prussian Army’s main force will be bogged down, and once the Cossack cavalry arrives at the heartland of the Kingdom of Prussia, they’re done for.

“The Russians are interfering, and the Prussia-Denmark war can no longer continue. At this time, the most important thing is to find a way to persuade the citizens, to explain to them the predicament we are facing, and to make them understand the difficulties of the government.

This issue should be addressed by the Prime Minister himself, while the Foreign Ministry sends people to communicate with the Russians, reopens negotiations with the Kingdom of Denmark, and invites Austria to join in mediating this war.

To show our sincerity, once the negotiation starts, the Kingdom of Prussia shall lift the national mobilization,” Frederick William IV said, unhurriedly making arrangements.

On December 23, 1849, under the armed mediation of the Russians, the Prussian Government announced it would accept the Russians’ suggestion, restart the Prussia-Denmark negotiation, and simultaneously lift the national mobilization.

As soon as the news came out, the Germany Region was in an uproar. Anti-Russian sentiment among the people began to rise, and their disappointment with the Prussian Government also started to grow.

When the Kingdom of Prussia was mobilizing nationally, everyone was deeply touched, with many donating money and goods. Now, all of a sudden, the Prussian Government backed down; wasn’t this a waste of everyone’s feelings?

The Prussian Government backed down, but what about the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies? In the eyes of the public, this was a matter of principle that could not be given up.

All eyes were now on Vienna, as the leader of the German sub-states, the Austrian Government had to take a clear stance at this time.

Metternich, the old diplomat, how could he possibly jump in to take the blame for Prussia?

On Christmas Day, Austria’s Foreign Ministry announced, “The Austrian Government will convene a Federal Assembly soon, with representatives from the Federal Assembly joining this round of negotiations.

Before that, the Austrian Government hopes the Kingdom of Prussia can take on the responsibility of a great power and hold on to the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies.”

At this time, everyone remembered that there was still a Federal Assembly in the Germany Region.

However, for the Prussian Government, the emergence of the Federal Assembly at this time was nothing but trouble.

Compromise was certainly impossible in the Federal Assembly, as everyone had their pride to consider.

Even if the Federal Assembly decided to declare war on Russia, it would just be a matter for Austria and Prussia; the other sub-states in the rear wouldn’t be affected, so what was there to fear?

The idea of getting the Federal Assembly to agree to give up the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies was unthinkable.

If Prussia gave up the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies, all the responsibility would fall on them.

By this time, rumors had already spread that the Prussian Government had taken advantage of everyone’s patriotic zeal to instigate this war in order to divert domestic conflicts, which was extremely detrimental to the public opinion of the Prussian Government.

In the year 1849, the Christmas that the people throughout the Germany Region celebrated was not a good one; newspapers were filled with news of the Prussia-Denmark war, and the festive atmosphere was diluted.

To express his dissatisfaction with the Prussian Government’s withdrawal, Franz ordered the cancellation of Christmas celebrations. There would be no court banquets, and government celebrations would not take place.

The Russians’ attitude was very tough. If the borders between the two countries were not restored to pre-war conditions within a month, the Tsarist troops would invade the Kingdom of Prussia, which directly dashed any hopes the Prussian Government had of striking a deal.

The Prussian Government was not foolish and knew that dragging out the matter would only cause more problems. Negotiations hadn’t even started, and the Prussian Army had already begun withdrawing from the Jutland Peninsula.

One factor was that they were out of money. Maintaining a large army deep in enemy territory was a significant logistical pressure. Since it was decided to make concessions, it would be better to retreat early to save on expenses.

Vienna Schoenbrunn Palace

Franz was in a bad mood; the Prussian Government had caved too quickly, making it impossible to use negotiations to bide for time.

He now finally understood why so many people who embezzled public funds were caught—it was because too many unexpected situations made it difficult to control effectively.

Investing in the food processing industry, the factory had just been established. If one wanted to make money, at the very least, one had to wait until the factory was up and running.

The mines in which he had invested weren’t doing much better. It was too soon; they had barely been developed effectively.

The only mine that was being actively exploited was the quarry, but since the construction of the railway had just begun, while the profits were good, they were merely a drop in the ocean.

The total savings of the Royal Bank had reached 2.7689 million shields. With the bank’s monthly administrative expenses at 18,000 shields needing to be deducted, and some funds reserved for the bank’s operation, there wasn’t much money left to fill the gaps.

Theoretically, from the donations, three million shields should have become bank deposits, but this, too, was an uncertainty that Franz did not dare to risk.

At the year-end closing, the Habsburg Family’s assets were actually substantial, but to rashly transfer them to fill his own holes could easily cause internal strife.

These assets already had a mature management system in place. Franz, aside from supervising operations, only took his share each year.

Since his uncle was still alive, his share as the head of the Habsburg Family was significantly reduced, amounting to a profit share of just three hundred thousand shields.

If it weren’t for the fact that it was almost the end of the year and the royal pension was due, Franz really wouldn’t know how he was going to fill this gap. He couldn’t very well shamelessly borrow money, could he?

Or was he supposed to hold onto the donations that had been sent to the government? He believed the Finance Ministry wouldn’t be so tactless as to come over and pressure His Majesty the Emperor to repay the money.

Since the royal pension had to be used to fill the gap, the Vienna Court naturally had to cut back on unnecessary expenses. Reducing court banquets was one measure, and the situation with Prussia just provided an excuse.

Franz had someone calculate precisely; the various court banquets of the Vienna Court each year, when added together, cost no less than five hundred thousand shields, and if they were extravagant, one million shields would not be enough.

“Your Majesty, the Prussia-Denmark war is about to end, and for the sake of the bank’s credibility, we need to prepare to return the donations,” John Steward reminded him.

The most important thing for a bank is its credibility. For the sake of the Royal Bank’s reputation, Franz even gave up the opportunity to embezzle a huge amount of donations.

Otherwise, the donations that entered the Royal Bank would have vanished long ago. By declaring all of it was transferred to the Prussian Government, the case would become an unsolved mystery.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Hold a press conference, explain the course of events clearly, invite Prussian representatives and public notaries to attend, and check the accounts once.

Announce to the public: If the negotiations go well, after they end, we will begin returning the unused portion of the donations. Have everyone bring the receipts issued by the bank at the time of donation, and go to the original point of donation for a proportional refund.

This year’s royal pension will be deposited directly into the Royal Bank, and the dividends from the royal assets will also be put into the bank. The funding gap is not an issue.

Also, settle the previous affairs quickly, complete the commercial loan procedures, and leave no traces whatsoever.”

“Yes, Your Majesty,” John Steward answered.

With money, many problems can be easily solved. Once the financial gap was filled and the loan formalities were completed, the matter was considered resolved.

After this series of actions, the act of Franz diverting the donations became a legitimate commercial loan obtained from the bank, and those assets were thereby laundered.

Chapter 31: Budget

After Christmas, the Austrian Government’s annual budget meeting resumed once more.

In actuality, by this time, the budget struggle among various departments had already concluded. Now it was time for the final confirmation.

If the budget issues were brought to the meeting for discussion, it was estimated that even reviewing the prepared documentation for everyone’s projects would not be feasible within these last few days.

Prime Minister Felix handed a report to Franz and said, “Your Majesty, this is the budget plan for 1850. The main expenditures include: military spending, government administration, education funds, land redemption payments, infrastructure construction, and cultural unification—these six major categories.

Of these, military expenditure has decreased by 27% compared to 1849, while education spending has increased by 31%, cultural promotion expenditure by 32%, government administrative expenses by 9%, and infrastructure construction spending by 44.5%.”

Overall, with the exception of military spending which decreased, all other expenses had significantly increased. The land redemption payment was an exception; it hadn’t existed before.

While expenditures increased, the government’s fiscal revenue also rose; otherwise, this budget would never have passed.

Franz received the budget report and merely glanced at the summary table of the budget.

Military expenditures amounted to 61.5684 million shields, including 10.6523 million for the navy and 50.9161 million for the army.

The war had ended, and the military was already reduced in 1849. A significant fall in military expenses for 1850 was normal.

However, the reduction was only in the army’s budget. Naval spending had actually grown by 1.5 million shields compared to the previous year, indicating that the colonial faction within the government had grown stronger.

The education budget was 68.5094 million shields, including 40.1641 million for compulsory education, 20.5632 million for university education (including expenses for university labs and scientific research), and 7.7821 million for secondary education expenses;

The budget for educational expenses was much lower than Franz had estimated. On one hand, compulsory education was still being popularized and was not yet universal; on the other hand, families that could afford it chose fee-paying schools with better educational conditions for a better future for their students.

On the surface, it appeared that the Ministry of Education allocated the same funds for all students at the compulsory education stage. In reality, the schools provided free meals, school uniforms, and lodging for students.

The expenses for a single child were not high, but they added up to a considerable sum with the large numbers, preliminarily estimated to reduce expenditures by ten million shields.

Infrastructure construction funds amounted to 48.2038 million shields, including 20.152 million for railway construction, 15.416 million for post-war reconstruction, 10.2632 million for urban infrastructure renovation, among others

This was unavoidable; some railways had no commercial value but held significant military importance and had to be built regardless.

In later times, there would be criticisms of the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s railways for prioritizing military needs over commercial viability.

To prevent this, such railways could only be funded by the Austrian Government. Relying on private investment probably wouldn’t see work start even in the next century.

Luckily, these railways were not long, generally only a hundred and eighty kilometers at most, and the longest did not exceed four hundred kilometers. The total distance added up was merely two to three thousand kilometers.

Upon completion, these railways could be connected to Austria’s railway network, enabling domestic troops to be rapidly deployed to the frontlines in the shortest time.

Government administrative expenses were at 53.2821 million shields, with 11.261 million for enterprise management administration and 42.0211 million for government office administration;

Franz frowned upon seeing this. It seemed necessary to allow state enterprises to operate independently. It was fine to merge them in the short term, but in the long term, state management of enterprises would inevitably become detached from the market.

The budget for cultural promotion was 23.1608 million shields, aimed at the effort to unify the language and script.

As influenced by Austrian Government policy, everyone knew that learning the common language was beneficial for job-seeking. The promotion was relatively smooth in cities, but problematic in rural areas.

Franz did not have a better solution; coercion was impossible. That would only make things worse. It seemed that unifying the language and script in this generation was unlikely, and the task would have to be completed by the next.

All schools in the country were compelled to offer courses in Austrian. Now the focus was on training teachers, striving to abolish local dialects at the earliest.

Indeed, in Austria’s official documents at this time, there was no longer any mention of ethnic languages—there was only one language, Austrian, with the rest being regional dialects.

Unless something unexpected occurred, starting from 1850, all elementary and secondary school teachers would have to take the Austrian language exam. Those who passed would receive a pay raise, while those who did not had to prepare for a retake.

Those failing the assessment for three consecutive years could prepare to go home. In order to promote the Austrian language as quickly as possible, both the Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of Education had put in great effort.

There’s no need to elaborate on the land redemption payment; a fixed annual expenditure of 105 million shields compensated the nobility for the purchase of their land, with farmers footing the bill as the government just handled the transaction.

These six areas of expenditure alone added up to 359.7245 million shields. With a plethora of smaller budget items, Austria’s fiscal spending for 1850 reached a total of 423 million shields.

If one had seen these budget figures two years earlier, it is estimated that Austrian Government officials might have fainted; it was nearly three times the fiscal revenue of the government. Now, however, no one seemed overly concerned.

(Note: The finances of Hungary were separate two years ago.)

The farmers’ land redemption payments were roughly at 158 million shields. After the government paid 105 million in redemption to the nobility, there was still an income of 53 million shields.

This revenue was not entirely stable, being subject to the effects of natural disasters and consequently fluctuating. If a severe natural disaster occurred, the government might even have to contribute a share.

There was also church tithe, fluctuating around 93.5 million shields annually, influenced by agricultural product prices. The church’s twenty percent share had to be deducted from this revenue.

Collecting taxes for clergy costs money; the work was hard and they helped to take the blame. It would be unreasonable to expect them to work for nothing.

What remained for the government was only 74.8 million shields. It seemed as though there was a surplus in education funding for now, but once compulsory education was fully popularized, this amount would be insufficient. The government would have to contribute additional funds at that point.

Deducting these two sums first, the actual Austrian Government budget wasn’t so daunting.

423 – 0.748 – 158 = 243.2 million shields

As for the salaries of corporate executives, in reality, they can also be deducted from the profits contributed by state-owned enterprises; it’s just that they were merged into the costs.

The Ministry of Finance estimated the fiscal revenue for 1850 to be 230 million shields, and the total government revenue was projected at 480 million shields, including land redemption funds, tithe, profits from state-owned enterprises, real estate property rents and sales, and so on.

Subtracting the budget of 423 million, it seems there was a fiscal surplus?

In fact, this was impossible. The Austrian Government still had debts to pay, all of which were to be repaid. Up until now, the Austrian Government owed bank loans, various bonds, as well as corporate and personal debts, totaling 542 million shields.

All this money needed to be repaid on time, theoretically, if no unexpected events occurred, the Austrian Government would have achieved a balanced budget.

These are all ideal states, whether there will be a surplus or deficit, we would know by this time next year.

In 1848, the Austrian Government achieved a fiscal surplus by confiscating property, but in 1849, the Austrian Government faced a fiscal deficit of 7.2568 million shields.

This number might not seem large, but if it continued over time, it would become a problem.

Especially during the critical moment when the Crimean War was about to break out, owing debts to England and France, diplomacy could not but be influenced.

This point has been exemplified in history, the Austrian Government tilted towards England and France, partly because of this factor. The French even pulled Russia away from the Triple Alliance by means of loans.

Unless you follow the Kingdom of Prussia: first borrow to develop, and once development is nearly complete, start a war. If you win, you naturally have the money to repay the debt; if you lose, it’s naturally game over.

Austria had a substantial patrimony, and Franz was not prepared to be a gambler. This strategy of small countries rising does not apply to a large country.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Let’s execute the financial budget as is! Set aside twenty million shields for the budget, to deal with emergencies.”

Cut the budget?

The content of this budget report had already been submitted for review by various departments, and unless there was a significant overage, Franz would not stir things up.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” replied Prime Minister Felix.

Facing a strong monarch, ministers naturally could not assert themselves. With the unequal status of sovereign and subjects, the monarch held a natural advantage.

When Franz first began regency, he had to use Foreign Minister Metternich to counterbalance the strong Prime Minister Felix, but after more than a year of alignment, this situation had completely changed.

Not waiting for the German Federal Parliament’s delegation to start negotiations, under the strong pressure of Russian foreign minister Carl-Wassell, on January 6, 1850, the Prussian Army completely withdrew from Denmark’s territory, which also included giving up the already obtained Schleswig-Holstein Duchies.

Everyone knew that the next day was the Russians’ Christmas, and Tsar Nicholas I, having restrained himself for so long, naturally needed to vent.

As a confidant, Carl-Wassell naturally had to present a significant gift on this special day, and the Prussian Government unfortunately became the backdrop.

Initially, Franz thought so as well, but after seeing Metternich’s radiant smile, he knew it was not that simple; the Austria’s Foreign Ministry might have played a disgraceful role.

Of course, Franz was to know nothing about it. It’s not unusual for the larger power to suppress the second-in-command. As the two major sub-states of the Germany Region, Prussia and Austria had both cooperation and conflicts.

For the past few decades, it seemed they were all friends. But starting with the Frankfurt conference, the relationship between Prussia-Austria began to rapidly distance.

Yes, it was a distancing, not a deterioration, and there had been no direct conflicts. The “Triangular Alliance” that the Prussian Government attempted to establish had just started moving when it was sabotaged by Austria’s Foreign Ministry.

Moreover, the Austrian Government took advantage of the Kingdom of Prussia engulfed in the Prussia-Denmark war to form The Holy Roman Alliance, isolating Prussia in the Germany Region.

All this had proven that two tigers cannot share one mountain, and the Kingdom of Prussia was unlucky to encounter Franz. The Austrian Government had settled domestic conflicts in advance and had the energy to trip them up.

“Should we send a note in the name of the German Federal Parliament to the Kingdom of Prussia, urging them to hold out?” Franz hesitated to ask.

After some thought, Metternich answered, “Your Majesty, if we did that, the Prussian Government would most likely comply, but then wouldn’t the Russians hate us to death?”

Indeed, at this time, if The Federation got involved, the Prussian Government might indeed pull everyone into the quagmire.

Everyone knew that the Russians did not truly wish to engage in conflict, and should the Prussian Government take a dramatic step, abandoning its independent foreign policy and handing over control to the Federal Assembly, it would be a huge complication.

If they showed weakness, everyone would be blamed alongside the Prussian Government; no one would get off easily. If they resisted strongly, the Russians would probably indeed despise Austria.

Franz knew too well how vengeful the Tsarist Government could be. With the situation already decided, there was no need for further complications.

Franz shook his head and said, “Let’s not do that. After the Prussian Government has withdrawn its troops, we’ll instigate the public to demand compensation from them.

At the same time, we must also expose the Prussian Government’s malicious intent of using the war to divert domestic attention and make the German People despise them.”

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Metternich replied.

Although he did not believe this little trouble could strike a blow to the Kingdom of Prussia, it would still be a nuisance.

At the very least, without clearing this bad reputation, it would be even more difficult for the Kingdom of Prussia to annex North Germany.

Forceful annexation is actually the least desirable. If you cannot win the people’s approval, it becomes difficult to convert the added territory and population into national strength.

Chapter 32: What to Do When the Spoils Are Not Divided Evenly

January in Vienna drowned in biting winds, snow flitting gracefully from the heavens, descending like threads of rain. A gust of wind, as if casting fine salt into the sky, danced chaotically, adorning the whole Vienna Palace into a fairy-tale world of ice and snow.

Franz had already given up his habit of winter swimming, for in this frozen world, he couldn’t take to the water without fearing for his well-being, distrusting the medical care of his era should he fall ill.

The artificial lake was capped with thick layers of ice where several of his younger brothers still frolicked.

Fallen into the water? No matter, they’d treat it as an icy bath, rise, change clothes, and carry on.

Coddled living was out of the question, for the brothers had undergone military training from a young age. Their skills in theory were certainly not lacking, or else Franz wouldn’t be so confidently taking charge of armies in history.

As snowflakes swirled, Franz stood inside a pavilion looking into the distance, the water in the teapot beside him beginning to boil.

Brewing tea had become a habit for Franz, though since when he couldn’t recall. That’s right, just brewing, for he relished the fragrance released from the tea.

As for the waste of tea leaves each day, that was not a concern of Franz’s. After all, there were plenty eager to curry favor; without his consumption, how would they find their chances?

The Vienna Court’s main beverage was still coffee, with tea being an occasional alternative, mostly black tea at that, which, with added sugar and milk, became the so-called—milk tea.

“Your Majesty, the Archbishop of Kentenia requests an audience,” the maid’s crisp voice echoed.

A visit from the Church, Franz’s brows furrowed. It was known that, since the Austrian Government had acted against domestic churches, a rift had formed between the Church and the Vienna Palace.

Even the Archbishop of Kentenia, who had always maintained good relations with the royal family, had reduced his visits, so his appearance now likely spelled no good news.

“Bring him here,” Franz replied indifferently.

The visitor was already at the door; out of respect for the past relations, Franz couldn’t decline to see him.

(The crisis of the Holy Land erupts, omitting ten thousand words, dare not touch on religion)

“Your Majesty, what do you think?” asked the Archbishop of Kentenia anxiously.

Being a devout Catholic, he bore no resemblance to half-hearted believers like Franz. He was deeply angered by the events that had transpired in.

“Understood, this matter involves a lot, and I need to discuss with the Cabinet before deciding,” Franz answered, his brows tightening.

Internally, he had already started to have second thoughts, as if correct, the historical spark of the Crimean War was this very crisis, and Franz had no desire to become ensnared.

Unable to obtain the outcome he wanted, the Archbishop of Kentenia was powerless. It was no longer the Middle Ages; in Austria, the royal power had overtaken the ecclesiastical.

“Your Majesty, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte is ambitious, and he seeks to rebuild France’s status as a great power in Europe. Perhaps this opportunity should be given to them,” suggested Metternich.

If Austria did not wish to take the lead, a scapegoat must be found. There were many Catholic countries in Europe, but only three grandes: Austria, France, and Spain.

Spain’s current circumstances were far from optimistic, plagued by internal issues, leaving it with no resources to intervene in this matter.

The French were the most suitable candidates, as their international status and power did not align at present.

Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte’s desire to secure France’s position was only part of it; more importantly, he needed public support for a restoration and could expect opposition from the parliament in other matters, but interference in   was the preferred option, for even his political foes would not dare to object on this issue.

“Let’s give this opportunity to the French then. The government must pacify domestic public sentiment. The Press Supervision Bureau must focus on guiding public opinion, and we cannot allow others to set the pace.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should coordinate our relationship with allies. The government will allocate two million shields specifically for propaganda in the South German Region. We must find a way to gradually manipulatethe public opinion in these regions.

It would be best to secretly acquire some newspapers and publishing houses locally, vigorously supporting the Pro-Austrian Faction and the advocates for the unification of a Greater Germany.

As the government ought not to act personally in these affairs, intelligence organizations or civil exchange groups could take the lead.

The German Confederation is a collective body, and various comprehensive civil organizations could be established, such as the German Writers’ Association, the German Music Association, among others,” Franz reflected.

Only upon reflection did Franz realize that in the realm of arts and culture of this era, Austria actually held an advantage.

Of course, it could not compare with France, the leader of Romanticism, nor with Italy, being the cradle of the Renaissance and with Rome as the cultural center of Europe.

However, the story differed in the German Region, where the small states held little influence.

Prussia, as a state dominated by the military—discussing art with them seemed rather absurd, didn’t it? Their structural foundation predetermined their inherent deficiency in culture.

Bavaria, though not lacking in other aspects, was simply too impoverished. Poverty was an embarrassing problem, for art too required a material foundation.

Against this backdrop, Austria’s prominence emerged. Vienna itself was already a historic city, surpassing any German regional state in cultural heritage.

In modern times, as the saying goes, “the misfortune of the state is the fortune of the poet.” As a multi-ethnic state, the collision of various cultural thoughts naturally sparked brilliance, and in this era, Austria reached its cultural peak.

Since advantages existed, they had to be leveraged. Without comparison, there would be no hurt, and the idea of great unification had already begun to spread in the Germany Region. Compared to the rigid Kingdom of Prussia, it was an easy choice for cultural figures on whom to support.

Don’t underestimate these pen-wielders; they seemed to serve no purpose. But once Austria swallowed up the sub-states of the South Germany Region, with them cheering from the stands, Austria could digest the area in the shortest time.

“Yes, Your Majesty.” Prime Minister Felix answered.

As a staunch supporter of the Teutonic cause, he backed any decision favorable to the unification of Germany. If it hadn’t been for his untimely death historically, the Kingdom of Prussia would have found it not so easy to unify Germany.

Metternich said, “Your Majesty, the Prusso-Russian conflict is about to end, and with the Holy Land crisis erupting at this time, the Russians will definitely intervene. Maybe they will even use this as an excuse to take action against the Ottoman Empire.

From the intelligence we’ve received, the Russian Empire is preparing for war. Clearly, they do not plan to wait for us to be ready; they want to launch a war in advance.

If the war comes earlier, we will face a choice. It’s too dangerous for Austria’s national strength to support a war on two fronts. We must either take the opportunity to unify the South German Region or go all out for the Balkan Peninsula.”

Franz frowned, fighting on two fronts was too dangerous, a self-flattering statement.

If there were no intervention from the great powers, Franz wasn’t afraid of fighting on two fronts. In reality, aside from the duped Russians, none of the remaining great powers supported Austria.

Not to mention, as long as the British were willing to spend money, the Kingdom of Prussia would backstab Austria, and the possibility of the French intervening by sending troops was as high as 99 percent.

If fighting on only one front, then Austria, with concentrated strength, still had some deterrent power. If forces were split, it wouldn’t scare anyone.

Army Minister Prince Windischgrätz proposed, “Your Majesty, I suggest prioritizing expansion into the Balkan region. On this issue, we can still gain the support of the German Confederation, and we’ve reached an agreement with the Russians, facing resistance only from England and France.

The Russians want to annex the Ottoman Empire; the first target of British and French attacks will inevitably be the Russians. As long as we know when to stop, they will mostly acquiesce to our expansion.

If at this time, we deploy troops to unify the South German Region, all the states of the entire Germany Region will stand against us.

Because of geographical reasons, it would be much easier for the French to intervene militarily, and we might face a coalition attack from France, Prussia, Bavaria, and other countries.

If the strategy fails, Austria could only leave the German Federation. The Holy Roman Alliance that has been established will also crumble.”

Franz, knowledgeable in history, was clear that expanding into the Balkan Peninsula at this time meant almost certain victory, as long as we maintained our stance.

Even historically, when Austria joined the wrong side, it had the chance to annex the Two Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, if only the Vienna Government hadn’t been reluctant to give up the Italian Area as a price.

(Note: Wallachia Principality is now Romania’s southern region; Moldavian Principality now encompasses Romania’s northeastern region, part of Moldova, and Ukraine.)

Prime Minister Felix urgently opposed, “No, Austria lacks not territory, but the number of people of the majority nationality. Even though we have started to implement national integration, this is not something that can be accomplished in the short term.

At such a time, expanding into the Balkans may indeed be easy. But the more we consume, the more difficult it will be to achieve integration.

We can do some calculations; a small part of Serbia has a population of five or six hundred thousand people, Bosnia and Herzegovina four or five hundred thousand, Wallachia nearly one million, and Moldavia has one million four or five hundred thousand people.

This means that Austria would suddenly grow its population by ten percent, and all would be minorities, different from our own, with no sense of identity with the nation.

How much effort would it take to assimilate these people? Twenty years, or thirty years?

Until national integration is completed, we can’t do anything.

If we annex the south German sub-state area, it’s different. The people have a strong sense of identification, and in no more than three to five years, we can establish effective rule and turn potential into national strength.

Then we can turn towards Balkan expansion, which would be entirely feasible.

As for the risks, they are actually controllable.

If the Kingdom of Prussia objects, we can support them in annexing the northern German regional states, and we can divide Germany together. If they disagree, we can use the Russian-Austrian Alliance to threaten them with unification.

If the French object, we can cede all territories west of the Rhine to them, make greater concessions in the Italian Area, and even support them in annexing Belgium.

In this world, so-called contradictions are nothing more than issues of interest. As long as everyone gets what they need, there’s nothing that can’t be solved!”

It cannot be denied, Felix was ruthless. If it were done this way, it would become a collective land expansion by the European powers.

Pruso-Franco-Russian expansion simultaneously, is there a solution to this issue? Even if the remaining countries united in resistance, it would be useless, and naturally, the attitude of the British could be disregarded.

But how could European statesmen not have thought of this? Why hadn’t it been implemented?

Clearly, it was not so simple, an uneven distribution of spoils was an intractable problem. The Russians took too much, and everyone was dissatisfied.

In addition to the massive size of Mao Xiong, it caused everyone’s fear, worried about their continued expansion against which no one could stand.

With the British stirring trouble on the side, the likelihood of a joint expansion plan greatly decreased.

Chapter 33: Purifying the Ranks of Officialdom

The struggle over strategic direction exists in any country with ambition. It is an unsolvable issue with no right or wrong answer; it’s all about appropriateness.

At present, both the Balkan faction and the South German faction have sufficiently compelling arguments.

From a developmental perspective, the land in the Balkan region is more fertile, resources more abundant, which could accelerate the Austrian Empire’s economic growth; whereas the Germany Region contains the population that Austria most needs.

Both sides are important, but considering the issue of ethnic integration, Franz still inclines towards prioritizing the South Germany region first.

Once South Germany is annexed, the stability of the Austrian Empire is assured. The government could use immigration to allow various ethnic groups to live together, hastening the pace of ethnic integration.

In Franz’s view, the best way to speed up ethnic integration is through intermarriage. When a couple marries, it’s equivalent to the merging of two families, and it can also influence a whole circle of relatives and friends.

With an increase in the number of such marriages, the next generation will be of mixed ethnicity; these people will naturally have the highest level of identification with the products of ethnic integration.

Metternich spoke slowly, “To move westward or southward first is a question that requires careful consideration.

The international situation is ever-changing. Even if we make a decision now, we may later encounter irresistible forces that require us to abandon it.

Russia might make a move against the Ottoman Empire, but that’s just a possibility; what ultimately happens remains unknown.

Despite the many Russo-Turkish Wars, the Ottoman Empire still stands firm. Who can guarantee that the Russians will be able to swallow them whole? I presume no one here believes that the Russians can do that, right?

If that’s the case, then we must consider the reactions of England and France. If they go to war with Russia for the Ottomans, then whether we choose to move west or south, we have a window of opportunity.

If England and France choose not to enter the war, our desire to annex the South German Region might be just a dream and even our intention to gain significant benefits in the Balkan Peninsula could be subject to their interference.”

The historical Crimean War was filled with happenstance: Napoleon III had just restored his rule and needed a foreign military victory to solidify his position; the British wanted to strike Russia to ensure their interests in the Mediterranean.

Just then, the Russians coveted control over the Black Sea Strait, simultaneously harming English and French economic interests. Once the London Government and the Paris Government discussed it, they decided to hit them hard.

Subsequently, the suicidal Crimean War erupted, and it must be said that it was a contest of incompetence. Whether it was England and France or Russia, more people died from logistical failures than on the battlefield.

No matter how historians try to cover it up, it does not change the fact that once soldiers go to war, their greatest enemies are not the opposing forces but disease and logistics.

A self-destructive war ended with both sides seriously damaged. Russia lost in the Crimea War Field, but they reclaimed their pride in the Caucasus War Field, beating the Ottomans to the point of utter misery.

The end result of the war was no indemnities or land cessions, and ironically, the biggest loser turned out to be the victorious Ottoman Empire, which revealed its inherent weakness—becoming the next meal for the great powers to carve up.

England and France achieved a strategic victory, locking the Russians out of the Black Sea and dismantling the “Tripartite Alliance of the North,” thus ending Russia’s hegemonic status in Europe.

Franz greatly appreciated Engels’ assessment of it as a “grand comedy of errors.”

Under his “butterfly effect,” would history change? And to what path would it lead?

What if the Russians chose to change the battlefield? For instance, what if they focused their primary efforts on the Caucasus or launched a preemptive strike on the Bosphorus Strait, or even pushed straight through from the Balkan Peninsula?

All these “what-ifs” could happen. With the Russian-Austrian Alliance in place, Austria would not switch sides, and Russia’s strategic choices would be even greater.

This is the situation where a single hair can move the whole body. If the Russians act in advance, and Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte has not yet completed his restoration, and the French Government continues to be preoccupied with internal strife, it is unlikely that John Bull alone would enter the fray.

Without England, France, and Austria ganging up on Russia, Austria would have no chance to expand westward besides engaging in expansion in the Balkans.

“Mr. Metternich is correct. It’s too early to decide on strategic choices. What we need to do now is not to prepare for expansion but to address the internal issues of the government.

The first problem is the lack of executive capability in the government. From the Central Government to local governments, there’s a widespread lack of implementation, which is the biggest cancer in the current government.

If officials cannot thoroughly implement the commands of the government, what use are they?

The Austrian Government is not a retirement home for officials. Those incapable, inattentive to duty, or attempting to merely pass the time, should go home and grow potatoes!”

The conflict over routes would not be resolved in a short period of time, and Franz decisively chose to change the subject. He had long wanted to deal with internal affairs, but there had never been an opportunity.

In 1848, the government was too busy waging wars to attend to these issues, and only conducted a cursory reorganization, eliminating a few bureaucrats who were not clear-headed to establish authority.

In 1849, the government was extremely busy. Franz had just ascended the throne and needed to ensure domestic stability. He also initiated compulsory education, creatively adopted the civil service examination system, and identified pillar industries for the Austrian Empire.

Now that the government finally had some downtime, Franz naturally wouldn’t let the Cabinet be idle. If there were no other matters, then purifying the bureaucratic team was a good place to start.

Anti-corruption was a good weapon, but Emperor Franz could not advocate it himself, as the Austrian Government was rife with corrupt officials, which easily caused general apprehension.

Indeed, since Franz had ascended the throne, the bureaucratic group in Austria had become much cleaner. Faced with a strong Emperor, many had consciously reined in their behavior.

With the upper echelons of the government becoming incorruptible, the middle and lower levels were definitely influenced. Anyone who could enter the political arena was no fool and knew what to do at what time.

During the reign of Ferdinand I, the Emperor was unable to handle government affairs, and power fell into the hands of the Executive Committee.

A group of power ministers were too busy struggling against each other and trying to win over subordinates to start a conflict over petty corruption.

If they couldn’t be all knocked down at once, then couldn’t those with poor execution be targeted? Franz wasn’t planning a massacre, just sending the incompetent officials home.

If one was unlucky enough to be caught for corruption, then there was no escaping the consequences, as Austria was a nation under the rule of law and would act accordingly.

Incompetence was scarier than corruption. Those who were both corrupt and incompetent were utterly unforgivable.

There was no need for many, just send home one percent of the incompetent officials and select a few unlucky ones as examples to the others, and Austria’s bureaucratic problems would be curtailed.

Franz wouldn’t entertain the immature idea of eliminating all corrupt officials. Such a strategy might be appropriate for a burgeoning nation, but in a well-established Empire like Austria, interest groups had long been intertwined.

As Emperor, there was no issue striking at a handful who lacked discretion and acted recklessly, as long as the pretext was appropriate, everyone would cooperate enthusiastically.

If he aimed to uproot entire interest groups, pushing them into a corner, they wouldn’t hesitate to replace the Emperor.

One could not expect bureaucrats to have integrity, but as long as they did not cross the line, Franz’s tolerance was quite high.

Clean officials were needed, corrupt officials were also needed, and even inept officials could be kept, as long as they were placed in the right positions, they could have an unexpected impact.

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Prime Minister Felix answered.

He was already prepared to promote the performance evaluation system, a measure designed by the Austrian Government to prevent lower-level officials from slacking off — a performance assessment system for government achievements.

This standard was not very high, as long as one could complete the work within their responsibilities and act according to government regulations, they would be considered competent.

If one could achieve more on this basis, congratulations, prepare for a promotion.

On the contrary, if one did not act in accordance with government regulations and had no significant achievements to show, they were the incompetent ones to be purged.

Developing the economy was a political achievement, promoting national integration was a political achievement, popularizing compulsory education was a political achievement, and faithfully implementing the government’s edicts was also a political achievement.

The scope was broad, and any success in a certain area was considered a political achievement.

The Austrian Government aimed to strike down those unruly and incompetent officials.

If the Central Government asked you to promote the German language and you went on to promote a local dialect, who would be doomed if not you?

As a target of the government’s crackdown, naturally, investigating your wallet was inevitable. If any issues were found, it would serve as a perfect example to others.

How many officials lost their positions and how many were promoted as a result was not of great concern to Franz; he only cared about the end result.

Chapter 34: The Derailed Topic

On February 21, 1850, under diplomatic pressure from England, France, and Russia, the Prussian Government signed the Treaty of Berlin between Prussia and Denmark in Berlin.

The Prussian Government recognized the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Denmark over the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies, marking the official end of the Prussia-Denmark war.

Before the treaty was signed and under strong pressure from the Russians, the Prussian Army had essentially withdrawn from the Kingdom of Denmark, including abandoning both Schleswig-Holstein Duchies.

After the treaty was signed, the delegation from the German Federation left the scene in anger, refusing to recognize Denmark’s sovereignty over the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies.

The Prussian Government had been tricked; it wasn’t just the German regional states that had tricked them, but also the Russians—clearly, Nicholas I was practically warning the Prussians to stay in line.

During the negotiations, the German Federation’s delegation initially supported Prussia and had a heated argument with the Russian representative. Once England, France, and Russia unified their stance, the delegation quickly capitulated and accepted their mediation.

Originally, it was agreed that everyone would sign the treaty together, but once the Prussian Government had signed, the Federal delegation immediately bolted, pushing all responsibility onto the Prussian Government.

Yes, they bolted. The so-called angry departure was simply a narrative for the public; after all, the Federal delegation didn’t sign the treaty, so they could say whatever they wanted.

The Prussians had thought that England, France, and Russia would force the German Federation to sign the treaty, effectively resolving the Schleswig-Holstein issue once and for all. But in the end, the Russian representative left, satisfied.

With the Russians gone, England and France naturally couldn’t be bothered to intervene anymore.

After all, it was only Prussia and the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies that bordered the German Federation. Regardless of how loudly the other states shouted, they could only fire blank shots in practice.

In this matter, the attitude of the German Federation wasn’t important. In fact, this international organization couldn’t genuinely be considered a state, as diplomatic rights were decentralized among the states, none of which had the power to sign treaties on behalf of everyone.

As a result of the Treaty of Berlin between Prussia and Denmark, the Kingdom of Prussia suffered a significant loss of prestige in the German region and was unable to contend with Austria for leadership in the German region.

At this time, outside every Prussian embassy in the German regional states, crowds of people pursuing donations surrounded the buildings, holding signs of debt and protesting, occasionally hurling stones at the embassies.

The public opinion campaign was successful. When donations were initially solicited, newspapers had published the Prussian Government’s strong statements—some were true, but most were fabrications by the editors.

However, that didn’t really matter since the people believed it to be true. They were promised a fight to the death against the Russians, but when the battle began, they felt they had been deceived, and they were ventsing their anger in this way.

Naturally, the money was gone for good. The Prussian Government was so poor that even if the insults were ten times harsher, they wouldn’t be able to pay.

Eventually, the governments of each state had no choice but to deploy troops to protect the Prussian embassies and provide for their staff. In a climate where everyone was calling for their heads, the employees of the Prussian embassies didn’t dare go out shopping.

After Prussia had been duped, the formerly friendly relations between Austria and the German regional states also turned cold.

Leading states like Bavaria, for one, did not desire to see the German region unified; they attempted to play a balancing act between the sub-states of Prussia and Austria.

The regional states’ coziness with Austria was due not only to religious and political influence but also to the Kingdom of Prussia’s manner of expansion.

The Kingdom of Prussia, originally a minor state, had grown into the second largest in the German region, inevitably expanding its territory along the way.

Within just a few decades, the territory of the Kingdom of Prussia had expanded threefold, and its controversial history of territorial expansion naturally raised everyone’s guard.

The diplomatic policies of the Metternich era still had value, at least convincing the German states that Austria had no ambition to unify the German region, overlooking the fact that Austria’s national policy had changed.

At the recent Frankfurt Assembly, evidence of Prussian Government’s participation had been exposed by Austria, which thoroughly disgusted everyone, prompting a unified response to Austria’s rallying cry.

Now, with Prussia suppressed, the stance of the Kingdom of Bavaria changed again; they did not wish to see an imbalance of power between Prussia and Austria that would lead to dominance by one state.

Normally, the second in line allies with the third to oppose the leading power. That Austria could pressure the second highest in league with the third was already a considerable diplomatic victory.

Things were now back on track, and the foreign policy stance of the Bavarian Government had shifted yet again.

Because of the influence of the 1848 revolution, King Ludwig I of Bavaria was forced to abdicate. Before abdicating on March 6, Ludwig I issued a declaration promising that the Bavarian Government would dedicate itself to the cause of freedom and unification of Germany.

This laid a political mine for his son, Maximilian I, who succeeded the throne.

Bavaria’s nationalist unifiers, who were forced to choose between unity with Prussia or religious alignment with Austria, preferred Austria, which shared their religious faith, to unify the German region.

Historically, Maximilian opposed the constitution of the Frankfurt Assembly, advocating the exclusion of Austria from the German region, which put him at odds with the populace. To stabilize his rule, in 1851, he shifted to a pro-Austria stance.

Regardless of inclination, the highest goal of the Bavarian Government remained establishing a tripartite balance of power between Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria. Evidently, the Kingdom of Bavaria was far too inferior in strength to Prussia and Austria to achieve this.

The Kingdom of Bavaria’s lean toward Prussia was well-received by the proponents of Austria’s westward policies. Taking ruthless actions against allies sent the wrong message, and the Austrian Government also cared about its image.

If they couldn’t take ruthless actions, even if Austria unified South Germany, these states would continue to exist independently, undermining the centralization efforts of the Austrian Empire.

These states were primarily Bavaria; the smaller states lacked strength and, without their leading brother, they would dare not cause trouble for the Central Government.

Maximilian I, this doomed pro-Prussian King, undeniably provided the Austrian Government with an opportunity to annex the Kingdom of Bavaria.

Now, it all depended on whether his actions could create a justifiable excuse for Austria to legitimately depose the Bavarian Royal Family.

In the office of the Austrian Prime Minister, Felix said in a grave voice, “The alliance between Austria and Bavaria has become an obstacle to our unification of the German region.

It is imperative to dissolve this alliance, but Austria cannot betray the pact, it would be best for the Bavarian Government to take the initiative in the betrayal. The timing of the dissolution of this alliance must also be chosen carefully, too early is no good, and too late is also problematic.”

This balance was difficult to navigate; if the alliance ended prematurely due to geopolitical reasons, then Austria’s influence in the German Federation would suffer greatly, and The Holy Roman Alliance might also be affected.

If, at the time of Austria’s initiation of a war for unification, the two sides are still allies, Maximilian I might just proclaim the Kingdom of Bavaria has changed allegiance.

Anyone in Bavaria could lead the way, except the King, for the cost would be too high.

If such a situation were to occur, the Austrian Government would have cause for lament.

Looking back at the history of the German Empire, the Kingdom of Bavaria retained independent political rights and could even recruit its own army.

Along with a few other states, they had the power to veto unfavorable clauses in the uppermost institution of the German Empire, the Federal Assembly, leaving the Central Government powerless against this state within a state.

Metternich furrowed his brow and said, “There’s always an excuse if you look for one, the question is whether our plan will succeed. If it fails, the Austrian Empire’s great situation will vanish.”

He disliked taking risks and also disapproved of the Russian-Austrian secret treaty. But an arm cannot twist a thigh, and the current Austrian Government was no longer his one-man show.

After thoughtful consideration, Felix said, “Mr. Metternich, the risk of Austria unifying the South German Region is not military.

If we deploy troops under the banner of unifying Germany, there’s a very high likelihood that the state armies will defect, as most of them support German unification.

With the enemy lacking the will to fight, the possibility of us facing military defeat is virtually zero.

The real risk lies in diplomacy, where you have the most authority to speak.

The Russian-Austrian secret treaty has already been signed, and barring any unforeseen circumstances, the Russians will stand with us.

The British cannot reach us, and the danger comes from two directions: France to the west and Prussia to the north. If we can handle one of them, we win.

If the Austrian Government can make concessions in other areas, do you think it’s possible to persuade France to support us?

We don’t need their support, just their tacit approval would suffice.

Or even cause indecision within the French government, delaying their decision-making process a bit, and we can join forces with Russia to pressure Prussia!”

Metternich fell into contemplation; it’s easier said than done. Many factors influence diplomatic outcomes and must be carefully weighed, especially when they concern the fate of nations.

After some thought, Metternich said with a furrowed brow, “Make extensive sacrifices in the Italian Area, commits to ceding all territory west of the Rhine River, and the chances for obtaining French support are three in ten, with neutrality being six in ten.

As for delaying the decision-making process of the French government, if it is the current French government, they would dispute for months even without any action on our part.”

In his view, Felix was obsessed. Was being neighbors with the French such a good thing?

Therefore, Austria would have to spend vast sums on defense against France in the future, which was also a reason why Russia allowed Austria to annex the South German Region.

Moreover, the so-called strategic estimates were utterly unreliable; who knew when the French government would change again?

Frustrated, Finance Minister Karl said, “Prime Minister, can we discuss this issue later? Let’s not forget our current mission. Without resolving domestic matters first, I am against any expansionist action.”

Originally, the Austrian Government’s finances were quite ample; in 1848 a substantial amount of nobility property was confiscated, and a sizeable sum was extorted from the war with Ausa.

Ever since the Russian-Austrian secret treaty, upon seeing Russia’s war preparations, the Austrian Government judged that the European Continent’s situation was about to be disrupted. To prepare for contingencies, the money became a war reserve.

Consequently, the Finance Ministry had to budget carefully, living within its means.

Recently, there was a dispute over the direction in the Imperial Palace, which ended without a conclusion as the Emperor proposed a reform of the officialdom, putting a stop to the argument.

Initially, today’s topic was supposed to be the reformation of officialdom, but because of the news of the Bavarian foreign policy shift, the discussion veered off course again.

Without a doubt, this was Prime Minister Felix trying to get the Cabinet to support his strategy of expansion to the west, but unfortunately, not everyone was interested in expansion.

Felix laughed and said, “I apologize, that’s my mistake! Recently my mind has been filled with the issues of the South German Region, and I couldn’t help but stray off-topic.

We should continue with today’s topic, about the precise plan for cleaning up the officialdom.”

Chapter 35: Only Talent Matters

Rectifying the atmosphere in the officialdom was a heavy topic for Metternich. Although no one had accused him of anything, it was indeed a mess he had left behind.

“The European Prime Minister” wasn’t a title given lightly. Metternich had tirelessly worked for the prosperity and stability of European nations. He had battles to fight with domestic political enemies and simply lacked the energy to pay attention to the issue of corruption.

As a result, small problems accumulated over decades and turned into big ones, and the entire government of Austria became as corrupt as anywhere else.

The situation had gotten to the point where the Austrian Government was too embarrassed to even chant slogans about fighting corruption because not everyone present could claim to have a clean record.

Franz was very considerate of everyone’s face, and he didn’t know nor wanted to know about the problems from before, preferring to gloss over them.

But the current issues had to be dealt with. It was necessary to weed out the incompetent, and to improve the government’s enforcement capabilities, which were his basic demands.

Having witnessed Franz’s methods, they dared not underestimate this young Emperor.

One only had to think back to the rebellion of 1848, recalling how many interest groups the Austrian Government had purged and how many powerful factions had been dismantled, to understand the Emperor’s ruthlessness.

Normally, having killed so many and offended so many interest groups, it would be unthinkable not to label him as an incompetent ruler. But reality was quite the contrary: the opposition had died, and those who survived were considered loyal patriots. The hatred was taken up by the rebels, and the remaining blame was shouldered by the frontline generals and the Cabinet.

Even if there were criticisms about the government’s extreme methods, they were directed at the Cabinet, while the Emperor was always seen as great.

Just after the rebellion had been quelled, the nobility who had lost lands exerted the greatest pressure on the government, and Felix was prepared to resign and take responsibility.

In the end, he indeed took on the blame and earned the nickname “Butcher Prime Minister.”

He was viciously slandered by the nobility, but resignation became unnecessary, as the Emperor took responsibility and bore the pressure. He deflected attention by using redemption payments as a bait.

No one wanted to leave office under a cloud of infamy, so to shed the label of “Butcher Prime Minister,” Felix had to work hard to achieve results that would silence the critics. His push for expansion into the Germany Region was partially motivated by this.

Metternich was coaxed out of retirement in the same way. Domestic reputation tarnished, he had to find a way to redeem himself, and the best was to achieve something indisputably commendable.

If Metternich had resigned before 1848, he would have left covered in glory, as a symbol of an era. It’s a pity that he encountered the great revolution and became a target of it, and his ignominious flight has been a stain on his life.

For the sake of his own reputation and his family’s standing, he was striving for the unification of South Germany, even though he was deeply opposed to waging war for it.

The one completing the grand endeavor of national unification would be hailed as a hero. Even if only half completed, he would be a Teuton national hero, enough to overshadow all their past faults.

“Prime Minister, since we’re going to implement a merit-based system, let’s do it thoroughly. From now on, an official’s promotion will be tied to their achievements.

Birth and ancestry will no longer be indicators for promotion. We will look at achievements alone. Those who are capable can rise, and those who aren’t can roll out,” Metternich said fiercely.

If Franz knew that the Cabinet was going to advocate for merit-based advancement, he would surely be shocked—was the Austrian Government to become this progressive?

While a merit-based system had its own shortcomings, it was far more reliable compared to a system that favored titles and lineage.

Superiority is relative. There might be no such thing as the most advanced system—if a new system adapts better to the present than the old one, it is a successful reform.

“That’s fine, but we must also add one thing: Political ideology must meet the most basic requirements,” Felix thought for a moment and said.

Owed so much criticism, they no longer cared. After all, as long as they held their positions, no one would dare to insult them to their face.

Once the results of the reform came to fruition, those who were promoted would naturally be faithful defenders of this system. In the history books of Austria, these reformers would undoubtedly leave a significant mark.

Success deflects blame, and those criticizing them would be seen as the antagonists, acknowledging their efforts for reform.

Competence was key, and personal integrity could have its flaws. But political ideology was non-negotiable—no matter how talented, if one wasn’t loyal to His Majesty Franz, there was no value in their promotion. This was the fundamental principle of recruitment for the Austrian Government.

A task requiring two hundred thousand shields to complete, if done by an official with impeccable personal integrity for one hundred thousand shields, thus saving the state one hundred thousand shields, would be considered: a pillar of the state, deserving of special promotion;

The same task, if another person of good conduct needed two hundred thousand shields to handle it, would be considered: a competent official, capable of performing the tasks set by the leadership methodically, fit for promotion to special positions;

The same task again, if handled for one hundred thousand shields by a capable but corrupt official, who pocketed fifty thousand shields himself but still saved fifty thousand shields for the state, then the Cabinet’s evaluation would be: an able official, worth utilizing but must be used with caution;

However, if this corrupt official used one hundred thousand shields for the task and embezzled another one hundred thousand without saving any costs for the state, the Cabinet’s assessment would be: a competent official, who could be kept like a pig;

If the same task required three hundred thousand shields to complete, no matter how incorruptible the official might be, the evaluation from the Cabinet would be: an inept official, to be left to bear the blame or go home to farm potatoes;

If the same task cost three hundred thousand shields, and the official claimed an extra fifty thousand for personal gain, there would be no need for evaluation—a direct trip to prison for reeducation would suffice.

The first few types of officials all have their value in the bureaucracy. If an upright official lacks the capacity, he can be reassigned to work in special positions.

Corrupt officials, as long as they are capable, have value – they can be used to get things done, or be fattened up like pigs. Once they’ve grown fat, they can be slaughtered to buy the people’s favor and incidentally increase fiscal revenue.

It is only the last kind, the incompetent and corrupt officials, that are truly beyond redemption.

The employment standards of the Austrian Cabinet Government were clearly influenced by Franz. Meritocracy was the principle; as long as one had the ability, they could be employed. Even before their value was exhausted, there was no need to worry about being abandoned.

If one could make great achievements, congratulations, you were safe and didn’t have to worry about a reckoning in the autumn. Franz never killed contributors; that was one of the methods to attract people to risk their lives for him.

Of course, rebels and traitors were exceptions.

In Franz’s view, the contribution of a He Shen was worth more than a hundred Ji Xiaolans. A minister who could take care of business for the Emperor and bear all the infamy for him, and who could be made a scapegoat when money was short, was simply the paragon of ministers!

Unfortunately, there were no such ministers in the Austrian Government. Although there were many who would take the fall for the Emperor, their embezzlement skills clearly fell short. Not to mention embezzling two hundred million liang of silver, even those capable of embezzling two million shields were rare.

(1 Shield ≈ 11.69 grams of silver)

As the amounts involved were really too small, the great Emperor felt it beneath him to turn against them over such petty sums, so he could only take note of it for later.

It can’t be said that the family fortunes of these corrupt officials all came from embezzlement. Those capable could turn money into more money, embezzling one million and then earning ten million; these were the kind of corrupt officials Franz liked most.

Once they were wealthy, the time would come for a reckoning. Even if they’d only embezzled ten thousand shields, Franz didn’t mind confiscating their entire fortunes.

Therefore, diving into government service in Austria was very risky; if one didn’t get rich, so be it, but if one did get rich, one had to consider whether they were clean enough to escape scrutiny.

Regrettably, up to this point, the great Emperor had never executed a minister for the crime of corruption.

There was no helping it; everyone was crafty, leaving no excuse for the Emperor to act. Many officials targeted by the anti-corruption bureau meekly came forward to confess their crimes.

Then they would hand over the ill-gotten gains and go back to their official posts—that was politics in Austria.

Officials were of noble descent, stubbornly refusing to admit guilt. When faced with irrefutable evidence, they could still be handed over to the Noble Court for trial. The Emperor could do nothing with those who readily admitted their guilt.

Out of self-interest, Franz would not break this set of rules. While protecting the interests of the nobility, he also protected the interests of the Emperor.

Simply put, within this system, the nobility had to stand with the Emperor, ensuring the imperial power remained unchallenged. Once imperial power declined, their invisible privileges would disappear like a puff of smoke.

The Austrian Empire remained a state dominated by the nobility. In Franz’s view, this situation was unlikely to change for at least fifty years.

Only after the commoners received mandatory education, and through long periods of accumulation possessed a sufficient number of talents, could they begin to challenge this system.

In present-day Austria, Franz could confidently say that the number of talented individuals within the nobility surpassed the total of all other classes. Even in a fair competition, commoners had almost no chance of success.

According to Franz’s reform plans, the Austrian nobility would continue to absorb new blood in the future. Outstanding commoners, through their contributions to the state, could transform themselves into members of the nobility.

It’s a matter of whose interests determine thoughts. As the Emperor, he couldn’t possibly watch the nobility decline, for it would upset the balance of power within the country.

Beyond the nobility, Franz didn’t think Austria had any other forces capable of suppressing the growing power of the bourgeoisie and ensuring the Emperor’s supreme status.

The experiment within the City Defense Army was a successful example. After the baptism of the battlefield, those few hundred noble sons had become qualified officers.

Clearly, the Austrian nobility had not yet degenerated completely. If it were the historical period of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, that would have been truly beyond salvation.

The nobles lost their arrogance in the war; after losing their life’s aspirations, they all turned into grain weevils.

The current Austrian nobility at least had a goal to strive for. The idea of Greater Germany served as a powerful weapon. Most were working hard for the great goal of unifying Germany.

Influenced by this, the days were over for nobles who previously idled away their time in military camps. No matter the unit, they all had to undergo rigorous military training.

If you plan to go about squandering time, you might want to acquaint yourself with Austrian military law before making any decisions.

As long as you can afford the loss of status, you can apply for early retirement. It’s best to consult your parents before making such a decision; otherwise, you may end up beaten half to death upon returning home, only to be sent back to the military camp.

There are already many such examples, and nobles are all about face. Especially nobles from the Germany Region; if you don’t serve, forget about holding your head high among relatives and friends.

It could even impact the reputation of the family, and a good name is hard to earn. While some were reluctant to let their sons suffer hardships, they were even more unwilling to let their family’s honor wane.

Under the personal supervision of Prince Windischgrätz, any officer or soldier daring to shirk training would first be captured, given fifty military lashes, and then sent home.

No one’s dignity mattered; the Austrian Government was preparing for war, so how could a few spoiled brats be allowed to affect the military’s combat capability?

Chapter 36: Dissolution of the Milk Bottle Army

The currents of history rolled on, and after the end of the Prussia-Denmark War, the situation in Europe underwent earth-shaking changes, as reform seemingly became the mainstream of society overnight.

Except for Russians from the icy land who still did as they pleased, most countries on the European Continent were undergoing social reforms, Austria was reforming, France was reforming, and Prussia was still reforming

Reform was good; everyone was busy with internal reforms, so they had no energy to cause trouble. The situation in Europe calmed down, seemingly returning to the Metternich Era.

Franz knew all this was just an illusion; the contradictions had not disappeared but merely submerged temporarily. With Russia ready to break the international order at any time, and John Bull always eager for chaos, how could Europe truly settle into peace?

The Austrian Government accelerated the pace of internal rectification; today one official was disciplined with a warning, and tomorrow another would skulk back home in disgrace. Occasionally, an unlucky one would be hauled before the court by the anti-corruption bureau.

Ever since the decree to rectify the atmosphere of the officialdom had been issued, it had been hard for officials to survive. Starting from March, nearly every day saw dozens of officials lose their posts for various reasons, with a tenth of them being taken to court.

To Franz’s knowledge, this was the government still showing mercy; otherwise, that number could have easily increased tenfold. Perhaps thinking they were far from the Emperor’s reach, bureaucrats in remote areas tended to be bolder.

Take, for example, the mayor of Algeis in Dalmatia Province, who believed Latin was the best language in the world, and thus promoted it day in and day out for decades.

For such audacious officials, the Cabinet Government naturally showed no courtesy.

This one rotten apple led to a third of the officials in Dalmatia Province being sent home to farm potatoes, and three hundred unlucky ones ended up in prison with him.

In a fit of anger, Prime Minister Felix assigned them all to the army corps building railways, contributing to Austria’s modernization efforts.

Since this was a case of “kill the chicken to scare the monkey,” how could it not be severe?

Avoiding the death penalty was not a sign of weakness from the Austrian Government. A living example of suffering was more intimidating than sending someone immediately to meet God; it would instill fear for a much longer time.

Ordinary officials caught for corruption and bribery were mostly fined, and then whether they were sent home or to prison depended on the severity of the offense.

Any officials who went against the government’s orders, no matter how upright, had to go to prison and would be “specially taken care of.”

This time, no personal background would help, and in some typical cases, it wasn’t just one person going to jail, but entire families, with no exceptions for the nobility.

The reputation of Prime Minister Felix, known as the “Butcher Prime Minister,” made officials tremble in fear, and even those with great dissatisfaction in their hearts dared not act, for fear of bringing disaster upon themselves.

It wasn’t just the government stirring up big actions; the Austrian army was also rectifying military discipline. The Army Department had already dismissed 12 generals and 361 field officers, with countless lower-ranking petty officers also being purged.

Most of these people were sent home for neglect of duty or loafing on the job, and a few, due to corruption and bribery, were taken to military court.

It’s worth noting that the nobility in the military still cared about appearances, probably fearing being shot in the back on the battlefield. There were very few skimming military pay; most corruption involved underhanded dealings with military supplies or taking kickbacks in procurement.

Ironically, many leaders who were personally corrupt had good reputations within the army.

Regrettably, their talents were misplaced; if they had been in government departments, they might have fared well, but in the military, they were just out of luck. Once found, they were dealt with without exception.

The lower-ranked soldiers might not know, but the higher-ups in the military were aware that the government was preparing for a major war.

Any individuals or interest groups affecting the army’s combat effectiveness were bound to be struck down.

Just looking at the current training would tell, with marshals and generals often personally supervising the troops’ training at the grounds. Sometimes, if dissatisfied, they would even resort to using a whip on the soldiers.

While rectifying troop training, the military also established officer professional development courses specifically targeting officers; many idle nobility officers often found themselves on the receiving end of military sticks and whips.

By evening, in a military camp outside Prague, nobility officers, exhausted by training, returned to the communal barracks, listlessly trying to rest.

Gernie asked, “Kasamen, you’re always well-informed. Do you know when this special training will end?”

“Isn’t that obvious, Gernie?” If I had known in advance, I would have found a way to slip away by now. I certainly wouldn’t be here suffering with you.” Kasamen replied wearily.

“Can’t be, can it? Doesn’t your uncle work at the headquarters? Isn’t there any news at all?” Gernie asked with doubt.

“There is. He told me I must perform well, or else I’d be in big trouble. And sure enough, it’s just like that. Look at poor Sarks, beaten until his behind was a blooming mess. The military judiciary is quite ruthless, they spared him no dignity.” Kasamen answered with a bitter smile.

“That’s nothing. Alte from the class next door tried climbing over the wall to escape and got shot in the right leg by a guard on duty, nearly requiring amputation.

Even so, he was still brought before the military court on charges of desertion; his life is pretty much over.” said Gernie, still shaken by the event.

Vienna Schoenbrunn Palace

Prince Windischgrätz handed Franz a document and said, “Your Majesty, this is our Army Department’s perfected reform plan, please take a look.”

The Austrian military reform plan was actually formulated by the late Archduke Carl, in which Franz had also participated, filled with his own mixed agenda. Now, the Army Department was merely perfecting it on that basis.

In the battles of 1848, the Austrian army showed many deficiencies, prompting the insightful within the army to propose military system reforms. It was at this time that Franz put forward the reform plan taught to him by Archduke Carl on his deathbed.

Although implementing this plan would continue to increase the influence of Archduke Carl within the army, Franz still chose to carry out reforms under his banner.

In Franz’s view, the high status of a deceased God of War was no hindrance at all. Coming from Archduke Carl, the first man recognized by the Austrian military, the proposal would always be more influential than if it were put forward by Franz, the Emperor himself.

The leaders of the reformist faction usually don’t end well; they suffer as much slander as they receive praise. If not careful, they could even fall victim to retaliation from interest groups. But for the deceased, it doesn’t matter—they can’t be reached for revenge.

Many of the current leaders in the Austrian army were influenced by Archduke Carl; for example, Marshal Radetzky, who holds the highest prestige, once served as chief of staff to Archduke Carl, and Prince Windischgrätz even claims to be his descendant.

Now is the best time for military reforms; if it were delayed for another decade or so, when the older generation has stepped down, it would be more difficult to propose then.

Thinking of this, Franz felt a headache coming on. There was a worrisome gap in the Austrian army’s talent pipeline, despite its generals being no less capable than those of any other country.

However, these generals, who gained fame during the wars against France, were slowly aging, and among the younger generation, there were not many who had yet made a name for themselves.

Casually flipping through, Franz asked with interest, “Dismissing overage officers from the army, do you plan to have the veterans retire?”

Thinking about the retirement of old soldiers was one thing, but actually doing it was another matter entirely.

These were men who had distinguished themselves on behalf of Austria, who believed they could continue to struggle for the country; sending them home on the grounds of age alone just didn’t make sense.

Besides, in Franz’s view, there was something to be said for the craftiness that came with age. If war were to break out, the quality of the younger officers really couldn’t compare with the older generation.

Talented individuals emerge in times of chaos, and the older generation grew up during an era when Napoleon was beating the European Continent. Austria was the main force resisting Napoleon, enduring dozens of major and minor battles which naturally honed the army.

They had their share of victories; after all, the Austrian army had defeated Napoleon head-on. Many military leaders were unconvinced by their victories over the French, believing that if it wasn’t for the government holding them back, they might have won.

The spirit of the Austrian military was forged in that era. It was only the epic defeat suffered with the ruler personally leading the troops in combat during the France-Austria war that knocked that arrogance out of them.

A military without spirit saw its combat effectiveness steadily decline, and by the time of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, it was only capable of bullying Italy.

Prince Windischgrätz explained, “Not at all, Your Majesty. These veterans are the treasures of the Austrian army, who are now training the next generation of officers. The Army Department couldn’t possibly allow them to retire!

Our plan is to clear out those officers in the current army—under the age of 16—who are unable to serve in the forces.”

Franz nodded, understanding that this was about disbanding the so-called “Milk Bottle Officer Corps.” The number of such young officers in the Austrian army wasn’t small at all, and this trend was started by the royal family itself.

Franz himself was a beneficiary of this policy, but that didn’t affect his disdain for it—seats determine brains.

When he was the beneficiary, naturally, he supported it wholeheartedly; but now that his position had changed, and the policy could no longer bring him benefits, Franz’s stance also changed.

If upon reaching service age, nobles with their superior military training became officers, nothing could be said against it, as the military is a place that believes in the strength of the strong.

But this Milk Bottle Officer Corps was unbearable. No Austrian soldier would think that their military training was inferior to that of a child still nursing.

After some consideration, Franz said, “Change ‘overage’ to ‘underage’, cancel the commissions of all young officers who have not reached the age of service and have not served in the military, and make no exceptions for the royal family.”

He didn’t believe the Army Department confused ‘underage’ for ‘overage’; obviously, this was a way to sweep out the Milk Bottle Officer Corps while leaving a back door open.

The purpose was very simple: the royal family’s faces must be saved, you can’t simply kick them all out. Franz’s three brothers were among them.

But Franz saw this as superfluous. The Milk Bottle Officer Corps had no substantial role, and to damage the principle of fairness in the military for a so-called face was truly a loss not worth the gain.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” replied Prince Windischgrätz.

With the royal family taking the lead, what could the nobility say? In the end, the younger generation would only lose a title, with no substantial loss.

The original purpose of this juvenile officer scheme was to motivate the next generation to study hard and always remember that they were officers.

By now, this educational method had both succeeded and failed.

The noble offspring were indeed imbued with a sense of superiority, striving to best others in their studies. If their effort led them to surpass their peers, the resulting stimulation would continue to propel their progress.

Conversely, if, despite their hard work, they couldn’t keep up with their peers, their pride would be gradually worn away, leading to decadence.

Chapter 37: The Tsarist Who Follows the Rules

Every reform comes with a cost, and Franz quickly realized that. As a victim of the military reform, Franz’s three younger brothers came to protest.

Without a doubt, the three brats were met with his brutal suppression, silenced and dismissed, leaving with their tails between their legs.

In fact, Franz wanted to establish a Junior Nobility Military Officer School, but in the end, due to financial constraints, had to temporarily abandon the idea.

There was no way around it, as this was determined by Austria’s national conditions. Currently, the cost of military education for nobility’s offspring is borne by the nobility themselves. If the government were to establish a Junior Nobility Military Officer School, then it would have to shoulder this expenditure.

The education of these noble offspring could not be taken lightly; it had to be elite. The cost of educating tens of thousands of these children would be at least several tens of millions of shields annually, and it wouldn’t be surprising if it exceeded one hundred million.

Apart from military and cultural classes, they also had to have etiquette classes, art classes, equestrian classes, hunting, fencing, religion, and social dance gatherings…

In short, it was a costly affair. This type of elite education wasn’t affordable for ordinary noble families. So, what could be done?

The answer was very simple: parents would educate the next generation themselves, or have their children learn with relatives and friends.

Of course, this referred to the well-established nobility. The newly risen nobility didn’t have the ability to provide such high-end education for their children, and without the nurturing of noble qualities, they were referred to as parvenus.

After all, the condition of Austria’s common schools was poor, but like the rest of the Germany Region, they still had basic military training, which was a tradition.

As the saying goes, the upper echelons set the example, and it was a normal social phenomenon to imitate the ruling class. Austrian public schools had poor conditions, yet did not lack basic military training.

The disbandment of the Milk Bottle Army was merely a minor episode in the military reform, with no substantial impact. These honorary officers did not rely on Franz for their pay.

The real restructuring was in the logistics management system. As military weapons constantly evolved, the demands for logistical support increased. The traditional logistics system could no longer meet the needs of modern warfare.

To put it simply, a dedicated logistics support system was established, and the army’s logistical staff was strengthened.

It is worth mentioning that a healthcare system also appeared within the Austrian Army, becoming an important part of the logistics system. Each company established a medical unit, and at the division level, there were specialized field hospitals.

Regrettably, the medical system was still just a shell. These establishments were only theoretically in place, and the field hospitals had a mere handful of doctors who could only ensure the survival of officers.

Based on the current state of affairs, Franz reckoned it would take at least three to five years for these institutions to be fully staffed, and training medical personnel also required time, even for learning basic battlefield first aid.

Given the level of medical technology of the era, it was better to have something rather than nothing. Franz did not expect them to be able to save those with severe wounds; ensuring the survival of those lightly injured was sufficient.

In this era, the high death rate on the battlefield was chiefly due to wound infections. While advanced anti-inflammatory drugs were unavailable, alcohol was still plentiful in Austria.

Not long ago, Franz had even managed to produce the Miracle Penicillin, originally planning to earn money by selling it.

Unfortunately, even if penicillin could be concocted using primitive methods, this did not mean it was the life-saving penicillin that could be used for medical treatment. There were professional considerations involved.

The participating scientists were stunned, but they had to continue their experiments. If they could not find the perfect balance, the miraculous life-saving medicine could turn into a deadly poison.

Historically, penicillin was discovered in 1928, but clinical trials were not completed until the end of 1940. Of course, research had been interrupted along the way.

When the most suitable penicillin for human use could be reliably produced was ultimately dependent on the efforts of these scientists, Franz felt truly powerless.

If even laboratory products were difficult to handle, the transition from laboratory products to industrial production naturally involved considerable challenges.

Historically, because of the outbreak of World War II, the Americans set a new record in pharmaceutical research and development history by moving from confirming the effectiveness in the lab in 1940 to starting industrial production in 1942.

Franz did not believe that Austria’s industrial technology of the time could compare to that of the Americans during World War II. Forget three years; if this goal could be achieved within ten years, that itself would be cause for universal celebration.

Franz could only sigh at how misleading wartime propaganda could be.

The Americans first started the mass production of penicillin in 1943, and then supplied it to the Allied Forces. It was a mystery where the penicillin looted by the protagonists in the Japanese Army came from, as it seemed to precede even the laboratory products.

After this failure, Franz directly abandoned the idea of making money by selling medicine.

In an age where biotechnology, medical technology, and industrial technology all fell short and he had no system at his side, what could he do?

St. Petersburg

Since the secret Russian-Austrian treaty was signed, the Russians had started preparing for war.

The Tsarist Government was not foolish; they were well aware that the European Continent had just undergone a major revolution, with governments across the nations busy consolidating their power and implementing social reforms. It was the best time for them to expand their territory.

“My Minister of Finance, when will we be able to raise the funds for the war?” Nicholas I asked with dissatisfaction.

Naturally, preparing for war required money. What war could be fought without it? It had been almost a year since last year, and the Ministry of Finance still had not raised the necessary funds for war, so Nicholas I was naturally dissatisfied.

Later generations all considered the agriculturally backward Russian Empire to be one of the poorest among the great powers, yet in this era, the Russian Empire was far from poor, with fiscal revenues as high as 200 million silver rubles.

(1 Gold Ruble = 10.3 Silver Rubles; one Silver Ruble was about half a two of silver.)

As a feudal dynasty, the Russian Empire’s industrial development was naturally mediocre, and agricultural technology was equally lackluster, but who could deny the wealth of their extensive mineral reserves?

In the mid-19th century, the Tsarist Government discovered a large amount of gold and silver mines in newly expanded territories. In 1840 alone, the Tsarist Government minted 439.9 million silver coins and 134 million gold coins.

Such a large amount of gold and silver coins minted, aside from suggesting the Tsarist Government’s robust finances, had a frustrating rationale: their paper currency was weak.

During the reign of Alexander I, the Russians also followed the trend of issuing paper currency. However, European merchants deemed the Tsarist Government untrustworthy and refused to use paper rubles. Consequently, the value of paper rubles naturally plummeted.

In 1817, Alexander I changed the currency policy, forbidding the issuance of paper money. The government adopted a policy of contracting paper currency, progressively withdrawing circulating paper rubles from the market.

Trade without paper currency naturally relied on gold and silver coins. This proved effective; the bi-metallic gold and silver standard was immediately well-received by merchants across Europe.

From these figures, it would appear that the Tsarist Government of this era should have been quite wealthy. The value of 100 million two of silver before devaluation was no small number and far exceeded Austria’s revenue before its reforms.

Being a feudal dynasty, the Russian Empire had no social welfare expenses. The government’s fiscal income mainly supported the military and administrative agencies, which should have been adequate.

Nicholas I and Franz faced a common social problem—corruption. No matter how wealthy a country was, if this issue could not be resolved, the finances were unlikely to be prosperous.

“Your Majesty, the expenses are enormous, and I fear we will have to wait until the second half of next year,” replied the Minister of Finance, Aristane.

Nicholas I frowned and asked, “Haven’t we already levied a war tax once?”

“Your Majesty, the Nobility has not yet paid this war tax. They request to pay it after the outbreak of the war; therefore, the war tax has fallen below our expectations,” Aristane explained.

This was all standard practice. The Russian Empire’s Nobility taxes were always difficult to collect. The credibility of successive Tsars was not very good, and the Nobility feared being deceived by the Tsarist. Unless the war had already broken out, it was very difficult to collect taxes in advance.

Of course, if Nicholas I took a firmer stance, he could have collected the taxes earlier, but this would have affected domestic unity and stability.

However, Nicholas I would not do so; in Europe, rights and responsibilities were clearly distinguished.

During wartime, the Tsarist had the right to levy a war tax, and the Nobility had an obligation to pay it, but wasn’t war not yet declared?

“Can’t the taxes from various regions be collected in advance?” Nicholas I asked, frowning.

“Your Majesty, we have business contracts. If we ask for early tax payment, the cost to us would be too great,” Aristane patiently explained.

Yes, this was the legendary tax farming system.

By now, almost all European countries had abolished it. However, Russia was too vast, and the cost of direct tax collection by the government was too high and unreliable, so it had not been abolished.

Nicholas I furrowed his brow and said, “Let it be then; we still need time to gather strategic materials. However, the collection of military funds must be a priority for the Finance Ministry. I do not want our military actions to be delayed because of a lack of funds.”

Unlike other Tsars, Nicholas I was a responsible person who disliked breaking rules. Once he committed to a goal, he pursued it relentlessly.

Chapter 38: The Wind Rises

In the Munich Palace, a meeting that would decide the fate of the Kingdom of Bavaria had begun.

“Your Majesty, your decision is too rash. At this time, if we align with Prussia, we will inevitably face retaliation from the Austrians,” said Prime Minister Mordes with a frown.

Recently, the Prussian Government had proposed “the establishment of a German cabinet of responsibility composed of Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria, to jointly preside over the Germany Region.”

This was something Maximilian I had longed for. Without the government’s consent, he had privately concluded an alliance with the Prussians.

On the surface, if this plan succeeded, the Kingdom of Bavaria’s ultimate goal of “dividing the world into three parts” would be realized, as after all, their strength was limited and it was impossible to unify the Germany Region.

But in reality, this bait was poisoned. The Kingdom of Prussia’s reputation in the Germany Region had greatly suffered, and they urgently needed to salvage their reputation, which clearly explained the initiation of this cabinet of responsibility plan.

Now that Bavaria was entangled with the Kingdom of Prussia, for Austria, it was undoubtedly a betrayal, and retaliation was certain.

As the veteran power in the Germany Region, without Austria’s support, this so-called cabinet of responsibility was clearly impossible to establish, and Maximilian I’s pursuit of “dividing the world into three parts” was like drawing water with a bamboo basket—it all came to nothing.

In essence, they could not obtain any real benefits, and yet they had gotten mixed up with the disreputable Prussian Government. Not to mention, once the news spread, the support of the Bavarian people for the government would drop by several percentage points.

Not all Bavarians harbored the idea of dividing Germany into three parts. In many people’s view, the Kingdom of Bavaria was too weak. To realize the unification of the German People, cooperation with Austria was the best choice.

“Now, Austria is powerful, and the Kingdom of Prussia has just suffered its Waterloo. If we do not support them, the balance in the Germany Region will be broken.

The Vienna Government is currently undergoing social reforms, and from the intelligence we’ve received, it seems to be initially effective.

Austria, whether in terms of population or territory, surpasses the sum of all our remaining sub-states. Once they transform this potential into national power, who can stop them?” Maximilian I asked in return.

Prime Minister Mordes thought the same. Therefore, he supported joining Austria in unifying the Germany Region and establishing a Greater German Empire.

Since it was a joint effort, naturally, there would be the distribution of the cake. The Austrians would be the majority shareholders, and the Kingdom of Bavaria could be the second largest, naturally securing an important position in the future board of directors.

This was the choice that would best protect their interests. Cooperating with the strong was the way for small countries to survive. Historically, Bavaria joined the German Empire in just this way.

These thoughts would remain unspoken. Mordes wouldn’t say them out loud. Otherwise, Maximilian I would be furious. If even the Prime Minister lost confidence, what would become of them?

“Your Majesty, the timing is not right now. The reputation of the Kingdom of Prussia is too foul. The people have no good feelings toward them. Even if we were to cooperate with them, we should wait until this controversy has passed.

The Austrian Government is busy with internal reforms and won’t take any action within the next three to five years.

As long as our alliance is not terminated, even for the sake of reputation, the Austrian Government will not risk committing a great injustice against us.

Now, Bavaria’s involvement with Prussia has already stopped Austria’s pace toward unifying the Germany Region. Even if they wish to unify the Germany Region, they will need our cooperation to do so,” Mordes pondered aloud.

Reputation is a double-edged sword. Due to its reputation, Austria has become the leader among the German Confederation, but at the same time, this reputation has impeded Austria’s unification of the Germany Region.

“Nationalism has risen, and the idea of great unification has already spread in the Germany Region. If we do not take preemptive action, the further it goes, the less favorable it will be for us.

After the establishment of the Holy Roman Economic Alliance, the Austrian Government accelerated its pace of penetration in the Germany Region. On the surface, we can’t even stop it.

If we wait another three to five years, Austria might be ready to forcibly unify the Germany Region.

The influence of Austria in Bavaria is too significant. Who knows how many will become guides for them?

I do not believe that the Bavarian people will resist the Austrians like they would resist foreign invaders. From the civilian perspective, it seems that Pan-Germanists can’t wait for the Austrian army to come over.

We all understand that the main factor hindering the Habsburg dynasty from unifying the Germany Region is not military; Austria has the capability. The key lies in diplomacy.”

As he spoke these words, Maximilian I’s mood was very heavy.

The “Austrian threat theory” had existed for several centuries, but now, it seems to have run out of steam. The Pan-Germanists would prefer Austria to be stronger so that the nation could be unified sooner.

Due to Franz’s butterfly effect, the Austrian Government increased its influence on public opinion in the South German States. Acceptance of Austria among the general population was growing, something Maximilian I witnessed with urgency and concern.

Rather than say Maximilian I was pro-Prussia, it was more like he was forced by reality. To preserve power, forming an alliance with Prussia to counter Austria was the best choice.

Historically, he had thought this way, playing both sides between Prussia and Austria. However, he had not anticipated that after the Prussia-Austria war, the Austrian Government would directly withdraw from the Germany Region and stop playing the game.

The die was cast. The Bavarian Government, despite any objections to the King’s hasty decision, was powerless to change it. Having already offended Austria, now they could not risk offending Prussia as well.

On July 21, 1850, the Kingdom of Prussia, in union with Bavaria, Hanover, Brunswick, and other Sub-States, proposed the formation of a cabinet with ministerial responsibility to the German Federal Parliament.

History had changed, and due to damaged prestige, the Prussians altered their strategy, foregoing the so-called “Triangular alliance” and instead chose to join hands with Bavaria.

Vienna

The actions of the Prussians were, to some extent, tacitly permitted by the Austrians; otherwise, their coalition would not have been so easily formed.

When push came to shove, everyone was still furious about Bavaria’s betrayal.

Once the “Triumvirate Cabinet” was established, Austria’s influence in the Germany Region would be greatly diminished, and the betrayal by Bavaria was a slap in the face to the Austrian Government.

We have to stop the Prussians’ conspiracy, and Bavaria’s betrayal must be retaliated against. Otherwise, how can Austria continue to mix on the European Continent?

Metternich suggested, “Your Majesty, in order to counter Prussian and Bavarian ambitions, the foreign ministry proposes courting the smaller Sub-States in the Germany Region to establish a cabinet with ministerial responsibility collectively.”

The smaller Sub-States hold weaker voices, but there are many of them, which gives them an advantage in parliamentary disputes. Once the cabinet with ministerial responsibility is collectively established by all states, it will not be much different from the current Federal Assembly.

Just think, a cabinet with more than thirty members, arguing over every issue, one can imagine how effective they could be.

Under the principle of equality among Sub-States, the authorities of Prussia and Bavaria would be reduced to the same level as the smaller Sub-States, highlighting the role of Austria, which is recognized as the leading Sub-State in the Germany Region.

Prime Minister Felix thought for a moment and said, “I’m afraid it won’t be that easy. The great powers do not wish for unification in the Germany Region, and to believe that a cabinet with ministerial responsibility alone could unify the nation is a fool’s dream.

Even if such a cabinet were to be established, who could it actually command? Whether it’s us, or Prussia, or that traitor Bavaria, none would take the cabinet seriously.”

That was inevitable. How could a mere shell of a cabinet command the nation?

Finance Minister Karl suggested, “Since that is the case, why don’t we just muddy the waters.

The German Confederation cannot be without an Emperor. While we establish the cabinet with ministerial responsibility, let’s also propose an Emperor’s election, taking a significant step forward in the unification of Germany.”

Indeed, it would be a significant step forward. With a common Emperor and cabinet appearing, with the right and dignity present, the path to unification of the Germany Region becomes easier.

Clearly, the Kingdom of Prussia would not agree to it unless they were willing to accept subordinate status to Austria; otherwise, compromise on this issue would be impossible.

In any country, one must not lend out the reputation and material instruments of sovereignty. In the Germany Region, playing with the election of an Emperor leaves no competitors other than the Habsburg Family.

Influence, intangible and elusive, is something no one can ignore; its legal validity is one of the absolute factors determining European thrones.

Looking through the history of the Germany Region, one finds that those who had the standing to compete with the Habsburg Family have disappeared into the annals of history.

The remaining royal families of the various nations, whether in terms of influence or legal validity, are incomparable to the Habsburg Family.

If the idea were for the Habsburg dynasty to nominally unify the Germany Region, wouldn’t that be the resurrection of Shinra?

“Without the intervention of the great powers, we might be able to force the Prussians to accept, but right now it’s simply impossible.

I expect that as soon as this proposal is put forward, it will face collective opposition, and we cannot withstand such enormous pressure,” Metternich said, shaking his head.

It would certainly be great if we could unify the Germany Region bloodlessly, even if only nominally. Austria could then gradually turn “nominal” into reality.

Obviously, the great powers wouldn’t agree. Even the Russians, who are allied with Austria, would turn against us immediately. This is a red line.

The era is no longer that of the Middle Ages; nationalist sentiment within the Germany Region has awakened. Once unification is achieved, even if only nominal, such a Central European empire would be a formidable presence.

Whether it is France to the west, Russia to the east, or Britannia far overseas, all would feel threatened.

Standing in opposition to the nations of Europe, Austria is not Russia or Britain—it lacks geographical advantages and a channel that serves as a natural defensive line.

Located at the crossroads of conflict, Austria is doomed to be unable to act without allies in international politics. Isolation signifies danger.

Karl explained calmly, “Therefore, this proposal can only stir the waters. We don’t expect to unify the Germany Region with such a simple political maneuver.

The election of a German Emperor is merely a probe, testing not the governments’ attitudes, but the attitudes of the peoples of the Germany Region.

While the idea of great unification is widely spread, the people’s acceptance of Austria can only be roughly estimated. Now, consider it a public opinion poll.

This data can serve as an important reference for our strategy in the Germany Region, avoiding many detours.”

Chapter 39: Surging Clouds

The countries of Europe had no desire to see the Germany Region unify, whether it was the “Three Countries Cabinet” cobbled together by an alliance of Bavaria and the Prussians, or the “Federal Cabinet” proposed by Austria, none were outcomes the great powers wanted to see.

Even the flapping of a butterfly’s wings can create a tornado, and Franz’s arrival had likewise impacted European history. The Russians’ attitude had shifted, no longer wanting the Germany Region to maintain the status quo but rather seeking the dissolution of the German Federation.

England and France had the same idea, having experienced the horrors of nationalism in the revolutions of 1848.

Austria’s successful reform also caused them concern, fearful that binding the Germany Region together like this could one day revive the Holy Roman Empire.

The best choice was to split into three—Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, and the remaining sub-states could unite to form independent nations, or dissolve the German Federal Parliament and let these sub-states become completely independent.

Independent?

Now was the 19th century, not the 21st, an era belonging to colonialism, where the law of the jungle was vividly displayed.

Don’t be fooled by the German Federation, which seems not to have played much of a role; in fact, it is the existence of the Federation that has ensured their national defense and security.

Without the protection of the German Federation, these sub-states in the Germany Region could find themselves facing annihilation in the blink of an eye.

The Prussians wanted to expand, the French wanted to expand, and Austria wanted to expand too; it was the presence of the Federation that balanced their influences, preventing Prussia from acting against them, deterring France from making a move, and disabling Austria from taking action.

The complicated international situation was the reason for the existence of this oddity called the German Federation following the end of the Holy Roman Empire.

The small sub-states were huddling together for warmth, with Bavaria naturally becoming the leader of these small states, responsible for leading everyone against the dominance of Prussia and Austria.

After some thought, Franz said, “Continue to increase our infiltration of the Bavarian Region, if we can’t yet sway the upper echelons of the government, we’ll start with co-opting some of the middle and lower levels.”

Winning hearts does come at a cost, and Austria couldn’t offer much to the higher levels of the Bavarian Government, but it was different with the middle and lower echelons—just a little incentive would be enough to change their stance.

Felix suggested, “Your Majesty, we need to establish a German National Unification Organization, dedicated to winning over people from all walks of life, undermining the resolve of various countries to oppose Austria.

Our strategy for the South German States is to prioritize political co-opting with military means as a secondary tool. Apart from the hardliners that must be dealt with, we aim to win over as many of the rest as we can.

Bavaria is an indispensable link because of geopolitical reasons, they have great influence in the South German Region.

If a war for unification breaks out, and we can quickly occupy Bavaria, then it’s likely the remaining sub-states will capitulate in the face of our advance.”

Franz understood that the real goal, beyond winning over people from all walks of life, was to win over the lower nobility, especially the military aristocracy. If they were to side with Austria, the unification war would be much easier to fight.

Franz nodded and said, “Then let’s establish the German Unification Committee as an independent civilian organization dedicated to the unification of the Germany Region, publicly disassociating it with Austria.”

Such organizations obviously could not be associated with Austria; beyond the diplomatic issues, the methods and means of winning people over were definitely not as pristine as they might appear.

Intimidation and enticement are considered harmonious, but when necessary, they might even resort to coordinating an assassination to eliminate some stubborn elements, and this responsibility could only be placed on the shoulders of nationalist extremists.

They probably wouldn’t mind; it’s not a stain on their honor, and though they might be scolded now, after unification is achieved, they would be hailed as heroes of the Germany Region.

The diplomatic gambit had begun, and in this era, the problems of the Germany Region certainly were not just limited to being solved internally within the German Confederation; the attitudes of the major powers were also crucial.

England, France, and Russia were three players that couldn’t be bypassed, especially the attitudes of France and Russia, which were vital as these two nations had the capability to intervene with military force.

However, it was not yet time to lay all the cards on the table; the Prussian Government simply wanted to show its public support for the unification of Germany to restore its damaged reputation, which did not mean they genuinely abandoned their ambition for the region or shifted to support Bavaria’s concept of a “Tripartite Standoff.”

Was the Bavarian Government oblivious to this issue? Clearly, that was impossible. If they could not see this, there wouldn’t be opposition to a union with Prussia.

Unfortunately, Maximilian I couldn’t resist the temptation; he saw only benefits and not the dangers. Walking a tightrope in diplomacy is prone to falling, and Bavaria still lacked a statesman capable of controlling the overall diplomatic scene.

In history, during the Prussia-Austria War, Bavaria wanted to sit on the sidelines and watch the fight. They failed to deliver on their promise of mobilizing a force of a hundred thousand, resulting in Prussia having a quarter more troops than Austria when the decisive battle took place.

Of course, Bavaria wasn’t the only one to let down an ally; apart from Hanover, nearly all of Austria’s allies ended up being easily defeated by the Prussians without shedding a drop of blood.

If not for Italy also being an unreliable ally, the Prussia-Austria War might have concluded even more quickly. Perhaps trusting their allies too much, the Austrian Government was utterly unguarded; they did not mobilize the nation and sent their active force of three hundred thousand directly into battle.

Clearly, Maximilian I’s strategic foresight was not impressive. He did not anticipate the Austrian Government’s cowardice. Following a devastating defeat, they simply and neatly conceded, not even attempting to fight to the death against the Prussians.

Having reviewed history, Franz realized that the Prussia and Austria, once kin, equally excelled in choosing terrible allies.

From the Prussia-Austria War to the end of World War II, they never seemed to be short of inept allies.

Paris

After the Anti-French Wars, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs seldom saw such bustling activity. Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria were all seeking diplomatic support from them.

President Napoleon was extremely pleased; any matter that could extend France’s influence interested him.

Without even a second thought, President Napoleon knew who to support. Dividing the Germany Region into three and letting Bavaria lead the small sub-states against Prussia-Austria—that was the French’s best option.

Unfortunately, France was not in a suitable position to take the lead at this time; not only were there unresolved domestic issues, but other European nations also harbored deep reservations about them.

It was one thing to roar diplomatically, but actual interference in the affairs of the Germany Region could result in Prussia and Austria joining forces to beat them back.

In any case, whatever the President supported, the Parliament opposed, and whatever the Parliament supported, the President vetoed; Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte simply played along.

As for the French Parliament, there’s even less to say, for their foreign policy was even more conservative, spending most of the time watching the British’s reactions.

London

Upon hearing the news that the German Federation was about to form a responsible Cabinet, Prime Minister John Russell’s first reaction was disbelief, and his second was that this emerging Cabinet must be dismantled.

Maintaining the balance of power on the European Continent was the British’s foremost national strategy. If the Germany Region achieved unification, a behemoth would emerge in Central Europe.

The second largest industrial nation in Europe, the second largest territory, the leading economic power, the strongest land army, the most populous nation  the mere thought was terrifying.

With incredulity, John Russell complained, “What has happened? How did the world become so unrecognizable overnight?

Can anyone tell me why it’s suddenly possible that the Germany Region might be unified?”

Foreign Minister Palmerston explained, “Prime Minister, the Germany Region isn’t so easily united. The ‘responsible Cabinet’ is merely the product of a struggle among the three states of Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, a Cabinet destined to lack real power and thus ineffective.”

Minister of State Edward furrowed his brow and said, “But the mere existence of this Cabinet still disrupts the balance of the Germany Region. Regardless of who wins or loses, the mere emergence of a responsible Cabinet is a significant step forward on the road to unification of the Germany Region.

Especially the ‘Three Countries Cabinet,’ if Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria reach a compromise, it’s very possible the Germany Region might actually unify, at least politically and militarily, they could form an alliance.”

Everyone in the room was adept in politics and naturally knew that fewer people meant it was easier to reach a consensus; it was less threatening for Austria to propose all the sub-states create a Cabinet together.

With over thirty sub-states in the Germany Region, and everyone must have a representative in the Cabinet, they would end up bickering every day.

Is a real alliance possible among the three states of Austria, Prussia, Bavaria?

From a purely interest-based analysis, the answer was yes; from a practical standpoint, it was no.

If Prussia was willing to give up its ambition of unifying Germany, then Franz would not mind abandoning the plan to annex the South German Region.

This somewhat resembled the alliance of the Three Jins during the Spring and Autumn Warring States Period; once Zhao, Wei, and Han formed an alliance, they could overpower all comers, and it was the same with Austria, Prussia, Bavaria now.

The difference lay in the fact that once the alliance was established, Prussia and Bavaria would have no further opportunities for expansion on the European Continent.

With its weaker power, Bavaria, sandwiched between Austria, France, and Prussia, would find their security guaranteed after the alliance, allowing them to focus on agriculture and striving for a decent life, aligning with their interests.

Austria could expand into the Balkan Peninsula and get manpower reinforcements from the Germany Region; its disadvantage of having a numerically inferior main ethnicity would be resolved, enabling it to invest more energy into overseas colonial expansion.

Moreover, given Austria’s size, it was only a matter of time before it took a leading role in the alliance; Franz saw no reason to oppose forming it.

Prussia was a different story; although they had strong military power, the Kingdom of Prussia’s actual size was not significant.

While maintaining a large Continental Army, the Kingdom of Prussia missed out on developing a navy; the nation’s strength didn’t allow for simultaneous maritime and land power development.

Therefore, sacrifices were necessary. Theoretically, after the alliance was formed, Prussia wouldn’t have to worry about land security and could reduce the army to develop a navy and acquire overseas colonies.

Unfortunately, Prussia was the Prussia of the Junker aristocracy, who were unlikely to give up their interests for the country’s benefit.

Franz understood this issue well, but that didn’t mean everyone did, especially maritime nations like the United Kingdom.

In their view, if profits could be easily garnered from overseas, why bother with risky ventures on the European Continent?

Given the current international situation, the chances of the Kingdom of Prussia successfully expanding in the European Continent were nearly nonexistent; the British thought the Prussian Government was not so foolish.

Prime Minister John Russell decisively said, “Mr. Palmerston, the Great Britain Empire already has enough enemies; we do not need to add a formidable one.

Now, I don’t care how the Foreign Affairs Office does it, but we simply cannot allow a unified government to emerge in the Germany Region—even in name only!

It’s best to see the German Federal Parliament disbanded; I always feel that letting them gather together will sooner or later become a big problem for us.”

Palmerston replied confidently, “Rest assured, Prime Minister. The Germany Region will not be unified; it’s not just us who want to dismantle them!”

Chapter 40: Capital Influx

The Vienna Stock Exchange, established in 1771, was the largest stock exchange center in Eastern Europe, attracting investors from all over Europe.

On the morning of June 11, 1850, at six o’clock, Vienna Stock Exchange was already swarming with people.

The event that could make shareholders come early to line up was naturally a major one. Austria’s largest railway company—the Austrian Federal Railway Operating Group—was listing here today.

After such a long period of anticipation, the concept of railway stocks had already heated up significantly, and almost everyone believed that this sunrise industry could bring them generous returns.

A middle-aged man dressed in luxurious clothing got out of a carriage and cursed upon seeing the queue, “Damn, why are there so many people today, could they all be racing to go ‘Geh scheißen!’” (Eat shit, huh?)

His behavior quickly caught the glaring eyes of those around him, and a young police officer charged with maintaining order approached, saying discontentedly, “Sir, please watch your language. This is a high-class venue, and the use of foul language is prohibited.”

The man in fancy clothing quickly shut his mouth, knowing that if he continued, he might be charged with disturbing the peace in a public place.

On a normal day, it didn’t matter; the worst he might have to do would be to take a trip to the police station—merely swearing wasn’t considered a serious crime, and a fine would settle the matter.

But not today. The initial public offerings (IPOs) were always the favorite mines of stock traders, especially when it came to the railway stocks with immense potential. If he missed out today, the next opportunity to buy would not come at the same price level.

Observing his reaction, the young police officer left, satisfied.

Those queuing here wouldn’t be any significant figures; the real big shots would have already gone directly to the VIP trading room upstairs.

Vienna was certainly not lacking in power brokers—one shouldn’t judge by these inconspicuous young officers; they might be from some noble family’s side branch.

This was something one could discern from their demeanor alone, as the newly rich and nobility were incompatible standing beside one another, distinguishable at a single glance.

Seconds turned into minutes, and at precisely eight o’clock, the doors to the trading hall were opened. Although everyone was anxious, they didn’t rush in.

Rules were important here, and considering the line of police officers standing in front, no one wanted to be cordially invited to the police station for tea. Missing out on trading time because of that would be a cause for tears.

In that era, there was no internet, no electronic displays, and even electricity had not been installed—every transaction was carried out manually.

On giant blackboards, staff members would write down the data. Investors would look at the data to decide whether to proceed to the trader to register a transaction.

At that moment, a stock exchange manager walked out and bellowed, “The Austrian Federal Railway Operating Group is listing on the Vienna Stock Exchange today, with a total company valuation of one billion Shields.

A total of three million shares are being offered to the public, accounting for thirty percent of the total share capital, at an issuance price of ten Shields per share, with a planned fundraising goal of thirty million Shields. We welcome interested friends to hurry up and buy.”

No sooner had he finished speaking than other employees repeated the message in the crowd, trying their best to make sure every person received the information.

There was no helping it—in that era, communication was all about shouting. If one didn’t have a loud enough voice, they really couldn’t do the job.

The trading had already begun. Although it was said that three million shares were being issued, definitely not as many were circulating in the stock exchange. Banks and securities companies had pre-subscribed to a part of it.

This was the most common method of inflating share prices. If the circulation was too high and the market became saturated, even premium stocks would plummet.

Many were focused on the stock price, as it related to their investment. The stock price of the Austrian Federal Railway Operating Group would directly determine everyone’s returns.

Even Franz paid close attention to this listing. If the Federal Railway’s stock soared, there would be no need to worry about the upcoming grand railway construction in Austria—it could be financed through the capital market.

Once the railways were built, whether the railway company was profitable or not would be of no concern to Franz.

Can’t be managed? No problem—the Austrian Government wouldn’t mind taking it over.

Worst comes to worst, they could issue a decree stating that any railway company incapable of ensuring regular operation would be nationalized. After all, an unprofitable railway would only be worth the price of scrap metal.

On this matter, the government and businesses have completely different standards for judging value.

For the government, it didn’t matter if the railway made money as long as the convenience of transportation stimulated the development of other industries, and the taxes from these industries were also part of the profit.

Plus, benefits in politics and military affairs also had to be taken into account. This is why in later times, many railway lines that were losing money still received government subsidies to maintain normal operations.

At the Belvedere Palace in the evening,

“Your Majesty, as of the closing this afternoon, the stock price of the Austrian Federal Railway Operating Group increased by fifty-six percent, closing at 15.6 Shields per share,” John-Steva said excitedly.

There was no doubt about it, as the stock market was a profitable business, and as the most influential Royal Bank in Austria, how could they not be involved?

Take the Federal Railway’s listing, for instance—leaving aside the rest, just the commission on issuing stocks amounted to hundreds of thousands of Shields. Although this big deal was a joint effort, the sum each party received was no small number.

Certainly, the commission was but a small income—the real profit came from being the market maker. With the stock market’s regulatory system not fully developed in that era, market makers had even greater room for manipulation.

Traditional industries in the financial markets had long been carved up; normally, no one dared to step out of bounds, because today you sweep my board, tomorrow I smash your spot, and no one wanted to trouble their own money-making.

The emerging industries were different; now was the time to seize land like in a horse race, and even financial giants were powerless against the sudden incursion of the Royal Bank.

John-Steva, too, was a man of finance and knew the so-called rules; it all came down to who backed you, followed by capital, and lastly, capability.

The capital of the Royal Bank sure couldn’t be compared with its peers, and its operational capability as a newcomer couldn’t surpass the old birds, but with such major backing, who could stand against it?

So it followed that everyone had to cooperate.

For John-Steva, encountering a surging stock price on his first maneuver was indeed a stroke of good fortune, and naturally, he was excited.

Franz joked, “You’ve done well; it seems your year-end bonus is secured.”

Once a management system is established, it must not be meddled with, and issuing bonuses haphazardly, as assumed by some, would not occur under Franz.

Having set policies and procedures, one must abide by them. The rewards depend on the performance achieved.

Handing out bonuses recklessly might bring short-term happiness, but as time passed, it would become clear that breaking rules was easy but re-establishing them was hard.

Not all projects are equally profitable; some require tireless effort without short-term return, yet they still need to be carried out.

When the boss breaks the rules, it inevitably creates massive troubles for the management, some of which may be irreparable.

The surge in railroad stocks was related to the global economy. Since the British economic crisis of 1847 ignited the European Revolution of 1848, the world economy suffered a recession of varying degrees.

By 1850, the world economy had recovered from the crisis and began a cyclical growth, with Austria’s economic growth outpacing the global rate.

The Austrian Government’s grand railway projects attracted capital from all over Europe, and the influx of speculative money naturally caused stock prices to soar.

Franz always welcomed such capital; money was not sinful, no matter who its master was.

Even when someone bought railway company stocks from shareholders, he turned a blind eye, as long as taxes were paid to the government, these were all legal actions.

In this era, the Austrian Government had no thought of rejecting foreign capital; it was the key moment of industrialization that needed a great deal of capital.

Reliance on domestic capital alone meant industrialization could be indefinitely delayed; using foreign capital to accelerate the process was not something Franz could refuse.

Just consider that the British, by investing in the construction of American railways from 1848 to 1858, had built over thirty thousand kilometers, ending up with disastrous losses.

It should be noted that in this era, the American population was only two-thirds of Austria’s; the vast, sparsely populated land was frustrating. From an investment perspective, Austrian railroads clearly had greater economic value.

It came as no surprise that some capital was diverted here, though Franz still underestimated the extent of British capital surplus.

As the first country to complete industrialization, the British leveraged this time gap to earn vast profits worldwide, which then transformed into cash flooding into the United Kingdom.

With an excess of money, it had to be spent, and yet the British colonial expansion was ongoing, with frequent uprisings; investing in colonies was too risky.

This money sought markets around the world, and under these circumstances, the grand railway plan promoted by the Austrian Government caught their eye.

A simple analysis would reveal that Austria’s population density exceeded that of the United States by tenfold, and since the reform by the Austrian Government, the domestic economic development sped on the fast track.

The British capitalists did not overlook the distant United States, and of course, Austria, being close in Europe, was not to be missed either.

An abundance of speculative money poured in, and it did not only flow into the railway sector. Government-supported industries like agricultural processing and manufacturing also became the darlings of capital.

By the second half of 1850, Austria’s economy displayed explosive growth, with nearly every industry growing wildly.

In this era, government rarely meddled directly with the market; there wasn’t the awareness for it.

Franz knew such economic development was unhealthy, and without limits, it would only be a few years before Austria suffered an economic crisis due to excess capacity.

To regulate or not? At this moment, Franz wavered. The economic crisis would bring devastating losses, but explosive growth also drove Austria’s industrial development and increased the country’s power.

This was what was known as taking a bold risk, rapidly expanding production capacity in a short time, leading to an economic crisis when reaching the limit.

After much hesitation, Franz decided to wait and see; after all, the outbreak was just beginning, and surplus production was still a long way off, wasn’t it?

The global economic crisis had just passed, and it wouldn’t erupt again in a short period. Since danger wasn’t imminent, the government could intervene before reaching the limit.

Chapter 41: Accidentally Planting Willows, Willows Provide Shade

Since the establishment of the Holy Roman Economic Alliance, the economies of the member states have been closely interconnected, and the import and export trade volume between the alliances has rapidly soared.

Take Bavaria, for example, in 1850, the total import and export trade volume with Austria increased by 23 percent, with imports growing by 32 percent and exports by seven percent.

For the Kingdom of Bavaria, the trade deficit with Austria in 1850 had expanded to eight million shields, severely impacting the development of the Bavarian capitalist economy.

Of course, there are two sides to every coin. Due to geographical reasons, Austria had to go through Bavarian transit for trade with other sub-states in the South German Region, which also drove the development of the transportation industry within Bavaria.

Whether this resulted in a loss or profit is difficult to say. However, one thing is certain, those engaged in import and export trade made a profit.

These people shared a common trait—they were mainly local powerhouses—nobility. European nobility did not disdain commerce. They would not turn their backs on money.

To ensure the successful establishment of the Alliance, Austria naturally drew in a portion of the influential nobility, and it was these individuals’ efforts that promoted the establishment of the economic alliance.

Interest is always the best catalyst. Even now, although Bavaria has aligned with the Kingdom of Prussia in foreign affairs, it remains completely unaffected economically.

Maximilian I wouldn’t dare disturb the interests of the powerful groups. If he cut off trade, the royal family would be one of the biggest losers. It might even lead to unrest at home.

The railway construction boom in Austria inevitably affected the Kingdom of Bavaria, with louder calls from the public for the construction of railways.

With the facilitation of the German Economic Exchange Organization, an idea for a mainline railway connecting each principality in the South German region was proposed by economic experts.

This proposal quickly sparked public debate, with countless experts and scholars coming forward to advocate for the railway powerhouse theory, listing a series of benefits from railway construction.

The social debate also attracted the attention of capital investors, especially those engaged in the transportation industry who knew how profitable railways could be.

It’s not that Bavaria lacked railways; they just did not have a well-developed railway network, nor did they possess a mainline railway traversing east to west across the Kingdom of Bavaria.

From the perspective of economic development, establishing such a mainline railway would greatly promote Bavaria’s economic growth.

Munich

Inside the Royal Bavarian Railway Company, they were discussing the construction of this mainline railway.

Following the economists’ suggestions, this railway extended westward to Baden and eastward joined the Austrian rail network at Salzburg.

The discussion now focused on the technical and economic feasibility. The Royal Bavarian Railway was a state-owned enterprise, and its efficiency was inevitably slightly lower.

Engineer Serl answered with a serious face, “Techincally, there are no major problems. Aside from a few sections that necessitate detours, there are no significant technical difficulties in constructing this railway.”

Technically, it was indeed not very challenging. This so-called mainline was, in fact, only three or four hundred kilometers long, and most sections ran through the Bavarian Plain.

“And economically? Don’t forget that we have the Danube River between us and Austria. Water transport plays an important role in trade between the two countries.

Now, the main reason we’re constructing this railway is to make a profit. Can our railway compete with water transport?” asked Morca, the railway company president, with concern.

Wilkes, the commercial operations manager, replied, “It’s true that water transport is cheaper, but the Danube River’s reach is limited. The river is beyond human control, unlike our railway; we can build wherever we want.

Once this railway is interconnected, we will hold the economic lifeline of the entire South German region. With the current volume of commercial transport, achieving profitability is not a problem at all.

If we are worried about risks, we can also issue shares to the public. There are many out there eager to invest in this railway.

If we don’t act quickly to initiate the project and secure construction rights from the government, we might lose out to someone else.”

Don’t think state-owned enterprises don’t face competition. In this era in Bavaria, private individuals can construct railways as long as they have the money—they can build however they please.

Competition wasn’t fierce at this time. If it were the early 20th century, it’s quite possible that several railway companies would be competing with each other between two cities.

After a pause, Morca made a decision: “Since everyone agrees, the engineering department should expedite the railway project proposal and produce the design drawings. The operations department must immediately apply to the government for the construction rights to this railway.”

Though the Royal Bavarian Railway Company was a state-owned enterprise, in reality, there were quite a few who shared in its profits—it was these people who were the driving force behind the construction of this railway.

It might not compare to Austria’s grand plans for a railway network spanning tens of thousands of kilometers, but once this main line was completed, the necessary branch lines would inevitably follow.

In this era, a railway extending over a thousand kilometers was undoubtedly a major project, and the interests involved were far from insignificant.

At Munich Palace, the plan to build a major railway artery had already been presented to Maximilian I. It wasn’t just the Royal Bavarian Railway Company’s proposal; the Bavarian Watson Railway Company had also submitted an application.

Interest is always the best catalyst. Those eyeing the railway were clearly not limited to these few, and if the Bavarian Government delayed its decision, they would surely receive even more applications for railway construction in the future.

The military value of the railway had not yet been recognized in this era, and Maximilian I had not considered the military threat Austria might pose to Bavaria after the railway was built.

Thinking about it was of no use anyway; the disparity in strength between the two was too great. Munich was only a little over seventy kilometers from the Austrian border, rendering the so-called national security issue absurd.

At such a short distance, even marching by foot would take at most two days—it made no difference whether there was a railway or not. Hoping that transportation could hinder an Austrian invasion was less reliable than hoping for international intervention.

Maximilian I placed great importance on domestic economic development and internally supported the construction of a railway that could promote the nation’s economic growth.

Moreover, this railway brought more than just economic benefits to Bavaria; it also expanded their political influence, solidifying their status within the German Confederation.

“To build this railway, we need to coordinate with several states along the route. Are there any diplomatic issues?” Maximilian I asked with concern.

The Foreign Minister replied, “Your Majesty, according to the provisions of the Holy Roman Alliance, investing in railway construction between ally states is treated the same as investing in domestic railway companies. We can communicate with the governments of these states.

If there are railway companies within their own nations willing to participate, then we can all join together, each completing the construction of the sections within their own borders, and establish a joint railway operating company.

If no railway companies are willing to participate, we can also invest in the construction of this railway in accordance with local legal provisions.”

Vienna

Upon receiving the railway construction plan from the Kingdom of Bavaria, Franz’s first reaction was that the Bavarian Government had gone mad.

Building such a railway facilitated an Austrian invasion, didn’t it? After checking several times, Franz realized he was overthinking it.

Bavaria, with its small territory, was too close to Austria. Whether the railway existed or not couldn’t eliminate the military threat from Austria.

It was simply that, with the railway built, Austrian military operations would be more convenient—but this was not for Bavaria’s benefit, rather it made things easier for using troops further away in Baden, Württemberg, and other states of the German Confederation.

Franz said with a smile, “Regarding the same request from the Bavarian Government, since they want to construct this railway, let them do it. We will cooperate wherever necessary.

If they lack funds, we could let them raise capital on the Vienna Stock Market.”

He certainly didn’t say how much benefit the completion of this railway would bring to Austria—that was a matter of quietly making a fortune.

You see, when Franz had originally instigated the Teutonic economic organizations to push for the construction of this railway, he was prepared for strong opposition from the Bavarian Government.

He even planned to use public opinion to force the Bavarian Government to build the railway. Now, just as the public efforts were getting underway, the Bavarian Government had taken the initiative.

For Franz, having the Bavarian Government spearhead the railway construction was more than ideal. The relations with the South German States were naturally their responsibility to coordinate, and the Austrian Government needed to do nothing but enjoy the fruits of their labor.

As for the Royal Bavarian Railway Company, which would reap huge profits from this railway in the future, Franz magnanimously acknowledged their entitlement.

If this railway facilitated the unification of the South German Region under Austria, Franz wouldn’t mind awarding them a grand medal.

Perhaps the Royal Bavarian Railway Company could even be renamed the Royal Austrian Railway Company, to commemorate their outstanding contribution to the unification of Germany.

Chapter 42: The Grand Reserve Strategy

On October 23, 1850, the German Federal Parliament convened in Frankfurt. The Austrian Empire proposed a joint cabinet for all the member states, which quickly gained everyone’s support at the assembly.

The only effect of the support from the smaller states was probably to add to Austria’s prestige; in reality, the ultimate decision-making power was still in the hands of the larger states.

Prussia and the Kingdom of Bavaria naturally opposed it outright. Everyone forming a cabinet together, with each state sending a representative—such a bad idea, they would be surprised if agreed to it.

As the leader among the German Confederation, once this cabinet was established, the Prime Minister would naturally be the Austrian representative—there was no doubt about that.

Just thinking about it made one realize that with a cabinet of more than thirty people, there would be no shortage of disputes when issues arose, and naturally, the Prime Minister would make the final decision.

Under such a system, the voices of Bavaria and Prussia would naturally be suppressed to the lowest point, hardly different from the other smaller states.

In the short term, they still had influence over other member states, but over time, the smaller states would no longer acknowledge them. After all, under the Federation’s system, everyone had the same rights—what could they do, bite me?

After rallying the smaller states, the Austrian Empire could naturally start taking steps toward unity, such as unifying the federal currency, the federal army, federal finances

There’s no need to rush; slowly boil the frog in warm water. A hundred and eighty years later, the German Federation would truly be unified.

All of this was idealistic; the reality was that after Prussia and Bavaria opposed it, England and France also came out against it.

To sum it up in one sentence: the Germany Region could not be unified, not even nominally.

The British even proposed dissolving the German Federal Parliament, suggesting that the Kingdom of Bavaria and the small German states merge into a new country, and naturally Austria and Prussia can get lost.

The Kingdom of Bavaria supported this proposal, and neither the French-Russian had any objections. However, it was met with fierce opposition by the Prussian and Austrian representatives.

Just now enemies, under a proposal by John Bull, Prussia and Austria instantly united. Once again proving that between nations there are only eternal interests, no eternal enemies.

Seeing the session swept by the British, and with their goal achieved, the Austrian representatives naturally would not propose an election for the Emperor, to avoid provoking the Prussians.

The British achieved their goal too; the seeds of division had been successfully sown. With contradictions now apparent among the three countries of Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria, the support of the great powers was undoubtedly stimulating Bavarian ambition, just waiting to take root and sprout.

If the strength of the Kingdom of Bavaria could be increased by two or three times, with the support of the great powers, it might indeed be possible to divide Germany into three parts.

After all, a triangle is the most stable shape. As long as they join forces against the strong, with the intervention of other European countries, whether it is Prussia or Austria, they will miss the opportunity to unify Germany.

Unfortunately, although Maximilian I harbored ambitions, both the strength of Bavaria and the ruler’s political savvy were lacking considerably.

Given the Kingdom of Bavaria’s lack of strength, to contend with Austria and Prussia they must rally the other smaller states.

Theoretically speaking, when all the small states in the Germany Region are combined, they have a population of nearly seventeen million, and their cumulative strength is not much different from the Kingdom of Prussia.

This time, Bavaria ran to join forces with the Kingdom of Prussia and proposed the establishment of a “Three Countries Cabinet,” undoubtedly harming the interests of these smaller states.

Under such circumstances, Bavaria’s leadership status among the small states was shaken. For the sake of elusive gains, it lost its foundation, and Franz involuntarily downgraded the threat level of Bavaria by two notches.

Vienna Schoenbrunn Palace

The Army Department suggested to the Austrian Government the expansion of the reserves. Currently, the Austrian Empire, besides having over three hundred thousand active duty troops, also had more than five hundred thousand reservists.

Theoretically, in the event of a war outbreak, the Austrian Government could mobilize another five hundred thousand troops within a month.

In practice, 1848 had already proved that the Austrian Government’s mobilization system was not up to par; mobilizing over two hundred thousand troops had taken the same amount of time.

Of course, this was also related to the Austrian Government’s inefficiency at the time, and now this speed should improve substantially.

Mobilizing reservists is not just about gathering people; they also need to undergo training to recover their combat capability. Weapon and equipment provisioning, ammunition and material reserves were also essential parts.

Prince Windischgrätz analyzed, “To ensure the national defense safety of the Austrian Empire, the current mobilization system no longer meets our needs.

Since the February Revolution in Paris, the French have freed themselves from the constraints of the Vienna System, and over the past two years, their military strength has been rapidly recovering.

Once the internal struggle in the French Government is resolved, will they initiate a new round of external expansion? And where would the expansion aim?

Nobody knows this question, and we must be fully prepared to welcome the impending challenges.

Our neighbor, the Kingdom of Prussia, has not been quiet these years either. Have their military expenditures ever been below forty percent?

Such high military spending cannot be without purpose. In recent decades, the Kingdom of Prussia has expanded its territory several times and now they want to unify the Germany Region.

Whether it is a delusion or not, we must dispel their intentions.

And there are our allies in the Russian Empire. I know it is immoral to doubt allies here, but the Russians’ strength is indeed too powerful.

Suppose one day we have a conflict of interests, wouldn’t the Austrian Empire be incapable of even a single battle?

To ensure the national defense safety of the Austrian Empire in the upcoming international changes, we must improve our military strength.

Considering the financial capacity, continuing to expand the number of active-duty forces is too difficult; we believe that while reorganizing the mobilization system, increasing the number of reservists to two million is a reasonable figure.”

With the “French threat theory,” “Prussian threat theory,” and “Russian threat theory” thrown out one after the other, it was clear that Prince Windischgrätz had done his homework.

Finance Minister Karl said with a chuckle, “The Army Department wants to increase the reservists by two million, and I fully support it, as long as it doesn’t increase military spending.”

“How is it possible not to increase military spending? Even if reserve forces are much cheaper than active-duty troops, they still need to undertake basic military training every year, don’t they?”

“Like most countries, the reserves of the Austrian Empire are composed of former servicemen. Increasing this number is easy, either by extending the term of service for reservists or by shortening the active duty period for soldiers.”

“Theoretically, there is no difficulty in increasing the number of reservists to two million, except for the need for money.”

“Right now, if the Finance God doesn’t provide the money, isn’t this plan bullshit? The funding gap is not a mere few million that can be pieced together by the Army Department; it’s in the tens of millions.”

Prince Windischgrätz said helplessly, “Mr. Carl, don’t joke. Two million reservists need regular training every year. If your Finance Department doesn’t provide the funds, do you expect me to go begging?”

Without a doubt, the military’s proposal to expand the number of reservists at this time is primarily aimed at competing for the next year’s budget.”

With a large influx of foreign capital, Austria in 1850 had begun to show signs of prosperity, with factories springing up. Even though many businesses were tax-exempt, they still brought a considerable amount of tax revenue to the government.”

This is not a contradiction, as partial corporate tax exemption does not mean that their upstream raw material suppliers and downstream sales channels are also exempt from taxes.

Although the concept of an industrial chain had not yet taken deep root in people’s hearts, it had indeed appeared. The benefits a factory creates are certainly not limited to the factory itself.”

Besides driving the direct upstream and downstream industrial chains, it also promoted the development of supporting industries such as catering, clothing, and non-staple food in the vicinity.”

No matter whether the capitalists’ investments are rational or not, the fact that they have spurred rapid economic growth in Austria is indisputable.”

Rapid economic growth means rapid growth in fiscal revenue; only when the government has money can everyone start fighting for the budget. The Army Department’s appetite just bit off more than they could chew.”

Finance Minister Carl remained unmoved, “Expanding the reserves to two million can’t be done overnight, can it?

Based on the current situation, even if we increase two hundred thousand reservists each year, considering the number of those who age out, it would still take ten years to complete the task.”

“The budget for your ‘large reserve strategy’ can actually have a zero chopped off from the end. If you squeeze a little, a few million shields should be within your reach.”

Indeed, none was easy to deal with. No matter how Prince Windischgrätz tried to hide it, this weakness was still exposed.

Prince Windischgrätz explained, “That’s not the way to talk about it. The international situation is complex. Once the Russians make a move and disrupt the status quo, we must act and increase our military strength as much as possible, which is the most effective way to ensure the security of the Austrian Empire.”

“There are many ways to expand the number of reservists, not necessarily waiting for soldiers to retire and then convert. We can completely organize the able-bodied youth to undergo some basic military training.

In the event of a war, it would only take one or two months for them to become qualified soldiers, which is much faster than recruiting and training new soldiers from scratch.”

Carl thought for a moment and replied, “This method is good, but the cost is too high. Even if the Russians take action, the war won’t end quickly, and the Ottoman Empire isn’t made of paper.

Based on past experience, it will take at least two to three years to finish. If it drags on, ten or even eight years is not impossible.

By that time, once the international situation changes, the government’s focus will shift towards the military, and you can expand however you like.”

Franz had encountered such situations many times, with almost every annual budget discussion turning into a battle of wits, and Carl always proved to be a formidable opponent.

“Alright, we have time to discuss the financial issues with the annual budget, please discuss this slowly. Let’s first discuss the feasibility of the Army Department’s reserve plan.”

Prime Minister Felix replied,”Your Majesty, building a large base of reservists is indeed very important for our national defense security.

Especially in our upcoming strategy, being able to mobilize a large army in the shortest time will minimize the risks.”

Franz knew everyone was ready to adopt the human wave tactics of the Russians. It was the era of line infantry, and having more men did indeed confer an advantage on the battlefield.

Population-wise, Austria was not far off from France, and except for the grotesque bear, Austria was not fazed by pitting numbers against anyone else on the European Continent.”

“Support!”

“Support!”

The consensus on this issue was quickly reached, and the timeless truth that strength comes in numbers was once again proven feasible through practice.

Franz asked solemnly, “Then my Army Minister, for such a vast army, how do you plan to ensure their combat effectiveness?”

Just because there were many soldiers, they should not be used as cannon fodder. Austria, unlike the bear, has to provide pensions for soldiers killed in action.”

Franz did not believe in discussing patriotism with the soldiers. It was more reliable to directly tell them that victory would bring them land, money, spoils of war, and titles  those tangible rewards seemed more credible than high-faluting theories.

Prince Windischgrätz replied, “Your Majesty, the most important aspect of ensuring the army’s combat capability is the officer corps. Our Army Department plans to expand the number of officers, assigning two deputies to the officers in frontline units.

In times of war, this would allow us to rapidly expand the forces to one million, in order to gain the advantage at the onset of the conflict.”

Franz nodded. Considering the current international situation, as long as they succeeded in making a bold move at the start of the war, it would essentially be over.

The Kingdom of Prussia had limited national power and could only make one swift move. A failure meant they would have no capacity for another attempt in the short term; and if the French suffered a major defeat on the battlefield, the French public would finish off their own government.

As long as Austria was not foolish enough to attack French soil, any new French government would be caught up in ongoing internal strife, irrelevant by the time their infighting concluded.

Chapter 43: No Permanent Enemies

The strategy of having a large reserve force passed, and an increase in military spending was inevitable. In the short term, the growth in military spending would not be significant, but as the number of reservists increased, it would be a different story.

Even if maintaining a reserve force was cheaper, the military expenditure would not be less than fifteen percent of that of the regular army. The old equipment could be handed down from the regular army and soldier salaries could be saved, but training expenses, no matter what, could not be spared.

Normally, the reserve force of the Austrian Empire was required to have no less than two months of training each year. After training, the government still had to provide a gratuity.

With an annual increase of two hundred thousand reserve soldiers, this expense would be equivalent to expanding the army by thirty thousand per year. Once the total number of reservists reached two million, the cap would be equivalent to an increase of two hundred and fifty thousand active troops on the current basis. (discounting the existing five hundred thousand reservists)

If the growth of Austrian financial revenues continued at the previous rate, it was estimated that this plan would not last long before it was aborted.

Franz couldn’t help but feel fortunate that the industrial age had arrived, otherwise agricultural Austria really could not afford so many soldiers.

“Considering that the future colonial strategy requires close cooperation between the navy and the army, I’ve decided to establish a general staff, with Marshal Radetzky serving as the first chief of staff,” Franz dropped a bombshell.

Without a doubt, this general staff would be independent of the army and navy. In name, it was only meant to coordinate the naval and army forces cooperation, but in reality, during wartime, this staff would be placed above both the Army and Navy Departments.

If there were no power, how could it coordinate? Would it still be necessary to send someone to reason with the subordinate troops?

Especially since the first chief of staff was Marshal Radetzky, a highly respected figure in the Austrian army, would he allow the general staff to be overshadowed?

“Your Majesty, our colonial overseas strategy has not yet reached the implementation stage. Isn’t it too early to set up a general staff?” Prince Windischgrätz opposed.

Opposition was necessary. With the addition of a general staff, there would be many overlaps in authority with the Army and Navy Departments, inevitably encroaching on their powers.

Compared to the vehement reaction of Prince Windischgrätz, the relatively inconspicuous Minister of the Navy was indifferent.

Establishing an institution managing both forces was a matter of time, and the appointment of Marshal Radetzky, who came from an army background, as the chief of staff certainly signified the dominance of the army.

With the chief of staff also hailing from the army, it would be difficult for him to meddle in naval affairs. In the face of professional misalignment, the renowned Marshal Radetzky would surely not interfere without reason, right?

The establishment of the general staff also signified that the Austrian Government had formally decided on the overseas colonization strategy, thus the extensive building of a navy became inevitable.

Given Austria’s international standing, the navy must rank within the top five in the world, otherwise, there would be no confidence when competing for territories.

Compared with the benefits, the Navy Department could fully accept some loss of power. Not to mention, the naval military spending could increase by several million this year again.

Franz casually found a reason to explain, “The earlier we prepare, the more complete it will be, to prevent chaos when the time comes. The balance on the European Continent is maintained for now, but when this situation will break is an unknown.

Although we judge that the Russians may make a move on the Ottoman Empire, there is always a possibility of the unexpected. If the Russians decide to expand into Central Asia, or into the Far Eastern region.

Our original strategic plan would then become unfeasible. In that case, our last resort strategy of overseas colonization could also be moved to the top priority.”

The Russians would be foolish not to strike at the Ottomans, who lie within easy reach, and instead venture into Central Asia or the Far Eastern region to “eat dust”.

Regardless of whether Prince Windischgrätz could accept it or not, Franz had shown him consideration just by entertaining the opposition. Bringing it up for discussion was to reflect democracy and also to identify and address any shortcomings.

If everyone opposed it, then it would prove the plan was unreliable. Either it was too advanced for everyone to accept, or it did not fit the national conditions of Austria and could not be implemented.

If that happened, Franz, of course, would gracefully retract his proposal. Now that only Prince Windischgrätz was opposing, then the resolution was considered passed.

Taking into account that army generals might resist the general staff, Franz had specifically chosen the highly esteemed Marshal Radetzky so that they would have nothing to complain about.

Once the first chief of staff was secure, everyone would get used to it. The general staff did not hold much actual power during peacetime, and Franz would not allow them to assume both training and command responsibilities.

Checks and balances were necessary. The general staff could command the military of the whole country during the war, but recruitment, training, and logistical support systems would still be in the hands of the Navy and Army Departments.

Franz had taken precautions against the kind of overpowering by the general staff over the emperor that had occurred in German history.

Beyond these checks and balances, the Palace Guard and Vienna’s City Defense Army were directly responsible to the Emperor; neither the Army Department nor the general staff had the right to command them.

Munich

Maximilian I had initially thought that with the support of the major powers, the Kingdom of Bavaria could integrate the smaller states in the Germany Region. Reality, however, dealt him a heavy blow.

The smaller states were unwilling to be swallowed by Austria or Prussia and were similarly disinclined to be annexed by Bavaria. They had good relations in ordinary times because they banded together for warmth and to jointly resist threats from Prussia-Austria.

This was also why Prussia had poor popularity in the German Confederation; Bavaria buffered the threat from Austria, which was not as apparent to the others, but as a neighbor, the threat from Prussia was felt by all.

“Has Württemberg also rejected our attempts to court them?” Maximilian I asked with a furrowed brow.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” the Foreign Minister replied succinctly.

Württemberg was also considered one of the “major countries” in the German Confederation with territory size only behind Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria.

The Kingdom of Bavaria’s wish to establish itself independently required the support of Württemberg, which was impossible without it. Obviously, no one wished to be a stepping stone for others, and the Württemberg Government did not wish to become a vassal of Bavaria.

Even if the merger was only nominal and Württemberg retained almost all its rights, it was still unacceptable.

No one is a fool, if the entire German Confederation were to merge now, Austria, which holds a dominant position, would also retain their rights. There are no other reasons, it’s just that they can’t swallow it.

Similarly, if Prussia was to annex the smaller states excluding Austria, they also couldn’t swallow it and would have to make compromises.

The Kingdom of Bavaria is the same now, don’t look at the remaining territories of the German Confederation as being small in area, they are actually regions with decent economic development and dense populations.

So when Maximilian I threw out favorable conditions, everyone flatly refused. With Prussia and Austria watching from the sidelines, would Bavaria dare to threaten them with force?

Do you really think everyone would back down with the support of the great powers? Don’t forget that Prussia and Austria are also among the great powers, and nobody compromises with them!

No, Prussia can only be considered a quasi-great power, possessing the military might of a great power but not its national strength.

To some extent, the Kingdom of Prussia maintains a strong army precisely because it fears being annexed by Austria.

If he had a choice, Frederick William IV would not want to put on a fat face with a swollen cheek. The Prussian Government’s finances could go bankrupt at any time, yet their military expenses have never fallen short by even a cent.

Undercurrents were already surging within the Kingdom of Bavaria, how could the many Germanic associations in Austria not play a role?

The news that the Bavarian Government wanted independence was leaked, and preparations for a parade against national separatism had already commenced.

To avoid suspicion, those in charge of planning this parade were all German nationalists, and the organizations and individuals related to Austria were only there to wave flags and shout.

Berlin

Since the end of the Prussia-Denmark war, the Kingdom of Prussia had embarked on a path of reform. The first issue facing the government was—finance.

Unlike in history, the Prussia-Denmark war dragged on for a little longer this time, meaning military expenditures increased by some fifty or sixty million shields.

Theoretically, as long as they could obtain the funds raised for them by the people of the Germany Region, they would basically be able to fill this gap.

Clearly, this was impossible, not to mention getting the remaining funds. Now, at various embassies and offices of the Kingdom of Prussia in other sub-states, there were oftentimes people disturbing them to collect debts.

When facing these people, they dared neither touch nor scold them, and when reasoning, the people stubbornly insisted—they’re swindlers.

Having no choice, these staff members didn’t even dare to go shopping for fear of being hit by unidentified flying objects, and all their living problems had to be solved by the government of the country they were in.

To divert public attention, the Prussian Government even went so far as to compromise and propose a “Tripartite Cabinet Responsibility” with the Kingdom of Bavaria.

Unsurprisingly, it aroused the jealousy of the great powers, and under diplomatic pressure, this plan was stillborn shortly after its implementation.

If you say that Frederick William IV did not hold a grudge inside, that would be impossible. Unfortunately, although he had grievances, he had nowhere to vent them.

In this series of measures, the Prussian Government acted by the book and did not make any major mistakes; they could not be blamed for the failure.

The reactions of Austria, Bavaria, and other countries were as natural as could be; everyone was looking at the issues from their own interests, and no one owed anyone anything.

“Prime Minister, how far has the negotiation for borrowing money from the British progressed?” Frederick William IV enquired with concern.

“Your Majesty, borrowing money from the British is probably not going to work; they proposed a condition that is unacceptable,” replied Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich with a wry smile.

“What kind of condition? Is there really no room for negotiation?” Frederick William IV asked, puzzled.

Joseph von Radovich sighed and said, “The British demand that we permanently withdraw from the German Federation!”

“What?” Frederick William IV asked incredulously.

Withdraw from the German Federation? If the Kingdom of Prussia were to withdraw from the German Federation, Prussia’s dream of being a great power would be shattered, and they would be reduced to a medium-sized power at their current size.

Frederick William IV was certain that once Prussia withdrew from the German Federation, the British would definitely ally with France and Russia to pressure Austria to make the same decision.

Then, the remaining Germanic sub-states would merge into another medium-sized nation. Given the complex international situation, this newly established country might lack ambition, but would certainly be more than sufficient in self-preservation.

After a pause, Frederick William IV finally came to his senses and said, “No, we absolutely cannot accept such terms. We must contact the Austrian Government as soon as possible; they surely do not wish to leave in such a dejected manner!”

Without a doubt, Frederick William IV was thinking too far; he assumed the British were ready to break up the German Federation.

While they always wanted to break the Austria-led German Federation, if the German Federation really fell apart, Austria would definitely not be the most worried.

Even if they left the German Federation, the Austrian Empire would still be a great power in Europe, but not so for the Kingdom of Prussia; without the Federation, they would lose the opportunity to advance further.

“Your Majesty, we cannot rush this issue. The Austrians will not give up the Germany Region either. We just need to let the Austrian Government know through various channels,” analyzed Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich.

“The British can wish for it, but they can’t make it a reality. Even if France, Russia, and England press together, as long as we and Austria don’t give in, they can’t force us, surely they won’t go to war over this?”

The unity of Prussia and Austria also featured the problem of who had the initiative; if Prussia simply approached them, wouldn’t that mean giving up the lead in the alliance?

Chapter 44: Wonderful Misunderstanding

Since receiving the message passed on by the Prussian Government, the high ranks of the Austrian Government instantly felt uneasy.

Could the British go through with this? There was simply no doubt about it; John Bull’s integrity was only so lofty.

At the last Frankfurt meeting, the British had proposed the dismemberment of the German Federation. Now, in order to implement this plan, applying diplomatic pressure to the Kingdom of Prussia was perfectly normal for them.

Franz was also startled, Indeed, the British had every motivation to do so, as dictated by their national policy—the European balance of strategy.

According to this plan, the German Federation would be turned into one major state and two medium-sized states. This would have sufficient power to prevent France and Russia from further expanding into Central Europe, while ensuring they posed no significant threat to their positions.

Such a European structure—in theory, the most stable—would mean that any expansion by France or Russia into Europe would be resisted by at least two of the states involved, and with Britain’s support, it was a done deal.

Whoever wanted to unify the Germany Region would have to prepare for a showdown with Europe’s major powers alone. Even with Russia’s support, Austria had no chance of success.

It wasn’t that Franz underestimated himself; the scattered small sub-states of Germany were inconsequential when divided, but once unified into one nation, even the most ineffectual could muster an army of three to four hundred thousand.

With the mix of British and French involvement, unless Austria pulled off a partition with the Kingdom of Prussia over this newborn nation, the scenario would be Austria and Russia versus the British, French, Prussian,+ German sub-states, and even possibly other European armies.

Franz had no doubts about the British ability to rally allies. It was likely that Belgium and the Netherlands would join in to prevent the unification of the Germany Region, and Switzerland might even backstab Austria.

Where was the chance of victory? Franz couldn’t see it. Unless the battlefield was in Russian territory, perhaps the winter could freeze the enemy to death.

However apprehensive, the Austrian Government did not show weakness.

The Russian Empire was still a dominant power in Europe, and in everyone’s eyes, the Russians had no issue facing the British and French alone on land; Austria was also capable of handling Prussia and the German Confederation.

They only considered the troublesome geographic position. They feared that Britain and France would ignore Russia and instead pummel Austria, which could be disastrous.

Having confidence was good; at the very least, it showed that the Austrian Empire had not degenerated—the pride of a great nation remained. If the government had shown any weakness upon hearing this news, Franz would have been unable to lead.

Metternich said in anger, “Your Majesty, considering the current situation, we must support the Kingdom of Prussia. As long as they hold on, the British’s sinister intentions cannot prevail.”

Although he had opposed expansion into the German regions before, that was in the past. Since the secret Russian-Austrian treaty was signed, Metternich had gradually shifted his stance.

He knew that Austria could not turn back now; aside from expanding its power and bolstering its own strength as much as possible, there were no other choices. And westward expansion into the German Region was an essential part of this strategy.

Without the population of the South German Region, Austria’s ambitions for expansion, it was estimated, would likely take twenty to thirty years just to assimilate the Balkans.

In such a long time, who knows how much the strengths of other nations would have grown? In this era of survival of the fittest, once you fall behind, it means danger is swiftly approaching.

Prime Minister Felix thought for a moment before saying, “This news was released by the Prussian Government; they probably do not wish to compromise either.

Mr. Metternich, considering your familiarity with the Kingdom of Prussia, if we now propose to jointly partition the German Region, how likely is it that they will agree?”

Metternich analyzed, “It depends on how the partition is handled, but I estimate it would be very difficult to reach a consensus.

The Prussian military’s radical faction suffered a blow from the failure of the Prussia-Denmark War, but they still wield substantial influence over the government.

According to the original plan, we would annex the South German Region, and for the North Germany Region, we would take as much as we could. Even if we now concede, at most we would give up North Germany.

Such benefits might not suffice to satiate the radical faction of the Prussian military. However, many in the Prussian government should be satisfied—not everyone is so ambitious.

If the pressure exerted by the British is too great, it’s possible that some in the Prussian government will coerce Frederick William IV to compromise with us.”

The relationship between Prussia and Austria was still tolerable; underhanded tactics were confined to the shadows, and publicly the façade of cooperation remained intact on many issues.

Following the British plan, the Kingdom of Prussia would almost gain nothing, being ousted from the German Federation.

But if they joined hands with the Austrian Government to partition the German Region, they could gain the prosperous territories of North Germany and increase the Prussian population by half.

These gains would also enable the Kingdom of Prussia to advance further among the great powers, no longer stuck in its current awkward position.

Franz thought for a moment and then said, “Let’s first secretly contact the Prussian Government; they are still unaware of the Prusso-Russian secret treaty.

Even if the news of the partition of the German Region gets leaked, as long as we staunchly deny it, Britain and France can’t do much to us.”

Archduke Louis suggested, “Your Majesty, if we do something now, say, use the British to knock the Kingdom of Prussia out of the game, wouldn’t that be more beneficial for us?”

Why share when one can have the feast all to oneself?

If Britain and France join forces, Austria plays dirty, and with the treacherous Bavaria, the Kingdom of Prussia might indeed succumb to the pressure.

This time, the Russians would certainly not support Prussia; there was no other reason than the vengeful memory of His Majesty the Tsarist.

In the nature of Russian bureaucrats to ingratiate themselves with flattery, most likely they would first accomplish the deed and then report the victory to Nicholas I.

The exact situation was reflected by the last Christmas offering; the Russian delegate forced the Prussian Government to withdraw their troops before Christmas.

Having the feast to oneself was certainly appealing, provided that one was prepared for a stab in the back from the Kingdom of Prussia. If it were possible to suppress Prussia, it was certainly a viable option.

As long as the Austrian Empire could become just a bit mightier, and the Russian Empire had not truly decayed, Franz wouldn’t mind monopolizing the situation.

Franz shook his head and said, “It’s not that easy. At such a critical moment, one more friend is better than one more enemy.”

After the annexation of the South German Region, our strategic goals have been achieved. Giving up on the North German Confederation is also giving up.”

Being too greedy can lead to choking. Our trump card is the secret Prussia-Austria agreement, but the Russians might not be so reliable.

Should they fail to commit to their work and fail to keep the Kingdom of Prussia in check, we will be fighting a war on two fronts.”

Under normal circumstances, the Prussian Government would not agree to Austria’s distribution plan, but once the news of the secret Prussia-Austria pact comes to light, the Prussian Government will surely compromise.

This is reality, even if England and France make many promises, they are of no use.

What can the Kingdom of Prussia do when it lies too close to the Prussian-Austrian pact. If they dare to mix up with England and France, they probably won’t wait for the support of the British and French forces before their early curtain call.

The Nordic Three Courts Alliance is essentially determined by geopolitics. With Austria and Russia joining hands, the Kingdom of Prussia, not wanting to fall into a dangerous situation, can only join this alliance.

Otherwise, after the secret Prussia-Austria pact was formed, Nicholas I’s first reaction would not have been to pull the Kingdom of Prussia into the alliance; it’s not about everyone having a good relationship, but rather the likelihood of the Kingdom of Prussia joining is very high.

Due to the Prussia-Denmark War, the Tsarist Government had to temporarily abandon this enticing plan, as the Russians were still worried that the Prussian Government would leak the news.

If they can’t catch England and France off guard, the strategy of the Russians would be hard-pressed to succeed. Should England and France provide support, the Ottoman Empire’s potential combat power is also not to be underestimated.

This is also key to the success of the Austrian Government’s westward strategy, after all, they acted following the Russians. Only when England and France teamed up and began their PK with the Russians did Austria make its move.

Thanks to the Vienna System, French military strength has been significantly weakened. Now they have plenty of troops, but their mobilization mechanism has already broken down.

In order to avoid suppression by European countries, Emperor Philip kept very few army troops at home, let alone reserve a large amount of reserve forces.

The active French army numbers just over three hundred thousand, and once they send out a hundred thousand to fight against the Russians, they won’t have much left to intervene in the Austrian forces.

Quantity can lead to a qualitative change. As long as Austria prepares adequately and mobilizes enough troops, if the French intervene, they can be directly beaten back.

If the French lose once, they are basically done for. By then, Napoleon III will be too busy putting out fires at home to worry about Austria.

As for the Kingdom of Prussia, Franz plans to place half a million troops on the Prussia-Austria Border once he begins his actions and lure the Russians with strategic supplies to concentrate their eastern forces on the Prusso-Russian Border.

Were Austria to go it alone, the Kingdom of Prussia might take a military gamble and go all-in. But now Franz has left them a piece of the pie, and the Prussian Government can only compromise.

Everyone has their own enterprises, and the Prussian Government is not controlled by naïve teenagers; how could they possibly take a blind risk?

Even the Radical faction would likely choose to devour the Northern Germany Region first. As long as this bait is taken, the Kingdom of Prussia will have to stop and digest the fruits of victory.

The Prussian Government, which was already inclined to ally with Austria, naturally would not reject the olive branch offered by the Austrian Government.

It has been proven that the Austrian Government’s judgment of the Kingdom of Prussia was wrong. After the defeat in the Prussia-Denmark War, many within the Prussian Government lost confidence in the strategy of unifying Germany.

This is the sorrow of small states that cannot afford failure. After a failure, everyone’s confidence disappears.

As soon as the armistice between Prussia and Denmark was signed, all the internal contradictions of the Kingdom of Prussia exploded, and the Revolutionaries once again staged an uprising which was quickly suppressed by the army.

Against this backdrop, Frederick William IV was too busy consolidating his power to even think about the strategic plan of unifying Germany, which had been cast aside.

Historically, after the Kingdom of Prussia’s plans were thwarted, it fell into a slump as well. It wasn’t until the Chancellor of Iron and Blood took the stage, won the Second Danish War through a series of alliances and clever tactics, that morale was restored.

Under Bismarck’s efforts, the Prussians gathered the courage to challenge Austria and, after winning the Austro-Prussian War, the Prussian Army completed its transformation.

Many experts believe that after winning the war, the Prussian Government spared Austria as a diplomatic move, to avoid Austria stabbing them in the back during the future Prussia and France war.

And Bismarck feared that annexing Austria would lead to an increase in Catholics in the new German Empire, sparking domestic religious conflict.

But Franz didn’t see it that way; even if they couldn’t annex Austria, couldn’t they demand territorial concessions and indemnities?

Historically, after the Prussia-Austria war, Austria lost the war, and the main loss was reflected politically. In reality, the price paid was not great.

Being in the era, Franz knew just how bad the financial situation of the Kingdom of Prussia was. Considering the circumstances of the time, Austria wasn’t without the power to fight another battle.

After the battle was lost, Austria’s reserve forces were almost fully mobilized. If the Kingdom of Prussia didn’t know when to stop, it would turn into a war of attrition.

Seeing the thin wallet, Bismarck naturally chose to take the win and stop there.

Interests have to be fought for with strength, and since Austria’s power remained intact, naturally, the price they had to pay was not significant.

If the Austrian Government decided to go for broke and go head-to-head with the Kingdom of Prussia, maybe they wouldn’t have to pay anything. If the Kingdom of Prussia ran out of money, they would naturally retreat.”

Chapter 45: A Marriage Alliance?

Without a doubt, the insecure Prussian Government was even more eager to collaborate with Prussia-Austria, and soon both parties agreed on a united front against foreign intervention.

On November 11, 1850, Prussia and Austria signed the “German Treaty” in Vienna, which stipulated: the two countries would join forces to counter foreign powers’ interference in the affairs of the Germany Region…

Interestingly, this treaty did not include the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies occupied by the Danish people.

Clearly, after a failed attempt, the Prussian Government struggled with a severe lack of confidence and, while opposing the British, dared not further antagonize the Russians.

Since the Prussian Government made no demands, Austria naturally would not bother. Whether or not the two duchies could return to the embrace of Germany, Austria would not have a share in it.

Franz certainly wouldn’t follow the example of the historical Austrian Government, which was cheated by the Prussians into jointly deploying troops.

What’s the use of exclaves? Are they implying that Austria’s national defense burden isn’t heavy enough?

Vienna Palace

Metternich said, “Your Majesty, the Prussian Government has requested a loan from us, it appears their financial crisis is worse than we anticipated.”

Franz responded without hesitation, “This is good news. Since they are turning to us for help, it means they have encountered obstacles in seeking loans from other financial markets.

Find an excuse to reject their loan application. Everyone thinks poorly of them as a client, so why should we wade into these muddy waters?”

Pulling strings is out of the question; Austria does not have so much capital to export, and Franz has no interest in nurturing competitors.

If there were national credit ratings in this era, then theirs would be a bottom-tier C.

Just look at the debt, the Kingdom of Prussia currently owes a staggering 370 million marks, with an annual fiscal revenue of just over 40 million marks.

In 1847, Engels published an article in the Northern Star, pointing out the financial difficulties of the Prussian Government. The gist was: I would not be the least bit surprised if the Prussian Government declared bankruptcy tomorrow.

What to do when the Prussian Government is out of money?

The answer is quite straightforward — cut expenses and find ways to increase income.

Whether it’s cutting military spending or reducing investments in industry or domestic infrastructure, it’s all good news for Austria.

As for increasing income, that’s not something that can be achieved in a short time. Having just been through a revolution, they wouldn’t dare to engage in ruthless extortion, would they?

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Metternich answered.

Dividing up the Germany Region? Unfortunately, this is not an issue suitable for discussion at present. Should the Prussian radicals learn of it and prematurely launch a war, Austria could be horribly disadvantaged.

Don’t doubt this possibility, the Prussian Kingdom’s military men of this era could do just as much as the Japanese when it comes to usurping power.

However, most of their officers are nobility who have a slightly higher level of wisdom; they have assets and families and are not without shoes – they typically wouldn’t take actions blindly.

The thawing of relations between Prussia and Austria put the Kingdom of Bavaria in the most awkward position, once again proving that tightrope-walking is prone to falls, now Maximilian I experienced it firsthand.

Improving relations with Austria became the top priority before him.

In the Munich Palace

Maximilian I asked expectantly, “Do you have any suggestions on how to extricate ourselves from our current diplomatic predicament?”

In this era, to enjoy the support of England, France, and Russia and still worry about a diplomatic dilemma would seem like a joke if others heard about it.

Now, this joke became reality in the Kingdom of Bavaria, what good is the support of great powers if it’s only lip service?

If you take their verbal support seriously, then brace yourself for tears! The suggestion to form an alliance came first from the British, but now when the Kingdom of Bavaria needs their practical support, John Bull has started to feign confusion.

“Your Majesty, let’s opt for a royal marriage,” the Prime Minister decisively suggested.

Royal marriage between the Bavarian Royal Family and the Austrian Royal Family is traditional; Franz’s mother hailed from the Bavarian Royal Family, and the relations between the two royal families were still quite amicable.

Now, to ease relations with Austria, the least costly method would be through a royal marriage. Sending a princess to become the Empress of the Austrian Empire, the House of Wittelsbach wouldn’t lose out.

Maximilian I thought for a moment and said, “Hmm, Franz now needs an Empress, and Helen would be suitable.”

Advancing continued marital alliances between the two royal families was not so simple. There were many high-ranking nobles interested in the position of Austrian Empress, so achieving this goal would not be easy.

However, Princess Helen had one advantage – the Empress Sophie of Austria was her aunt, and this alone could defeat many competitors.

Of course, she also had disadvantages; her lineage was too low, not directly from the Bavarian royal family, and her relation to the King was somewhat distant.

Maximilian I also considered finding a princess from a closer relative, but unfortunately, the age gap was too significant and inappropriate. It certainly wouldn’t do to ask Franz to wait since his wife was still being nursed in her mother’s arms.

Vienna

The news that the Bavarian Royal Family wished to forge another marriage alliance came through, and Empress Sophie immediately expressed her welcome; it was an instant agreement between the two parties.

Unfortunately, Franz now was not the Franz of history, and Empress Sophie’s influence was much smaller than it was historically.

In history, Franz was able to ascend to the throne early, largely due to Empress Sophie’s efforts, for which she even drew together a faction of supporters.

Now things were different. Franz had seized great power during the suppression of the Vienna rebellion, naturally leaving the Empress Dowager without an opportunity to perform.

Having missed the chance to establish a following and thus without the means to interfere in politics, it became an impossibility.

If there’s no opportunity, then there’s no opportunity; human ambition isn’t inherently present. After Franz’s ascension to power, Empress Sophie simply enjoyed her carefree days, without any intention to wrest power from her son.

Of course, desiring power might have been a possibility. The title of Empress Dowager was indeed lofty, but alas, she was up against a strong-willed Franz and could never become an Empress Dowager like Cixi.

She could disregard other matters, but when it came to Franz’s matrimonial affairs, as a mother, she believed it was her duty to be personally involved.

In this era, European marriage was also arranged, and what was this thing called love by choice? Let’s not even talk about nobility; very few commoners had the freedom to decide their marriages.

Franz’s situation was still relatively good; being Emperor, his opinion had to be considered, and no one could force him if he was firmly opposed.

Upon receiving this news, Franz was completely baffled; how could the alliance have been prepared so much in advance—was it possible that the royal families of both countries had already begun to prepare?

Then he thought of the current international situation, and indeed, it was a political marriage, clearly because the Kingdom of Bavaria needed to improve relations with Austria.

Franz bluntly stated, “Mother, given the current international situation, Austria is not suitable for a marriage alliance with Bavaria.”

Hearing this, Empress Sophie’s face darkened, but she did not voice her opposition.

In the royal family, none were fools. Despite her reluctance, Empress Sophie did not scold Franz.

From her perspective, the interests of the Austrian Royal Family were obviously higher than those of the Bavarian Royal Family. With a husband and a son to consider, she could not allow Franz to sacrifice the royal family’s interests for the sake of this alliance.

This was different from history when Napoleon was at war with Austria on one hand and marrying a princess from the Habsburg family on the other; he was of insufficient nobility and desperately needed the marriage to boost his recognition among the nobility.

But now, with Austria and Bavaria entering into matrimony, Franz marrying a minor princess of the House of Wittelsbach was objectively a match below his status, and if it cost political interests as well, it would not be worth it.

After some thought, Empress Sophie asked, “Has the relationship between Austria and Bavaria deteriorated to such an extent?”

She had long been disinterested in politics and was unaware that the Austrian Government was intentionally distancing itself from the Kingdom of Bavaria. At this time, the Kingdom of Bavaria had precisely turned traitor, so naturally, the relationship between them could not be good.

Franz calmly stated, “Yes, recently the Bavarian Government betrayed the alliance between our two countries and leaned towards the Kingdom of Prussia. Now that relations between Prussia and Austria have eased, Bavaria must naturally pay the price.”

Empress Sophie’s expression darkened, finding herself in quite a dilemma caught between the two.

Seeing his mother’s discomfort, Franz comforted her, “Don’t worry, Mother. This is just a normal conflict of interests between nations; it won’t affect the relationship between the royal families of the two countries.

However, if news of a marriage alliance emerged at the cusp of this conflict, it would create a very adverse impact amongst the populace.”

With this explanation, Empress Sophie’s expression softened somewhat, and at the same time, she felt a hint of dissatisfaction with her family’s proposed renewal of the marriage alliance.

Even though she desired for her niece to become an empress, it was impossible to sacrifice her son’s reputation for it; in this regard, all parents are the same.

Empress Sophie thought for a moment and said, “Then let’s put this matter aside for now and revisit it in a couple of years.”

European nobility tended to marry late. Franz was not of great age, and her niece was even younger. It wouldn’t matter to postpone for a few years.

Seeing that his mother was not entirely giving up, Franz said nothing. Postponing was the best outcome; a direct refusal would probably lead to another marriage proposal before long.

With this excuse at hand, at least Franz had bought himself some years. During this time, he could also venture out and see if he could encounter a love match of equal status—if that failed, he would marry a beautiful princess instead.

One must always have dreams; what if they came true?

Now, Franz’s public persona determined that his personal conduct must be flawless; he couldn’t afford to be capricious in personal matters. At least until his authority was established, his persona could not crumble.

This was the price of being an Emperor. Given the choice, Franz would still choose—to be Emperor.

The cost was great, but so were the gains! In these dark times, to be able to control one’s own destiny was no small feat.

Did ordinary people not have pressures? Did the nobility not feel the strain?

Not long ago in Austria, heads rolled, with many prominent nobles sent to the guillotine; were they all truly deserving of their fate?

How many were implicated, unable to extricate themselves, and met with decapitation?

Franz was aware of all these matters. But knowledge aside, he could not overturn the sentences for these people. Whether voluntary or not, participation in the rebellion had to have its consequences.

And looking at the ordinary people bustling about daily for basic necessities, Franz felt he was already fortunate.

Chapter 46: The Ambitious Navy Department

Franz could not help but lament that European politics were simply—chaotic. In his two-year reign as Emperor, the Austrian Empire had actually signed secret treaties with all of Europe’s major powers.

One could speculate that future scholars of international history, upon encountering this pile of secret treaties, would marvel at the remarkable work of Austria’s Foreign Ministry, then be left pondering over a myriad of as-yet unresolved mysteries in the world of politics.

First came the France-Austrian Secret Treaty, which originally aimed for a cheerful partition of the Kingdom of Sardinia, but was aborted due to the outbreak of the French June Revolution.

Then there were the English-Austrian Balkan Issue Memorandum and the English-Austrian Italy Issue Understanding book, with the latter already completed and the former’s realization dependent on the integrity of the British.

As for the Russian-Austrian secret treaty, it was simply an extension and expansion of the two nations’ alliance—an alliance stretching back decades, with each country considering the other its most important ally.

Not long ago, another secret treaty was signed with the Kingdom of Prussia, the two countries agreeing to jointly oppose external forces meddling in Teutonic affairs. This treaty would be disclosed when the time was ripe, essentially intended to deter the British, and thus naturally would not be kept secret.

Is that all? Evidently, the Austrian Government truly enjoyed stirring things up; it had just concluded secret negotiations with Spain, reaching a consensus on colonial expansion overseas—the Austria-Spain Colonial Treaty was born.

According to the treaty: both countries recognized each other’s sovereignty over their overseas colonies and agreed to provide assistance in their colonial activities, including logistical support in each other’s colonies

Now, Austria did not possess any colonies, which at a glance, seemed a disadvantage for the Spaniards. Yet, the Spanish Government valued this treaty even more than Austria did.

There was no choice—Spain was in severe decline. The Empire on Which the Sun Never Sets had long since passed them by, and the British and French colonial empires had begun their ascent by trampling over them.

And now, the Austrian Empire was preparing to join in on overseas colonial activities. They, the easy target, were at risk once more, potentially facing another trampling.

In such a case, why not choose to cooperate? Austria’s demands were not excessive, merely to receive supplies from their ports during colonial expansion—and it wasn’t as if they wouldn’t compensate.

This seemingly inconspicuous treaty was finalized with the push from the Ministry of the Navy. The saying about choosing the softest target was true, but Franz had not planned to overturn the tables from the start, right?

If not for Spain’s continuous decline, Franz might have already sought an alliance with them, to stab France in the back and give them a taste of what it feels like to be a sandwich cookie.

No matter how it was put, the Spaniards still maintained the front of a great power, and their debilitated navy was still, just so slightly, stronger than the Austrian Navy.

It wasn’t just Spain; even the small naval departments of the Netherlands and Portugal were held in high regard, with negotiations currently ongoing.

Such was the price of a latecomer—using these small countries’ ports as stepping stones was far more reassuring than relying on those of England and France.

Expanding colonies was not easy, with the first problem being logistical support, where initial resources had to be imported from elsewhere.

A glance at a map revealed the daunting distance the geographically challenged Austria had to face in establishing overseas colonies. In this context, nearby procurement of supplies and resources became crucial.

The historic failure of the Russians’ Pacific Fleet expedition served as a cautionary tale; under British blockades, they suffered from inadequate provisions along the way, walking straight into Japanese ambushes upon arrival.

Needless to say, Franz was intent on learning from such lessons. Establishing good relations with colonial nations could not go wrong, and even if it came to seizing territories, that would have to wait until a firm foothold was established.

Besides, embarking on colonial enterprises also meant learning from experience. To that end, Austria had dispatched individuals to delve deep into the colonies of other nations, gathering intelligence and learning from their administrative experiences.

However, such methods of intelligence gathering were not always reliable, revealing only surface-level insights. Deeper understanding required study.

Contrary to the critique of colonial management systems by countless experts and professors in later generations, the feat of establishing colonial rule in this era—managing vast territories with few people and reaping substantial profits—was a skill all its own.

With cooperation, there was a chance for a deeper understanding, to learn from their successes, and to avoid the misfortune of bankruptcy soon after establishing a colony.

In the end, overseas colonization was about profits; if the venture continuously lost money, it likely wouldn’t be long before interest waned.

The Ministry of the Navy was not merely busy with trivial matters; with the treaty signed, they turned to the government for funding.

According to the Navy’s proposal, the government would allocate 50 million shields for shipbuilding expenses, aiming to create a naval fleet second only to that of England and France within five years.

This was no exaggeration; naval sizes globally were modest at the time, with the British total tonnage not exceeding a few hundred thousand tons. Any navy exceeding ten thousand tons in total tonnage was among the world’s most formidable.

In terms of tonnage, the Austrian Navy ranked just behind England, France, Spain, and Russia. Of course, tonnage was not synonymous with combat capability. Austria’s navy was predominantly a coastal force, capable of circumnavigating the Mediterranean, but whether it would survive long voyages was questionable.

Who knows? Anyway, a navy totaling 18,000 tons, in Franz’s view, was nothing more than a sprout navy, not comparable to a single battleship of later eras. However, the tonnages of naval warships in this era were more modest, so this scale wasn’t too trivial.

Put it this way, if the French suddenly erupted, they could still go toe-to-toe with the British, vying for the position of the world’s strongest naval power. The gap between the English and French navies wasn’t as pronounced as in later times.

At least in terms of tonnage, the disparity wasn’t so vast. At their closest, the total tonnage of the navies of the two nations was less than twenty percent apart; theoretically, a surprise attack might even be victorious.

After all, everyone was using wooden warships, and the shipbuilding technologies of various countries hadn’t widened too much of a gap. It would be another decade before the world saw the birth of its first ironclad ship.

Looking at the shipbuilding plans in his hand, Franz didn’t mince words, directly asking, “I remember last year the French Navy built the ‘Napoleon’, which is powered by steam engines.

If you build a bunch of sailing warships, that’s all well and good with the wind in your favor, but what if you’re sailing against the wind? Could you outrun them?”

Navy Minister Filkos explained, “Your Majesty, the construction and maintenance of French steam-powered battleships are costly and difficult. After being driven at full power, they need extensive repairs.

Steam-powered battleships haven’t shown a significant advantage on the battlefield. Currently, the main force of navies around the world remains sailing warships; adopting new technology rashly is too risky.”

Franz didn’t bother with his many reasons, asking bluntly, “With our shipbuilding technology, could we build one?”

After some thought, Filkos said, “Theoretically, there’s no problem. We have mature experience in building merchant ships with steam engines, and applying them to warships should not be a big issue.”

Franz couldn’t help but criticize internally; the navies of this era were terrifyingly conservative. Many probably couldn’t imagine that it was not the Britons leading naval technological revolutions in this era, but the French.

In 1849, the French were the first to apply steam engines to warships, marking the beginning of the revolution in naval propulsion. In 1859, they built the world’s first ironclad ship, signaling the end of the Age of Sail; in 1863, they applied compressed air engines to submarines, moving beyond human propulsion and increasing their operational range

It was the French who spearheaded the naval technology revolution, and still, it did not change their perpetual second-place status. Later, when they finally did make a change, the French probably wished they hadn’t; from being second, they became third, fourth, fifth

Now, undoubtedly, the Austrian Navy represented the conservative faction. It was clear from the Navy’s budget that they lacked the funds for capricious innovations.

This puzzled Franz, wasn’t new technology supposed to be applied in the military first, before being promoted for civilian use?

How come things seemed reversed here, with so many Austrian steamboats running up and down the Danube River, yet the navy had not considered building steam-powered battleships?

Difficult maintenance? Could that really be considered a reason when you don’t see steam merchant ships sticking to sail power because of maintenance trouble?

Franz said thoughtfully, “The navy must also pay attention to the use of technology. Even if you can’t initiate technological innovation yourselves, when others have created successful models, you can always learn and apply them, right?

Otherwise, what’s the use of an outdated navy, no matter how large its scale is? On the battlefield, it would only serve as a target for the enemy!”

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Navy Minister Filkos replied with a bitter smile.

Without a doubt, the Navy’s shipbuilding plans were nipped in the bud by Franz.

Technically speaking, it was no longer difficult to construct the initial ironclad ships. As early as 1578, the Japanese had created an ironclad ship, essentially a warship covered in iron plating.

Franz certainly didn’t want to build a fleet of sailing warships that would serve as target practice, although the Austrian Navy was unlikely to engage in sea battles in the short term.

He may not have been able to make epochal inventions, but a conceptual innovation in military technology should not be that hard, right?

After the French launched their ironclad ships, it took only a few months for imitators to appear; there were practically no obstacles in terms of technology.

The era when shipbuilding technology reflected national industrial levels had not yet arrived. Currently, the technology for building sailing warships was very mature, and the performance gap between the warships of different countries was not substantial.

Although he had the idea, Franz did not immediately propose the concept of an ironclad ship. This was not a task for an emperor, and if he were to proceed, it must be done covertly.

Otherwise, you have the example of Wilhelm II, who personally designed a warship that promptly sank upon launch. If that didn’t indicate a problem, what would? Were the German technicians idiots not to warn the emperor?

Franz wouldn’t give his enemies any opportunity for exploitation; it was far better to promote technological innovation behind the scenes. Failure was normal; not all new technological ventures succeeded on the first try.

If successful, it would prove that under the leadership of the great emperor, Austria’s scientific innovation had advanced another step forward. As for the credit of invention and creation, that was unnecessary for an emperor.

Chapter 47: Arms Race

The navy’s shipbuilding plan was vetoed by Franz, but the naval budget for 1851 was increased by over one million shied again, soaring to 12.681 million shied.

The Austrian Government’s attitude towards the navy is visible, but no matter how much importance they attached to it, it couldn’t change the fundamental nature of Austria as a land power.

In 1851, army expenses escalated even more quickly, to 61.2462 million shied, and the large reserve strategy was officially launched. According to the plan, from now on, the reserves will increase by 200,000 every year.

The total military budget of the Austrian Empire in 1851 rose by nearly twenty percent compared to 1850, signaling the approaching steps of war.

How could the actions of their neighbor Russia possibly be concealed from the Austrian Government? Not long ago, Nicholas I even levied a war tax under the pretext of expanding into distant territories.

Had it not been for the secret Russian-Austrian pact, everyone might still be incredulous and unable to confirm Russia’s war target. The Austrian Government, knowing the truth, was now ninety-nine percent certain that Russian-Ottoman war was about to break out again.

Under such circumstances, as an ally, the Austrian Government naturally had to keep pace. Without the Russians disrupting the status quo, how could Austria’s strategy be executed?

Thanks to the grand gestures by Russia, the Austrian Government’s increased military expenditure did not cause any ripples. From the outside, this seemed a normal reaction; it’s only prudent to be vigilant with a neighbor like the bear.

European affairs have always been interlinked, and an arms race is contagious. Although neither Russia nor Austria intended to initiate an arms race, others still followed suit.

Governments raised their military spending, the British being an exception—they never participated in army arms races.

Not all countries were in a good financial position; the financially troubled Kingdom of Prussia did not follow this time.

Frederick William IV wasn’t a fool; playing arms race with Russia and Austria would spell doom for the Kingdom of Prussia, which could not afford it. Military expenses already exceeded half of the fiscal revenue; any further increases would lead to bankruptcy.

The also financially troubled French followed suit. Although the French government didn’t have money, private financial consortia did, and they could simply take out loans from banks.

This was the depth of an old empire, with ample financial resources to back it up, and also why France could become the second power to complete industrialization after the United Kingdom.

Belgium completed industrialization almost as soon as the British, but their industrial system was not as comprehensive, with many sectors non-existent.

Although Belgium was one of the first to complete industrialization, they could still not match several powers in industrial strength but had advantages in certain areas.

Vienna

“Your Majesty,” Prime Minister Felix began, “influenced by the Russians preparing for war, except for the financially troubled Kingdom of Prussia which has made no move yet, all European nations have begun to expand their forces and prepare for war.

Just one week ago, with the support of Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte, the French government passed a military expansion act. The French Army grew by fifty thousand. After the expansion is completed, their total military strength will reach 436,000, second only to Russia.

In light of our upcoming strategy, the threat from the French has risen to the first place. We must heighten our vigilance and prepare countermeasures.”

France has always been a traditional land power in Europe, fiercely contending with the Habsburg dynasty for hundreds of years, reaching its peak with the French Army during the Napoleonic Era.

Everyone is highly cautious about the French. After learning about France’s military expansion plan, the Austrian Government immediately convened a Cabinet meeting.

Franz furrowed his brows, knowing that no amount of attention to the threat of the French could be considered an exaggeration.

“How many troops are stationed in France itself?” Franz asked with concern.

The number of French soldiers didn’t really matter, for they also had numerous colonies that always needed garrisoning. The key was to see how many troops they had concentrated on their home soil, as those were the forces that could potentially pose a threat to the Austrian Empire.

Prime Minister Felix replied, “Before the expansion, there were 221,000, after the completion of the expansion, it is not certain, the worst case is that all 271,000 troops will remain on home soil.”

Franz breathed a sigh of relief, once the Russians made a move, England and France would definitely assist the Ottoman Empire, by then the French Army left on home soil obviously wouldn’t be so numerous.

Since the reservist system was in ruins, the French needed some time to expand their army and form combat effectiveness, and this posed an opportunity.

What worried him the most was the French government restoring the reservist system, returning to the Napoleonic Era with the war mobilization mechanism that could enlist a million-strong army at any time, posing the greatest threat.

Apparently, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte’s capabilities in military affairs were not that impressive. Otherwise, during the Franco-Prussian War, France wouldn’t have only mobilized 220,000 troops and hastily engaged the Prussians in battle, only to be beaten senseless by the enemy’s more than double numerical advantage.

Perhaps because the defeat was too unjust, the French had never been convinced after the war, and with a bit of provocation from the British, France and Germany turned into irreconcilable enemies.

Franz asked uncertainly, “If the French only mobilize so many troops for intervention, we should be able to hold them off, right?”

Professional issues require professional answers.

Franz considered himself to have a decent level of military expertise, mainly in strategy. When it came to specific tactics, leading a battalion-level or smaller unit in battle would probably pose no problem.

Now, for this kind of battle involving hundreds of thousands of troops, it was Marshal Radetzky, the Chief of General Staff, who had more authority to speak. He had personally encountered the peak of the French Army and had firsthand experience.

After thinking, Marshal Radetzky replied, “Your Majesty, the current French Army is no longer as invincible as it was in the Napoleonic Era. After so many years of attrition, they have long lost that aura of invincibility.

If we have an equal number of forces, we can fight a decisive battle with the French.

If we wait until the Kingdom of Bavaria finishes the railway construction and then take military action, we can reach Baden within a week and keep the French out at the national border.”

Having seen the railway network strategy of the Austrian Government, Marshal Radetzky had discovered the tremendous military uses of the railway.

Since railways could be used to transport goods, they could naturally also be used to transport troops and effectively provide logistical support.

The South German Region was not a dragon pool and tiger’s den; Austria had had operations in these regions for many years. Sending in troops would almost equate to a sweep through the area, with nationalists leading the way, these small sub-states would find it difficult to resist.

As long as the speed was fast enough to prevent these small sub-states from colluding with the French, no major changes would occur.

Even without much time, just two to three months to politically settle the leaderships of various countries, the armies of these German Confederation could transform overnight and join with the Austrian army to resist the French invaders.

After gaining the support of the local populations, Austria would stand on an unassailable ground. The France of today was no longer the France of the Napoleonic Era, capable of steamrolling everything in its path.

Army Minister Prince Windischgrätz spoke up, “It’s not just the South German Region; if the French send troops to intervene, it’s also possible they will join forces with the Kingdom of Sardinia in the Lombardy Region, forcing us to fight on two fronts.”

Marshal Radetzky shook his head and said, “It doesn’t matter, let them fight their battles, and we’ll fight ours.

If France dares to send their main forces to the Italian Area, we could simply give up on Italy and march directly on Paris.

In terms of distance, we even have an advantage. I don’t know if we can take Paris, but we can gamble with the French government.

If we lose the bet, at worst we lose Lombardy; if we win, the price the French will have to pay will be far greater.”

Watching the dispute between the two, everyone tacitly refrained from joining in. This was exactly the effect Franz wanted; if there were no conflicts at all between the Army Department and the General Staff, it would be time for him to replace someone.

It has nothing to do with trust; it’s the instinct of imperial balancing techniques.

If his subordinates were in complete accord, they might start to deceive their superiors, and history is no stranger to emperors who have been overshadowed by their own courts.

Similarly, he can’t let his subordinates fight each other too fiercely; if everyone is busy infighting, who will get any work done?

After thinking for a while, Prince Windischgrätz rebutted, “The French aren’t made of paper, how could they be conquered so quickly?

If Paris cannot be taken and the war reaches a stalemate, the French advantage in fighting on home soil will become apparent; they could quickly mobilize tens of thousands of cannon fodder.

These untrained cannon fodder units could rely on morale to compensate for their lack of training when defending their homeland.

Subsequently, constrained by logistics and supplies, we would still have to make a futile retreat, and reclaiming lost Italy would become more difficult.”

Marshal Radetzky, unwilling to show weakness, countered, “Even if we can’t take Paris, we can still severely weaken the French.

If they concentrate their forces to defend Paris, they will have no guards in other areas. If they refuse to compromise, we could pillage and burn our way through, destroying their industrial and commercial systems in the northeastern regions.

I can’t guarantee anything else, but creating a few million homeless refugees to stir and plunder, spreading chaos throughout France, is certainly feasible.

With their own country in such disarray, would they still be able to avoid withdrawing from Italy? Is the Kingdom of Sardinia alone capable of stopping us from reclaiming the Italian Area?”

Indeed, old foxes are tough characters. Should it come to this, the French might not recover for a decade, and relations between Austria and France would sour again, with Austro-French conflict becoming the main international issue of the future.

If Franz had to choose what to do, he would certainly go ahead with it. Since they’re already enemies, what’s the difference between committing halfway and going all out?

If you’re going to make enemies, who cares? Just act submissive to the British and don’t challenge their naval supremacy; Austria’s geographical position means it faces almost zero threat from the sea.

Once France is brought to its knees, the military spirit will emerge. An Austrian Empire unified in the South German Region would be transformed.

Metternich, playing the peacemaker, said with a chuckle, “Gentlemen, let’s not be too hot-tempered. As long as we pick the right moment and create a fait accompli, the French may very well accept it.

They’re not fools; if we commit three or four hundred thousand troops in the South German Region, and they don’t have an equal force, how could they risk intervening?

Moreover, the best route for the French to intervene in our business would be coming through the Rhineland. Would the Kingdom of Prussia dare to grant them passage?

When we make our move, it’s very likely that the Kingdom of Prussia will follow suit. If the French oppose our unification of the South German Region, would they really want to see Prussia unify the North German Region?

They covet the lands of the German Federation west of the Rhine River. A powerful Kingdom of Prussia would not suit their interests.

In the future, in dealing with France, we and Prussia will still be allies.”

Upon hearing Metternich’s explanation, everyone looked pleased. Picking the softer target is the theme of this era; it’s all about bullying the weak and fearing the strong.

The French want things that aren’t in Austrian hands, even if they intervene in the unification of the Germany Region, it’s essentially for their own benefit.

Instead, it is the Kingdom of Prussia that wants to hold onto the territories west of the Rhine River and must fiercely oppose France. Looking for a compromise? Would the nationalists within their borders allow it?

Franz slowly began, “All right, let’s consider the matter with France to be settled. The current issue is the arms race among the nations of Europe, and our good neighbor, the Kingdom of Prussia, can’t keep up anymore.

It seems that the Prussia-Denmark war was not in vain; in the short term, the Kingdom of Prussia will struggle to get out of their predicament, which is also good news for us.

Considering the current situation, Russia is likely to start a war in 1851, at the latest by 1852. Should we consider escalating the arms race?”

Undoubtedly, on the European Continent, the only countries with land forces that could threaten Austria are Russia, France, and Prussia. Now Prussia has fallen into a financial crisis and can’t keep up; if we escalate the arms race now, it will be between Russia, France, and Austria.

Prime Minister Felix bit his lip and said, “Your Majesty, we could bet that after Russia initiates the war, England and France will intervene, and the opportunity to unify the South German Region will emerge.

Escalating the arms race now, eliminating the Kingdom of Prussia from the competition first, means one less rival and a greater chance of success.

If we lose the bet, we can still implement the Balkan strategy at worst, and that won’t be a loss!”

How could it not be a loss? To Prime Minister Felix, diverting from westward expansion into Germany and splitting the Balkan Peninsula always seemed like a losing business deal.

But to gain the support of the Balkan faction, he was prepared to go all out. If the opportunity arose, they would unify the South German Region; if not, they’d have to opportunistically seek gains in the Balkan Peninsula to recoup the losses.

Marshal Radetzky spoke excitedly, “Your Majesty, the risk is worth taking. If we lose, at worst it’s a few tens of millions of shields; if we win, it’s South Germany!”

Indeed, if they lost, it would be at most a few tens of millions of shields in military spending—not a total waste, as it would still enhance military strength.

The Austrian Government isn’t obstinate; if international circumstances are unfavorable and they can’t expand westward, they can still bully the Ottoman Empire to the south to make up for the loss. Even if Russia goes to the Far East to chew on ice, Austria won’t balk at going it alone.

With that in mind, Franz had already made his decision.

Chapter 48: Everyone is Preparing

Having to make this decision, Franz found himself with no other choice. The Austrian army had just quelled a domestic rebellion, defeated the Kingdom of Sardinia, and even intervened in the affairs of the Papal State.

Now, he had hundreds of thousands of battle-hardened veterans at his disposal, and anyone with a bit of military knowledge understood how precious experienced soldiers were.

This meant that the Austrian Army’s fighting capability was at its peak, not inferior to the military of any other nation of the era.

If he missed this window of opportunity, when the bloodied veterans had all retired, the fighting ability of the Austrian Army would gradually decline.

No matter how rigorous the training, it cannot compare to actual combat experience. A few victorious battles can build a formidable and confident fighting force.

With such a significant advantage, how could Franz possibly give it up? Moreover, the Austrian military’s old generals were aging, and if he didn’t act now, they would lose even the chance to utilize their remaining heat.

Take Marshal Radetzky, for example, in his early eighties; even if he remained vigorous with age, Franz could not confidently send him to lead troops on the frontlines anymore.

At this time, these old fellows could still manage to direct operations from the staff headquarters. If another ten to eighteen years pass, Franz would have to accept the decline of the renowned Austrian commanders.

It is a cycle; no country can maintain its peak forever. If he doesn’t set the stage now, the risks of taking action in the future will greatly increase.

It’s not that there are no successors in the Austrian army; it’s just that great commanders are forged on the battlefield. Without having proven himself in combat, who knows whether a general truly has the ability or is just a theoretician?

When the strength of your leaders is uncertain, the best strategy is to fight a drawn-out war, leveraging national power to overwhelm the enemy and not give them any opportunity to exploit.

This point was proven during the World Wars; While the German people had the world’s most outstanding commanders and the greatest number of famous generals, they still lost—in both of the World Wars.

Until the South German Region is assimilated, Austria evidently cannot hold such an edge. It might be possible to crush Prussia with national power, but to defeat the French is still a fantasy.

In the end, the outcome was that Austria’s military budget for 1851 increased once again, from the initially planned 73.95 million Shield to 112 million Shield.

If they did not go to war, such expenses would hold for at most three to five years before the Austrian Government would have to concede.

The increase in military spending was all for the army; the navy could not be counted upon, whether for advancing westward into the German Region or southward into the Balkan Peninsula.

The direct consequence of the rise in military expenditures was the active forces of Austria being expanded to 512,000, and concurrently, civilian formations began to organize and train reserve forces. This time, the target was not an annual increase of 200,000 but rather an addition of 350,000 reserves in 1851.

If added to the existing 586,000 reserve forces, in theory, there would be 936,000 reserves. In reality, this is impossible as every year, twenty to thirty thousand people of age leave the reserve forces.

These reserve forces can’t be trained in a year. Based on past experience, it takes more than three years of training before a reserve force can be comparable to a new recruit who has served for one year.

Of course, this would require the guidance of retired veterans; otherwise, this timeline would need to be greatly extended.

Young and strong individuals participating in the reserve training are naturally entitled to preferential treatment; for example, exemption from agricultural tax on 3 hectares of land, and should any accidents occur during training, they would be eligible for military pension benefits, etc…

The Austrian Government’s sudden move to expand its military was not done impulsively; the foreign ministry even communicated with the Russians, as allies should discuss such matters.

St. Petersburg

Upon receiving the notification from Austria, Nicholas I knew that his strategic intention had been exposed. There was nothing that could be done; the scale of war preparations was so large that secrecy was impossible.

This is not a mythological tale; from the expansion and fortification of troops and the procurement of materials to the final declaration of the war, the people involved numbered in the millions—how could it be kept a secret?

Even if the Tsarist Government used the Far East strategy as a cover, it was futile. With the Siberian Railway yet unfinished, sending hundreds of thousands of troops to the Far East would likely lead to many starving before reaching their destination.

Simply looking at a map would show that the only place that warrants the Russian mobilization of hundreds of thousands of troops is the Ottoman Empire.

Nicholas I, puzzled, asked, “Didn’t the Austrian Government say they needed to recuperate, that they couldn’t engage in war for ten years? How come they can’t restrain themselves so soon?”

Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell replied, “Your Majesty, Austria has emerged from its civil unrest and even profited from suppressing rebels, having confiscated a large amount of wealth.

We preliminarily judge that the Austrians intend to take advantage of our attack on the Ottoman Empire, whether they aim for the South German Region or the Balkan Peninsula remains unclear.”

He spoke no further, not daring to say that the Austrian Government had profited by confiscating the properties of nobility. If the Tsar took interest, he would be in deep trouble.

The Russian Empire was also a nobility system, even more conservative than Austria. Therefore, the promoted narrative in Russia was that the Austrian Government seized the assets of rebellious capitalists, glossing over the involvement of local nobility in the rebellion.

Nicholas I, undisturbed, said, “That is actually good news. If the Austrians make their move, it can help relieve some pressure on us and see if the British can manage to pay attention to that area.”

Nicholas I had the capital to be self-confident; Europe’s stability in recent decades was not just due to the constraints of the Vienna System, but more so due to European nations collectively suppressing Russia’s external expansion.

Even with their confidence, they did not believe they could take on the whole of Europe alone. Hence, during the Vienna era, the Tsarist Government remained rather well-behaved.

Years had gone by, and the Russians could no longer hold back. At this time, Austria abandoned its previous stance and agreed to their expansion into the Ottoman Empire.

After the secret Russian-Austrian pact was signed, the last shackles hindering their expansion had been unlocked, and the Tsarist Government could no longer restrain itself.

Forming an alliance with Austria, the Russians did not expect military support from the Austrian Army; His Majesty the Tsarist did not lack soldiers. All Austria needed to do was to be a good caretaker.

This was the role Russia had assigned to Austria. Following the alliance, they joined forces in the east to suppress the Kingdom of Prussia, and to the south to deal with the Ottoman Empire. In both cases, they could fight their own separate battles.

Neither Austria nor Russia felt any moral pressure in bullying the Ottoman Empire and did not see the necessity in forming Allied Forces.

In fact, geographically, it was not feasible for them to organize an allied army due to the issue of post-war spoils division.

Do not assume that a secret pact could settle everything; it is more reliable for those spoils of war to be secured by one’s own efforts. Otherwise, should any mishap occur on the battlefield and the originally targeted territories are not captured, will the prior agreements still hold any validity?

If one side independently captures territory, then it goes without saying that the conqueror claims it. However, if the territory is taken jointly, there would be disputes over the division of spoils since both sides contributed.

To avoid such a situation, both parties made a pact to fight within their respective spheres of influence. Any overstepping would be considered futile effort.

Contrary to what was proclaimed in later ages, the Tsarist Government never harbored ambitions to unify the European Continent. What they desired was to establish a solid hegemonic status in Europe.

It wasn’t for lack of wanting to unify the European Continent; rather, it was simply unfeasible. Except for ancient Rome, the European Continent had never been unified since.

Even the phenomenal Napoleon merely expanded his territory, then propped up pro-French governments instead of unifying the entire European Continent. Naturally, Nicholas I didn’t believe that Russia had the strength to unify the European Continent.

This was also the precondition for establishing the Russian-Austrian Alliance. If the Tsarist Government had aimed to unify the European Continent, then during the Hungarian revolution in history, the Russians would not have helped Austria suppress the rebels but would have taken the opportunity to kick Austria while it was down.

The Russians were indifferent since the two countries were allies. They could overlook Austria’s army expansion, but others could not.

The people who understand you the best are not necessarily your friends, but certainly include your enemies. Undoubtedly tragic, the Ottoman Empire was archenemies with both Russia and Austria.

Observing the reactions of the two neighbors, the Sultan Government was already on edge. Abdulmejid I would swear on ***’s name that these two neighbors definitely harbored ill intentions.

There was no alternative; anyone in his position would think the same, given they were centuries-old adversaries. Weren’t Russia and Austria traditional allies, and traditional enemies of theirs? What issues would arise from them joining forces against the Ottomans?

Never mind joining forces; even on a one-on-one dual, Abdulmejid I admitted he couldn’t withstand them.

Do not think that just because they have reformed, the Ottoman Empire is now a European power. The insiders know their own troubles, and the core issues of the Ottoman Empire have never been resolved.

On the surface, they too appeared to be a modernized nation, but in actuality, due to a multitude of internal conflicts, the strength of the Ottoman Empire was only superficial.

Of course, their two enemies were not very powerful in reality either. Both Russia and Austria displayed more strength externally than they truly possessed.

All were textbook cases of being outwardly strong but inwardly weak; however, Russia and Austria had suppressed their internal conflicts, making them somewhat stronger in that aspect than the Ottoman Empire.

Regrettably, even in terms of apparent strength, the Ottoman Empire was much weaker. Compared to most smaller European nations, they were a powerhouse, but against any major power, they were nothing but a “cup sitting on the coffee table.”

Anxiously, Abdulmejid I inquired, “What do England and France say?”

The Foreign Minister’s expression darkened. At such a distance, with no telegraph connection, how could he know what was happening thousands of miles away?

However, Abdulmejid I was not someone to be trifled with. Compared to other European countries, Ottoman ministers had the least sense of security; angering the Sultan could mean losing one’s head.

“Your Majesty, there has been no news yet. However, previously when we notified the British about the Russians making war preparations, the London Government responded that they would stand with us should a Russian-Ottoman war break out again,” said the Foreign Minister, seizing an opportune moment to speak.

These words eased Sultan Abdulmejid I’s anxious heart a little, yet his worries were far from over.

Even with British support, would they be able to withstand the onslaught? A one-against-two scenario wouldn’t have phased the Ottoman Empire at its zenith, but now they truly couldn’t handle it.

“How ready are we?” Abdulmejid I continued to ask.

The War Minister promptly responded, “Your Majesty, as of now, we have expanded the army to five hundred and thirty thousand, and we expect to grow it to eight hundred thousand within the next three months.

Should war break out, we can additionally mobilize three hundred thousand troops to handle sudden emergencies on any front.”

If they truly had so many regular troops, then during the Crimean War, the Ottoman Empire would not have been so hard-pressed by the Russians.

As a once mighty empire now in decline, corruption, embezzlement, drawing pay without service, trafficking in military supplies… the Ottoman Empire was afflicted with all such maladies.

Chapter 49: Strategic Deception

London

Since the start of the European arms race, the British Government had been paying close attention, keenly aware of the movements of other nations.

Foreign Minister Palmerston said in an unbroken stream, “Based on the intelligence we’ve collected, the Austrian Government’s armament expansion is likely aimed at the Ottoman Empire; our plan to divert trouble eastward has been successful.

However, a change has occurred, the Austrian Government might have made a compromise with the Russians. Provoking conflict between Russia and Austria won’t be possible in the short term.

But the more conflicts of interest arise, even the best relationships can shatter. From the moment Austria stepped onto the Balkan Peninsula, the collapse of the Russian-Austrian Alliance was destined…”

Prime Minister John Russell furrowed his brow in question, “Mr. Palmerston, I trust your judgment that the Russian-Austrian Alliance will break down sooner or later. It could be in three years, five years, but certainly not now.

Before their common enemy — the Ottoman Empire falls, both Russia and Austria can still cooperate closely.

The seeds of hatred were sown hundreds of years ago, neither the Russians nor the Austrians want the Ottoman Empire to stand.

Beyond hatred, there’s an even more tempting interest. The Russians have their eyes on the Black Sea Strait, while the Austrians covet the Danube Basin.

The Ottoman Empire is too weak, targeted by two robbers. Yet, we can’t allow them to fall now.

It doesn’t matter so much if the Austrians have designs on the Danube Basin, but once the Black Sea Strait falls into Russian hands, our loss would be significant.

I don’t believe that a Constantinople alone could satisfy the Tsarist Government’s appetite. Having suppressed their desires for so many years, their release now will surely be earth-shattering.

Once the Ottoman Empire collapses, the Austrians might at most annex half of the Balkan Peninsula, while the Russians would occupy the lands along the Black Sea Strait.

Then not only will our interests in the Ottoman Empire be at risk, even our stakes in the Mediterranean would be greatly affected, extending threats to South Africa and India due to the Russians.”

This is the crux of the problem; the British need the Ottoman Empire to bar the Russians. Nobody wants the Russians as neighbors, John Bull included.

If the Russians devour the Ottoman Empire and take control of this center stretching across Asia, Europe, and Africa, the situation will become utterly uncontrollable.

Palmerston, with a somber face, explained, “Prime Minister, the situation isn’t that bad yet. No European country wants to see the Russians grow stronger; this is our opportunity.

Whether Austria and Russia have reached an agreement and where their bottom lines lie remains uncertain.

However, one thing is sure, the Austrians equally don’t want the Russians to grow stronger. As old neighbors, they no doubt feel the threat from Russia more acutely.

Therefore, in the upcoming great war that is about to erupt, they will most likely take advantage but sit back and watch, letting the Ottomans get beaten. It’s not in their interest to see the Ottoman Empire crushed.

The Ottoman Empire is not weak; as long as they can clearly discern their primary and secondary enemies and focus on defending against the Russian onslaught, they should be able to hold on for quite some time with our support.

During this period, we could ally with France, Prussia, Spain, and other European nations to intervene in this war.”

This explanation was not entirely satisfying; judging from the current situation, the diplomatic policy previously adopted by the London Government had failed.

Luring Austria to the Balkan Peninsula was not wrong, but the irrational Russian bear seemed ready for a violent upset, didn’t it?

Look at the time the Russians had prepared for war, and it’s clear that this conflict is not going to be trifling. Together with Austria, looking to gain an advantage, the Ottoman Empire has an infinitesimally small chance of resisting without external intervention.

The British had long known that a Russo-Turkish war was imminent, and they weren’t the only ones; all European nations were mentally prepared for it.

The friendly matches between the Russians and the Ottomans had already taken place many times, with everyone familiar with the pattern; basically, once a generation had grown, a match would be held.

This kind of friendly match isn’t always a full-fledged decisive battle. Often, it’s just a localized war, where a trivial pretext could lead to combat, followed by a truce after sufficient fighting.

This could be discerned from their preparation times; in general, the more comprehensive the preparation, the more intense the war.

Since the latter half of 1849, the Russians had been preparing, and since there’s been no sign of them launching an attack, the scale of this war was imaginable.

Against such a backdrop, drawing Austria into the Balkan Peninsula naturally exacerbated the chaos. If there were Russian-Ottoman conflict, it’d be one thing, but if Russia and Austria joined forces, not even God could save the Ottoman Empire.

Of course, Palmerston was troubled; had he foreseen this situation, he would have refrained from meddling with the Kingdom of Sardinia and let Austria get mired in the Italian quagmire.

The current scenario would be much better then, with an Austria lacking the energy to expand abroad, surely leading the charge against Russian expansion.

This was an inevitable result; if Austria could not gain advantages, Franz would also oppose the Russians’ continued expansion of power.

Not because of jealousy, but because of national strategic needs. Everyone understands the principle that one’s gain is another’s loss; if the Russians became stronger, it naturally meant Austria’s relative decline.

After some thought, John Russell said, “The Foreign Office can start taking action now, in case Russia and Austria join forces against the Ottoman Empire, they won’t last long.”

At this time, the British were not prepared to plunge into combat shirtless. With their pocket-sized army, it wouldn’t take long before the war would consume them.

The key issue was that the French, the leading fighters, were not yet in place, and Napoleon III had not yet restored his position, while the parliament and president were still battling.

The severely factionalized French Government lacked influence internationally. Commitments made by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs were extremely difficult to fulfill.

Paris

The changing international situation was a disaster for many, but for Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte, it was an outright opportunity.

The British needed a stable French Government to be effective in the upcoming Russian-Turkish war and to curb the ambitions of the Russians.

At this juncture, what better choice did they have besides supporting him?

Surely they couldn’t support the Parliamentary faction; they were nowhere as efficient as a dictator.

The restoration plan had already been conceived within the Bonapartist faction; they only needed the right opportunity to launch it.

As for Austria’s current issue of expanding its army and preparing for war, like the British, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte also believed Austria was eyeing the Balkan Peninsula.

In order to induce strategic miscalculations by other countries, the Austrian Government didn’t just talk the talk without walking the walk.

Sending spies to the Balkan Peninsula who got caught by the Ottoman Empire was merely a trivial trick. Stationing troops at the border with the Ottoman Empire was just routine practice.

The Austrian public opinion was also stirring up old grudges against the Ottoman Empire. The military’s Balkan strategy was discussed every now and then.

If you didn’t know Austria was preparing to take revenge on the Ottomans, you certainly weren’t Austrian.

Various strategic materials were also continuously transported to Transylvania for storage, as if Austria was just waiting for an excuse to send troops to the Danube Basin.

To deceive others, one must first deceive oneself, a concept that Franz understood well; if his own people believed it, why wouldn’t the enemy?

Apart from the members of the Austrian Cabinet, only a few high-ranking military officers knew the Government’s true intention; the vast majority of Austrians believed their Government was about to go to war with the Ottoman Empire.

Many official media outlets were even analytically discussing how the Russo-Turkish war was about to erupt and that Austria just needed to pick up the spoils, without the need to pay a high price to occupy the Danube Basin.

All these actions naturally led both England and France to believe that Austria was about to make a move on the Balkan Peninsula.

Meanwhile, the westward expansion plan was completely obscured. The only noticeable move was the sudden acceleration of domestic railway construction.

Even the railways being built under Bavarian supervision saw an increase in social enthusiasts providing all sorts of conveniences.

Many people were even urging the Royal Bavarian Railway Company to speed up, not to delay their money-making opportunities.

Austria’s strategic deception plan not only fooled England and France but also confused the Prussians. Once it was determined that Austria’s target was the Balkan Peninsula, Frederick William IV could only look on with envy, jealousy, and hatred, then attend to his own affairs.

There was no way for them; if Russia and Austria moved against the Ottoman Empire, no matter how envious they were, they couldn’t possibly rush over to share in the spoils.

Geopolitics dictated that the Ottoman Empire’s interests had nothing to do with the Kingdom of Prussia. Given that, the Austrians were free to expand their military; since it didn’t concern their interests, the Kingdom of Prussia naturally didn’t need to follow suit.

Not only were several major powers deceived, but even the Swiss, who had been apprehensive for a long time, breathed a sigh of relief upon confirming that the Austrians were not targeting them. The fate of the Ottomans was none of their concern.

Under media promotion, the news that Russia and Austria were ready to seek revenge on the Ottoman Empire became common knowledge.

It was none of their concern, so they stayed aloof. The European public transformed into onlookers, simply waiting for the drama to unfold.

Chapter 50: Development

In the midst of chaos, the year 1850 quietly passed. What seemed like an ordinary year had a profound impact on Austria.

A massive influx of foreign capital poured into Austria, driving the development of the domestic economy, and factories sprouted up like bamboo shoots after rain.

The most direct impact of economic growth was the increase in government fiscal revenue. Despite the tax relief afforded to many industries, the government still gained a considerable amount of tax revenue from upstream and downstream segments.

In 1850, industrial and commercial tax revenue increased by eight percent compared to 1849, amounting to more than four million shields. Although this number did not seem large, Franz was very satisfied.

This was just the beginning. The end of the tax-exemption period would mark the explosive growth phase of tax revenue.

The benefits brought by the development of industry and commerce were, of course, not limited to this. The accompanying industrial chain of enterprises also developed as a consequence.

This was reflected in the industries of raw material production, product sales, transportation, and entertainment, and was evident in the finances.

In 1850, Austria’s economy grew by 18.7 percent, and the government’s fiscal tax revenue increased by 9.4 percent.

This figure was not high. Any country that opened its markets would experience rapid economic growth, with some even seeing surges of thirty to forty percent.

However, in Europe at that time, the growth rate of Austria’s economy was unparalleled.

Without a doubt, the dividends of economic growth were directly invested in the military, and were not able to be reinvested in reproduction.

Of course, Franz did not dare to invest them in reproduction either. Had it not been for the restrictions of communication and transportation in that era, the domestic economy of Austria would have grown even faster.

Fast economic growth is not necessarily a good thing. For a country, continuous development is most important. Rapid economic expansion in the short term without market adaptation inevitably leads to overcapacity.

Overcapacity means a large amount of goods remain unsold, left to rot in warehouses. Large companies with deep pockets can cut capacity and restructure, while weaker ones have no choice but to go bankrupt.

When enterprises go bankrupt, unemployment rises, market purchasing power continues to decline, and this feedback cycle forces capitalists to further reduce capacity and lay off staff, starting a vicious cycle that leads to an economic crisis.

In some ways, this arms race even prolonged the period of rapid economic growth in Austria. The military itself was a consumer group, and increasing the military was equivalent to expanding the consumer market.

Railroads were the fastest-growing industry in Austria. Since the work commenced in 1849, by now, hundreds of sections had started construction.

The railroad mileage increased by 265 kilometers per year, but do not be mistaken, these were not only recently constructed, but also those railroads that had started years earlier and just happened to be completed in 1850.

Railroads begun in 1849 could hardly show even a hint of progress; this differed from highways, where construction could happen segment by segment, but railroads could not operate trains until an entire section was completed.

However, by 1852, it was estimated that some sections in the plains could become operational. Whether they would be put into operation ahead of schedule was something only the railroad companies would know.

The Austrian Government would not inquire into such minor issues. These private railroads operated at their own profit or loss, independently of the government.

To encourage the construction of railroads, the Austrian Government even announced a tax exemption policy. From the project’s commencement, railroads would be free from operational taxes for the next ten years.

If you want to make money, get the roads built and operational ahead of time. Any delay in the construction period is essentially cutting into your own profits.

Taking advantage of the railroad boom, the Austrian Government bundled a large number of railroad lines and handed them over to private companies. Even the costs of demolition could be covered by the government, provided that construction began within a year of obtaining the rights and the lines had to be operational within ten years.

As Franz knew, to date, the Austrian Government had managed to sell railroad lines with a total mileage exceeding forty thousand kilometers through a mix of persuasion and deception.

Heaven only knows how many unfinished projects will remain, but in any case, the government will not lose out. Even if someone else takes over an unfinished project later, it will still be cheaper than starting from scratch, right?

Railroad companies were aware of these issues, but the heated market could blind people, and Austria’s economic growth had cheated many.

With the prompting of financial consortia, the ambitions of investors were further inflated. Many speculators thought of selling their stocks at the peak and making a huge profit.

To inflate stock prices, it was necessary to produce a flattering report. A railroad company with only a few hundred kilometers of rail couldn’t attract much attention, no matter how much it boasted.

However, if a company possessed several thousand or even tens of thousands of kilometers of railroads, there wouldn’t be a need for boasting; people would imagine a growth blueprint for you.

Earning money through railroads was one aspect. Controlling the rail networks in certain regions could also lead to the elimination of competitors in other industries, conceptually creating a business empire.

In the hottest years for European railroads, it was possible to see four or five different companies operating competing railroads between two cities.

The Austrian Government still had some integrity. At least it didn’t authorize different companies to run the same sections, which many saw as an opportunity.

Is there any business more profitable than “monopoly” in the world? Even the railroads of low economic value could reap huge profits once a market monopoly was formed.

Franz would not admit that he had cheated the capitalists into investing in railroads by exploiting this mentality. He didn’t mind monopolistic businesses as long as they avoided the waste brought by market competition and did not affect the development of the domestic economy.

If high freight costs impacted domestic economic development, those who made the rules could also change them, such as the Price Bureau, railways state-owned…

These discordant topics were absolutely not something the Austrian Government would tell investors, otherwise how would the UK consortium have been cheated into coming?

Americans had done it, and Franz didn’t mind emulating them once. It didn’t matter, first cheat them into building the railway, and when the railway was no longer of any value, then it was time to consider turning hostile.

In Franz’s view, the policy in his previous life in Hong Kong that limited the maximum profit on public infrastructure projects to fifteen percent was a good one.

If the Austrian Government copied it, the people would surely support it greatly, right? As for the railway companies, a fifteen percent profit could still keep them quite comfortable.

When the investors would be able to recoup their construction costs was unknown. Anyway, the investors at the forefront had made their earnings, and the suckers who came after were always the unlucky ones.

The development of railways naturally stimulated the steel industry, with each steel company rapidly expanding its capacity, ready to grab a share of the upcoming feast.

To effectively integrate resources and enhance competitiveness, in March 1850, the Austrian Department of Industry ordered the merger of seven state-owned steel companies into the Austrian Steel Group.

The first colossal steel enterprise of the Austrian Empire, with an annual production of 12,000 tons of crude steel and 184,000 tons of iron, was born. With a little artistic license, it was branded as producing 200,000 tons of steel per year, and thus the world’s number one steel group was purportedly established.

Whether this was truly the world’s leading steel group remained to be verified, but being the top steel enterprise in Austria was an indisputable fact—with half the Empire’s steel capacity lying within this group.

In this era, countries producing over 100,000 tons of steel in the entire world were single-digit, with only the British exceeding one million tons.

If everyone hadn’t been at this level, the Austrian media wouldn’t dare to boast so big, all in all, journalists of this age still had some integrity.

After the merger, these steel plants began to divide labor, utilizing the geographical advantages of each location to fully integrate their production capabilities.

Simply put, all ore suitable for making steel would be used for that purpose, and those fit for iron production would go towards making iron; the mixed production model would be no more.

The core strategy was to pool the core technologies from each of the enterprises, combining strengths for industrial production. At the same time, a smelting technology research and development department was established to push for technological innovation.

According to the plan, by 1851, the production capacity of the Austrian Steel Group would increase to 240,000 tons, in 1852 it was to climb to 320,000 tons, and by 1853 it would exceed 450,000 tons…

These plans weren’t haphazard; they were completely based on market needs. How else to snatch orders if not by expanding capacity?

The construction of Austria’s railway network was a juicy chunk of meat, and related companies all wanted a bite.

Based on the calculation that one meter of railway utilizes 60 kilograms of steel, a kilometer would consume 60,000 kilograms of steel—meaning Austria’s railway network plan alone would require more than two million tons of steel.

With such an opportunity, it would be nonsensical for steel companies not to increase capacity.

To support the steel industry, the Austrian Government had decided that for the next five years, it would not extract profits from this newly formed group and had also invested one million shields for technological innovation.

Not just steel companies, many related industries were frantically expanding capacity, and Franz was also making a fortune in silence.

One shouldn’t overlook the seemingly insignificant materials like sand and stone—in reality, those with engineering experience know such minor things can be quite profitable.

It was estimated that every kilometer of railway would require tens of thousands of tons of sand and gravel aggregate just for pouring concrete, let alone the huge amount of stone needed for the thick layer of crushed stone on top.

When there is a large volume of any product, profits go up. These seemingly minor things actually weren’t any less profitable than producing steel rails.

It’s just that, most of the time, the profits were distributed among countless smallholders, making it look trivial. Franz was merely using his foreknowledge for early layout and monopolistic operations.

Of course, he wouldn’t admit to monopolistic practices. If you don’t believe it, you can check the contracts between the railway company and the Austria Mining Group, which could prove that monopolistic operations do exist.

Those in the know wouldn’t speak out, and the media would certainly not report it.

The public explanation was that the Austria Mining Group was merely an agent; these mines were shared among dozens of companies. To avoid vicious competition, they joined forces to negotiate with the railway company as a group.

That’s right, the truth was exactly that. In order to prevent the railway company from driving down prices, they had united. Didn’t the final trading price differ only slightly from the market price?

If it had been a monopoly, prices would have surely increased. Since there was no significant price hike, it was not a monopoly.

What it’s like to earn money while lying down—Franz finally experienced this in 1850. From this unremarkable little business alone, he earned an annual profit of one million and twenty-three thousand Shields.

And this was just the beginning. As the railway construction progressed, for a long time to come, he could continue to earn money while lying down.

The only regret was once the railway construction was completed, these remote sand and stone mines would lose their market, and to make a large fortune again, one would have to wait for the construction of the road network. From the current situation, there’d be no such opportunity for the next thirty to forty years.

Chapter 51: Money Makes Things Easier

Salzburg, inside a hotel. Motriche, an executive of the Austrian Federal Railway Company, was holding a mobilization meeting for the technical staff.

“Listen up, everyone. The board has made a decision. Within the next year, we must connect the railway to Adening.”

Those who worked on the construction site were seldom genteel folks, and Motriche didn’t beat around the bush; he stated the task straightforwardly.

He was responsible for administrative management, not from a technical background. After spending more than a year in this project group, he knew the progress of the engineering work inside out.

The current progress requirements from headquarters were likely difficult to meet. However, as a qualified manager, he knew not to shy away from difficulties.

The board had made a decision, no matter how immense the difficulties, he must attempt to complete the task. It was a matter of attitude.

If he didn’t take any practical action and only complained to the higher-ups about difficulties or impossibilities, then where would his value lie?

Private enterprises are very pragmatic. Without value, he could pack his bags. On this issue, his clout was even less than that of the technicians below him.

In this era, technical personnel were treasures. Irreplaceable talents no matter what project they were placed in, whereas administrative managers were a dime a dozen within the railway company.

Chief Engineer Salvador of the Project bluntly said, “Mr. Motriche, with our current construction progress, completing this task within two years would already be commendable. This was the originally planned schedule, and completing it ahead of time is simply impossible!”

In this section of the railway construction, Motriche was nominally responsible for overall management, but technical decisions were dictated by Salvador.

Motriche couldn’t really interfere with Salvador, or rather, he dared not interfere rashly. He was smart enough to know that ignorance could easily lead to problems.

Now, with the sudden increase in construction tasks, it was normal for the technical manager to be opposed. However, Motriche was not unprepared, he explained with a smile:

“Mr. Salvador, there is always a way to fix problems; just say what we’re lacking, and I’ll coordinate with the head office. However, we must complete the work on schedule.

In the coming days, everyone will have to work a little harder and sacrifice some rest days. Rest assured that the company will not let you suffer.

I guarantee everyone here that, as long as we finish the task ahead of schedule, the bonuses you receive will definitely not be lower than your current wages.

No, just completing the task on schedule will suffice. I will go to the head office and apply on your behalf. If it falls below this number, I will pay out of my own pocket to make up the difference!”

Motriche’s performance was successful. Many problems in this world can be solved with money, and naturally, accelerating construction progress was no exception.

To complete a two-year construction task within one year, by giving two years’ worth of wages was reasonable. Everyone was doing the same amount of work, and the labor budget of the railway company was not increased. Motriche was fully confident he could get the money.

Increased pay could pacify most of the technical staff, but Salvador still shook his head.

“Mr. Motriche, no one doubts your integrity, but the problem now is that the time is too short. We have already started construction from both ends towards the middle.

To increase the progress further, we would have to divide the current section into two and create another division from the middle. This would require not only additional labor but also more machinery and equipment. Our technical staff is already insufficient, and the difficulty of management will greatly increase.”

After some thought, Motriche said, “These problems can be overcome. I presume you’re all aware that, to accelerate the construction of the railroads, the national government has already introduced laws stating there will be no taxation on railway operation from the time the project is established for ten years.

We started construction in 1849, and it’s projected to be completed throughout by 1854, which means we’ll have only five years of tax-free operation.

The Austrian Federal Railway Company is a publicly-traded enterprise, and the head office must consider the opinions of the shareholders; everyone hopes the railway can be put into operation sooner.

If we can complete the construction of the railway foundation for section five by 1851, then by 1852 we can lay the tracks and install the related equipment, and by 1853 we can start trial operations.

Being able to start operations a year in advance will inevitably bring a substantial profit to the company, and everyone will receive a generous reward.”

“Profit” is just one aspect; more importantly, the Austrian Government has demanded that the railway company speed up the construction of the mainline, under the rationale that Austria is preparing for war with the Ottoman Empire and intends to use the railways for logistics transportation.

For this reason, nobody could refuse. Moreover, the government did not fail to provide compensation; the ten years of tax exemption came just for that purpose.

As for why the railway connecting to the Kingdom of Bavaria must also speed up construction when preparing for war with the Ottoman Empire was not the focus.

The focus was that His Majesty Franz himself had spoken. If he decreed an acceleration in the construction of the national mainline, then it had to be the entire mainline.

Could one possibly negotiate terms with His Majesty, the Emperor, busy with the affairs of state, over this matter?

In the end, after deliberation, the railway company management decided to concentrate efforts on accelerating the construction of the mainline, putting on hold the preparation for starting branches of the line.

In this day and age, railway technicians were in high demand. To retain talent, the Austrian Federal Railway Company even offered some stock options as bonuses to these technical staff.

While the amount that reached each person was not substantial, the effect was significant. With their own share in the enterprise, who wouldn’t want the railway to commence operations ahead of schedule?

Salvador thought for a moment and said, “I have no objections to the company’s decision, but Mr. Motriche, you’ll have to resolve these issues for me.

Also, the casualty rate during our construction process is too high. It would be best if you could restrain those managers from going too far.”

The so-called managers are, of course, the railway company’s hired muscle. Now, this batch of free laborers, are truly ‘prison labor.’ While costing less, they are not so convenient to manage.

Each of them wants to slack off, resorting to sloppy work whenever they’re not being watched, and even attempts to escape occur from time to time. If it weren’t for the military oversight, there might even be riots.

Although the army sends people to keep watch, they do not help with the management. To speed up construction, the railroad company’s managers naturally resort to whips and clubs.

This was distasteful to Salvador, whose morals had not completely deteriorated. Of course, he was no saint; he merely mentioned it casually, harboring a deep loathing for such rebel elements.

Motriche said cheerfully, “No problem, I will immediately report the issue of insufficient labor. There are still some in the equipment company’s warehouse; we can simply send someone to collect them.

As for the shortage of technical personnel, I will report it to the head office. However, Mr. Salvador, there is a shortage of technical staff everywhere, and the headquarters is already poaching people all over Europe. Don’t set your expectations too high.”

Indeed, the Austrian railway construction teams also included technical staff from various European countries. For strategic security reasons, these individuals could not be the main designers.

This was a requirement of His Majesty Franz, mainly because the British, when exporting railway standards abroad, snuck in many of their own elements, which resulted in many countries being swindled.

Now, all Austrian railway companies adopt the same practice. When short on technical staff, let the engineers take apprentices to fill in.

Since the construction followed designs, just a year and a half on the site was enough for learning to take on simple technical tasks. Experienced engineers giving daily guidance, assigning tasks, and then conducting inspections and acceptances was sufficient.

By the time a section of the railway was completed, these apprentices were nearly ready to graduate. In this era, most railway engineers came to be in this manner; those who graduated from schools were actually a minority.

Watching his upbeat subordinates, Salvador nodded with a wry smile. With new construction lines opening up, his task as chief engineer had become even heavier.

In this era, horseback riding was the mode of transport, and those who could not ride simply couldn’t manage in this field. Having to travel hundreds of kilometers every few days, such days were not easy.

In contrast, his subordinates, the technical personnel, had it easier, following the main force around without needing to run back and forth every couple of days.

This was the downside of having an insufficient number of engineers. If all the work were left to those below him, he wouldn’t have peace of mind. Salvador had to personally take charge whenever there were technical challenges.

Since the early 19th century, the construction of railways in Europe had just begun. By the year 1850, the total length of operational railways on the European Continent wouldn’t exceed fifteen thousand kilometers.

With such a background, when the construction boom in Austrian railways began, a fierce competition for talents erupted among the major railway companies.

For Salvador, it was a time of both pain and happiness. A heavy workload also meant high remuneration.

For instance, while serving as the chief engineer, he also took on the main technical guidance of two construction ends, which meant earning double salaries.

Now, with two more construction sites added, if the company didn’t send someone to share the burden, it would also mean two additional salaries for him, totaling five salaries in all.

If the remuneration wasn’t so attractive, he would have dropped the job long ago. How could he possibly accept such a day-and-night duty?

Such good days were not common. With the bonus promised by Motriche, once the task was completed, Salvador would have earned ten years’ worth of salary within a year.

Engineers like Salvador were, after all, a minority, and the railway companies would not always fail to send engineers to assist. After all, a person’s energy is limited; they could barely manage during the early phase, but as construction progressed to later stages, they were simply too busy.

However, it’s not uncommon for one person to take on the work tasks of two or three others in railway construction.

The capitalists are not philanthropists; they couldn’t always be so generous. Now, being irreplaceable meant excellent treatment, but once replaceable, their good days would end.

Salvador was very clear; once the railway construction was complete, they would have to be prepared to leave.

When the railway company was in operation, it did not need so many experienced engineers. The capitalists would naturally choose cheaper general technical personnel to be responsible for the subsequent maintenance of the railway.

Even when the number of engineers became greater than the demand, they might do the work of two people but, in the end, would only get one person’s salary.

The supply and demand in the market determine the price of the goods. The same applies to the human resources market. Capitalists offer high salaries when there’s a shortage of personnel, and naturally, they seek to recoup their expenses when there’s no shortage.

All in all, they were lucky to catch a good time to make a fortune. Once this opportunity passed, there would be no more such shops.

How long these good times would last, Salvador was not sure. If possible, he hoped they would last a bit longer.

He even entertained the thought of seeking a position in the Railway Department, not as well-paid but winning in stability and respectability.

As night fell, Salvador lay in his bed, lit a cigarette, and inhaled deeply, unable to fall asleep for a long time.

Chapter 52: Monopoly System on Tobacco and Alcohol

After entering 1851, the situation in the Near East became increasingly tense. Russia and Austria eyed the Ottoman Empire with covetous gazes, and the Sultan Government invited England and France to mediate the conflict.

Regardless of the price the Ottoman Empire paid, the issue now was that the French government was busy with internal struggles, and the British alone were simply not enough to intimidate Russia and Austria.

In the eyes of the British, the core of this Near East crisis lay with the Russians; as long as they didn’t cause trouble, persuading Austria would be easy.

Under this judgement, negotiations between England and Russia began. Undoubtedly, the British didn’t believe that the issues could be resolved at the negotiating table, and the main purpose of initiating these negotiations was to buy time.

The London Government and Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte had already teamed up, and to deal with the increasingly severe Near East crisis, the British decided to support Napoleon III’s rise to power.

The British wanted to buy time, and the Russians were also unprepared, so the negotiations began under these circumstances.

Vienna

The Austrian Government was discussing the English-Russian negotiations, which affected Austria’s next strategic move. If the British managed to cheat Russia, Austria’s western strategy would fall through.

Metternich analyzed, “The contradictions between England and Russia have a long history, and the conflicts of interest between the two are very severe. From the Near East to the Far East, everywhere is a focal point of their contradictions.

Unless one side can make significant concessions, the conflict between the two countries is inevitable.

The current Near East crisis is mainly caused by Russia’s core strategy. Having prepared for so long, asking them to stand down now would be as difficult as ascending to heaven.”

After the decline of the Ottoman Empire, a voice emerged within Russia advocating for the swallowing of this old empire and inheriting all its legacies.

Because their ambition was too great, Russia’s plans were naturally resisted by other countries. Although they failed to swallow the empire, in the recent Russo-Turkish wars, the Russians still reaped considerable benefits.

Perhaps feeling that swallowing the Ottoman Empire in one gulp was too difficult, the Russians set two smaller goals to complete this plan step by step.

The first step, control the Black Sea, advance south to the Balkans, and occupy the Two Straits;

The second step, firmly grasp the protection rights of Orthodox Christians within the Ottoman Empire, and then gradually erode the Ottoman Empire.

The core of the first step in the strategic plan was to occupy the Two Straits. Only by controlling this Golden Waterway could the Russian Empire ensure its strategic security and not worry about being blockaded by the Ottoman Empire.

This was also the first step for the Russians towards the sea, a core element in their maritime strategy.

However, this most critical step was cut off by the British in 1841 with the signing of the London Strait Treaty.

The Russians saw the fruits of their half-century struggle go down the drain, and the Tsarist Government refused to let go of the protection rights of the Orthodox Christians. The spark that ignited the historical Crimean War was religious conflict.

Now with the Russian-Austrian alliance, the European diplomatic situation, which had collectively suppressed Russia, had changed; the French were out of action, and if the Russians didn’t seize the opportunity to occupy the Two Straits region, they would never have another chance.

The Holy Land crisis provided the Russians with a sufficient excuse for war. The reason they had not yet launched was that they were preparing for war.

Was the Ottoman Government unaware of these issues? Obviously, that’s impossible. As an old enemy, the Ottoman Government had never let down its guard against the Russians.

The problem is, even if they are fully aware, aside from being forced into reactive combat, they can only hope for international mediation.

Going on the offensive was out of the question; the Russians were not ready for war, and neither was the Ottoman Empire.

Nominally, they had no shortage of troops, and they seemed strong and well-equipped. But the people within knew the real situation; the ostensibly strong Ottoman Army was actually just a facade.

Whether against the Russians or fighting Austria, they were timid. This couldn’t simply be swept away by calling the government corrupt and incompetent. The gap in national strength isn’t something that can be bridged overnight.

Prime Minister Felix thought for a moment and said, “It’s inevitable that the Russians will make a move; what we’re uncertain about is whether they’ll do it in the second half of this year or wait until 1852.

Not only is the timing of the outbreak of the war uncertain, but the duration of this inevitably large-scale war is also an unknown factor.

Most concerning is whether England and France will join the war and, even if they do, how much effort they will put in.

Before these issues are clarified, any action we take is risky. Now, we must find ways to keep the risk within a manageable range.”

This is the difference between great powers and small ones. Small countries don’t need to consider the aftermath when devising strategies; if they win, all’s well, if they lose, it’s over.

Austria is different. As long as they don’t act recklessly, they can come back from a failure and have another go, so advance risk management is essential.

Marshal Radetzky shook his head and said, “If we want to control the risk, then after the Russo-Turkish war breaks out, we can only wait for the war to escalate. Before the French send troops, we cannot make a move.

What if the French don’t join the war? Are we going to give up on this plan?”

Prime Minister Felix affirmed, “This will depend on the determination of the British. As long as they are willing, there will surely be a way to drag the French into action.”

This conclusion was the same as that reached by Franz, who would say that Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte came to power with the help of the British?

Historically, he himself had a severe phobia of the British and often echoed their sentiments. During his rule, it was rare to see the French government stand firm against the British.

After pondering, Franz said, “The key to the success of this strategy lies in secrecy, launching surprise attacks on various nations to create a fait accompli and force England and France to acknowledge it.

As long as the plan remains undisclosed, the initiative is in our hands. When to act and whether to act at all will be entirely our own decision.

Whether England and France will participate in the war after the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish War is beyond our control, but the Ottomans are likely more anxious.

Coaxing England and France into the war is their only option to escape the crisis. If necessary, we can let the Ottoman Empire know that our goal is solely the Danube Basin.”

Deceiving the Ottomans posed no moral dilemma for Franz. If he told them that the Austrian Government had no interest in them this time, he guessed that, no matter how eloquent the Sultan Government, they would not dare believe it.

Better to leak false information that the Ottomans would take as true. Compared to the Russians who wanted to swallow them whole, the appetite of the Austrians was undoubtedly much smaller.

Having distinguished between the main and secondary enemies, the Ottoman Government would not have many choices. A bite from Austria was but a minor irritation, but a bite from Russia would leave them crippled if not dead.

Finance Minister Karl proposed, “Your Majesty, to cope with the upcoming war, the Ministry of Finance suggests implementing a monopoly system on tobacco and alcohol to raise more funds for the war.”

Austria did have a war fund that was sufficient to unify the South German Region, but it might not suffice once foreign intervention was at play.

The Austrian Empire was too large and too established to take risks. Franz, who also disliked risks, would not foolishly start a war with just a few months’ worth of funds.

Thus, from the beginning, the strategic plan accounted for intervention by major powers, with the worst case scenario being war with England, France, and Prussia simultaneously.

Of course, this was predicated on a joint effort with Russia. Franz was not rash enough to take them on alone, nor did the Austrian Government have such confidence.

In war, the side with more soldiers always has some advantages, especially when facing the possibility of waging a two-front or even a three-front war.

The more troops there are, the greater the military spending. Hence, it was vital to raise as much war money as possible.

The most direct method would be to levy war taxes. Franz, a man of principle, would not resort to this unless the war had already begun.

“How much revenue can we gain after implementing the monopoly system on tobacco and alcohol?” Franz inquired, interested.

After some thought, Karl answered, “Considering the current state of our domestic economy, implementing the monopoly system on tobacco and alcohol can increase our income by at least 35 million shields annually.”

On top of the existing tax revenue, an additional 35 million shields in income reflected the substantial profits from tobacco and alcohol.

“Prime Minister, what do you think?” Franz asked.

The amount of 35 million shields was enough to sway Franz, who had internally agreed to the plan. Now, by asking for the Prime Minister’s opinion, he was seeking the Cabinet’s commitment to implement this plan.

Prime Minister Felix replied without hesitation, “Your Majesty, special circumstances require special treatment. The government will work on persuading the capitalists, and I am sure they will understand.”

Clearly, everyone’s threshold was so high that they did not mind sacrificing certain interests for an increase of 35 million shields in financial revenue.

Whether the adversely affected capitalists could see reason was no longer important, as they did not wield political influence.

Historically, the Austrian Government instituted monopolies on salt and tobacco. However, the conscientious Franz had already included salt and grain as essential items in previous welfare legislation.

To ensure the populace had enough to eat and were not driven to rebellion, the government tightly controlled the prices of these essentials.

Unable to increase prices, incorporating salt into a monopoly would not add much to the income, so naturally, the Ministry of Finance turned to the more profitable alcohol.

Neither of these products was a necessity, so their higher prices mattered little. Consuming less tobacco and alcohol could even benefit one’s health.

This was Franz’s true thinking, although he himself smoked and drank. Nevertheless, this did not prevent him from guiding the citizens towards healthier habits.

After thinking, Franz said, “If that’s the case, then the government should legislate and implement the monopoly on tobacco and alcohol as soon as possible.”

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Prime Minister Felix answered.

Chapter 53: Entry to France

On March 21, 1851, the Tsarist Government appointed Duke Alexander Menshikov as a special envoy, sent to Constantinople to negotiate with the Ottoman Government.

Upon hearing this news, the diplomatic world was in an uproar. Duke Alexander Menshikov had once served as the Governor-General of Finland, commanded wars against the Persia and Ottomans, and had been the Commander of the Black Sea Fleet as well as the Minister of the Navy.

As a core figure in the ruling group of the Tsarist Government, Duke Alexander Menshikov’s role as a negotiating envoy was enough to demonstrate the Russians’ seriousness.

This attention seemed to send a signal to the outside world that Russia wanted to resolve the issue through negotiations.

However, considering that Duke Menshikov was a member of the War Party and had also commanded the last Russian-Ottoman war, it seemed that this was also a show of force to the Ottomans.

Before heading to Constantinople, Duke Menshikov first went to Serbia to inspect the troops stationed there, and then to Sevastopol to inspect the Black Sea Fleet.

Russia even conducted a landing exercise targeting Constantinople itself. After the exercise was completed, on March 12, Duke Menshikov finally boarded the warship Thor and set off for Constantinople.

Menshikov was not a qualified diplomat; he himself despised diplomacy and etiquette and as a staunch member of the War Party, he opposed any concession to the Ottoman Empire.

Franz was not optimistic about the negotiations in Constantinople; how could the Ottoman Empire possibly compromise with the Russians, who had such a vast appetite?

While the Russians were negotiating with the Ottoman Government, Austria’s Foreign Ministry was also busy, engaging in its own diplomatic talks with the Ottoman Empire, except Franz paid little attention to them and directly authorized the Envoy to Constantinople, Mr. Metternich, to take charge.

Belvedere Palace

It was a fine and sunny afternoon, and Franz was fishing. It seemed that luck was not on his side today, as the fish simply weren’t biting.

In contrast, his father, Archduke Carl, had already caught three, with the largest weighing three pounds. Unless something unexpected occurred, this unlucky fish would probably appear on the dinner table tonight.

The crisp voice of the maid rang out, “Your Majesty, Mr. Metternich requests an audience.”

“Take him to the pavilion, I’ll be right there,” Franz said indifferently.

Having said that, Franz put down his fishing rod and said to his father and brothers not too far away, “You guys carry on, I have to go to work.”

Archduke Carl blurted out without thinking, “Go ahead, you poor child, may God bless you with good luck!”

Franz was immediately at a loss for words; he had wanted to say “eat the food of misfortune.” However, realizing there was no such proverb in Austria and that it would not be understood even if he said it, he decided to let it go.

Good upbringing led him to filter out his father’s words, but he glared fiercely at his brothers who were chuckling at the spectacle.

Perhaps remembering days dominated by dreadful homework, the young lads wisely toned down their laughter, much to Franz’s satisfaction as he departed.

He might not be able to do anything about Archduke Carl, but could he not handle a few mischievous lads? Guided by the principle that shared joy is double joy, Franz had replicated the painful experiences he had gone through onto his brothers.

There wasn’t much to it, just a person being watched by over thirty tutors, with endless classes and homework.

Franz was a good elder brother, though, and took care of the educational expenses himself. The European nobility values education for their children highly, and there was no one to plead their case on this matter.

Consequently, the three youngsters turned into well-behaved children. They were not academic overachievers, but for the sake of the idyllic life under the blue sky and white clouds, they promptly surrendered to their wicked elder brother.

Otherwise, without this surrender, they’d still be toiling over books, with no chance of nurturing their nobility through leisure such as fishing.

Perhaps in Archduke Carl’s eyes, Franz was indeed an unfortunate fellow. What’s so great about being an Emperor? Endless official duties every day, and even vacation time is not exempt from issues cropping up.

Regarding his father’s opinion, Franz never expressed any. If he had the slightest ambition, he would be the one sitting on the throne right now.

In Archduke Carl’s view, it was better to enjoy leisure rather than labor as the Emperor.

Under such notions, Archduke Carl often looked at Franz with pity.

Regarding this, Franz was helpless. He couldn’t exactly say, “Without my efforts, you, a grain borer of Habsburg Family, would soon have no more grain to bore into.”

“Your Majesty, news has just arrived. The French have intervened in Jerusalem, and the Catholic Church hopes to have our support,” Metternich reported.

This news made Franz merely sigh at the strength of historical revisionism. But upon further analysis, it was an inevitable outcome.

Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte, aspiring to restore the monarchy, needed to gain public support. The current crisis in the Holy Land seemed like trouble to others, but to him, it was an opportunity.

It would not only increase France’s foreign influence but also secure the support of Catholics. How could he refuse such a beneficial double gain?

As for the consequences, it simply meant offending the Russians and Ottomans. Others may fear the Russian bear, but he did not. After all, with the German Federation in the way, the Russians couldn’t get through, so what was there to fear?

The position of the Ottomans could be ignored; the current Ottomans were no longer what they once were, any European Power could step on them at will.

After some thought, Franz said, “So it seems the French have already entered the fray. It looks like the Russians are in trouble; this Russian-Ottoman war might not be easy to fight.

But this has nothing to do with us. Since the French have already made their move in Jerusalem, and given their substantial strength, I believe they do not need our help. We can just offer them our verbal support.”

Help? The French government would never allow Austria to intervene. This is the time for Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte to gain prestige, so how could he let Austria join in and dilute his “merits”?

Metternich furrowed his brow and said, “Your Majesty, the situation is not that simple. It’s not just the Russians who are troublesome, we have our own problems too.”

Franz was slightly startled; he hadn’t seen how this was related to Austria.

Metternich explained, “Your Majesty, the involvement of the French in this conflict means that Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte is ready to seize power, and it won’t be long before we hear of his restoration.

By that time, a pro-English French government will emerge. Internationally, Britain and France will cooperate even more closely.

The world would then see a bipolar structure, the Russian-Austrian Alliance and the British and French Alliance. As the Russo-Turkish War breaks out, the contradictions between the two major alliances will deepen, and might even lead to war.

Britain and Russia have geographical advantages, so the likelihood of a full-scale war between the two countries is low, at most there would be localized conflicts.

However, it is different for us and the French. Under the contradictions between the two major alliances, Austria and France are very likely to go to war directly.”

Franz was stunned, Metternich’s analysis made him wonder who exactly was the transmigrator.

He had considered the possibility of a war between Austria and France as well, though he had always thought it would be over the issue in Italy. Now it seemed that the contradictions between the two alliances were the real fuse for future Austro-French conflicts.

Against this backdrop, Austria only had two paths to choose from. Either join hands with the Russians and deal a heavy blow to the French in the upcoming war. Without this fighter, the British would also become timid.

Or do nothing and wait for the Prussia-France conflict to escalate. The French have been coveting the Rhineland region for a long time, and as industrialization progresses, the Prussian Government has been placing more and more value on this land, with almost no chance of concession.

The Rhineland region’s contribution to the strength of German industry in later years is immense, and its mineral resources are indispensable and irreplaceable to the Kingdom of Prussia.

As for the possibility of compromise between the two countries? Franz could answer clearly—impossible, regardless of Bismarck’s multiple promises in history to cede the Rhineland region to the French.

In the end, the Prussian Government would rather risk military adventure and battle with the French than actually give up the region.

This region is the future of the Kingdom of Prussia. Since the beginning of industrialization, the Prussian Government has realized its importance. If the Kingdom of Prussia gave up this area, then the Ruhr Industrial District would be at risk.

Franz frowned and said, “It seems like there’s nothing we can do right now. The French getting involved in the Russo-Turkish War is very beneficial for our prepared strategy to advance west.

Once the westward strategy is complete, having integrated the South German Region, the balance of power between Austria and France would change. Even if a war occurs in the future, our chances of victory are great.”

It was not Franz’s confidence speaking, but the fact. An Austria that had integrated the South German Region would see an increase in strength that was certainly not just a trivial amount.

In this era, many people overestimated France due to the psychological shadow left by Napoleon sweeping the European continent, overlooking the fact that today’s France was no longer the France of that time.

Whether in terms of overall national strength or military combat capability, they were no longer the world-trembling superpower of the past.

Metternich had a fear of France. Whenever there was talk of a war breaking out with the French, he took a pessimistic view, as if Napoleon had returned.

This was a problem Franz could not help with. Metternich was a politician who had lived through that era, personally participating in the anti-French wars, and Napoleon had left him with a psychological shadow, which was simply unsolvable.

Fortunately, the performance of the Austrian army back then wasn’t too bad; there was back-and-forth fighting without getting swept away by the French in one go, and the generals who had lived through those times weren’t intimidated.

The military hardliners, led by Marshal Radetzky, were utterly unresigned to their past defeats and were looking for an opportunity to settle the score.

If the military hadn’t been strong, Franz would have actually been timid himself. Who would have known that the performance of the Austro-Hungarian army in later years would leave him with the impression of worthlessness?

Franz, who had personally understood the Austrian army, was very clear that the Austrian Empire was definitely not equivalent to the Austro-Hungarian Empire; whether in terms of morale or soldier training, they were much stronger than during the Austro-Hungarian period.

Metternich shook his head and said, “Your Majesty, an internally divided France is indeed negligible. But once Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte is restored, the infighting within the French government will be suppressed.

At that time, we must consider the scenario of Prussia and France joining forces. As long as we exert enough pressure on them, the two countries might well reach a compromise.”

Franz was taken aback. If Austria annexed the South German Region, there would be a dramatic change in strength.

Then both Prussia and France would feel threatened and, to eliminate this threat, as long as one side made concessions, it seemed not impossible for them to join forces and deal a hard blow to Austria.

Then Franz shook his head again, thinking it was too early to worry about that problem. The French were very proud, and it was nearly impossible to expect them to make concessions to the Kingdom of Prussia before experiencing defeat.

It was certain that even if France won against Austria, the French would not allow Prussia to unify the Germany Region. So would the Prussian Government take the risk for this?

If it were a single duel between France and Austria or Prussia and Austria, the Russians might sit back and watch, using their power to weaken Austria; but if Prussia and France joined forces, as long as the Russians did not want to be isolated, sending troops would become inevitable.

The French, being far away, wouldn’t feel the threat of the Russians, but the nearby Kingdom of Prussia could not afford to ignore it. Who knows, in the end, Austria might get crippled by a joint Prussia-France assault, and then the Kingdom of Prussia could be wiped out first by the Russian-Austrian forces.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “It seems that for the time being, we need to be more restrained. It would be troublesome to arouse the wariness of other nations.”

Regardless of the alliance, all must speak in terms of interests. Once interests clash, turning against each other is faster than flipping a page.

To avoid the worst-case scenario, Franz opted to play it safe for now.

Chapter 54: Lolita Nurturing Plan

Constantinople

A negotiation determining the fate of three empires began, with the Russian representative Alexander Menshikov, the Austrian representative Metstetz, and Herdegel Pasha of the Ottoman Empire present.

The three were like drawn swords and tight crossbows, and thus a negotiation full of gunpowder commenced.

In fact, it wasn’t quite like that; at diplomatic occasions, everyone still tried to show restraint, and the negotiation started off quite harmoniously.

Aside from Herdegel Pasha’s somewhat gloomy expression, the atmosphere of the negotiation was relatively harmonious. The negotiations between Menshikov and Metstetz went very smoothly.

The content had already been agreed upon in the secret treaty between the two countries; it was hard not to get along even if they tried when discussing it out in the open.

The Ottomans attempted to use the conflicting interests of the Russians and Austrians in the Balkan region to divide their strategic goals, but to no avail.

The representatives of England and France, who attended the mediation, were dumbfounded. This so-called tripartite meeting was clearly a prior arrangement between Russia and Austria to carve up the Ottoman Empire.

In less than a morning, the Russian representative Menshikov had reached a consensus with the Austrian representative Metstetz, and the two powers openly divided the spheres of influence in the Balkan region.

The Ottoman representative was seething with rage, but everyone was civilized, and even when partitioning the Ottoman Empire, it wasn’t something you could just outright say.

The argument from Russia and Austria was now: they were dividing commercial trade zones to prevent vicious competition and to help the Ottoman Empire join civilized society sooner.

Indeed, it was about joining civilized society, except not as the Ottoman Empire, but as part of the civilization after being annexed by the two countries.

Herdegel Pasha, his face darkened, said, “Gentlemen, we appreciate your kindness, but the Ottoman Empire does not need this kind of help!”

Menshikov replied with a sneer, “It doesn’t matter if your country does not need this help now; you will soon.”

“For the sake of world peace and stability, as a leader of the civilized world, the Russian Empire has an obligation to help the Ottoman Empire progress.”

A weak country has no diplomacy; this was already fully displayed here. Even though England and France leaned towards the Ottoman Empire, it was still Russia and Austria who had greater say in the issues of the Balkan Peninsula.

“You, you…” Herdegel Pasha was so angered he couldn’t speak.

The Russians’ absurd behavior in diplomatic affairs wasn’t something new, but being so brazen about it in official settings was still hard to accept.

Especially the phrase “a leader of the civilized society,” which irked the British representative Joseph-Edward. He countered sharply, “Since when did your country become the leader of the civilized world? I wasn’t aware. Did you know?”

Those present wanted to laugh, but restrained themselves due to diplomatic etiquette, which was quite painful.

Acknowledge the Russians as the leaders of the civilized world? That was impossible. Aside from themselves, no one in Europe had ever admitted that.

If the phrasing was changed to, “As a member of the civilized world,” maybe others could have accepted it.

“A leader of the civilized world” was out of the question; even as allies with the Russians, Metstetz couldn’t possibly support them on this matter.

Diplomacy has never been Russia’s strong suit, and the Russians had made more than a few blunders in this area, so what was one more?

Caught on the wrong foot, Menshikov’s face turned ugly instantly. When announcing foreign policy decisions, wasn’t this how everyone spoke?

Whether it was the British or the French, when colonizing and invading overseas, they all styled themselves as the leaders of the civilized world, and the Russians naturally kept pace with the times.

Unfortunately, such statements were fine behind closed doors, but problematic when brought into a formal diplomatic setting.

Since Menshikov had already spoken, he had no choice but to stand his ground. With gritted teeth, he said, “As the leading power on the European Continent, it is naturally the leader of the civilized world.”

British representative Joseph-Edward retorted sarcastically, “Your Grace, you forgot to add the words ‘land forces.’ Let me remind you that the standard for judging the civilized world isn’t military power; that’s the way of barbarians.”

Menshikov angrily said, “Who are you calling barbarians? I demand a duel with you!”

Watching Menshikov, who had been trapped into reacting, Metstetz shook his head helplessly. He couldn’t muster any criticism for Russia’s decision to send a believer in force as their representative.

However, he had no choice but to help defuse the situation, or else a full-blown brawl would break out.

“If you two wish to duel, please choose another time and place. Otherwise, we will go down in diplomatic history as a joke for the ages.”

Considering the difference in force, Joseph-Edward decisively chose to back down with a cold snort, “Hmph!”

Menshikov was no fool either; he was simply cornered by the British and decided to go all in. After all, dueling with people was nothing new for Russian diplomats.

Of course, duels in such official diplomatic contexts had become rare in this century, and duels of Duke level had never happened. Menshikov had no desire to be the first.

That said, the tradition of dueling was still prevalent in Russia, where even the father of Russian literature—Pushkin—died in a duel. It’s worth noting that Pushkin was also a part of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

With such a heavy aroma of gunpowder in the air, negotiations naturally couldn’t progress. Anyway, no one was in a hurry, and there wasn’t much hope for a resolution through negotiation, so a few days off to cool heads before continuing seemed to be the best approach.

Vienna

Unaware of the farcical events that had taken place in Constantinople, Franz was occupied welcoming guests.

As a neighbor, the Bavarian Government had always been extremely wary of Austria, and after seeing Austria’s military expansion, it started to worry.

Even though they thought Austria had its eyes on the Balkans, they still wanted to quickly mend the relationship between the two countries to eliminate any potential threats.

Empress Sophie was a proponent of a matrimonial alliance between the two royal families. After Franz delayed with political excuses, he didn’t reject the Bavarian Royal Family’s proposal but gave a response that they would wait a few more years.

Fearing that delays might lead to complications, the Bavarian Royal Family simply sent Princess Helen to visit her aunt. Of course, she was not the only one who came; other younger members of the royal family were in attendance, including the later famous Princess Sissi.

As the host, Franz naturally gave his mother face and personally presided over the welcome banquet.

Europeans mature early, and to be frank, both sisters were quite attractive. Judging from her demeanor, Princess Helen appeared to have received an excellent court education, whereas Princess Sissi’s performance was much worse.

Don’t think that bearing the title of Princess makes them real princesses. In Eastern monarchies, they would at best be considered noblewomen from the extended royal lineage.

Their father was a Duke from a collateral branch of the royal family, a lineage three generations removed from the main line. Under normal circumstances, they would not be considered as marriage prospects for Franz, and the Bavarian Royal Family wouldn’t entertain such thoughts either.

The reason behind all this was Empress Sophie. She and Princess Helen’s mother were sisters and had a very close relationship from childhood. Proposals for a marriage alliance were made even before Franz came to the throne.

By comparison, Princess Sissi’s situation was rather tragic. Born in the countryside with little opportunity for social interaction and no contact with Empress Sophie, she certainly couldn’t expect any affection from her.

This was one of the historical reasons for Princess Sissi’s tragic life. Her sister, Princess Helen, had been doted on by Empress Sophie from a young age. Sissi, being an unexpected interloper, couldn’t expect Empress Sophie to be pleased with her.

Rules existed within the Austrian court, and typically, mother-in-law and daughter-in-law conflicts wouldn’t affect the Empress’s status.

However, Princess Sissi was the rebellious type, always clashing with palace rules and often performing actions beyond her station, leading to public disapproval of the royal family.

After a series of incidents, the Empress Mother naturally intervened in her education, and their differences began to accumulate.

As time went on, the voices of criticism grew louder, and the Vienna Court began to believe that Princess Sissi lacked the qualifications to educate the next generation. Empress Sophie stripped her of her parental rights, exacerbating the conflict.

In these matters, the former monarch had made what he believed to be the right decisions, but in reality, they had no effect.

Of course, it was an issue that could not have been solved by anyone else. Unless Princess Sissi’s personality underwent a complete change, tragedy was inevitable.

If mother-in-law and daughter-in-law conflicts might be managed, the education of the children could be taken care of by the father. But the political ramifications were far more damaging.

Especially regarding the birth of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, as Empress, she won the adoration of the Hungarian people but stood opposite the Austrian public.

For a time, the call to dismiss the Empress became mainstream in Vienna, illustrating the difficult position she faced.

History and movies are two different concepts. The main character’s tragedy was not solely caused by the court; wasn’t it also her own doing?

The regulations of the Vienna Court constrained her, but they also protected her. Without these rules, she might well have been the first Empress to be deposed in Austria.

Reflecting on history, Franz gave no judgment. With the privileges his birth afforded him, he recognized there was also a price to pay.

Before this political marriage, Princess Sissi’s parents held no official positions and were far removed from the centers of power.

On the surface, the pastoral life seemed idyllic, but Duke Maximilian had been forced to leave the big city due to financial strain.

The carefree life of her childhood, in other words, meant that her family couldn’t afford a private tutor and she had to attend public school with others. Taking a day off was naturally easy.

One look at Franz told the whole story: a student being watched over by dozens of teachers could only dream of skipping class. Do you know that if you skipped class, all the teachers were essentially on holiday?

Don’t assume all nobility are wealthy. Like those of the distant branches of a royal household, long removed from power and not engaged in production, they could not sustain the expenses typical of a great noble house without income.

This fact was evident from the meager dowry of Princess Sissi. The dowry she received upon marriage, befitting an Empress, wasn’t even enough to cover the expenses of a grand banquet hosted by Franz.

Empress Sophie, with a smile, asked, “Franz, what are you thinking about? Have you been captivated?”

Franz made up an excuse to dodge the question, “No, I was just thinking about the negotiations in Constantinople.”

Empress Sophie replied with a smile, “Really? We have guests today, would you mind saving these concerns for after the banquet?”

Anyway, she was very pleased with Princess Helen’s performance; her only regret was her low birth, but since she was her niece, that was overlooked.

“Of course, Mother!” Franz replied with a smile.

Regardless, he had to give his mother’s face. Franz invited both of his younger cousins for a dance and then took the opportunity to talk with them about life.

In reality, no business was conducted; Franz simply disliked attending such noble gatherings. Tiring of being surrounded by flatterers over time, he grew weary.

Following that, the Vienna Palace saw an influx of two young girls.

Chapter 55: The Disappearing Tribe

Constantinople

The Russian representative, Alexander Menshikov, who had lost face at the negotiating table, quickly reclaimed it, though by rather disgraceful means.

On April 2, 1851, Menshikov visited the Sultan and, in a very domineering tone, ordered the Sultan Government to dismiss the pro-British and French Foreign Minister Fuad and replace him with the pro-Russian Rifat.

It turned out that brute force was often the most direct and effective way, and under the pressure of the Russians, the Sultan Government compromised.

Menshikov’s actions told the world who was the boss in the Near East. Politicians from various countries were collectively dumbfounded, as dealing with a player who didn’t play by the rules gave everyone a headache.

The United Kingdom and France, having been slapped in the face, were naturally unwilling to accept defeat, but in the Near East, their influence simply couldn’t compare with Russia’s, and it was even less than Austria’s.

Without waiting for them to take action, Menshikov delivered another diplomatic note to the Ottoman Government, accusing it of unfair treatment toward the Orthodox Church and demanding that the two nations sign an agreement allowing the Russian Government to manage the Orthodox believers, without interference from the Ottoman Government in matters of the Orthodox Church.

Unfair treatment was inevitable; in fact, the Sultan Government had already relaxed its religious policies, attempting to use this to eliminate the religious conflicts within the country.

Unfortunately, such conflicts had persisted since the establishment of the Ottoman Empire. They could not be resolved by a mere government edict, and the meddling of the Russians only made the situation more chaotic.

…(Detailed religious issues are omitted here with ten thousand words)

The Russian demands had touched the bottom line of the Ottoman Empire. If they agreed to these terms, it would mean handing over the management of more than one-third of the population to the Russians.

England and France could not tolerate the Russians expanding their influence like this, and at this point, the British had already come to realize that war was inevitable.

London

After the details of the Constantinople negotiations had been relayed back, the British Government began to consider its options in the upcoming Russo-Turkish War.

The Foreign Minister, Palmerston, thought for a moment and said, “Prime Minister, to curb Russian ambitions, it’s not enough to just draw in the French. We must gain the support of Austria.

When necessary, we can organize a European alliance to jointly contain the ambitions of the Russians.”

John Russell shook his head and said, “Mr. Palmerston, the issue of organizing an allied force can be set aside for now, as we both know things are not that simple.

On the Russian issue, European countries have differing stances, and many countries, without a direct stake, are nearly impossible to muster for a joint effort to strike at the Russians.

Let us talk about how to win over Austria. If we can pull them to our side, by combining the strength of three countries, we can suppress the Russians in the Near East.”

Palmerston analyzed, “According to the intelligence from Constantinople, the Russians and Austria have reached a compromise, though the specific terms are not yet clear to us.

The Russians have now recognized Austria’s sphere of influence in the Balkan Peninsula, and in return, Austria also supports Russian ambitions towards the Ottoman Empire.

This compromise does not mean that the conflicts over the Balkans between the two countries have disappeared; they have simply been subdued temporarily by mutual interests.

Given the Russians’ appetites, even if the two countries have reached an agreement, they will eventually part ways due to conflicting interests. These issues cannot be unknown to the Austrian Government.

The old fox Metternich standing on the side of the Russians this time also signifies a change in the national policy of the Austrian Government.

It seems that the collapse of the Vienna System has dealt a big blow to the Austrians, and they are no longer seeking balance in Europe. In this respect, we have lost an ally in European policy.

We all know that living next to Russia requires constant vigilance; even a slight moment of dozing off could spell danger. Now, the Austrian Government is preparing to divert trouble eastward.

The partition of the Balkan Peninsula is just a superficial reason. More so, the Austrian Government feels threatened and is unwilling to continue bearing the responsibility of blocking the Russians.

They want to tie down the Russians by sparking a Russo-Turkish war, in order to gain time for domestic development. The expansion in the Balkan Peninsula is merely incidental.

At this time, the London Government is already regretting the collapse of the Vienna System. After the collapse of the Vienna System, they could indeed intervene in European affairs without restrictions, but the outcome was not ideal.

Starting from supporting the Kingdom of Sardinia to the current Near East crisis, the London Government has hardly achieved any substantial diplomatic success.

The European situation has now become even more complicated and entangled, which is draining their resources. It was better during the era of the Vienna System when Europe was balanced and stable, and they could confidently and boldly expand their influence overseas.

In this aspect, the Vienna System also contributed to the supremacy of the Great Britain Empire.

The Minister of State asked with doubt, “Mr. Palmerston, according to your judgment, is it impossible for us to win over Austria now?”

The Austrian Empire has always been at the forefront in resisting Russia, and it is remarkable that the two countries have not become enemies, which speaks volumes about the diplomatic ability of the Habsburg Family.

Such confrontation is clearly not conducive to the growth and development of Austria. When a government’s energy is exhausted by its neighbors, how can it have the capacity to develop itself?

Before the collapse of the Vienna System, the Austrian Government had sought help from the British, asking the London Government to fund the maintenance of the system, but was rejected by the government at the time.

The British initially suggested that the Austrian Government carry out social reforms. After completing the social reforms, they would have money.

It has been proven that completing social reforms can indeed reverse a financial crisis. However, the current Austrian Government is no longer interested in the Vienna System.

Working hard for the balance of Europe, while the biggest beneficiary of the system remains silent and profits greatly, would leave anyone feeling unbalanced.

After some thought, Palmerston replied, “That depends on the Russians. If they can make the Austrian Government feel threatened, then we can draw Austria to our side.”

This was also the case historically: Austria’s defection was not due to the temptations of English and French interests or conflicts of interest in the Russian-Austrian Danube region, but rather due to feeling threatened by the Russians.

For their own strategic security, abandoning allies is nothing out of the ordinary. Even if Franz were in charge, when faced with the expansive power of the Russians that threatened Austria’s existence, he too would choose to strike at the Russians.

The Russians would do the same. If Austria were too powerful and posed a threat to them, they would stab them in the back just the same.

Since the passage of the military expansion act, Austria has seen a surge in recruitment. The lure of land is great, especially for those war heroes from the last conflict who received land and became role models.

The soldiers who enlisted last time were quite lucky, as they fought in winning battles from start to finish and did not experience the brutality of war. Even if there was brutality, it was towards the enemy.

This time the military buildup is almost an open declaration of war against the Ottoman Empire. Two hundred years ago, the first reaction to an attack on the Ottoman Empire would have been fear. Now, all anyone sees is military glory.

Who can blame them when the Ottoman Empire is in decline? Austria and Russia combined couldn’t defeat the Ottomans?

With low risk and high rewards, it naturally attracts many.

It’s not just the common people, even the nobility are trying every means to enlist in the army. In a war destined for victory, everyone wants to grab a piece of the glory.

This kind of opportunity doesn’t come by easily; if they miss this chance, who knows when the next foreign war will be.

In front of the recruitment station, a long line had already formed. The idea of “achieving fame and honor on horseback” was very popular on the European Continent.

In this era, if one wanted to stand out, earning military honors on the battlefield was the fastest shortcut. Especially for the lower class, it was almost their only way to climb to the upper echelons of society.

In the last war, many reservists also shone brightly, and in the eyes of many, even if they couldn’t enter the regular army, joining the reserves was still a decent option.

The status of military personnel in the Austrian Empire was very high, even reservists were highly respected.

A young officer looked at the long queue and sighed, “There are so many people today, it seems our recruitment standards could be raised.”

The middle-aged officer beside him gave him a displeased look and spoke up, “Welston, stop your pointless musings and get on with organizing the tests.

Remember, this time we’re giving priority to those who speak Austrian; I don’t want to have to train them myself once they’re in the unit.”

“Yes, Major!” Welston immediately responded.

The Austrian Empire had never issued any clear language exclusion laws, but the government, military, and corporate institutions all silently agreed to give priority to those who could speak Austrian.

In the words of the locals: “If you don’t even speak the common language, do you expect me to assign a translator for you?”

This was a very real issue; without common language skills, communication became a problem, and upon entering society finding employment became the number one challenge.

Even nationalists had no choice but to accept this social reality. Without learning Austrian, it was almost impossible to find a job.

Expecting preferential treatment? Sorry, in the Austrian Empire, employers had the freedom to choose the talent they needed, and the government could not intervene arbitrarily.

After three years of promotion, while Austrian had not achieved universal prevalence, most people in cities had mastered the common language.

This scene was now commonplace in many parts of Austria. To achieve this, the Austrian Government had paid a considerable price.

Especially in the early stages of promotion, it faced resistance from many nationalists. Unfortunately for them, their luck was poor; they happened to coincide with the great revolution, and the dissenters were harmonized away.

What angered them the most was that, after the Austrian Government’s counterproductive actions, not only did it not incite public outrage, but the domestic situation actually improved rapidly.

Now, all schools in Austria taught in Austrian as the main language; other languages were treated almost like foreign languages, as electives, and paid electives at that.

People are pragmatic; if it’s not required for college entrance exams or jobs and costs extra money to learn, over time, everyone naturally pays less attention. Concepts like nationality and independence also faded from their lives.

Not long ago, Franz even ordered the ban of all non-Austrian language books and newspapers within the country.

Many thought this would cause social unrest, but reality proved them wrong. Aside from some experts and scholars making noise, the general public didn’t care at all.

Nationalism also needs to be propagated and without channels of dissemination, how would the common people even know what it is?

Under the pressure of the government, it quickly became an underground ideology. Spreading it depended on the realities, and since the educational reform, young students have stopped entertaining these ideas.

Without the Death Squad, the combat effectiveness of these people significantly decreased. Stand up against the government? Those daring to do so had long been imprisoned; how could they possibly still have the opportunity to make waves until now?

Fickvena, a Hungarian writer, is one of the representatives of Hungarian nationalism.

However, he belonged to the moderate faction, opposed all violent revolutions, did not follow Kossuth in making the independence movement, and even published numerous articles denouncing the atrocities of the Revolutionaries.

This non-threatening presence was naturally not purged. Lately, he has been very distressed, more so than when the Kingdom of Hungary was dismantled.

For a nationalist, the loss of Hungary could be accepted, as he was not opposed to becoming Austrian; however, without the Hungarian national language and script, he could not bear it.

Just recently, the Hungarian Forward, the newspaper he ran, was suspended. Even though this small, insignificant paper’s sales did not exceed a thousand copies per issue, it was still a cause he fought for.

What he found even harder to accept was that the Hungarian National School, established by Count István Széchenyi, had listed the Hungarian language as a paid elective, no longer the language of instruction.

Now, he had to struggle with school leadership, to not let the Count’s efforts go down the drain. At this moment, he harbored an intense hatred for Kossuth and the head Revolutionary Party members.

If it weren’t for the rebellion that took place in 1848, the Kingdom of Hungary would still be the Kingdom of Hungary, and under the leadership of Count István Széchenyi, they could still carry out social reforms to build an ideal Hungarian society.

History has no ifs. After losing their leader, these Hungarian reformists had become disunited, with many being co-opted by the Austrian Government.

If nothing unexpected happened, it wouldn’t be long before Fickvena too would accept the goodwill of the Austrian Government, but now he still wanted to strive for his once dream one more time.

“Principal Funges, why cancel Hungarian language classes?” Fickvena demanded.

Funges explained, “Mr. Fickvena, you should know that since the Hungarian National School was established, it has relied on external donations to operate, and we only charge a small amount of tuition.

Over the past two years, the donations we have received have greatly decreased, and the school’s finances have fallen into difficulty. Since a year ago, the salaries of teaching staff could not be paid on time.

To keep the school afloat, we had no choice but to accept educational grants from the Austrian Government.

According to the regulations of the Austrian Ministry of Education: Any school that receives government funding must use only the Austrian language as the exclusive language of instruction in its primary and secondary education.”

Such explanations had already been given to many by Funges. The actual situation of the school was even worse than he described.

Learning an additional language undoubtedly takes up a considerable amount of study time and negatively impacts other subjects’ grades; many parents have suggested to the school to cancel Hungarian language classes.

They don’t care for all these high-minded reasons; they’re only concerned with entrance exams. The chances of attending university were already low in this era; for the sake of their children’s future, many people couldn’t afford to care about that anymore.

“Is there really no other way?” Fickvena asked, frowning.

Funges sighed and said, “Mr. Fickvena, the arm cannot twist the thigh. After the events of 1848, the Austrian Government has become very vigilant against nationalism. In the cultural and educational fields, a unified education is comprehensively promoted.

This is a national policy set by the government. Unless they can once again trust us, this suppression will not end, and you know that’s impossible.”

Rebellion, revolution? These were not foreign to them, but this was not their forte. Everyone had a family to support; who would risk that?

Moreover, times have changed. With the rapid economic growth and stable social order within the country, there was simply no impetus for revolution.

Chapter 56: Only Profit Is Eternal

Having no money was a big problem. Despite Fickvena being a writer with a decent income, she too was powerless to solve the school’s funding issues.

Fundraising? A look into the reasons behind the establishment of the Hungarian National School made it clear—collecting funds now was impossible.

It was related to the great revolution of 1848. The advocates for the promotion of the Hungarian language and script were mostly inclined toward the Revolutionary Party. Nearly all of these people had met with God or were fighting for the Austrian railway cause.

Those who had narrowly escaped were mostly moderates. These individuals tended to be extremely cautious and were few in number, lacking the capacity to take on such an expense.

The Hungarian language and script had evolved over ten centuries to take form. It originated as early as the 9th century and by the medieval times had already amassed around eight hundred words, mainly deriving from the Turkic Language Branch, the Caucasian language family, as well as from the Romanian language branch, Slavonic languages, and many loanwords from German.

In 1836, Hungary initiated a language and script revolution. The Hungarian language and script, as known by later generations, essentially took shape during that time. In 1844, Hungarian was declared the official language of Hungary.

Most of the Hungarian Nobility came from the Germany Region. There were not a few among these Nobles who spoke Hungarian, but barely any who had learned the Hungarian script, with the language principally circulating among the lower classes.

Against this backdrop, István Szechenyi founded the Hungarian National School, promoting the Hungarian language and script among the upper and middle classes.

If history had not been altered, schools of this nature would have flourished throughout Hungary, laying the foundation for the nation’s cultural heritage for generations to come.

This is also one of the reasons why István Szechenyi was posthumously dubbed “the greatest Hungarian.”

In fact, his contributions to Hungary were numerous, such as founding the Academy of Sciences, establishing the Noble Club, and advocating for the abolition of serfdom…

However, history knows no what-ifs. Under Franz’s butterfly effect, this great Hungarian nationalist met with God ahead of his time.

With the fall of their leader, the remaining nationalists became scattered and disunited. Coupled with the Austrian Government’s suppression, many opportunists withdrew from the nationalist movement.

As social circumstances changed, the nobles and capitalists were no longer willing to let their children continue learning the Hungarian language and script. They feared that such an educational background would diminish their offspring’s chances of university admission. The idea of donations was naturally unthinkable.

Without the support of a patron, these schools inevitably fell into hardship and were forced to accept the Austrian Ministry of Education’s edicts.

Pesci, once the most glorious city in Hungary, had now fallen into decline. For political reasons, the Austrian Government did not allocate funds to rebuild Budapest after the war and the city was once again split into two.

The once-bustling Noble Club was now deserted. Stepping through the gates and seeing a few familiar faces scattered among mostly strangers, Fickvena’s once passionate heart had cooled.

Even though three years had passed, the place had yet to recover its former vibrance. As the erstwhile capital of Hungary, the local Nobility had been severely wounded, with many ancient noble families vanishing into thin air.

The gathering today had only been possible because of the famous Liszt’s performance; people were here merely for his renown.

Despite the turnout, there were very few who were willing to donate to the national school. If it had been just anybody, Fickvena would not have recognized them, after all, the nationalist moderate circle wasn’t that large.

The life of glitz and glamour continued unchanged, as if nothing had ever happened. In the end, Fickvena never spoke up; the pride of a writer wouldn’t allow her to stoop so low.

The government had decreed German as the common language and announced the abolition of dialect publications, to which these people showed no reaction; the discontinuation of dialect education in schools also failed to stir them.

Fickvena didn’t know when she had started to accept the term “dialect” too.

Of course, calling it a dialect wasn’t wrong; Hungarian was mainly spoken in the Hungarian Region, utilized by less than one-fifth of the entire Austrian Empire’s population.

A middle-aged man dressed in extravagant attire approached and greeted, “Fickvena, come have a drink!”

Fickvena raised her glass, clinked it with the middle-aged man’s, and with poised elegance took a sip before saying, “Hanks, it’s been a while. What have you been up to?”

Hanks said with a smile, “Indeed, it has been some time. I’ve been stockpiling recently. It’s no secret that the Vienna Government is considering a move against the Ottoman Empire and is stockpiling strategic materials. I just happened to take advantage of the situation to have a taste of the action.

And you? Why the long face? Still worried about your little newspaper?”

“Worry less. This is a decision by the national assembly, impossible to change. It’s said to be in aid of advancing the integration process of Austria.”

Shaking her head, Fickvena replied, “That barely alive little newspaper of mine, you are well aware, hardly makes any money. If it’s closed, so be it.

But at this rate, our Hungarian national culture will be finished. Newspapers and books are banned, and now the only remaining national school in Pesci City has also discontinued Hungarian classes.”

“I’m really worried…”

Hanks immediately changed his tone and said, “Stop there, that’s enough about this issue. The unification of language and writing is the general trend; don’t think about all this messy stuff.

Just think, before this, in the Hungarian Region alone, there were as many as fifteen major languages and scripts. At that time, you even advocated for language unification, and now you say it’s not okay?

Your mindset isn’t right. Unifying language and writing is for the best; we can even save a good deal of translation fees. It’s something that benefits both the country and its people.

Fickvena couldn’t help but smile wryly; she was being lectured. She regretted having communicated with this old friend, who had now changed—the capitalists always chase profit after all.

At first, these people were the most opposed to the Austrian Government, but now they had become its most devout supporters. How unpredictable life is, and yet interests are eternal.

After unification, Austria, whether in terms of market size, economic development speed, or potential, far surpassed the former Hungary.

For capitalists, this era in Austria was doubtlessly the best. As long as one didn’t have problems with their brain, almost any industry invested in at this time would make money.

The term “overheated economy” was unheard of. Everyone just believed it was natural economic growth after the Austrian Government eliminated the obstacles to capitalism’s economic development.

From a free market economy’s perspective, there’s nothing incorrect about this viewpoint. The influx of foreign investments was also a result determined by market economics; government policies only played a minor part.

“Alright, as if I said nothing, let’s drink!” said Fickvena with resignation.

If one cannot change society, one must adapt to it. In the depths of his heart, didn’t he also accept this view?

The Habsburg dynasty had ruled Hungary not for a day or two; everyone had long grown accustomed to being part of Austria.

Independence? The several months-long farce from start to finish caused casualties in the hundreds of thousands. Nearly a million people became homeless, and the Hungarian Region’s nobility was halved directly.

Such great losses made those who had survived shudder at the thought of revolution. How the force that built the railways was formed was no secret; at least two hundred thousand people from the Hungarian Region had contributed to this.

This living example had already made everyone understand that rebellion came with a price. Without the support of groups with vested interests, the Revolutionaries had no further place in Hungary.

In Hungary, from the top to the bottom of society, all despised them.

In the eyes of the common folk, it was definitely these Rebels who exploited them most oppressively. It was because the Emperor forbade their oppression and exploitation that they incited rebellion.

The evidence lies in this: after the suppression of the Rebels, everyone’s lives got much better. The serfs obtained their freedom, and workers had the Labor Protection Law; all the messy and oppressive taxes were swept away in one go.

Of course, this was the result of Austrian Government propaganda. The common folk didn’t care about the details. While they didn’t understand the profound theories, they believed what they saw with their own eyes.

The nobles who had narrowly escaped disaster didn’t dare challenge the government’s authority and, with some guidance, the most popular saying now was: had it not been for the Revolutionary Party’s rebellion, they wouldn’t have lost their lands and privileges.

Whether they believed it or not, they had no way to defy the government—they could only resort to hate redirection. No one knew what they were really thinking, but their lips had already pinned all responsibility on the Rebels.

The heavily afflicted citizens need not be mentioned; they had personally experienced how terrifying a mob-styled Revolutionary Army could be. With such painful experiences, they naturally saw the Revolutionaries as the enemy.

This hatred would fade over time, but for this generation, it was impossible. People tend to believe what they have seen with their own eyes, and once they experience it, such notions become etched deep in their bones.

The social environment can greatly influence people; even the moderate Fickvena began to undergo a transformation.

In an era of confused thoughts, once doubts about past ideals take root, change is not far behind.

Believing himself to have convinced his friend, an elated Hanks exclaimed, “Good, let’s drink!”

After taking a sip of wine, he added, “If you’re thinking of restarting the publication, it’s not impossible. Just register with the Press Bureau and switch to Austrian German—that’s all.”

Fickvena nodded; while the newspaper was struggling, it still represented her status and position. Keeping it alive was naturally the best outcome. After all, ideals always have to compromise with reality.

Chapter 57: Industrial Regulation

The unpredictability of human hearts is the most difficult to fathom; Franz naturally had no knowledge of the minor incident that occurred in Pesci City. As an emperor, as long as there was peace throughout the land, individual thoughts were not within his scope of concern.

By now, the bureaucrats of the Austrian Government had become accustomed to three major assessment indicators: education, stability, and economy.

The easiest to achieve was social stability. With a strong government, local power factions remained compliant, and a few troublemakers who disrupted social stability could simply be dealt with.

Next, there was “education.” With regulations in place and coupled with the Ministry of Education’s plans, everything could be advanced step by step.

Of course, to achieve results in this area, one must adapt strategies to local conditions and put in considerable effort.

The most troublesome aspect remained economic development. In bustling cities, this was less of a problem; the nation’s economy was growing rapidly with large cities being the main drivers of economic growth. Formulating suitable local policies would suffice.

For remote areas, economic development was much slower. In some places, progress was virtually at a standstill. Even if the bureaucrats wanted to make an effort, they often didn’t know where to start.

The uneven regional economic development had become a perplexing issue for the Austrian Government, and it was a problem without an apparent solution.

Franz was also powerless in this regard; not just now, but even a hundred or two hundred years later, these issues would still be challenges that plagued countries around the world.

Many factors constrained regional economic development, including transport, resources, climate, geographic environment, and population…

Compared to the others, the transportation issue was the easiest to solve. At worst, it was a matter of building roads, a problem that could be resolved sooner or later with adequate investment.

The population issue also had solutions; climate, resources, and geographic conditions were beyond human control, at least in the 19th century.

Looking at the economic development report in his hand, Franz let out a helpless sigh.

He was aware that channeling a significant amount of resources into large cities would exacerbate regional economic disparities, yet the practice had to continue.

There was no choice; this approach yielded the highest returns. Investing in isolated and impoverished regions would not even generate a bubble of output, which was utterly disheartening.

“Prime Minister, why are the investments in the irrigation projects all located in the plains?” Franz inquired with concern.

With industrial development focused on large cities, there was no issue, but agricultural development should not only consider the plains. Many mountainous regions also had potential for development.

For political considerations, the government must also take into account the welfare of various regions during its investments.

Prime Minister Felix explained, “Your Majesty, it mainly concerns the distribution of the population. At present, Austria’s population is primarily concentrated in the plains, while other regions have relatively fewer inhabitants.

From the perspective of optimizing resource allocation, we first concentrate on developing the populous plains. Other regions with fewer people and less competitive pressure have proportionally lower demands for irrigation projects.”

Franz nodded. From an agricultural perspective, the plains were more suitable for growing food crops and had greater demand for irrigation projects.

Mountainous regions, depending on their specific geographic conditions, were better suited for growing cash crops.

Don’t assume that growing cash crops is always more profitable. This is the 19th century, after all, and people’s living standards are limited. Aside from a few industrial raw materials with significant demand, most cash crops are not suitable for large-scale development.

High-value agricultural products had a meager market demand in this era; the general populace simply couldn’t afford them, and there were too few people with purchasing power.

There was no need to push for off-season agriculture. The spontaneous production by farm owners alone was enough to meet market demand. As for large-scale development, that could be considered once everyone was more affluent!

After some thought, Franz said, “Prepare a national agriculture production report. According to local conditions, regions can pilot economic agriculture. If there are results, we can gradually promote it. For example, the Italian Area could cultivate silk.

In recent years, the domestic food production has increased rapidly. We must be proactive to avert potential crises; it would be unfortunate if an abundance of grain were to harm agriculture.”

Food production is not a matter of the more, the better. If it weren’t for the Holy Roman Economic Alliance, Austrian agriculture would already be facing overcapacity.

Given this situation, promoting suitable cash crops in certain regions is necessary.

The growth of the food demand market in this era could not keep up with the rate of increase in food production. Blindly increasing food production was not appropriate for Austria.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Felix replied.

Continuing to peruse the report in his hand, Franz suddenly thought of future industrial pollution. He certainly didn’t want Vienna to become like contemporary London.

Industrial development inevitably caused environmental pollution, but where the pollution occurred could be controlled.

In consideration of his future well-being, Franz thought it was necessary to limit the industrial development of Vienna, even if it meant sacrificing the city’s growth rate.

Franz pondered and said, “Vienna is developing too quickly. In just a few years, the city’s population is going to surpass one million. The number of people is increasing, but the urban infrastructure isn’t keeping up. Problems arising are just a matter of time.

Taking the actual situation into account, the government needs to find a way to divert some businesses to other cities, especially those that pollute significantly— those shouldn’t be in Vienna.”

Redistributing some of Vienna’s resources to other regions and creating a new industrial city seemed like a worthy investment to Franz.

Vienna is a landlocked city; concentrating a large amount of resources here is essentially a waste.

It’s not always better for a city to grow bigger; more importantly, you have to consider its capacity. In Franz’s plan, the future Vienna should reach a limit of two to three million people.

A megacity with a population over ten million isn’t needed in Austria, nor does it have the capacity to sustain such a large city.

Prime Minister Felix thought for a moment and said, “Your Majesty, the inflow of capital is regulated by the market. Isn’t it wrong for us to interfere artificially?”

In this era, the economies of European countries were naturally regulated by the market, with Austria being an exception where the government directly intervened in economic development.

This intervention, however, wasn’t through administrative orders but rather by formulating economic policies to guide the market or through state-owned enterprises.

What Franz was proposing now was for the government to intervene in the market through administrative orders, something very rare worldwide.

Franz shook his head and said, “We can just explain it to the outside world. Say that Vienna has reached its capacity limit, the population is growing too quickly, and our resource supply can’t ensure sustainability.

Using media, we can publicize the adverse effects of rapid population growth, such as the decline in per capita living space, insufficient material supply, and so on.

The government should then reach out to capitalists, not concern themselves with the factories already established, but encourage those not yet built to relocate to other cities.

For the next five years, Vienna will no longer approve the establishment of any new factories. Those that have already been established must undergo strict reviews and cannot engage in heavily polluting industries.

Regarding industrial pollution, the government can set a hazard level based on the environmental risks and optimize the allocation during factory construction.

With the development of industrial technology, heavily polluting industries will continue to increase. Without comprehensive considerations, one factory could potentially destroy a whole city.”

Vienna is the political, economic, and cultural center of Austria, and Franz didn’t want to add an industrial center to that list.

There are many cities in Austria more suitable for industrial development than Vienna; there is no need to crowd factories there.

Investing in Vienna is fine, but establishing factories is unwelcome from now on as far as Franz is concerned.

It is much better to reject them now rather than to move people out after the factories have been established.

The issue of environmental pollution wasn’t something that everyone was aware of in this era, or perhaps the harm it caused wasn’t severe yet.

“Your Majesty, isn’t that a bit extreme? Can one factory really destroy an entire city?” Prime Minister Felix said in disbelief.

“Is that so difficult? Take our steel mill, for example. If its capacity is significant enough, just the industrial wastewater discharge can pollute an entire river.

If a city’s water source becomes polluted, can that city continue to exist?” Franz countered.

This wasn’t alarmist talk; in later times, there were indeed cities that were destroyed due to contaminated water sources.

It’s not only that industrial wastewater discharges into rivers can pollute the river water; actually, the groundwater can hardly escape being affected as well.

If other places are polluted, so be it, but not Vienna. Franz had no plans to relocate the capital, so taking precautionary measures became an inevitable choice.

The pollution in Vienna isn’t severe now, but that may not be the case in a few decades. With the development of the chemical industry and the rise of chemical plants, the consequences could be dire.

London is a negative example where tens of thousands of people died from smog at its peak. Franz couldn’t live in such an environment, and he guessed he would have moved away long ago if he had to.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Felix answered.

If he couldn’t understand, he could take his time to understand it later. Anyway, the concept of severe consequences from “environmental pollution” was now firmly in his mind.

Chapter 58: Countdown

Istanbul

Ever since the negotiations had begun, Abdulmejid I’s mood had never improved, having just been threatened by the Russians, and now it was the Austrian representative’s turn to enter the fray.

Metstetz was a pure diplomat, not as aggressive as Menshikov, and Austria’s demands were not as excessive as those of the Russians, so there was still room for discussion.

Abdulmejid I declared firmly, “Mr. Metstetz, your country’s demands are too excessive. The Moldavian Principality and the Wallachia Principality are sacred and indivisible parts of the Ottoman Empire and absolutely cannot be ceded!”

(Note: The Wallachia Principality is in today’s southern region of Romania; the Moldavian Principality is in today’s northern Romania, Moldova, and parts of Ukraine.)

However, as he said this, his confidence was somewhat lacking, for they were being targeted by both Russia and Austria at the same time.

When facing just one of them, with the support of England and France, they could afford to be firm. But against both, not even Abdulmejid I could stand firm, let alone expect England and France to do so with confidence.

It thus became urgent to divide Russia and Austria. Otherwise, once war broke out, the Ottoman Empire would be nearly finished.

Metstetz calmly explained, “Your Majesty, these two small principalities are not the hereditary territories of your country, but mere vassal states. Why can’t they be transferred?

From the current situation, your country simply does not have the capability to retain these two principalities. If sold to the Austrian Empire, you could even reduce the defense line bordering Russia.”

Pride was not exclusive to the Qing; the Ottoman Empire too was not far behind. “Transfer,” “sell,” these were terms Metstetz used to care for Abdulmejid I’s pride in the best way possible.

Influenced by European culture, selling land was not a big issue. It was more acceptable than straightforward cession.

If Austria truly wished to buy these two principalities, Abdulmejid I wouldn’t mind selling them, as they wouldn’t be defensible in the event of a war anyway.

Although these two principalities featured flat terrain and fertile land suitable for agriculture, due to their proximity to Russia and Austria, they had been scarcely developed by the Ottomans, and so parting with them was not a painful prospect.

“How much is your country willing to pay?” Abdulmejid I asked, with hope.

After all, it was better to have something to negotiate than nothing, even if it was just to buy time. Abdulmejid I intended to haggle with Austria.

Metstetz spoke forcefully, “Your Majesty, the Austrian Government is willing to offer 100 million shields!”

This offer had much sincerity, considering undeveloped land was not valued highly at the time.

Before Abdulmejid I could respond, Metstetz added another condition, “However, currently the Austrian Government has fiscal difficulties and cannot pay such a sum all at once; we plan to pay it off within a hundred years.”

Paying off within a hundred years, wasn’t that preposterous? Not to mention inflation, with the power of both sides, did the Ottoman Empire have the ability to collect the money?

Anyone with a bit of sense knew that although Metstetz spoke of buying, he had no real plans to pay.

Paying over a century was, in fact, just an empty check, and as long as the century hadn’t passed, Austria could not be accused of breaking the agreement.

In such a long time, any conflict or war between the two nations could result in not a penny being paid.

Even if the money was received after a hundred years, it would be of little use. A billion might buy this area of over two hundred thousand square kilometers now, but whether it could buy even twenty square kilometers a century later was questionable.

It was too much to bully someone like this. If one were to give in after being threatened, it would be tantamount to telling the whole world that the Ottoman Empire was in decline, and those who wanted a share of the inheritance were welcome to hurry.

Abdulmejid I questioned, “Mr. Metstetz, are you not jesting? There’s no such farcical business in the entire world!”

Metstetz smiled without speaking, for the Austrian Government had no intention of actually spending money to purchase; his offer was merely a fig leaf for the Sultan Government.

By means of negotiation, Metstetz was not so naive as to think he could obtain the principalities in the Danube Basin. If it were that easy, why would there be a need to mobilize troops?

The domestic bottom line was clear, and it could be discussed at will. Even if an agreement could be reached, it could not be concluded at this moment—otherwise, how would they stage the subsequent acts?

If Austria was to reconcile with the Ottoman Empire, should it cease its war preparations? If it ceased, all prior preparations would be for naught; continuing would be even worse, as its strategic intentions would be exposed.

By then, the South German States would be ready, coupled with the intervention of the great powers, the westward strategy would be nearly voided.

In order to deadlock the negotiations, Metstetz proposed even further territorial demands on the Ottoman Empire, beyond the two principalities in the Danube Basin, claiming a large part of the Balkan Peninsula in one breath.

Even though England and France tried their best to mediate the conflict, their efforts were futile. Of course, to act out the drama fully, Metstetz also began to make slow concessions.

While negotiations commenced in Constantinople, Paris also heated up. The struggle between the Parliamentary faction and the Presidential faction had reached a boiling point, and there was no way to alleviate it.

After much preparation, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte was finally ready.

With the support of the British, on June 12, 1851, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte launched a military coup in Paris, forcibly dissolving the parliament.

The unyielding Parliamentary faction organized troops for a counterattack but failed due to betrayal, and Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte seized significant power.

When news of the coup reached Vienna, Franz showed not the slightest surprise, despite the fact that the coup had occurred six months ahead of schedule.

The butterfly effect was growing stronger; even France was affected, and the future course of the world had changed beyond recognition. The advantage of foresight was gradually vanishing.

Franz was already prepared. His arrival had changed the fate of many people; affecting the world situation was inevitable.

Not long after the Paris coup, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte would restore the empire, and the alliance between England and France would emerge on the historical stage.

Franz did not intervene; comparatively, Napoleon III, an ambitious monarch, was not too difficult to deal with.

France had a strong foundation, and the emergence of an overzealous monarch was not frightening. However, a monarch who loved farming would be a true calamity for Austria.

It was better to let the Usury Empire continue its usury; as for developing industry, Austria could handle that service.

Following the Paris coup, the pressure on the British decreased significantly. With France as their enforcer, their voice in European diplomacy grew stronger.

Abdulmejid I was among those most deeply affected. Support from France increased, and the impending Napoleon III sent him military instructors to help train the Ottoman Empire army.

However, such support was insufficient to alter the current unfavorable situation. As time passed, the attitude of the Russian representative, Duke Alexander Menshikov, grew increasingly firm.

It was less a negotiation and more the Russians setting conditions, giving the Ottoman Government multiple-choice questions: accept, or war.

The Russians seemed to have made their war preparations, and on July 23, 1851, the Anglo-Russian St. Petersburg negotiations failed due to wide differences in bottom lines, initiating the countdown to a new round of the Russo-Turkish War.

Chapter 59: Napoleon III

In 1851, the world’s focus was on Constantinople and Paris, with the earlier half of the year’s attention drawn to the discussions among the five powers, and the latter half to the performance of Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte.

After the coup in Paris, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte did not stop his march but accelerated the restoration of the Empire.

On August 2, 1851, France held a national referendum, and Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte secured the right to amend the constitution, legitimizing the coup.

On September 26, 1851, he ordered the national flag’s emblem to be changed to the Eagle, symbolizing the Napoleonic Empire, blowing the horn for restoration.

On October 3, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte ordered the removal of the maxims of the French Revolution: Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, from all buildings.

On October 15, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte amended the constitution, changing the presidential term to a lifetime position, greatly expanding presidential powers without restriction.

Historically, Yuan Shikai tried to learn from him but just lacked the competency and skills by just that little bit…

In November, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte embarked on a nationwide tour, delivering speeches deep among the people to gather public support, while not forgetting to play the sentimental “Uncle” card, openly promoting imperialist ideas.

The facts proved very effective; despite more than thirty years having passed, Napoleon’s position in the hearts of the French public had not wavered.

In an era where monarchy was still the mainstream in the world, as a Republic, the French people felt lonely and, in a moment of heated passion, followed the cry of “Long live the Emperor.”

Soon, a heated topic emerged in France—imperialism, encouraged by newspapers controlled by Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte’s party.

While creating momentum with public opinion, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte did not forget to spread money around to win the military’s loyalty.

He was very skilled at buying military support, such as inviting officers to attend rallies where they heard the public crying “Long live the Emperor,” thus creating a semblance of widespread support.

After experiencing this once, these officers unconsciously gravitated towards him.

In this regard, the French Army deserves praise for choosing to respect public will, thus preventing civil war from breaking out.

While building his own momentum, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte of course did not forget to strike at his opponents, such as smearing competitors, and exploiting the power at his disposal…(10,000 words omitted)

When all preparations were ready, on December 21, 1851, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte on behalf of the French Parliament declared: a referendum on the government system would be held.

One has to say, his maneuver was very smooth. Those who understand France know that even after World War I, there were more French people who supported the Empire than the Republic.

The reason why France had a Republican Government was due to the mutual restraints among the three major pro-monarchy parties; none would submit to another, ultimately splitting apart.

Against this backdrop, the Empire prevailed with 7.89 million votes while only less than 250,000 votes supported the Republic.

Since it was an Empire, naturally, it was time to choose an Emperor. The Orleans family, the Bourbon family, and the Bonaparte family were the three prominent choices.

The Orleans family was the first to be eliminated since they were ousted and had the lowest support due to tarnished reputation; the Bourbon family had the advantage of legitimacy and was Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte’s fiercest rival.

However, that was not a problem, having wrapped public opinion around his finger, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte took the throne directly, with no intention of putting it up for discussion.

At that time, the Bourbon family was not prepared and had not even responded when by January 1, 1852, Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte declared himself Emperor in Paris, and the era of Napoleon III began.

After stirring up commotion, the French public, tired of infighting, now sought stability. With the fact established, the Bourbon family could only begrudgingly accept it.

Due to the use of underhanded methods in the seizure of power, forcibly taking the throne, the empire of Napoleon III was tainted with troubles from the start.

Vienna

Observing the cunning operations in Napoleon III’s rise to power, Franz expressed immense admiration, believing he could not have done it any better himself.

One should know that nominally, France had three royal families, but in reality, the Bonaparte family was the weakest; unlike the other two with profound foundations, they were merely nouveau riche.

The Orleans Dynasty had the support of financial conglomerates, the Bourbon Dynasty was supported by the nobility and capitalists, while the Bonaparte family’s supporters were the peasants.

Theoretically, they should have the most supporters and an advantage. In practice, it was quite the contrary; their supporters were mostly from the lower classes, with virtually no political voice.

This became evident from the fact that the Bonaparts relied on British financial support during the restoration process of Napoleon III. Had it been the other two families, there would have been plenty of financiers.

There was no way around it, for they had come into wealth late. If it hadn’t been for the outstanding Napoleon, still fondly remembered by the French public, calling them the French royal family at this time would be a joke.

Even with such a formidable uncle as Napoleon, Napoleon III himself lacked competitiveness, and it might have been a different story with Napoleon II.

It’s a pity that Napoleon II died young. In Europe, lineage is what matters, and Napoleon III clearly wasn’t up to the mark, let alone that he wasn’t even French.

(In 1832, Napoleon III had acquired Swiss citizenship)

If his political adversaries had been a bit more astute, they would have ousted him during the presidential elections. It’s doubtful that the proud French people were that open to having a foreigner as president.

Napoleon III’s ultimate victory was not only due to his opponents being out of form during that period, but his own demonstrated abilities also should not be overlooked.

Along the way, he was practically dancing on a tightrope. One misstep could have shattered him to pieces.

Especially in how he exploited the contradictions among various groups, leading them to tacitly accept his ascension to the throne as if it were the pinnacle of political maneuvering.

Based on the intelligence at hand, Franz concluded that Napoleon III wasn’t everyone’s ideal choice, but he was the choice everyone could accept.

After being taken to school by Napoleon III, Franz couldn’t help but reflect on his own position and realized his weakness was caring too much about integrity.

Of course, Franz had no intention of changing. As the Emperor of the Habsburg dynasty, his claim to the throne couldn’t be more legitimate; he had no need for any dishonest tricks.

As for domestic political rivals? Not to brag, but Franz could press them to the ground single-handedly.

The opposition in Austria was nothing compared to that in France; their fighting spirit was incomparably weaker. How could fireflies compete with the bright moon?

Metternich said with a smile, “Your Majesty, Napoleon III has been restored to power, and he now needs international recognition. This is an opportunity.”

If Napoleon III had ascended to the throne through legitimate means, there would be no worry about this issue. Unfortunately, his claim to the throne was inherently deficient, with too many vulnerabilities open to criticism, making international recognition at this time all the more critical.

Not to mention, most of the European nobility were absent from Napoleon III’s coronation ceremony. Although it seemed grand, the actual level of ceremony was much lower.

Even with the support of the British, the British Royal Family likewise did not send any senior members to attend, indicating the aloof attitude of the nobility.

Franz said indifferently, “Let’s give it a try. The France-Austrian Secret Treaty has ended, and signing a friendly agreement between the two nations now wouldn’t be a bad idea.”

If the benefits are not significant, Napoleon III might make certain concessions to gain Austria’s diplomatic recognition.

Unfortunately, there was no such perfect exchange of interests between Austria and France at the time. Austria also had its own plans, and since that was the case, Franz didn’t mind granting a small favor.

Felix said gleefully, “Your Majesty, Napoleon III has just been restored. Even if it is just for the sake of the Emperor’s dignity, he cannot afford to back down on the issue of the Holy Land. It seems the Russians are going to have trouble.”

Russia and Austria being allies did not mean that Austria was keen on seeing the Russians continue to grow stronger.

Only when the disparity in strength is not large can countries become allies. Once the gap widens, the relationship turns into one of junior and senior partners.

Austria certainly did not plan to become Russia’s junior partner. While developing its own strengths, everyone also hoped for a setback in Russian strategies.

If Russia were to annex the Ottoman Empire, the honeymoon period between the two countries would end. Between nations, relying on strength and interests still speaks louder.

One important factor for the outbreak of the Crimean War in history was that Napoleon III had just ascended the throne and needed to divert domestic conflicts and establish his authority.

Now with Napoleon III’s restoration moved up the timeline, that need hadn’t changed, and naturally, the outcome would remain the same.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Let’s add some fuel to their fire, but we must be careful not to get burnt ourselves. The play must go on.

If England and France were to discover our true intentions, the situation could become uncontrollable. At a critical moment, the Russians would certainly expose the Russian-Austrian Treaty.

We must be prepared diplomatically. At the critical moment, England and France must know that even if Russia and Austria have formed an alliance, in the Russio-Turkish War, Austria would only remain neutral, at most providing diplomatic support to them!”

This wasn’t a joke. If Austria resolutely sided with Russia in every aspect, perhaps England and France would be deterred. In the Near East, a joint Russian-Austrian force would be invincible, unafraid of any challenge.

Without giving England and France a reassurance, how could they possibly commit to a military expedition to strike at the Russians? Without the Russians to distract them, how could Austria have the opportunity to make a secret move?

While Austria was using the Russians, weren’t the Russians also using Austria? As long as Austria made a move, it would likewise distract a portion of England and France’s focus, easing their pressure on the battlefield.

Moreover, if the Russians wanted to annex the Ottoman Empire, they would inevitably rely on Austria’s material support. With their own country’s industrial capacity, they could not sustain a modern war.

From the beginning, this was a cooperation based on mutual need, each harboring their own ulterior motives.

Chapter 60: The Price

St. Petersburg

The Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Carl-Wassell, frowned and said, “Your Majesty, the Paris Envoy has sent news that Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte restored himself as Napoleon III on January 1, 1852.”

Upon hearing the news of Napoleon III’s restoration, Nicholas I became furious. In his view, the Napoleon family, being upstarts, had no right to act as the Emperor of France.

This was not just his personal opinion, but also a matter of practical interest. Napoleon’s rise to power through elections had broken the tradition of “divine right of kings,” shaking the foundations of all monarchies in Europe, which was the origin of the anti-French wars.

Having suppressed such heretical ideas with difficulty, the restoration of Napoleon III was a slap in the face to all participants of the Congress of Vienna, and most importantly, an insult to Alexander I.

What infuriated him even more was that Napoleon III dared to challenge the majesty of the Russian Empire by intervening in the Holy Land crisis immediately after its outbreak, undermining the Russians’ control over the Orthodox Church.

With old grudges and new antagonisms fused together, Nicholas I naturally could not recognize the legitimacy of Napoleon III. If it weren’t for the great distance between them, he would’ve already taken action to show the French the might of the Russian Empire.

Nicholas I scornfully said, “As expected, just a petty trickster, only capable of engaging in lowly schemes.”

“Order the Paris Envoy to issue a diplomatic note to the French government, denouncing Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte’s shameless act of usurpation and commanding him to abdicate immediately,” he commanded.

The restoration of Napoleon III was a swift and decisive move, and to avoid international interference, the specific timing had been kept secret.

In Nicholas I’s view, this was pettiness unbefitting a monarch, completely lacking in regal dignity, and unworthy of being a member of the Monarch Group.

Carl-Wassell advised, “Your Majesty, such a harsh reply may not be wise; it will continue to degrade our relations with France.”

Rejecting Napoleon III and deliberately issuing a diplomatic note to offend him was undoubtedly adding insult to injury in the already frosty French-Russian relations.

Due to the distance, Russia’s influence over France was not significant; this diplomatic rebuke was simply for making Napoleon III lose face a bit at the outset.

After all, no matter how fiercely the Tsarist Government bellowed, Napoleon III was unlikely to abdicate. He must continue on regardless of what lay ahead.

“What’s there to fear?” Nicholas I disdained, “The offense has already been given. With Russo-French relations as they are, how much worse can they get?”

With an attitude of indifference, Nicholas I was prepared to break the jar. It was not out of impulsiveness, but because the conflict with the Ottoman over the issue had become acute, with neither side willing to concede and reconciliation almost impossible.

Facing the resolute Nicholas I, the Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell naturally did not counter, for what did the fate of the French have to do with him?

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Carl-Wassell replied.

He then changed the subject, “Your Majesty, it has been confirmed that negotiations in Constantinople will bear no fruit; with the support of England and France, the Ottoman Empire is unlikely to give in. We can proceed with our next plan.”

In other words, war was coming, and they needed a reasonable pretext. Influenced by European culture, the Tsarist Government was no longer as reckless as before and understood the importance of maintaining a facade.

Nicholas I nodded and then ordered, “Command Duke Menshikov to issue an ultimatum to the Ottoman Empire; if they still refuse our goodwill, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs can choose an excuse!”

Goodwill—who could feel the “goodwill” of the Tsarist Government? With such appetite, even if the Sultan Government were weak, it had to resist firmly.

A compromise would be akin to slow suicide, while a firm resistance offered a glimmer of hope. With the support of England and France, the Ottoman Empire was not without a chance of victory.

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Carl-Wassell responded.

Excuses were manifold and always forthcoming. With its deep-rooted corruption, it would be all too easy to find fault with the Ottoman Empire.

Istanbul was the dream of several generations of the Tsarist Government, not just for its military and economic value, but also for its immense political and religious significance.

In short, as long as the Tsarist Government could successfully seize Istanbul, any loss, no matter how devastating, would be acceptable.

In this respect, Nicholas II was utterly foolish for having engaged in a futile struggle against Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

If he had first bullied the Ottoman Empire and seized the Istanbul area, by leveraging the added political and religious significance, he could have completely overridden all internal contradictions.

In this respect, Nicholas I’s strategy was entirely correct. By recapturing Istanbul and leveraging his immense prestige, addressing reforms at home would be far easier.

The internal conflicts within Russia had long been noted by the Tsarist Government, but with such powerful opposing factions, Nicholas I dared not make rash moves.

Including Nicholas I himself, many high-ranking officials in Russia opposed serfdom, but unfortunately, faced with the entire Aristocratic Group, they all backed down.

Now, the Tsarist Government pinned its hopes on the Russo-Turkish War, believing that as long as they could capture Constantinople, everything would be fine afterward. If they failed, there would be no other option but to risk internal reforms.

Paris

After the successful restoration of Napoleon III, the country did not immediately stabilize, and the opposition forces were still strong. On January 12th, an anti-imperial uprising broke out in Paris.

Half a month later, the uprising spread to over twenty provinces including Toulouse, Marseille, Limoges, Perpignan, Balerina, Toulon, Bordeaux, and others.

At this time, the benefits of bribing officers became evident; Napoleon III’s response was much stronger than that of the July Monarchy, and he immediately ordered the suppression of the rebellion.

The country entered a state of martial law in 32 provinces, and in just one month, more than 26,000 people were arrested, with over 10,000 exiled, casting a white terror across France.

Because the insurgents lacked effective organization and were scattered across the country in battle, they were quickly suppressed.

Having secured his throne, Napoleon III’s troubles also arrived. The first challenge was the financial crisis, as during the restoration process, to win hearts, Napoleon III significantly increased everyone’s salary and benefits.

For example: A member of the National Senate earned an annual salary of 30,000 Francs, a State Councilor earned 25,000 Francs, and the minimum annual salary for ministers started at 40,000 Francs, with those holding multiple posts earning multiple salaries.

Napoleon himself also received an annual salary of 26 million Francs, which compared to France’s twelve or thirteen billion Francs of annual fiscal revenue, the Emperor’s annuity accounted for only 2.1% and did not seem too high.

However, this wasn’t the right way to account for it: if the upper echelons’ treatment improved, could the lower-level public servants’ salaries not increase?

Without a doubt, Napoleon III was a good leader, caring for everyone’s standard of living, so the civil servants of France were happy; the “high-salary era” had arrived.

When the government officials received pay raises, Napoleon III also did not forget the army, on the same front line as him, providing promotions and salary increases where due.

Even the Catholic Church, which had supported him, received funding of 42.8 million Francs in 1852. Compared to Franz, who had targeted the Church as soon as he took the throne, Napoleon III was clearly a good boy.

On this joyous day of the new Emperor’s accession to the throne, Napoleon III also considered the interests of the common people and abolished a series of vexatious taxes.

Then everyone was happy, chanting “Long live the Emperor” in unison, with finances being the only emerging problem.

With expenditures increasing and income decreasing, the French government’s finances were not far from bankruptcy.

Manipulating people’s hearts was Napoleon III’s forte, but when it came to governing the country, he was still a novice who had just started this journey.

To consolidate his rule, Napoleon III even expanded the civil service team, increasing the number of administrative officials from 470,000 to 620,000.

It is worth mentioning that in response to the crisis in the Near East, Napoleon III was also prepared to continue expanding the army, but due to financial difficulties, he was forced to postpone this plan.

Looking at the finance report teetering on bankruptcy, Napoleon III, with a headache, asked, “Rue, do you have any solution to the financial crisis?”

Rue replied with a wry smile, “Your Majesty, negotiate with the finance group; we need their support to get through this difficulty.”

I don’t know who gave him the title of “Deputy Emperor” to trap people. Since then, Rue became more restrained in front of Napoleon III.

Fortunately, this was the European Continent; had it been the Eastern world, by this time, he would have been torn to pieces already.

Even though he still held high power, Rue knew that Napoleon III, now Emperor, was different from Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte before his ascension.

As the second-in-command of this group, he had to be careful with his words and actions. Being too cautious was not good, as it would affect their relationship between monarch and minister; being too arrogant was also not good, as it would cause annoyance to Napoleon III.

Seeking support from the finance group was a standard suggestion. Lacking innovation, yet very effective.

The French government was poor, but the French finance groups were very rich. After years of capital accumulation, they had earned the title of a Usury Empire.

However, this was not a long-term plan; getting support from the finance group also required a price to be paid, and without sufficient benefits, they would be reluctant to spend their money.

Chapter 61: Outbreak of Near East War

On February 21, 1852, the Ottoman Empire rejected the Russians’ impudent demands, and the Constantinople negotiations ended in failure, making the Russo-Turkish war inevitable.

That did not come as a surprise to anyone, as Russia’s demands were such that no one could possibly agree to them.

If it had just been a matter of knocking off a little bit from the edges, perhaps the decaying Ottoman Government might have endured it, but to swallow them whole was beyond any possibility of compromise.

A week later, the Sultan Government likewise rejected Austria’s terms, and war entered the countdown phase.

From a military standpoint, fighting on two fronts was very unwise.

Theoretically, having Austria occupy Moldavia and Wallachia would cut off relations between Russia and the Ottoman Empire in the Balkan region, significantly reducing the military pressure on the Ottomans.

However, politically speaking, the Sultan Government simply could not afford to compromise—showing the slightest weakness at this juncture could lead to a change in the support from England and France.

If England and France happened to compromise with Russia, the four great powers might come together to carve up the Ottoman Empire, sealing its doom.

Although the Ottoman Empire was in decay, on the surface, they still presented as a “strong nation.” Until their intrinsic weakness was exposed, England and France still had confidence in them.

The four great powers of Europe were divided into two camps, while the rest of the nations naturally opted for neutrality, echoing the calls of their respective leaders; getting involved in a war was out of the question, as civilized people could not resort to fighting and killing, could they?

The Ottoman Empire had a really bad reputation in Europe, though the Russians’ reputation wasn’t much better both were considered unwelcome, like two peas in a pod.

Yet, the Ottoman Empire’s reputation was even more foul. Franz had people dig up the Ottomans’ past misconduct, which is why the Russians enjoyed a higher level of support in public opinion.

Public response gave the Russians confidence. Nicholas I considered himself the liberator of Christendom, a banner also raised by Franz.

On March 27, 1852, the Russian Empire officially declared war on the Ottoman Empire, sparking the ninth Russo-Turkish war.

On March 28, under the command of Nicholas I, the Russian Army launched its assault on the Ottoman Empire.

This time, the Tsarist Government abided by the rules, strictly following international convention, without engaging in any undeclared warfare.

Vienna

Before the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish War, the Russians had notified Austria according to the pact. Franz immediately ordered full military readiness and convened an extended meeting of the military and political leaders.

Marshal Radetzky, pointing to the military map, analyzed, “Gentlemen, please see. According to our general staff’s estimation, the Russians have three potential attack routes to choose from.

First, they may launch an attack from the Caucasus region; second, from the Balkan Peninsula; third, from the sea.

The Russian Army attacking from the Caucasus region is of little concern to us and can be disregarded.

Should they attack from the Balkan Peninsula, they will inevitably need to occupy Moldavia and Wallachia first. As agreed, these are within our sphere of influence.

We must take action in that case or else our western strategy will be exposed. If Russia leaks the secret agreement, the trio of England, France and Prussia will keep us firmly in their sights.

If they launch an attack from the sea, then there are multiple potential landing points to choose from; any of the Ottoman Empire’s Black Sea coastal port cities might be targeted.

From a military standpoint, all three of these attack routes are viable. The Russians might choose one or two, or they might opt to attack on all three fronts.”

Without intervention from England and France, the Russians have too many options. The decaying Ottoman Empire is full of vulnerabilities and practically indefensible.

Once England and France intervene, a naval onslaught becomes out of the question. The Black Sea Fleet might bully the Ottoman Navy, but against the English and French navies, they would only be lambs for slaughter.

For Austria, the most troublesome scenario is a Russian onslaught across the Balkan Peninsula. If the Russians occupy the Danube Basin, getting them to withdraw later would be difficult.

As for alliances, from the moment they are signed, they are made to be broken. Any alliance is unreliable as long as there is a big enough interest at stake.

Metternich thought for a moment and said, “The western strategy must absolutely remain concealed. If it draws the attention of other countries, our ambition to unite the South German Region will be compromised.”

The attendees nodded in agreement. Austria had already invested too much for the western strategy; if it were exposed at this critical juncture, the loss would be tremendous.

Austria’s goal of uniting the South German States wasn’t to destroy South Germany.

If we were to strike unexpectedly, with the help of guides, occupying Munich at the first instance would essentially declare the end of the war.

Essentially, the western strategy is “three parts military, seven parts politics.” Austria’s main approach towards these sub-state governments is political seduction, with military action serving as a support.

If the plan were exposed, and the South German Confederation, with backing from the great powers, engaged Austria in a drawn-out struggle, even a victorious outcome would prove a pyrrhic victory.

If both sides endured heavy bloodshed, ruling over these territories would become difficult. Austria’s intention in annexing South Germany was to strengthen national power, not to magnify trouble.

Marshal Radetzky thought for a moment and said, “Then we only have two options. The first is to immediately launch a western advance strategy and catch them off guard,”

“However, if we do this, there’s a very high possibility of French intervention, and we need to be ready to fight the French first,”

The second option is to continue with the alternative Balkan strategy, sending out a smoke screen to the outside world,”

“As long as we ignite the flames of war in the Balkan Peninsula, even if the Russian-Austrian secret treaty is leaked, England and France will be misled by us,”

Acting now clearly doesn’t serve Austria’s interests; it’s being Russia’s scapegoat. Even with British support, the Ottoman Empire would not be able to withstand the Russian onslaught if Austria provoked France,”

To release a smoke screen is also not easy. Starting a war is simple, but to quell it is difficult. It’s possible that the Anglo-French forces will come after Austria with bad intentions towards Russia before they even go after the Russians themselves,”

Prime Minister Felix said with a solemn demeanor, “We have foreseen this situation long ago. As soon as the Russians take military action, we will follow suit immediately. They can attack along the Balkan Peninsula if they want,

“But we must send troops to occupy the two principalities in the Danube Basin. We cannot let Russia swallow them whole,”

“As long as the Russo-Turkish War cannot be quickly resolved, they will need our support, and at that time, Russia would not breach the contract,”

Franz nodded in agreement, that would be sufficient. No strategy could guarantee being foolproof, and as an Emperor, one naturally couldn’t lead from the front but must keep a buffer,

In case something unforeseen happens midway, causing the plan to fail, someone must take the blame, right? The Cabinet is the most suitable choice; politics is just that cruel,”

Of course, Franz was a good boss; taking the fall for him wouldn’t be a big deal. At worst, one might be sent home for a few years, and once the storm passes, there’s a chance to come back,

This kind of thing has happened all too frequently in history. Nearly every successful Emperor has played this game,”

On March 28, 1852, following the Russians, Austria also delivered a declaration of war to the Ottoman Empire, expanding the Near East War,”

Constantinople

After receiving the declarations of war from Russia and Austria, the Sultan Government gave up their last bit of hope, and Abdulmejid I likewise responded by declaring war against the two nations,

In terms of courage, Abdulmejid I was still a qualified Emperor, not shrinking back at this time,”

In theory, Abdulmejid I now had a million-strong army at his command, and with British and French support for modernized weaponry, as the defender, they were not entirely without the power to fight,”

“What did the British and French representatives say? When can they send assistance?” Abdulmejid I asked with concern,

The Foreign Minister answered, “Your Majesty, the British and French representatives have both expressed their support for us, but sending assistance will take some time,

“If we agree, the British and French navies can enter the Black Sea immediately to suppress the Russian Black Sea Fleet,

The British and French also agree to let the military instructors who have been training our troops join the war, but they must do so in the capacity of commanders,”

It is easy to invite the gods, but difficult to send them away. Getting the British and French fleets to enter the Black Sea is one thing, but getting them to leave is another,

Suppressing the Russian Black Sea Fleet is one thing, but controlling the Black Sea Strait also allows England and France to increase their influence over the Ottoman Empire, bringing with it a substantial amount of economic interests,”

Abdulmejid I frowned; he knew that British and French aid was not easily obtained. They hadn’t set conditions before, were they not just waiting here for this moment?

Before the breakout of the Near East War, the concessions that the Ottoman Empire could make, why did they become larger after the war broke out?

The situation has come to a desperate point, and for British and French military instructors to participate in the war as commanders is to demand military command from the Ottoman Government,

If the Sultan Government made such a concession, it would be difficult for the Ottoman Empire to rid itself of British and French control in the future. This is a blatant scheme, that even if Abdulmejid I knows there’s a pit ahead, he must still jump into it,”

“Tell them, as long as the British and French reinforcements can come early, I will agree!” Abdulmejid I said through gritted teeth,

For him, agreeing to such conditions was undoubtedly an insult to his dignity, but the harsh reality left no choice,”

With the outbreak of the Near East War, the Ottoman Empire couldn’t do without British and French support. Weapons and equipment needed to be provided by them, wartime expenses had to be provided by them, and to win the war, one needed British and French reinforcements,”

On March 28, 1852, the Russian Army launched an offensive in the Caucasus region; on March 29, the Russian Army attacked the Danube Basin, and on the same day, Austria sent troops to the Danube Basin as well,

Faced with simultaneous attacks from the Russians and Austrians, the autonomous governments of Moldavia and Wallachia surrendered very neatly,

Fighting on behalf of the Ottoman Empire was out of the question; the Romanians had no intention of dying for the Sultan, and their rebellion against the Ottomans wasn’t just a matter of one or two days,”

Chapter 62: The Crisis of the Ottoman Empire

It was already the third day since the news of the outbreak of the Near Eastern war had reached London. Even with prior mental preparation, the upper echelons of the British government were still troubled upon receiving this news.

Even Queen Victoria, who seldom intervened in politics, was unsettled enough to call a high-level meeting at Buckingham Palace.

Queen Victoria opened the conversation, “With the outbreak of the Near Eastern War, the Russians and the Austrian Empire have gotten involved together, and the Ottomans now face considerable trouble. To preserve our interests in the Near East, what does the government plan to do?”

The Ottoman Empire had long commanded awe, and even in this age of decline, its fearsome reputation retained some effect. Furthermore, the Ottoman Government had just completed systemic reforms, ostensibly modernizing the empire.

In Queen Victoria’s view, even if the Ottoman Empire was no match for Russia and Austria, with such vast lands and a million-strong army to boot, at worst they would only lose a bit of territory — they wouldn’t be brought down so easily.

This was also the mainstream view in Europe; no one truly knew how weak the Ottoman Empire was.

Prime Minister John Russell, well-prepared, responded, “Your Majesty, we have already joined hands with France and are prepared to intervene in this war together.”

Prince Albert questioned, “Prime Minister, this war between Russia and the Ottomans is different from the previous ones, with the Austrians also taking part.

Even with an alliance with the French, are we really capable of making them compromise? Otherwise, this war wouldn’t even have started!”

Queen Victoria disliked meddling in politics, unlike Prince Albert, who had his hand in numerous significant decisions for England.

John Russell explained, “Your Highness, the partnership between Russia and Austria is only temporary, and because their interests don’t align, they will eventually part ways.

Our current enemy is Russia; we can set Austria aside for the time being. They only have so much appetite — even if we were to hand over the Balkan Peninsula to them, they couldn’t swallow it all.

The government plans to conduct a joint operation with the French, supporting the Ottomans to continue the fight against the Russians, and leave Austria’s Foreign Ministry to handle the rest.”

Deploying troops to intervene in the Near Eastern War? Whether historically or presently, the British had no initial plans to enter the fray personally.

In history, when the British joined the Crimean War, it was only after the Ottoman Empire was on the brink and France was willing to be the main force that Britain sent troops to battle.

With the Ottoman Empire’s lion-strong army still intact, before the war had even begun, who could tell if these forces were merely for show?

Many within the British Government believed that it would be enough to provide loans to the Ottomans and sell them some weapons and equipment.

Of course, deploying the navy to lend a hand was an option, delving into the Black Sea Strait was in British interests.

While they lacked confidence in the army facing off against Russians, they were decidedly bold against the Russian Black Sea Fleet with their navy.

Paris

Compared to the British, Napoleon III was much more proactive. He saw the Near Eastern War as an excellent opportunity to divert domestic conflicts.

If he could beat the Russians and avenge his uncle’s defeat at Waterloo, he would gain substantial political capital.

Losing the war was of no consequence; after all, the battle would be fought on Ottoman soil, and blame could easily be shifted onto allies. As long as the French Army secured a few victories to publicize at home, that would suffice.

Napoleon III asked with concern, “Rue, what do the British say? Are they prepared to join us in sending troops?”

Rue answered, “Your Majesty, the London Government is still hesitant. They seem inclined to support the Ottomans from behind the scenes rather than engage their own troops in battle.

However, if we were to send troops to support the Ottomans, the British would be supportive. They also wish to teach the Russians a lesson on the battlefield.”

This premature conclusion was drawn while the Ottoman Empire had yet to be defeated. Should the Ottoman Army suffer a significant loss, would the British remain seated?

If the Ottoman Empire fell, not only would their initial investments be in vain, but even their Mediterranean interests would be jeopardized.

Napoleon III dared to intervene in the Near East war precisely because the Ottoman Empire possessed a certain level of strength; otherwise, leaving them to face off against the Russians alone, the French would indeed be very timid.

There’s no other reason; the sheer number of grey beasts is overwhelming. A quantitative change leads to a qualitative change. Even Napoleon himself was buried under Russian numbers, and there’s also the Austrian Empire to consider, which they cannot afford to ignore.

“Hmph!”

With a cold snort, Napoleon III expressed his dissatisfaction. The British were making it clear they expected France to take the lead.

“Tell the British not to forget about Austria. If they don’t send troops to support the Ottoman Empire, it may not be long before we hear news of their defeat,” Napoleon III thought and said.

Using diplomatic means to split the Russian-Austrian alliance is very important for the British, and it is worthwhile for them to pay some price for this.

But for Napoleon III, it was different. The stage was set, and the audience was waiting down below to watch the play; he couldn’t suddenly announce there would be no performance.

Having ascended to power as Napoleon’s successor, avenging his uncle was only natural, and the French public was watching him; he could not afford to retreat.

There was no choice, the French public of this era was that capricious. Since Napoleon III had made promises before he acceded to the throne, he had to fulfill them.

Historically, this is exactly what Napoleon III did. The Crimean War ended Russian hegemony in Europe and won the support of the people.

“Your Majesty, if the Russians truly join hands with Austria, it might be difficult for us to defeat them in the Near East,” Rue reminded him.

The substitute king did not bear the title in vain; if they were defeated, he would be the one to take the blame. Preparing for the worst was necessary.

“Don’t worry, they can’t possibly join forces sincerely. With Russia’s appetite, Austria wouldn’t dare let them gain control over the Black Sea Strait,” Napoleon III asserted confidently.

An overly powerful Russian Empire did not suit the interests of Austria. If the Russians were to annex the Ottoman Empire, Austria would face increased pressure.

The Balkan Peninsula

On April 11, 1852, after negotiations, the Austrian Government and the Russian Government signed the “Balkan Treaty”.

The treaty stipulated: Russian forces would transfer control of the two principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia to Austria; Russian troops would gain the right of free passage; Austria would provide logistical support to the Russian Army in the Balkan Peninsula.

Both parties took what they needed. Austria acquired the prearranged territories and successfully concealed its westward strategy; the Russians obtained the opportunity to continue their advance from the Balkan Peninsula, increasing their chances of winning the war.

A look at the map would reveal that without Austrian material support, once they occupied the two Danube principalities, their logistical supplies would hamper the Russian Army’s ability to continue its advance.

The sudden relinquishment by the Russians caught the Sultan Government off guard, which had been preparing to witness a Russian-Austrian conflict.

There was no time for hesitation; a quarter of a million Russian troops were already on their way down the Danube River, heading straight for Bulgaria.

Anyone with a bit of military knowledge knows that once Bulgaria falls, the Ottoman Empire Capital is in danger.

In fact, had the Sultan Government not promptly invited the English and French navies into the Black Sea, the Russian advance would have been even smoother. It is much easier to transport supplies by sea than by land.

With the number of troops Russia had, had they not lost sea control, they could have chosen to land at multiple points, forcing the Ottoman Empire to scatter its defenses.

Trouble comes in waves.

The Russians were also well prepared; through the contacts of the Orthodox Church, the Bulgarians were now ready to welcome the Royal Army with open arms and full provisions.

It wasn’t just the Bulgarians; other nationalities within the Ottoman Empire were also becoming restless. It was just that, at this point, they lacked effective organization, and nationalism had not yet spread widely, limiting their combat effectiveness when it came down to fighting.

In any case, the Ottoman Empire was currently in a state of impending crisis, and with Austria as an added enemy, the troubles they faced grew even larger.

Chapter 63: All Thanks to Foil

Since declaring war on the Ottoman Empire, Austria had entered a state of war, with massive amounts of strategic materials being transported along the Danube River to the Balkan Peninsula, and two hundred thousand Austrian troops were majestically marching over.

To all appearances, Austria was seeking vengeance against the Ottomans. The hatred between the two could be traced back hundreds of years; if it were not for the Ottoman’s interference, the Habsburg dynasty would have unified Teuton-loon ago.

This time, Franz had deceived the entire world. With troops and strategic materials continuously flooding into the Balkan Peninsula, even to the Austrian insiders, it seemed like they were resolved to fight the Ottomans to the death.

Only a few high-ranking individuals knew that the offensive on the Balkan Peninsula had reached a conclusion, and the concentration of Austria’s military forces and strategic materials along the Danube Basin was primarily to ensure rapid troop deployment for the westward strategy when it unfolded.

The strategic materials heading for the Balkan Peninsula were also needed by the Russians, weren’t they? Even though the Tsarist Government had prepared for war for two years, it still hadn’t solved the domestic transportation issue.

Originally, the Tsarist Government planned to rely on sea transportation to address logistical issues, amassing strategic materials at Ukrainian coastal ports under the protection of the Black Sea Fleet, which seemed foolproof.

Yet plans fail to keep up with changes, and once the English and French navies arrived, the sea routes were cut off.

That was when allies were needed. With the Danube River running through its territory, Austria could directly supply the Bulgarian region, causing no significant logistics problems.

The Danube River could be considered a treasure bestowed upon Austria by heaven. Before the railway was completed, water transport was the most reliable method.

The Danube River originated in Baden, passed through Württemberg and Bavaria before entering Austria, and flowed through the two Danube principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia before reaching the sea. It was the logistic lifeline for Austria’s westward advance into South Germany and its southward descent to the Balkan Peninsula.

Of course, it would be best if the railway could be constructed. After all, the Danube River didn’t cover all areas, and a railway traversing east to west would be more convenient.

Vienna

At the Austrian General Staff, the requests for battle report from the military had piled up like a mountain. Soldiers needed military merits, but since there had hardly been any battles in the occupation of the two Danube principalities, on what could everyone rely to be granted noble ranks and titles?

Had it not been for Marshal Radetzky’s high prestige, which managed to restrain the War Party within the military, those messes of requests for battle would have landed on Franz’s desk.

According to the Archive Bureau’s statistics, the General Staff received over one hundred thousand requests for battle in 1852, with nearly every soldier’s name appearing in the requests.

A middle-aged officer, holding a thick file, said with a wry smile, “Your Excellency the Marshal, here is the request for battle from the 19th Division.”

He had lost track of how many times he had brought over files. Ever since the war with the Ottoman Empire broke out, the Austrian military began eagerly preparing for a major battle.

The General Staff was inundated daily with numerous requests for battle and countless operational plans. In short, everyone was in a hurry, fearing that if the Russians fought too fiercely upfront, they would miss the opportunity to showcase their prowess.

After thinking it over, Marshal Radetzky said, “Toss it to the archive room. From now on, don’t bother bringing me any of these reports.”

In the beginning, he was very happy about it; a military that was eager to fight was a good thing! But as time went on, even Marshal Radetzky had become desensitized.

Ever since the effortless occupation of the two Danube principalities, many saw this war as a mere armed parade, as if the Ottoman Empire would crumble at a single touch.

Not only were the active soldiers excited, even the debauched sons of the nobility sought connections here and there, wanting to dip into the military for a quick touch of glory.

Thinking of joining at this time was, of course, impossible. To implement the westward strategy, the higher-ups of the Austrian Government were watching closely, not permitting even the slightest slack.

“Yes, Marshal!” the middle-aged officer replied.

After speaking, the middle-aged officer did not leave. Instead, he seemed anxious, as if he had something to say.

Noticing this, Marshal Radetzky asked with curiosity, “Major General Lafitte, is there anything else?”

“Your Excellency the Marshal, the sentiment below is impassioned, and we’re nearly unable to contain it,” Major General Lafitte said with trepidation.

Marshal Radetzky stated sternly, “What’s there to contain? Just tell them to get ready, it’s not their place to worry about when to fight. If anyone has an issue, order them to retire immediately and send them home. The Austrian military has no place for such undisciplined individuals!”

“Yes, Marshal!” Major General Lafitte replied hastily.

The Austrian military did not have a tradition of subordination overtaking superiors, and such matters of the military state were not for lower-ranking officers to decide.

At such times, being ordered to retire and go home meant missing out on the war, which would be a significant loss for those aspiring to gain honors and titles on the battlefield.

After quelling the voices below, Marshal Radetzky let out a sigh. This indeed was a rare opportunity to head south to the Balkan Peninsula, but reality did not permit it.

At present, the main forces of the Austrian army were operating in the two principalities downstream of the Danube River; on the surface, they were clearing out dissidents and establishing effective local governance, but in fact, it was still to facilitate congregation.

Even the naval vessels of the Austrian Navy that could navigate the Danube River had rushed to the Black Sea to stand by before the war broke out, and now they were escorting in the Danube Basin.

So much preparation couldn’t possibly be for the sake of gaining a little advantage in the Balkan Peninsula, to give up on the westward strategy, could it?

It’s easy for an army to spread out, but gathering back together is difficult. With just one command, the Austrian army could join forces with the Russians and attack; it wouldn’t take long to occupy the Balkan Peninsula.

But once the Balkan Peninsula was occupied, Austria would be dragged down there, making it difficult to disentangle. Without the Danube Basin’s water transportation, and having distributed hundreds of thousands of troops, it would be too late to gather them up from the Balkan Peninsula and transport them to South Germany by the time it went bad.

Belvedere Palace

Franz asked with concern, “Mr. Stein, how far has the construction of the main domestic railway lines progressed, and when can they be completed?”

The construction of the Austrian railway network began in 1849. It has been three years since work started, and some sections in the plains areas have already opened to traffic.

However, for the entire transportation network, this is merely a drop in the bucket. As for the railways that must cross the main range of the Alps, it goes without saying, even three more years of work might not ensure a smooth opening.

Franz was not as urgent about the mountain railways. Right now, the most critical issue was the railway from Vienna to Salzburg, which had to be opened ahead of schedule.

There was no way around it; under the butterfly effect he had caused, the Near Eastern War erupted a year earlier than the historical Crimean War, which meant one less year to prepare for the Western advance strategy.

A year’s time is enough to change many things. The distance from Vienna to Salzburg is just over two hundred kilometers. Franz was not worried at all about completing this railway within four years.

The Beijing-Zhangjiakou Railway was constructed under such harsh conditions and took less than four years to complete; unlike this section, it didn’t require manual drilling of the Badaling Tunnel or erecting the Huailai Bridge.

A year less in the construction period was problematic. To maintain secrecy, Franz could not inquire specifically about this section of the railway. If it caught the attention of someone with ulterior motives, that would spell trouble. Now he could only require that all the nation’s main railway lines speed up construction.

According to the plans of the General Staff, once the Western advance strategy unfolded, the Austrian Army would attack on three fronts. One would fight its way along the Danube River, another would depart from Salzburg and take the overland route directly to Munich, and the last would enter Bavaria along the Rhine River.

It must be said that an advanced water system is beneficial; even the entry into Bavaria from Salzburg can still be connected to the Rhine River via the Salzach River.

In this era, the Bavarians had not yet constructed the canal between the Rhine and the Danube rivers; otherwise, it would have been possible to mobilize resources for this war of unification in South Germany directly from Vienna.

Now, an additional logistics supply point—Salzburg—was needed. Therefore, it was crucial to finish the railway between Vienna and Salzburg before the outbreak of the war.

Railway Minister Stein handed Franz a document, saying, “Your Majesty, this is the progress schedule and the estimated timetable for the opening of the railway construction. Please take a look.

Currently, all the major railway companies in the country have increased construction speed. The main lines still require at least two more years to be completed entirely, with one-third of the sections expected to open within the year, and some mountain railways might be delayed until 1856.”

Franz nodded, the pace of Austria’s railway construction was not slow for the era, especially after the government’s incentive policies were introduced, several railway companies were rushing to meet the deadlines.

Starting this year, the Austrian Railway will experience a surge in openings, with many sections becoming operative in succession. The domestic transportation situation will be greatly improved.

After flipping through the document and seeing the answer he was looking for, Franz smiled and said, “I am very satisfied with this speed, Mr. Stein, you’ve worked hard. You may go and attend to your duties now.”

“Yes, Your Majesty!”

After finishing, Stein turned and left; the meeting that followed was not for a technical bureaucrat like him to participate in.

Franz had no intention of cultivating all-round bureaucrats. Officials in government departments were mostly experts in a particular field. If one were proficient in everything, they could pack up and go home; the Austrian Government had no need for all-rounders.

If there truly were such a genius, Franz thought it would be better to send them to do scientific research, as getting involved in politics was too dangerous, even for him, the Emperor.

After watching Stein leave, Franz spoke up, “Gentlemen, if everything goes as planned, the railway to Salzburg will be operational by the end of the year, as the construction of the railway foundation has been completed.

The original plan remains unchanged, but we now need to delay it for at least another half year. Mr. Metternich, do you have any problems with that?”

Foreign Minister Metternich, who was addressed, thought for a moment and then replied, “Your Majesty, it depends on the situation at the Balkan front.

Based on the intelligence we’ve gathered, the Russian Army has deployed 251,000 troops here, while the Ottoman Army nominally has 450,000 men; however, there is at least a fifth shortfall in actual numbers, and I fear their combat effectiveness is not very promising.

If the Russians can make quick work of it and capture Constantinople before England and France intervene, then our original plan would be difficult to continue.”

Despite seemingly having more troops, Metternich still favored the Russians over the Ottomans. Having more soldiers in the Ottoman camp did not equate to having more soldiers on the battlefield.

Now the Russians have handed over the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin to Austria, which essentially means Austria is also tasked with maintaining stability in the rear, including logistical transportation in this area; this is all being done by the Austrian army on their behalf.

The Ottoman Empire is fighting on its home turf, but unfortunately, in the Bulgarian region, the Russians are more popular with the locals. With Russian support, the number of local guerrillas has already exceeded ten thousand, turning the Ottomans’ home turf advantage into a disadvantage.

Marshal Radetzky confidently commented, “Mr. Metternich need not worry; this is a war of attrition.

After our contact with the Russians entering the Balkan Peninsula, we are essentially able to determine that the combat effectiveness of the Russian Army is much lower than we previously imagined.

Firstly, their troop deployment is very chaotic, the organizational structure still stuck in the era of the anti-French wars, riddled with severe internal corruption, outdated weapons and equipment, and a disorganized logistical system.

Secondly, Russian military discipline is slack, and the Cossack cavalry are a plague; they wreak havoc wherever they go, and while they may fight well when they have the upper hand, they will immediately crumble upon defeat.

The Ottoman Empire Army has hired French instructors for training, but they have only managed to copy the surface of the French without understanding the essence. Aside from looking like a modernized army, they still operate old tactics.

When it comes to corruption, the Ottoman Army is even more severe; at least the Russians manage to fill their ranks, while Ottoman officers pocket the salaries of nonexistent soldiers, resulting in severe troop shortages.

Many soldiers were conscripted by force, just to fill the numbers, and I have no expectations of their combat capabilities.

All in all, the combat effectiveness of the Ottoman Army is worse. If there is no foreign intervention, they are most likely to lose this war, although they probably won’t have difficulty holding onto Constantinople.”

Franz agreed with Marshal Radetzky’s assessment. The combat effectiveness displayed by the Russians during the historical Crimean War was just one word—poor, and the Ottomans have shown that there’s no limit to how bad it can get!

Overall, at this time both the Russians and the Ottomans were at a low ebb. Not just them, in fact, France, Austria, Spain, and Prussia were all similarly situated, with only the British being the exception and European powers collectively out of sorts.

Under the butterfly effect caused by Franz, Austria was pulled back from the brink, and against the backdrop of the Russians and Ottomans, Marshal Radetzky found his confidence.

Chapter 64: Choices of All Parties

London

The course of the Near Eastern War left the British dumbfounded. Russia had actually given up the Two principalities of the Danube Basin in exchange for Austria’s logistical support.

This meant that the Russians had a very big appetite this time, and only larger interests could make them give up the Wallachia Principality and the Moldavian Principality.

Prime Minister John Russell said with a gloomy face, “Our previous plan has failed. Austria and Russia have reached an agreement. If we don’t take action now, the Ottoman Empire will definitely not be a match for them.

Mr. Palmerston, does your Foreign Office have any way to dismantle the alliance between Russia and Austria in the shortest possible time?

Once those two countries join forces, they are virtually invincible in the Near East. Even if we take joint action with the French, it will be very difficult to win.”

Prime Minister John Russell’s words were not unfounded; Russia bordered the Ottoman Empire only in the Balkan Peninsula and the Caucasus region.

Due to the terrain constraints in the Caucasus region, if large corps were to battle, logistics would be a big problem.

Given the poor transportation within Russia and the complex terrain of the Caucasus region, it’s basically impossible to sustain combat for more than two hundred thousand troops.

Of course, if they don’t lose the naval power in the Black Sea, they could still move along the coastline, and logistics won’t pose a problem.

Now that Russians’ land-based troop deployment route is limited to the Balkan Peninsula. The Two principalities of the Danube Basin are major grain producers, so their food problems can basically be solved locally, cutting the Russian Army’s logistics pressure in half.

Even so, the Russians are not capable of fighting all the way to Constantinople. After occupying the Two Principalities, it is basically the limits of their advance; the strategic materials transported from home cannot keep up with the consumption rate of the frontline troops.

But with Austria involved, it’s different. The Danube River can be used to quickly transport strategic materials, and sustaining several hundred thousand troops on the Balkan Peninsula poses no problem.

Palmerston replied impassively, “Prime Minister, it is very simple to dismantle the alliance between Russia and Austria. We have proposed this before.

“As long as the Ottoman Empire agrees to cede the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin to Austria, that will be enough to satisfy the Austrians. With Austria separating them from the Russians, the current situation would not have become this bad.”

To counter the Russians, the UK Foreign Office indeed had such a plan, but ceding the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin to Austria was only part of it.

In history, the British proposed: Giving the Åland Islands and Finland to Sweden; ceding the Baltic Sea coast to Prussia; granting independence to Poland; ceding Moldavia and Wallachia as well as the Danube delta to Austria as a price for Austria to give up Lombardy and Venice to be occupied by the Kingdom of Sardinia; Crimea region and the Caucasus region to the Ottoman Empire…

Theoretically, once this plan was implemented, Russia’s strength would be greatly weakened, losing the ability to contend with the British for world hegemony.

However, plans cannot keep up with changes – the plan was aborted even before its implementation. Not only did the Russians reject this plan, but Austria was also unlikely to agree.

Despite the considerable size and fertile land of the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin, these areas had not yet been developed. In terms of economic value, they were still lower than Lombardy and Venice.

Now, occupying these areas, Austria would have to invest a lot of manpower and resources for development, not to mention becoming the vanguard against Russia, which would put them at a great strategic disadvantage.

Rather than doing so, it’s better to join forces with Russia, as Austria could also gain these territories by sacrificing the interests of the Ottoman Empire.

Franz has always believed in the truth that “a bird in hand is worth two in the bush” and would not sacrifice his own interests in the face of countering Russia’s enterprises.

The butterfly effect is still useful – in the Ausa war, the performance of the Austrian army proved the strength of the great powers. In Palmerston’s new strategic plan, there was no mention of giving Lombardy and Venice to the Kingdom of Sardinia.

British are adept at acting according to the circumstances. As Austria’s power is stronger than in history, naturally, their treatment is also stronger than it was historically.

In order to cheat Austria into turning against Russia, they were willing to offer substantial benefits. Unfortunately, their plans had failed to persuade the Ottomans before the war had already erupted.

“But the foolish Ottoman Government fails to see this. They only see that ceding the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin will lead to severe losses for them and fail to see the benefits of doing so.

I believe after this Russo-Turkish War, reality will make the Ottomans much more clear-headed and make the right choice,” Prime Minister John Russell complained endlessly.

Obviously, the affairs of the Ottoman Empire had already tired the British Prime Minister.

Palmerston chuckled and said, “Prime Minister, the Ottoman Government has now woken up, I believe they will make the correct choice.

“But that is a matter for the future. Right now, the most important thing is to persuade Parliament to send troops to the Balkan Peninsula as soon as possible. If it’s too late, the Ottomans might not hold out.”

This was British national policy – to prioritize dealing with the greatest threat. Until the Russians fell, they would not change their target.

In terms of a threat, at this time, Austria was not yet on par with France, and Austria’s poor geographic position predestined that it could not threaten British core interests.

After thinking for a moment, John Russell said, “The problem with Parliament is not big. In order to retain our interests in the Mediterranean Region, we must confine the Russians in a cage.”

Interests are the eternal theme. Russia’s annexation of the Ottoman Empire seriously harmed British interests. Interest groups, to protect their overseas investments, naturally supported the government’s intervention in the Near Eastern War.

Istanbul

Abdulmejid I regretted. If he had known that the Russians and Austrians would compromise so quickly, he would have accepted the British advice.

There is no antidote for regret in politics, and by this time, the Russian Army and Ottoman Army had already started fighting in the Bulgarian region. More tragically, as the side with more troops, they were unexpectedly at a disadvantage on the battlefield.

“How much longer will our reinforcements take to reach the front lines?” Abdulmejid I asked with concern.

“Your Majesty, there are too many guerrilla fighters in the Bulgarian region. Our reinforcements will take three more days to arrive,” the War Minister responded in a lowered voice.

In this war, the speed of the Ottoman Army was slower than expected, and naturally, the War Minister spoke without confidence.

Abdulmejid I snorted coldly, “Hmph!”

Then he said, “I don’t care what methods you think of, but the Bulgarian region must not be lost. You all understand what this signifies!”

Everyone bowed their heads in silence. The Ottoman Empire’s national policy had actually become quite enlightened in the modern era.

Unfortunately, even the best policies require execution, and the decadent Ottoman government undoubtedly lacked efficient enforcement capabilities, leading naturally to public outrage boiling over.

The consequences were now apparent. Not only did the home front lack public support, but they were also subjected to guerrilla attacks, slowing down the speed of the reinforcements.

Fortunately, the Russian’s response was also very slow; otherwise, the front lines would have erupted into a major battle by now, leaving the Ottoman government with nothing but tears.

Greece—Athens

The outbreak of the Near Eastern war had gladdened the Greek people, as their opportunity to achieve their goals had arrived.

Yet, Otto I was beset with a headache, facing the courtship of four great powers, he didn’t know which side to choose.

Since the outbreak of conflict with the British in 1850, Greek nationalism had been on the rise. At first, Otto I believed that nationalism was conducive to his rule and thus supported the ideology.

Convinced that he had grasped the key to gaining public support, Otto I placed himself at the forefront of the patriotic movement.

How to keep the public’s patriotic fervor from cooling became a problem for Otto I.

Following the explosion of nationalism, reclaiming lost territory became a common goal for the Greek people and the “great ideal” of Otto I and Queen Amalia.

The Greek demand for regaining territory seemed to know no bounds. This demand was theoretically grounded in the Byzantine Empire, as the Greeks aspired to recreate the map of the Byzantine era.

When power and ideals were out of balance, tragic days were not far off. The territory of the Kingdom of Greek in this age was only a bit more than 50,000 square kilometers, and its population was less than a million—utterly inadequate to support their “ideals.”

“Gentlemen, on which side should we now stand?” Otto I asked with a troubled frown

For a small country, the most sensible thing to do was to side with the victor; however, nationalist fervor often led countries away from such rational calculations, pushing them to choose the side that promised the greatest benefit.

At this time, Otto I did not realize that his rule was on the verge of a new crisis. No matter which side he chose, it was impossible to satisfy the populace’s appetite for reclaiming lost lands.

In Greece, where idealism was rampant, the populace didn’t care about such details; they only presented their demands to the government based on their ideals.

Historically, for more than a hundred years since Otto I, no Greek king had lived a comfortable life, as none could fulfill the ideals of the Greek people.

The Finance Minister answered with a complex expression, “Your Majesty, the English and French navies have already controlled the Mediterranean and Aegean Sea regions. For the safety of our nation, we can only stand with them.”

This was the most sensible approach. Regardless of who won or lost, Greece, surrounded by England, France, and the Ottomans, simply had no choice.

The War Minister retorted, “What can we gain by standing with the Ottoman Empire? Do we expect that by relying on their charity, they will return our lands to us?

Now the Russians have made a promise that as long as we declare war on the Ottoman Empire, they will support us in gaining Thessaly and Epirus after the war.

The Austrians have even pledged that they will support us in gaining as much territory as we conquer.

Are we really going to forego such an opportunity that comes once in a millennium?”

There was no way; both Russia and Austria were generous with other people’s money and naturally did not mind making promises to the Greeks. How could England and France, now allies with the Ottomans, possibly choose to sacrifice Ottoman interests to satisfy the demands of the Greeks?

Even if they wanted to attract an ally, the Kingdom of Greek was simply not qualified, was it?

England and France had their pride; not every Tom, Dick, or Harry could sit at the table with them as equals.

The Prime Minister agreed, “That’s right, if we pass up this opportunity that only comes once in a millennium, the public won’t accept it.

It’s worth taking a bit of risk for the great revival of the Kingdom of Greek!”

It wasn’t that he wanted to side with Russia, nor was he blind to the risks, but the Greek public outside had already made the choice for them.

Nationalism is a double-edged sword; it can kill the enemy as well as harm oneself. Now the Otto I Government was already kidnapped by public opinion.

After thinking for a moment, Otto I said, “Since the public has made their choice, our government should respect their choice.

However, considering the stance of England and France, we can’t directly declare war against the Ottoman Empire. Does anyone have a good plan?”

There was no good plan, but there was a bad idea.

The War Minister suggested, “Your Majesty, we can form civilian militias to attack the Ottoman Empire. This allows us to explain things to both Russia and Austria, while keeping up appearances with England and France.”

In his view, the support of England and France for the Ottomans was merely to counter Russia, not that the two countries truly supported the Ottomans.

If the Kingdom of Greek maintained a fine balance, assaulting the Ottomans without offending the dignity of England and France, they would not interfere.

A bad idea was still better than no idea at all, and without better options, the bad idea had to make do.

Seeing that everyone was praising the idea, Otto I finally made a decision, “Then we’ll respond to the representatives of Austria and Russia, in this war we support them!”

Chapter 65: War Loans

The Greek people were pulled in, but Franz didn’t take it seriously at all. The main actors of this Near East war were the Russians, while Austria was just a bystander, at most throwing a few stones at the already-fallen Ottoman Empire.

Even though the two countries had declared war, there was actually a lot of room for maneuver on both sides. Austria only occupied two of its vassal states and then stopped, keeping the conflict within a controllable range.

The decrepit Sultan Government was actually quite tolerant, but it had previously overestimated its own strength, and Austria needed this war, which led them to this point.

As for whether or not to smash the Ottoman Empire, Franz was indifferent. With the support of England and France, even at their worst, the Ottoman Empire could still preserve the Asia Minor Peninsula.

As for the Greek people, frankly, Franz held no expectations for them.

Geography dictated that their best choice was to cling to the British, and their lack of strength meant that the Ottomans needed only one hand to hold them down.

If they joined the alliance openly and declared war on the Ottoman Empire, then for political necessity, the responsible Franz and Nicholas I would certainly give them a hand.

Even if they were defeated on the battlefield, they would not be disadvantaged in post-war negotiations.

Sneaking into the fray does not qualify them as allies. If they win, that’s fine; Franz, being a man of his word, and the Austrian Government would definitely support their demands, and the Russians would likely fulfill their promises.

If they lose, they can only cry for themselves. It was all done by civilian militias, with no connection whatsoever to the Greece Government, and even less so with Austria and Russia. Franz remembered that historically, the Greek people had lost and were severely beaten by the Ottomans.

Compared to the Greek people, another Balkan minor country, Montenegro or Dveri’s Negoro, had a much firmer stance.

Originally, Archbishop Danilo wanted to be neutral. Montenegro, a small country with a population of less than 200,000, had waged war on the Ottoman Empire three times in 1821, 1829, and 1835, hoping to acquire a southern port, but all attempts ended in failure, and they had just begun to recover.

Archbishop Danilo was a member of the peace faction; surrounded by the Ottoman Empire on all sides, he feared they would collapse before receiving aid.

Unfortunately, the pro-Russian Montenegro people did not agree. A martial spirit is a common feature among all Balkan nations, and Montenegro was a particularly prominent example.

The Ottoman Empire had ruled the Balkan Peninsula for hundreds of years without being able to conquer the Montenegro Duchy, and the Sultan Government had grown impatient.

Not long ago, it had proposed a suggestion to the Montenegro government: if they ceased hostilities with the Ottoman Empire and recognized the Ottoman sovereignty, then the Sultan would grant Montenegro part of the territory of Herzegovina, a port in the Adriatic Sea region, and the city of Shkodër.

The stalwart Montenegro people decisively rejected this temptation. They preferred to fight and bleed for these lands rather than submit to the Ottomans.

The power of hatred had penetrated deep into the marrow of the Montenegro people, and now that the opportunity had presented itself with both Russia and Austria declaring war on the Ottoman Empire, how could they possibly be absent?

It should be noted that in the Crimean War, the pro-Russian Montenegro people were ready to participate.

However, Archbishop Danilo could see the situation clearly. He believed that the Russians were too far away, and should war break out, Montenegro would be in a dangerously isolated situation, so he chose neutrality.

For this, Archbishop Danilo nearly lost his position.

Now, there was no need to worry about being isolated, as they were not far from Austria’s Dalmatia Province, which left Archbishop Danilo with no choice but to agree.

In order to marry, Archbishop Danilo made a compromise. He agreed to support the war in exchange for everyone’s agreement to let him abdicate the archbishopric to someone else and crown himself “Grand Duke of Montenegro and Buda.”

As Russia’s traditional little brother, Montenegro Duchy was still well taken care of, with Russia intervening with Austria to provide them with support.

Of course, Franz wouldn’t reject such a small request from the Russian people. It was just weapons, equipment, and strategic materials, and as long as they were willing to pay, everything was negotiable.

At such times, the superiority of a state-owned enterprise became apparent. With a government order, the companies would start producing strategic materials ahead of time.

Considering the payment capabilities of Montenegro Duchy, Franz also very thoughtfully provided loan services to solve the urgent needs of his customers.

Providing loan services was a necessity, not just for Montenegro Duchy, but even Russian payment abilities were very limited.

They hadn’t completed their internal reforms yet, the wealth a feudal empire could accumulate was simply no match for capitalist countries.

The Tsarist Government didn’t anticipate intervention by England and France; now that the sea route was cut off, the strategic materials stored on the Ukrainian coast could only be transported by land. This clearly couldn’t guarantee the needs of the front-line troops, and they could only purchase from Austria nearby.

The military expenditure for the long-distance campaign to the Balkan Peninsula was much higher than historical campaigns in the Crimean region. Due to the corruption of the Tsarist Government, even without the Austrian Government inflating prices, the prices had already risen.

Franz couldn’t possibly stop Russian bureaucrats from making a fortune, could he?

In the end, it was win-win for everyone involved, and the only harm done was to the Russian central finances—after all, with their large household and business, they could withstand it, and if there was no money, they could just take out loans.

The Austrian Government was very willing to take this business; the loans were earmarked and could only be used to purchase Austrian goods, without the need to hand over real gold and silver. After all, lending to Russians for payment was always better than having them default on their debts.

Political loans were never simple; with attached commercial trade conditions, even if the Russian Government couldn’t pay back the loans, the Austrian Government wouldn’t lose.

Only the Central Bank had the strength to take on this business in Austria, for loans amounting to billions of shields were unachievable even for the few big commercial banks combined.

With a single command from Franz, the Austrian Central Bank set its printing presses in motion, gathering the first installment of funds in the shortest time possible.

Russians borrowed one billion shields, Montenegro Duchy borrowed five million shields, and the loan request from the Greek people was rejected by Franz.

The reason was that Austria couldn’t provide them with material aid; they didn’t border each other by land, and relying on sea routes to deliver goods was out of the question—what about the British?

Paying with real gold and silver? That was clearly not an option; the Austrian Government wasn’t a fool, could they really expect the Greece Government to repay?

Ever since the establishment of the Kingdom of Greek, their finances had depended on borrowing from their powerful backers; when had they ever cleared their debts?

After completing the loans to the Russians and Montenegro Duchy, this money flowed back into the Austrian market, stimulating Austria’s economic development.

After all, it was wartime and it was normal for prices to rise; as long as it wasn’t excessive, there wouldn’t be any major problems.

With the unification of South Germany, the market currency capacity increased, solving the problem of inflation.

As long as there was no capital outflow, and with the creation of social wealth on the rise, the increase in currency supply was a standard operation and did not lead to severe inflation.

As for the economic pains that would come with the market returning to normal after the war, weren’t there Russians to repay debts? As long as there was an influx of real gold and silver, any crisis could be readily solved.

By the way, this opportunity was used to further tighten the economic ties between Austria and Russia, using such economic interdependence to consolidate the alliance between the two countries.

French could influence the Tsarist Government by controlling Russian finance, and while Austria didn’t have the power to control Russian finance, surely some influence was still achievable?

Franz was very conscientious; the monthly interest rate on loans given to allies was merely 0.2%, without any unfair additional conditions.

It merely promoted economic exchanges among allies. After all, England and France had become enemies, so it wasn’t too much for Austria to encroach on their markets, was it?

At this point, even if England and France wanted to protest, they had no opportunity; from the moment their navies blockaded, they became enemies of the Tsarist Government.

Chapter 66: The Making of a Pig Teammate

April 25, 1852, England, France, and the Ottoman Empire held high-level government talks in Paris to discuss the Near Eastern War. Napoleon III, eager to bring France back to the center of the world, personally presided over the meeting.

“The Russians are launching fierce attacks on the Bulgarian region and the Caucasus region; our troops have repelled their assaults multiple times.

However, to defeat the Russians, our strength alone is insufficient.

Moreover, with the Austrians also covetously watching, a significant portion of our forces is tied down.

If we had only one enemy, we could cope, but now facing two formidable foes, we are truly struggling,” said the exhausted Ottoman Foreign Minister Fuad.

This speech was truly difficult to deliver, having to convince England and France to send troops quickly without revealing the weakness of the Ottoman Empire.

It’s a tough act to maintain; carelessly overdo it, and if England and France think the Ottoman Empire can hold on, choosing to sit back and watch, then we can only weep.

Conversely, if the weakness of the Ottoman Empire is exposed and England and France deem us not worth the investment, turning to join Austria and Russia in partitioning us, then we are doomed.

Besides diplomatic troubles, the internal struggle within the Ottoman Government also caused Fuad endless headaches, as Abdulmejid I was not an easy ruler to deal with.

Not long ago, Abdulmejid I, under pressure from the Russians, dismissed Fuad, the pro-British and French Foreign Minister, and appointed the pro-Russian Rifat in his place.

As the negotiations in Constantinople failed, the value of the pro-Russian Foreign Minister seemed to diminish rapidly, and he was immediately dismissed, replaced once again by the pro-British and French Fuad.

This is a maneuver that could only be pulled off in a country like the Ottoman, where chopping and changing ministers so frivolously without treating the Foreign Minister position seriously would have had any minister in European countries throwing in the towel long ago.

In truth, Fuad was reluctant to take on this thankless task; performing well went without recognition, as this was the nature of a Foreign Minister’s work, while failure invited accountability.

But he had no choice, for Abdulmejid I’s will could not be defied. In the Ottoman Empire, ministers did not hold as high a status as they did in European countries.

“Mr. Fuad, do not worry. According to our intelligence, the Austrian Government has had its fill and is now looking to secure its gains.

While we are unclear about the specifics of their secret pact with the Russians, a preliminary assessment suggests that the Russians likely exchanged material support from Austria for the two principalities in the Danube Basin.

Just recently, the Austrian Government provided the Russians with a loan of 100 million shields at low interest, with almost no strings attached.

We’re all aware of the Russian ambitions, and presumably, the Austrian Government doesn’t wish for them to expand further; to provide material support at this stage is already their limit,” analyzed British Foreign Secretary Palmerston.

His point was clear, a warning to Fuad that their common enemy was Russia; he should not attempt to use their strength to tackle two enemies at once.

For a very simple reason: Russia was the greatest threat to the Great Britain Empire, and naturally, they took priority to strike.

As for Austria, after defeating Russia, they could turn their attention to settling scores. John Bull’s foreign policy has always adjusted according to the threat level of the enemy.

In Palmerston’s view, facing both Russia and Austria simultaneously was utterly unwise.

England, France, and the Ottoman Empire VS Austria + Russia conducting warfare in the Near East, was clearly an evenly matched battle.

Such battles typically end with both sides suffering, with no one gaining an advantage.

Without a doubt, he greatly overestimated the strength of the Ottoman Empire, unaware that this main force was already crippled.

Napoleon III nodded and said, “Mr. Palmerston is right; we must first stabilize Austria before we consider how to deal with them after we handle the Russians.”

Confident as he was, not only in France’s abilities but also in England’s, he believed that the combined strength of England and France far exceeded that of Austria and Russia, adding in a quasi-great power like the Ottoman Empire, the war was sure to be won.

Confidence aside, no one minded weakening the enemy further, so it was crucial to create divisions and disintegration.

Fuad laughed heartily, pretending to be relaxed, and said, “Of course, it would be best to defeat the enemies one by one.

The Russian reinforcements continue to pour in steadily; to win the war with minimal cost, we must take immediate action now, lest delays introduce uncertainties.”

He didn’t care how England and France planned; his task would be mostly complete as long as he could lure their forces to the battlefield.

The outcome on the battlefield was not a matter for him, the Foreign Minister, to worry about. By binding England and France to their cause, the Ottoman Empire could at least survive the current crisis.

Napoleon III said with implication, “Rest assured, Mr. Fuad, the French Army is ready and will set out a week from now.

France is a responsible country; we will not stand by and watch our allies shed blood on the front lines and do nothing.”

Hearing Napoleon III’s words, Palmerston remained unfazed as if none of this was of any concern to him.

He said with a smile, “We are persuading Parliament; the result should come at the latest by next month, at which point the British Army will also appear on the Battlefield of the Balkan Peninsula.”

Fuad’s face looked somewhat displeased, as if he were quite unsatisfied with the British’s behavior. But in his heart, he breathed a sigh of relief; this outcome was enough to explain to his domestic audience.

With the issue of dispatching troops resolved, the next matter of the loan would be easier to handle. It was simply a question of how high the interest rates would be and how many additional conditions there would be.

In this aspect, the Ottomans had no negotiating power whatsoever. Fuad didn’t dwell on this matter; as long as the conditions weren’t too excessive, he agreed to all of them readily.

If the conditions were indeed too excessive, at worst, he could just send them back for Abdulmejid I’s approval. After all, the Ottoman Empire had no other choice at this time.

Without the support of England and France, it was possible that this Near East war might cost the Sultan Government its life; at a juncture of life and death, bottom lines and integrity are non-existent.

On May 9, 1852, the Russian Army’s main force, with the cooperation of the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team, captured Ruse, an important military fortress of the Ottomans.

The fall of Ruse meant that a breach had appeared in the Ottoman Empire’s defense line in Bulgaria, and after nearly a month’s worth of fighting, the Russians finally achieved a strategic breakthrough.

Unfortunately, due to the chaotic command structure of the Russian Army, the surrounding units didn’t manage to coordinate in time after the capture of Ruse to continue expanding the victory. By the time the expeditionary force’s headquarters reacted, it was too late.

After missing the opportunity, the Russians lost the chance to seriously damage the main force of the Ottoman Army, and the war continued.

Just at this time, the first group of reinforcements from France had arrived at Constantinople; fifty thousand elite French soldiers, after a brief period of reorganization, were thrown into the war.

After being accustomed to fighting the disorganized Ottomans, the Russian expeditionary force’s headquarters made an erroneous judgement when they suddenly faced a French elite force and were caught off guard.

On May 11, 1852, the overzealous 16th Infantry Division, while pursuing the Ottoman Army, happened to collide with the Sixth French Infantry Division and were thoroughly beaten by the French.

If not for the timely arrival of reinforcements, they would have been the first division-level force to be completely annihilated since the start of the war.

Perhaps out of a desire to avenge the losses from the anti-French wars, these elite French soldiers displayed exceptionally high morale, exhibiting extraordinary combat effectiveness on the battlefield.

Having given the Russians a surprise blow, on May 13, 1852, the French forces once again cracked down and engaged the Russian Army in Razgrad. Facing off directly against ninety thousand Russians with not even fifty thousand men, the two sides fought to a standstill.

Unfortunately, the outstanding performance of the French Army could not change the overall situation. Their numbers were too few, and against increasing Russian forces, the French casualties rose sharply.

After seven days of fierce fighting and suffering the loss of 15,200 soldiers, the French were eventually forced to break out, and the Battle of Razgrad ended in defeat for the French Army.

However, they were still deemed to have fought honorably in defeat; even though they had lost, they managed to achieve a casualty exchange ratio of 1:1.3 with the Russians, as the victorious Russian Army suffered nearly 20,000 casualties.

This was certainly due to the superiority of French weapons and equipment, but it was also inseparable from their strict training and high morale.

As for the Ottoman Army, these unreliable allies could not be counted on. After one failure, they seemed to have lost their nerve to the Russians, their morale dissipated, and they were chased all over by the Russian Army.

If only the allies had been a bit more reliable and held back the main Russian force, the French Army wouldn’t have suffered an attack by a large Russian force, and the outcome of the Battle of Razgrad would still be in question.

Paris

News of the loss of Ruse arrived on May 12. The weakness of the Ottoman Empire was exposed, but by that time, it was too late for England and France to back out.

The loan had been given, which was a minor issue; if need be, a shameless solution would be to simply tear up the agreement.

The key was that the first batch of French reinforcements had already reached the Ottoman Empire and had entered the battlefield; at this point, Napoleon III was in no position to back down, regardless.

Knowing full well that there’s a pit ahead, yet still having to jump in—political needs were sufficient to make Napoleon III insist on continuing the fight.

Palmerston wasn’t pleased either. By that time, Prime Minister Russell had convinced Parliament, and two days earlier, the London Government had declared war on the Russian Empire.

War is no trifling matter; if the London Government didn’t want to be ousted, they had to grit their teeth and continue the fight with Russia. This concerned the world’s supreme leader’s prestige and influence.

On this issue, the British couldn’t possibly yield; if they lost to the Russians, then their already precarious position as the world’s supreme leader would be lost for good.

If this news could only make England and France feel despondent, then the news that followed enraged them.

Especially for Napoleon III. While the French soldiers were bloodily fighting the Russians on the front lines, the Ottoman Army was actually retreating. Who’s territory were they defending?

Of course, as a savvy politician, Napoleon III knew how to maximize benefits. He immediately touted the French military achievements through the newspapers, boasting to the public and indirectly extolling his own martial accomplishments.

The battle was lost? That’s all the Ottomans’ fault; what does it have to do with the brave and capable French Army? In the face of a disadvantage in numbers, they managed to achieve an astonishing exchange ratio.

The gap in weaponry was conveniently ignored by Napoleon III. After all, the public wasn’t concerned with such details; all that needed to be emphasized was that the Russian losses were greater.

Chapter 67: Ideal Strategy

As winter turned to summer, St. Petersburg had seen the end of its bone-chilling days, and comfortable sunshine blanketed every corner of the city, warming this land of ice and snow.

News of the Balkan battle had arrived, and as usual, bureaucrats preferred to report good news over bad, seeing it as a shortcut to advancing their careers, and the Tsarist Government was no exception.

In the first round of the Balkan battle, the Russians achieved a comprehensive victory. Even though the Russian Army had suffered heavy losses in the battle of Razgrad, adding a blemish to the campaign, it did not diminish the officials’ joy in reporting the triumph.

In the reports Nicholas I received, there was, of course, no mention of any Russian setbacks. Frontline officers glossed over these, emphasizing the losses of the Ottoman Army instead, making the result appear a great victory.

Upon receiving the news, Nicholas I held a victory banquet at the Winter Palace that very evening—unfortunately, the heroes of the battle were thousands of miles away, missing out on the glory that was rightfully theirs.

The Russians had good reason to be joyful: in the first round of the battles in Bulgaria, they had scored a significant victory, pushing the frontline forward by more than a hundred kilometers.

With a total force of 280,000 soldiers, the Russian Army launched an attack on the Ottoman forces, defeating nearly 500,000 Ottoman troops and 50,000 from the French Army.

For a casualty cost of just over 45,000 soldiers, they had annihilated more than 53,000 of the enemy and captured an additional 38,000.

Defeating an enemy twice their size with half the force, and exchanging 45,000 of their own casualties for 91,000 losses on the enemy side, including more than 10,000 French soldiers, it was indisputably a great victory.

The contributions of the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team were briefly acknowledged, and their casualties naturally overlooked. After all, the war was won, so the specifics no longer mattered to the Tsarist Government. Even if it did, it would make no difference—deceiving superiors and subordinates alike was deeply ingrained in every corner of the Russian Empire.

Since the Ottoman Army was purported to have half a million men, they had defeated half a million men. The actual strength of the enemy’s forces was conveniently ignored.

After the celebration banquet concluded, Nicholas I returned to the matter at hand. France’s entry into the war was not good news.

Although the Tsarist Government had considered the possibility of England and France entering the war after seizing maritime dominance in the Black Sea, its actual occurrence was still bitter.

Perhaps frontline officers still had some integrity left, or perhaps they knew the war would continue, and they didn’t want to make their situation worse by having to fight desperately against the French.

At the end of their report, they still highlighted the threat posed by the French Army.

Essentially, if not for the sudden appearance of 50,000 French soldiers on the battlefield, this great battle in Bulgaria could have spelled the end for the Ottomans.

Without the French reinforcements, it would not be long before His Majesty could hold a parade in Constantinople. Therefore, the Tsarist Government must remain highly vigilant against these malevolent French.

Nicholas I said cheerfully, “Gentlemen, the French really have engaged in battle. According to the news from London, not long ago the British Parliament also passed a resolution to enter the war.

Starting now, we have two more enemies. England and France are not as easy to handle as the Ottomans, and this war is far from over.

How shall we continue the fight? I invite everyone to speak their mind freely.”

Nicholas I was in good spirits after the great victory on the frontline. Even though he was angry about England and France’s participation, he did not let his anger erupt; he was very confident in winning this war.

The powerful must always maintain their composure, especially when they hold the winning hand.

This was not hyperbole—at least on paper, given their land forces, the Russians indeed had the strength to back it up. In terms of population alone, Russia had the resources.

In 1852, the total population of Russia was estimated to be between 65 and 76 million, more than the combined populations of the United Kingdom and France. The total population of the British Isles was about 28 million, and that of France was about 36 million.

(There was no way around it; in this era, the Tsarist Government did not compile population statistics, thus there was a great variance in the data available.)

Nicholas I had automatically disregarded the Ottoman Empire; the Bulgarian battles had revealed the feeble combat strength of the Ottoman Army.

In subsequent battles, the Ottoman Empire would soon go from a principal role to a supporting one, with England and France emerging as the main adversaries.

“Your Majesty, now that England and France have jumped in, let’s turn the Balkan Peninsula into their grave, and show them who is the world’s leading land power.

We should immediately send reinforcements to the frontline and make a concerted effort to obliterate the Ottoman Empire and reclaim Constantinople,” Army Minister Ace-Nicholas said with a determined air.

In a confrontation with England and France in the Near East, the Russians would not have much of an advantage, nor would they suffer a significant disadvantage, as the geographical positions more or less balanced out.

Russia had gained Austria’s support, allowing them to transport supplies via the Danube River, while England and France could transport materials by sea, hence the logistics were evenly matched.

Reinforcements were inevitable; the Russian Army had not only won the battle but also suffered losses. The war must go on, and they definitely needed more troops. Commanders at the front had already requested reinforcements from the homeland.

“Your Majesty, due to a prior miscalculation, we did not anticipate that England and France would join the battle directly, which led us to store a large amount of strategic materials at Ukrainian coastal ports.

Now that the sea routes are blocked, we can only transport supplies by land. Considering the current situation, we can supply only thirty percent of the required materials to the frontline troops; the remainder will have to be purchased from Austria.

We are under great financial pressure. Although Austria has provided us with a loan of 100 million shields, it will not last long,” cautioned Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes.

To supply the troops on the frontline, Russia had no choice but to purchase a large amount of strategic materials from Austria. If they continued to increase the forces on the Balkan front, military spending would have to rise even more.

It wasn’t that Aristander Rhodes opposed reinforcements; he was merely pointing out the problem to avoid blindly making plans that might lead to running out of funds for the war—that would indeed be embarrassing.

One hundred million Austrian shields might seem a substantial sum, but in practice on the battlefield, it was but a drop in the ocean, and the total number of Russian soldiers stationed on the Balkan Peninsula had now surpassed three hundred thousand.

In a single battle in Bulgaria, the Russian Army lost 45,000 men, and even if the grey beasts of burden were worthless, a sum for consolation money still had to be paid out.

The war was won, and there were rewards for the merits, which also required money.

The weapons and ammunition that were expended on the battlefield, the damaged equipment that needed replacement, all that cost money.

Even if there was no war, just the monthly expenses for the sustenance and basic needs of the three hundred thousand troops exceeded 4 million shields. It wasn’t that the Russian Army’s standards were high, but rather the cost of transporting supplies during wartime was expensive, and the spending surged like running water once the fighting began.

In one battle in Bulgaria, the Russian Army used up thousands of tons of ammunition, averaging nearly a hundred tons of ammo expenditure per day, this alone meant spending over ten million shields.

All these varied expenses, when added together, meant that for a battle in Bulgaria lasting over a month, the military expenses of the Russian Army would not be less than forty million shields, and that didn’t even include salaries.

The primary funding for the war still had to be sourced by the Russians themselves; the loans from Austria could only serve as compensation, which naturally increased the pressure on the Ministry of Finance.

Nicholas I nodded. Making early war preparations had been effective. At least in 1852, the Tsarist Government need not worry about financial issues.

However, if the war continued, it would be a different story. The cost of warfare in the Age of Hot Weapons had already far exceeded that of the Cold Weapon era.

“Then we must find a way to fight a quick and decisive war and try to defeat the enemy within this year, not leaving England and France any opportunities!

My Army Minister, how much reinforcement do we need to end the war within this year?” Nicholas I asked with concern.

After pondering for a long while, Ace-Nicholas slowly replied, “Your Majesty, at least an additional 300,000 troops are needed, but for safety, it would be better to increase by 400,000.”

Actually, even Ace-Nicholas wasn’t sure himself; with the battlefield ever-changing, the strength of England and France was not weak, not to mention an overstrained Ottoman Empire – who knew how many troops were necessary to end the war within a short time?

But since His Majesty the Tsarist had asked, he had to respond; otherwise, it would appear incompetent.

Ace-Nicholas did have some level of competence; he was not optimistic about the Russian Army ending the war within the year, hence he directly stated a number that was impossible to achieve.

Previously, the Russian Empire had already made a great effort by deploying three hundred thousand troops on the Balkan Peninsula. If that number were to be doubled, while soldiers were not lacking, the logistics support would collapse.

Even with the combined efforts of Austria and Russia, it would be difficult to ensure supply lines for six or seven hundred thousand troops operating in the Balkans.

It wasn’t a lack of materials but rather the limitations of transportation that couldn’t support it. If the operations were in the Danube Basin, logistics could still be guaranteed.

Yet, as the war progressed, the supply lines for the Russian Army grew longer and farther away from the Danube River, meaning increasingly more had to be transported via animal power and manual hauling, naturally greatly increasing the pressure on logistics.

Nicholas I was not a military novice; once the Army Minister spoke, he knew that ending the war within the year was not possible.

With England and France commanding control of the sea, even if the Russian Army conquered the Balkans, they could land at any moment as long as they were willing, so how could ending the war be so easy?

Besides, although the Ottoman Empire was in decay, a rotten ship still had three pounds of nails, and the combat power that could burst forth at a life-and-death moment should not be underestimated.

Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell, very tactfully, said, “Mr. Ace, the reality does not permit us to deploy so many troops on the Balkans, this plan seems feasible, but in fact, it lacks operability.

If we can’t win the war on the Balkans, can we achieve a breakthrough in the Caucasus region?

A victory on any front can shake the confidence of the Ottoman Empire. As long as this decaying empire collapses, we would then have won the war.”

Making a breakthrough in Caucasus posed no issue! But after taking one mountaintop, another one awaits.

With persistent efforts, it might take three to five years if quick, or ten to eight years if slow. With constant perseverance, they could eventually grind down the Ottoman Empire.

The precondition is that the Tsarist Government could last that long, not collapsing before the war ended.

The reality was harsh, but there was still a need for ideals.

While initiating the battle in Bulgaria, the Russians did not neglect the Caucasus region, it was only due to geographical constraints that the effort put there was less.

As the situation in the Balkans continued to deteriorate for the Ottoman Empire, the Sultan Government would definitely need to pull a large number of reinforcements from the Asia Minor Peninsula, thus reducing the forces available for the Caucasus region.

This, to the Russians, also presented a window of opportunity. There would be difficulties in advancing all the way to the Bosphorus Strait from the Caucasus, but reaching the Asia Minor Peninsula might well be achievable.

The continuous defeats at the front of any nation impact domestic stability, and this holds even truer for a decaying Ottoman Empire.

Given the Russian influence among Orthodox Christians, coupled with the unpopularity of the Ottoman Empire, instigating a few national uprisings amid continuous frontline failures didn’t seem too difficult.

If the national uprisings were successful, the Ottoman Empire would be put to rest. Without this local support, England and France dreaming of defeating Russia in the Near East would be pure folly.

Since idealism was at play, perfection could not be pursued. It was enough that the plan was theoretically viable, and Nicholas I readily approved Carl-Wassell’s recommendation.

If successful, surely His Majesty the Tsarist would be deemed enlightened. If it failed, at worst, a batch of grey beasts of burden would be lost; Russia was never short of men.

There was no reason not to engage in an endeavor with low risk and high return, and Nicholas I had no reason not to do so.

Chapter 68: Everyone is Playing the Game of Using Others to Kill

Emerald waters, azure skies, verdant pastures, Vienna blooming with flowers.

In May, Vienna belonged to the flowers, with their presence filling every street and alley, as if the Viennese had a particular penchant for gardening.

The Belvedere Palace was even more a battleground of blooming flowers, adding a unique charm to the refreshing month of May.

Reading, admiring flowers, brewing tea, attending concerts—these were Franz’s hobbies, and if there weren’t two little girls following him, he would have enjoyed watching dances as well, particularly those with long-legged dancers.

It was purely artistic appreciation, of course; Franz’s private life was highly respectable. He never mixed with noblewomen of wealth, had no vices, and didn’t even have a lover, setting a moral example in the nobility.

If it weren’t for the fact that he was often seen embracing two little girls, he would have even more evidence to prove this point.

After all, nobles leading a bit of a disordered private life was normal. Life was so taxing, with constant scheming, that a bit of relaxation was needed.

Franz could be considered quite decent indeed; at the very least, he hadn’t caused a single scandal at the palace. Coaxing the two little girls was hardly worth mentioning.

The court rules of the Habsburg dynasty were strict, and the two girls who received palace educations felt this profoundly.

Although the expectations for princesses weren’t as high as for princes, what they had to learn was still far too much compared to commoners.

Princess Helen was fine and quickly adapted, even finding joy in the process. Princess Sissi, however, said farewell to her happy childhood. For a girl yearning for freedom, this was undoubtedly devastating.

Skip classes? If a school had a hundred and eighty students, one student skipping wouldn’t matter; but if you were the only student, wouldn’t the teachers essentially have a holiday if you skipped? Besides, where could you run off to in the heavily guarded Imperial Palace?

Palace life might be comfortable, but it lacked freedom—this was without a doubt a torment for Princess Sissi.

You can’t bend an arm against a thigh. Whether she was willing to learn or not, her mother, Princess Ludovica, had already decided for her.

If it hadn’t been for the poor family finances, Princess Sissi would have already been subjected to this education. Court etiquette was the basic knowledge all nobles must master.

Princess Helen being with Franz was arranged by Empress Sophie, ostensibly to foster affection ahead of time. Princess Sissi joined in purely to skip classes.

The world is such a wondrous place, with the fates of three individuals entangled. What happened afterward is hard to articulate, but Franz ended up charming two little girls at once.

Of course, in that era, their ages were not considered young. Princess Helen was nearly 18, and Princess Sissi was already 15, now of marriageable age.

Their mother, Princess Ludovica, was more than happy with this development. The inequality in status was significant, and for such a union to take place, other sorts of occurrences were all too common in royal families.

As for Empress Sophie, she was even more indifferent. Her son was her own; her nieces belonged to another household. As long as no premarital pregnancy scandal emerged, she couldn’t care less.

Of course, Franz would never admit his ulterior motives. On a larger scale, this was about deceiving an enemy, making the Kingdom of Bavaria lower its guard, since the two royal families were entering into marriageable alliances—what was there to worry about? On a smaller scale, he was rescuing underage girls. The girls’ royal Bavarian heritage destined their marriages for alliance purposes. Given Princess Sissi’s character, marrying anyone wouldn’t end well.

Freedom was too much of a luxury for the aristocracy, who, from the moment they were born, carried the heavy responsibility.

The 19th century was the last of the nobility’s glory days, and the wise knew danger was drawing close. One wrong step could mean the curtain call for an ancient lineage.

It was tragic enough not to be politically astute, but if you were wavering and easily influenced to meddle in politics, only a tragic end awaited.

If you were also disinclined to have children, it was doubtful any family could accept that. Love often wore away in the face of reality; what could one rely on when beauty faded?

Prime Minister Felix said, “Your Majesty, the Battle of Bulgaria has concluded. The outcome wasn’t surprising; the Russians defeated the Ottomans.

However, the French have behaved quite unexpectedly this time, rapidly deploying reinforcements to the Balkan Peninsula. It seems that Napoleon III has now stabilized his domestic situation.”

The Russian Army defeating the Ottoman Army was to be expected. Even though the Russian Army was a motley crew, they were a fierce one. Facing the Ottomans, who were just as disorganized, naturally, they prevailed.

In terms of weaponry and equipment, Russia and the Ottomans were similarly backward. It became a matter of which bureaucracy was more corrupt in terms of equipment and development.

The French government’s efficiency once again proved the effectiveness of one person making decisions over hundreds doing so together.

The London Government had just managed to persuade Parliament to deploy troops when the French had already sent their forces to the battlefield, which sufficiently demonstrated that Napoleon III’s control over the French government had reached a point where his word was decisive.

But these were minor issues, Franz didn’t concern himself with the French’s domestic affairs, and after all, he had no means to intervene.

“How combat-effective is the French Army? Are there any areas that require special attention?” Franz asked with concern.

Marshal Radetsky analyzed, “Your Majesty, the combat effectiveness of this French expeditionary force is quite good. According to the information we have gathered, these fifty thousand French troops are among the most elite units of the French Army.

It seems that Napoleon III, in order to achieve a respectable battle record, has really invested heavily this time.

However, now he must be feeling the pain, even though the French Army achieved a higher casualty exchange rate on the battlefield, it was a Pyrrhic victory for them.

In the Battle of Razgrad, the French Army directly lost nearly a division’s worth of their elite troops, and such elite soldiers are not so easily replaced.

Elite troops are not so easy to train, and units with this level of combat effectiveness are rare within the French Army; now they have been consumed on a battlefield of little significance.

To say that achieving a 1:1.3 casualty ratio against the Russians was a win, even a 1:3 exchange rate would mean a significant loss for the French.

If this French force had not rushed blindly into combat, and had not fought the Russians without adapting to the environment, their achievements could have been even more glorious.

In a head-to-head battle, fifty thousand such elite troops would be enough to defeat a hundred thousand Russian soldiers.

If this French force had arrived half a month earlier, and acted as the main force in this battle, the outcome might have been different.”

Franz nodded noncommittally, acknowledging that these French forces were indeed elite units; their heavy losses clearly weakened the combat power of the French Army.

But to say that Napoleon was in pain, that might not be the case. These elite troops accumulated by the July Monarchy were also loyal supporters of the July Monarchy.

If it weren’t for King Louis-Philippe’s successive blunders, and his failure to mobilize these troops promptly, with these forces, suppressing the rebellion would have been an easy task.

For France as a nation, these units were among the most critical national defense forces, but for Napoleon III personally, these units were a concern.

To expend these units on the battlefield for his own interest might well be a premeditated strategy of Napoleon III.

The current situation perfectly aligns with the interests of Napoleon III.

The French forces at the front, despite facing adversity, managed to achieve a high casualty exchange rate, which boosted his political standing significantly.

Through this war, by heavily reducing the numbers of these units, restoration of their combat power will inevitably require the integration of new recruits.

As long as he seizes this opportunity well, Napoleon III can promote his own loyalists to higher positions and gradually take control of this force.

As for the decline in combat power, in the face of loyalty, it is not worth mentioning. Put in the same position, Franz might well have made the same decision.

Felix tentatively asked, “Marshal, if we found a way to annihilate these units, what would the impact be on the French military strength?”

After pondering for a moment, Marshal Radetsky answered, “These units represent about two-tier’s worth of the current French military strength.

However, this does not mean that these tens of thousands of French soldiers equate to two-tier’s worth of the French military capability, as they can still mobilize nationwide, though the combat effectiveness of newly mobilized troops would be very low.”

France is no small country, and its military strength is not weak. To be able to diminish the enemy’s power so much in such a short period of time is a rare accomplishment.

Prime Minister Felix shook his head saying, “If that is the case, then there’s no need for us to get involved. It’s better to leave this enemy for the Russians to deal with—I’m sure they will appreciate it.

The French expeditionary force now has only slightly more than thirty-six thousand combat-capable soldiers left. If they were to fight a few more battles against the Russians, they would be nearly completely wiped out.”

The force that the French have committed to the Balkan Peninsula is too small, and even if it were annihilated, it wouldn’t severely weaken France.

At such a time, Austria’s best choice is not to let the Russians devour this elite French force all at once, but rather to use this as an opportunity to encourage England and France to continuously send troops into this war.

A major defeat could lead both England and France to pull back, which would thwart the goal of using the Near East war to deplete the strengths of England, France, and Russia.

Just as Napoleon III can use the Russians’ assistance to eliminate opposition, Austria can do likewise. Austria can use the Russian strength to strike at England and France, then employ the strength of England and France against the Russians.

Chapter 69: The Moment of Test Has Come

Franz did not like to engage in conspiracies and deceptions, but sadly, his strength did not allow it.

For example, the plan that involved England, France, and Russia was initially an overt strategy, but somehow it turned into a covert one.

There is often a fine line between a conspiracy and an overt strategy. There is no single strongest approach; the most suitable one is always the best.

What would happen if Franz’s plan were disclosed to Nicholas I?

The answer is: nothing would happen, and Nicholas I would simply laugh it off.

Between nations, mutual exploitation and calculation are normal. Expecting intimate and seamless cooperation is foolish; it simply does not exist.

Mature politicians only care about what their allies have done, the results it has brought about, and they weigh the pros and cons to determine the relationship between the two countries, rather than considering what their allies might be thinking.

So, if you must betray your allies, you must be skilled at it. If you’re not skilled enough and get betrayed instead, don’t cry. There’ll be plenty more betrayals to come!

Take, for instance, Franz now plotting against the Russians. As long as Austria fulfills its alliance obligations, it remains Russia’s most steadfast ally, and Russo-Austrian relations remain unaffected.

Even if Franz now tells Nicholas I that Austria is sending troops to help, the Russians would not be pleasantly surprised, but rather more likely alarmed.

How much effort one puts in, that’s how much of the spoils they share; this is the foundation of the Russo-Austrian alliance. Once the distribution of benefits becomes unbalanced, the alliance loses its value.

The Russo-Austrian Alliance is an equal treaty, with no subsidiary relationship. If Austria fulfills its alliance duties and then takes on additional obligations, naturally the distribution of the spoils will have to change.

In the war now occurring in the Balkan Peninsula, the Russians do not need Austro-Hungarian auxiliary troops—The Tsarist Government is not one to cherish gray beasts. They would not exchange benefits for the sake of reducing casualties at the front.

Strategically speaking, if Austria attacked the Ottoman Empire, the optimal route for troop deployment would be identical to the current Russian deployment.

This is decided by logistics, transporting strategic materials through the Danube Basin and entering Bulgaria through the lower plains of the Danube, which is far superior to crossing over from Bosnia and Herzegovina or Serbia.

The outcome of this war is not determined by the amount of Ottoman territory occupied, but rather by whether Constantinople can be conquered.

As long as the Russians occupy Constantinople, the English and French navies will have to withdraw from the Black Sea Strait; otherwise, if the Russians block the Bosphorus Strait, they would be like turtles trapped in a jar.

With control over the Black Sea maritime rights, logistics can be transported by sea. Given the national strengths of Russia and Austria, sustaining an army of a million on the Balkan Peninsula is hardly an issue.

Unlike now, regardless of how hard the Russian Army tries, the maximum force it can deploy to the Balkan Peninsula is around four to five hundred thousand. Any more, and they wouldn’t even need the enemy to fight them—their logistics would collapse on their own.

With the Austrian Army deployed, this number would have to be reduced by at least a quarter.

The gray beasts are known as the cheapest army in Europe for a reason. Their logistical requirements are the lowest among all the major powers’ armies.

In modern warfare, being behind in weapons and equipment, having fewer cannons, also means less logistical pressure.

Is the Tsarist Government short of soldiers?

After losing a few hundred thousand, they would just replenish with a few hundred thousand more. If the Austrian Army were involved in capturing Constantinople, they could forget about monopolizing the Black Sea Strait.

National interest is very pragmatic; do not expect allies to bring their own provisions to help without a purpose.

The Black Sea is quite small, and the Russians have long considered it their own private land. They would be unwilling to share a piece of it with Austria.

With the current alliance, the Russians can reap the greatest benefit—what they pay is merely the casualties of a bunch of grey livestock. What the Tsarist Government is least short of is people.

Metternich said, “Your Majesty, the Russian Envoy to Vienna came to me yesterday. They intend to send more troops to the Balkan Peninsula and hope we can provide more war supplies.

An initial judgment indicates that the participation of England and France has prompted this decision by the Tsarist Government. It seems they want to display their determination to the outside world by reinforcing their troops.”

Franz thought for a moment and said, “The matter of providing strategic materials is manageable. As long as the Russians are willing to pay, we’ll sell to them.

Marshal, I’d like to know how many troops England, France, and the Ottomans can deploy to the Balkan Peninsula, and whether the Russians can gain the upper hand after reinforcing their numbers?”

After contemplating, Marshal Radetzky replied, “Your Majesty, considering logistics, the total forces England, France, and the Ottomans can deploy right now won’t exceed 800,000.

However, as the Russian front keeps pushing forward, they’ll be able to deploy more troops, and it’s possible for them to engage in a decisive battle along the coastal regions with up to a million troops.

But that’s an ideal figure. Securing the strategic materials needed to sustain such a large army is a big problem.

The Ottoman Empire can at most handle about two thirds of it; the rest needs to be transported from England and France themselves.

Considering the cost of the war, England and France are likely to choose to arm cheap Ottoman cannon fodder to fight the Russians. Whether the Russians can hold an advantage on the battlefield after reinforcement will depend on the proportion of English and French troops involved.

Strategically, I am not optimistic about the Russians achieving their goals. Due to the loss of naval power in the Black Sea, Russian supply mainly relies on transportation by the Danube River.

Yet, as the front line advances, the distance required for land transportation keeps increasing.

In a decisive battle in Bulgaria, the Russians can deploy a maximum of 500,000 troops; if it comes to the Istanbul area, they can deploy at most 400,000 troops.

The actual situation could be even worse; after all, the Ottomans have been operating in the Balkans for hundreds of years, and it would be difficult for the Russians to quickly eliminate their influence in those areas after occupation.

The Ottomans will certainly organize guerrilla groups to sabotage the Russian supply lines, increasing logistical difficulties for the Russians.

If the war cannot be concluded swiftly, the longer it drags on, the lower the probability of the Russians winning the war.”

Franz smiled slightly; this was exactly the outcome he wanted. A Russia unable to win the war is a good ally for Austria.

Even under pressure from England and France, Russian-Austrian relations could possibly further improve. With a solid rear guard, Austria can cultivate its fields in peace.

Now Franz was looking forward to Nicholas I’s determination, to extend the duration of this war.

Previous Tsars have set a good example, and there is a Russian saying, “A Tsar who has not fought a Russo-Turkish War is certainly not a good Tsar!”

Russo-Turkish Wars usually last four or five years, essentially occurring once in a generation. Except for the last Russo-Turkish War, the shortest have started at three years, and some have lasted more than ten years.

In military terms, the possibility of Russian failure is very small. Attack when winning, defend when not.

In a war of attrition, what the Russians cannot afford is financial loss, while England and France cannot afford the loss of manpower.

Russia might endure the loss of hundreds of thousands of able-bodied men, able to muster tens of thousands more without the nobility caring about the soldiers’ casualties; but when England and France lose tens of thousands of their vigorous youth, they must consider the domestic situation.

As long as the Russians refuse to admit defeat and are willing to sacrifice lives, England and France, even with all their might, cannot completely defeat them.

Unless England and France dare to attack Russian territory, advancing from the Baltic Sea all the way to St. Petersburg, no matter how the fighting goes in the Near East, they cannot claim the life of the Russian bear.

This means that if the Russians cannot win the war quickly, the factors determining the outcome of the conflict come into question: the financial endurance of the Russians, and the ability of England and France to tolerate casualties.

After all, this war is not as grave as a world war; none of the three countries, England, France, or Russia have reached the point of life or death where they must fight desperately.

Franz said indifferently, “Mobilize our strength for one more push. The French have entered the fray, but the British expeditionary force is still at home. The stage is set, and they cannot miss this grand spectacle.”

John Bull’s integrity is truly too low; if we do not push them onto the battlefield, the London Government might make the same choice as Austria.

Moreover, how can we ensure that the British behave more cautiously in their actions following Austria, if they do not experience first-hand the brutality of land warfare?

London

Because the Ottoman Empire suffered a major defeat in the Battle of Bulgaria, the initially prepared symbolic British deployment of twenty thousand troops clearly could not meet the warfare’s demands.

In the recent negotiations in Paris, Palmerston had no choice but to increase the number of British troops, from twenty thousand to eighty thousand.

To any major land power, eighty thousand troops would be a minor issue, something that could be assembled in ten days to half a month, but for the British, it was different.

With their pocket-sized army totaling only a hundred thousand or more, withdrawing such a large force of troops at once clearly entailed great difficulty.

“Mr. Palmerston, why did you unilaterally increase the number of troops? Do you realize the trouble this will cause us?” Army Minister Maxim asked, dissatisfied.

Palmerston explained confidently, “Mr. Maxim, it is a political necessity. In the aftermath of the recent major battle, the Ottoman Empire suffered heavy losses, and our initial plan could no longer satisfy the needs of the war.

To curb Russian ambitions, we must commit more forces.

The French have agreed to send an additional one hundred and twenty thousand troops. Together with the fifty thousand they’ve already dispatched, that makes a total of one hundred and seventy thousand. Under these circumstances, we also had to increase the number of our troops.

Moreover, twenty thousand troops in battle is simply too risky; a slight misstep could even result in their annihilation.

If we had eighty thousand, it’d be much safer — no need to worry about being swallowed in one gulp by the Russians, and you at the Army Department wouldn’t have to be constantly on edge.”

Hearing Palmerston’s explanation only intensified Maxim’s anger. He admitted that compared to the Royal Navy, the British Army really didn’t measure up.

But such contempt was too much. It was well known that the British Army’s fighting capability was not weak; it was only due to their small numbers that they didn’t rank among the powerful nations.

“Mr. Palmerston, are you questioning the combat effectiveness of the Army?” Maxim glared at Palmerston with red eyes and demanded.

Such matters could be set aside in private, but openly slapping the face of the Army was too much. The weakness of the British Army was due to the lack of military funding, not because of their lack of effort.

Realizing his slip of the tongue, Palmerston immediately corrected himself, “No, Mr. Maxim. On the contrary, I have great confidence in the combat capability of the army.

As the saying goes, the greater the ability, the greater the responsibility to be borne on the battlefield. If our forces are too few, it is easy for the Russians to exploit the gap.”

He didn’t believe these words himself. Even if the United Kingdom sent the fewest troops within the Alliance, it would still be the Ottomans that ended up as cannon fodder. How could the British Army be risked?

Maxim let out a cold snort, “Hmph!”

The interlude passed.

Prime Minister John Russell changed the subject, “Mr. Maxim, our allies are getting impatient. How long will it take for the army to be ready?”

John Russell held the Ottoman Empire in contempt.

After all, it was once a great Empire that had dominated the whole of European society, and now it was so easily pummeled into the ground by the Russians. It was a complete disgrace to their ancestors.

Contempt aside, they were still allies and needed to join forces against a common enemy. However, the Ottomans’ say within the Alliance had dropped another two notches.

Maxim had been waiting for this question for a while, and he replied indirectly, “Your Excellency, let’s expand our army!”

This was an awkward topic. Because of the British focus on naval power, the size of the army had never quite increased.

A hundred thousand troops were needed to maintain the vast Overseas Colonies, so how many were left at home?

Withdrawing twenty thousand troops, they might be able to make do. But withdrawing eighty thousand would mean stripping the homeland of all its troops.

Holding back troops in the homeland was a necessity, even if only to keep Ireland region under control, let alone strip the nation completely of its domestic forces.

The quantity of troops in the Overseas Colonies was not abundant enough to allow any withdrawal. Of course, the British had a considerable number of Colonial troops in hand. If they could be factored in, the numbers could quickly be met.

John Russell rubbed his forehead, then asked, “How much are you planning to expand the army by?”

Maxim answered cheerfully, “Not much. The Army Department doesn’t ask for much, just an additional 120,000 men will do.”

Hearing this number, John Russell shook his head and said, “Mr. Maxim, there’s no problem in wanting to expand the army by 120,000 men, as long as you can persuade Parliament.”

Maxim’s face turned red; convincing Parliament would not be this easy, or the size of the British Army would have stopped being so miniature a long time ago.

In this era, as the only industrial country among the powers, and the world’s foremost Colonial Empire, Great Britain truly had wealth to spare. Even maintaining an extra hundred thousand troops or more wouldn’t be a concern.

Maxim said calmly, “Your Excellency, the army’s manpower is limited, and there are too many places to defend. The total number of troops left in the country is just over seventy thousand.

“Withdrawing twenty thousand troops is already a stretch. If we are to withdraw eighty thousand, even if I count in the janitors from the Army Department, we wouldn’t have enough.”

This was a good opportunity for expansion, and naturally, the Army Department would not let it slip by. With each expansion came a great deal of benefits, and of course, Maxim would fight for it to the greatest extent possible.

“But expanding by 120,000 all at once is still too many. I can’t convince Parliament. It’s still the same as before: as long as you have the ability to persuade Parliament, then there’s no problem.” John Russell opposed without changing his expression.

Chapter 70: Caught between a rock and a hard place

On June 12, 1852, the British Parliament passed the Army Expansion Act.

The proposal by Maxim to expand the army by 120,000 was discounted, and the savvy parliamentarians finally limited the expansion to 80,000. The reason, of course, was to arm according to actual needs and not to waste the taxpayers’ money.

This thrifty sense of ownership directly led to the British Army dragging the feet of allies in the Near East War.

Compared to the slow-moving British, the French were much more efficient. Once the increase in troops was confirmed, Napoleon III embarked on a rapid expansion of the army, and the total strength of the French Army leapt to 620,000.

It was as if the all-conquering France of old had returned. In Europe, apart from the ‘Mao Xiong,’ they now had the largest standing army.

In order to expand France’s international influence, Napoleon III was very proactive this time, with French reinforcements already en route from the domestic front while the army expanded.

At this time, France’s domestic military strength had dropped to its lowest point. Although the number of troops had increased, the difference between veterans and new recruits was stark.

After the war against France, the Orleans Dynasty, in order to ease international pressure, slowed down the development of the French Army, retaining only a small number of elite troops, which only recovered after the great revolution.

Napoleon III’s talents were not in military affairs; in expanding the army, he neglected the construction of reserve forces and the rationalization of the mobilization mechanism.

In history, during the Franco-Prussian War, the French conceded defeat after one battle. It was because France’s mobilization mechanism was incomplete at the time; they couldn’t mobilize a sufficient army to defend Paris in time.

This is the weakness of the French development model, placing most of the country’s core industries around Paris, making a comeback difficult once Paris falls.

After the battle in Bulgaria, the Russian Army advanced to the Balkan Mountains, and the Russians’ time of testing had arrived.

At this point, a disagreement arose within the Russian expeditionary force in the Balkans. Generals led by Bach-Ivanov advocated for first taking Sofia, while Generals led by Golchakov advocated for crossing the Balkan Mountains and striking directly at the Edirne region.

The ultimate strategic goal was the same—to capture Istanbul and lock the Bosphorus Strait.

The reasoning for capturing Sofia first was that the Ottoman Empire had just suffered a great defeat, and their forces in this region were weak, which made the military challenge less daunting.

Sofia was the city with the largest influence in the Bulgarian region. Once captured, its political impact would be significant, potentially inspiring more Bulgarians to rise up against Ottoman rule.

Another unspoken reason was that capturing Sofia meant that even if the Russian Army failed to take Istanbul, they would have occupied most of Bulgaria, laying the groundwork for the next war.

This was a traditional force. This was already the ninth Russo-Turkish War, and many believed that if the Ottoman Empire couldn’t be destroyed, there would definitely be a tenth, so it was important to plan ahead.

Swallowing the Ottoman Empire in one gulp was just idealistic; there were not many who truly believed Russia could do it.

It’s one thing to shout political slogans; Russians had been proclaiming the fall of the Ottoman Empire for nearly a hundred years, yet the Ottoman Empire still stood tall.

The reason for pushing directly to the Edirne region was to save time; it was the quickest route to capture Istanbul, and striking early before the main English and French reinforcements arrived offered better odds of success.

Of course, greater odds of success came with greater risks. Without securing the surrounding areas, the Ottoman Army could potentially encircle the Russian rear. If Istanbul could not be taken, there was a risk of the entire army being annihilated.

Franz didn’t care about Russian concerns; he wasn’t the least bit worried about the Russian Army being wiped out.

Given the state of the Ottoman Empire, unless they had an unfair advantage, any good tactics would be diminished in their execution.

In theory, cutting off the Russian Army’s logistical supply line at any key mid-route point would win them the war.

However, the force responsible for carrying out this task also needed to have strong combat capabilities, otherwise, it would be quickly overturned by the Russian Army, rendering it useless.

Not only that, this complex task also required the close cooperation of the surrounding Ottoman military and local governments. Any problem at any link would prevent them from effectively trapping the enemy.

It’s better not to expect the Ottoman Empire to accomplish such a difficult task. At most, they could threaten to cut off supply lines to scare the Russians into retreating, and then both sides would honestly start to wear each other down.

Prince Windischgrätz said cheerfully, “Your Majesty, the Ottomans have withdrawn from the Serbia region. It seems that the pressure from the Russians was too great, and now they’re focusing their forces to confront the Russians, neglecting these regions.”

It was evident that he was in a very good mood. The Habsburg dynasty had had several centuries of enmity with the Ottoman Empire, so seeing their adversary in trouble was naturally refreshing.

Of course, what’s more important is still the politics. Don’t be fooled by Marshal Radetzky’s appointment as Chief of Staff; the lack of reaction from him, the Army Minister, in fact indicates that Prince Windischgrätz has always been looking for an opportunity to break the situation.

A strong man in military does not necessarily equate to a strong man in politics, and Archduke Carl is a case in point, going home in disgrace to write his books.

In fact, even the highly respected Marshal Radetzky hadn’t been doing too well in Austria, being stationed in the provinces for a long time was not a sign of being valued, but rather of being excluded from the core of power.

It was only after Franz took over that the situation changed; in order to ensure the smooth implementation of the strategy to advance westward, he summoned Marshal Radetzky back to the central post as Chief of Staff.

Under such circumstances, Prince Windischgrätz’s myriad excuses are useless; no matter the reasons, Franz would not abandon his support for Marshal Radetzky at this time.

Knowing this, Prince Windischgrätz naturally wouldn’t cause trouble anymore. Actually, the deterioration in his relationship with Marshal Radetzky stemmed from the conflict of interests between the General Staff and the Army Department.

Your seat dictates your stance—the General Staff and the Army Department were meant to check each other’s power, and if their relationship got too cordial, Franz would have to replace someone.

Being suppressed by Marshal Radetzky, Prince Windischgrätz was powerless. However, the opportunity had arrived; the Ottomans retreated from the Serbia region, signifying that Austria could claim vast lands effortlessly.

The hawks within the military were not so easily subdued—they were unaware of the true strategy of the Austrian Government, and naturally, they would seize the chance to argue for war upon the opportunity’s emergence.

If Marshal Radetzky couldn’t restrain his subordinates and the matter was escalated to the Emperor, it would mean significant loss of favor; even if he managed to keep it under wraps, it would breed dissatisfaction among the military leadership.

Such trivial calculations were crystal clear to Franz. However, he had no intention of intervening, as these squabbles were nothing more than child’s play. Prince Windischgrätz employed an open strategy, within the bounds of the rules.

Ministers bickering with each other is preferable to them colluding and uniting against the Emperor. As long as it doesn’t impede serious matters and isn’t overtly forming factions, Franz would turn a blind eye to the covert struggles.

Where there are people, there are factions, and Franz does not harbor the unrealistic expectation of a flawless bureaucratic group within the Austrian Government.

Franz asked, “And what about Belgrade? Have the Ottomans given it up?”

With its reputation as the gateway to the Balkan Peninsula, once in control of Belgrade, Austria’s opinion could not be ignored in future Balkan affairs.

However, Austria’s current strategic focus is not on the Balkan Peninsula, and the Ottoman Empire had stationed a robust force there, which is why Austria hadn’t captured Belgrade.

If the Ottomans were to withdraw voluntarily, a small force of ten to twenty thousand could take control, and Franz certainly couldn’t give up such an opportunity, as Austria wasn’t short on troops.

The more chips in hand, the greater the benefits after the war—this simple logic is understood by all.

Austria’s appetite isn’t big enough to swallow the benefits of the Balkan Peninsula after unifying South Germany.

Unless the Russians scored an impossible victory and toppled Constantinople, England and France wouldn’t be able to deal with a Russian-Austrian alliance, and Austria could then digest these spoils of war.

“No, but the Ottomans have indeed drawn troops from Belgrade, and now their garrison there has dropped to twenty thousand,” Prince Windischgrätz replied.

Hesitating for a moment, Franz then called out, “Jennie, send someone to notify the Cabinet and Marshal Radetzky to come for a meeting.”

Plans are always outpaced by rapid changes. Austria halted after taking over the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin, which could still be explained as watching a fight from a safe distance.

Now that the Ottoman Empire has withdrawn from the Serbia region and Austria doesn’t send troops to occupy, it would appear quite suspicious. Not just to the Russians, but to all of Europe.

But if it kept taking territory all the way, the more land Austria occupied in the Balkans, the bigger the issue becomes. Initially, the southward strategy was merely to cover the westward thrust, but it has unexpectedly turned into serious business.

Don’t think that eating more meat is always good—it might also cause one to become fat, and dieting is such a headache.

Austria is now in a similar situation; if they take too much now, would the European countries consent afterward?

Envy can twist a person’s heart, and should everyone become envious, Austria would soon run out of friends. Franz does not wish to face such a passive predicament.

But the current issue is that the situation on the battlefield is entirely beyond Franz’s control. The Ottomans have shown too much timidity, lacking the fighting spirit their ancestors had.

Had they at least symbolically organized some militia to make a show of strength, Franz could pretend he was tricked, failed to spot the enemy’s conspiracy in time, and missed a military opportunity.

Now it’s a different story—the Ottomans have unashamedly retreated, placing Franz in a dilemma.

Chapter 71: Patients with Austriaphobia

Franz’s troubles were something Abdulmejid I could not understand, for if he had known Austria’s plans, he would not have needed to abandon the Serbian region.

In fact, the territories that the Sultan Government relinquished were not limited to Serbia, but also included Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The reason was very pragmatic—they could not hold them.

Knowing they could not hold the territories, why should they waste their manpower needlessly? The Ottoman Government made what they believed to be the correct choice, concentrating superior forces to defend against the Russian onslaught.

As for Austria, after occupying Serbia and Bosnia, they found their battle lines overstretched, and they couldn’t even secure their rear in time, let alone continue to advance.

England and France had already made promises to the Ottoman Government: as long as they defeated the Russians, they were confident that at the negotiation table, they could force Austria to relinquish all that it had swallowed.

With so many favorable conditions, Abdulmejid I naturally sought to concentrate his forces to fight the Russians.

To slow down the Austrian army’s advance, the Ottoman Army destroyed roads and bridges, burned granaries, and conscripted a large number of young adults while retreating.

Constantinople

Staring at the large map on the wall, Abdulmejid I sighed deeply, as he was unwilling to abandon the lands of his ancestors, but reality was beyond his control.

As for the promises made by England and France, Abdulmejid I had never fully trusted them, like now—the British reinforcements promised had not arrived in full.

Of the promised eighty thousand reinforcements, only twenty thousand had come, and the rest of the troops would have to wait until after they had expanded their forces; they simply could not spare more at the moment.

This was true, the British Army indeed could not dispatch so many reinforcements, and the London Government really wasn’t intentionally cheating their allies this time.

As for Palmerston’s promises in the Paris negotiations, how else could he cheat the French into contributing if he didn’t say those things?

Haven’t you seen the French Army being lured here? In order to achieve an impressive victory, Napoleon III sent his elite troops, no new recruits to fill the ranks.

Abdulmejid I calmed his emotions and asked, “Have the encampments for the Allied Forces been properly arranged?”

“Everything has been properly settled; we have evacuated the surrounding residents to ensure no disturbances,” Minister of State Piesaraimihamet responded solemnly.

In this era, the British and French troops were known for their strict military discipline when at home, but once abroad, they were little different from bandits and robbers, with looting being one of their significant activities.

When the first batch of French reinforcements arrived, the Ottoman Government suffered a setback, and naturally, lessons had to be learned.

Abdulmejid I did not mean to belittle the military discipline of the British and French armies; in fact, the discipline within the Ottoman Army was even worse. At least the Anglo-French forces followed the rules at home, while the Ottoman troops were a nuisance even domestically.

The difference was that the Sultan could still control his troops, but he could not command the British and French troops at all.

Abdulmejid I continued to inquire, “Have England and France not yet agreed on who will assume the role of the Allied Commander?”

The alliance between England, France, and the Ottoman Empire was different from that of Austria and Russia; they needed to coordinate their actions in battle, which meant that the command of the Allied Forces was a significant issue.

In this matter, the Ottoman Empire originally had a voice, but after the failure in the Battle of Bulgaria, that influence had since faded.

Facing the two bigwigs of England and France, the Sultan Government couldn’t afford to provoke either and simply chose to keep silent, as silence is golden.

The centuries-old mortal enmity between England and France had led to deep-seated hatred among the people, which couldn’t be resolved with merely a government order.

The French cut off the English dream of continental expansion, while the British cut off the French dream of hegemony. After centuries of conflict, who was right or wrong had become unclear.

The French now believed: “Our army is the strongest in the world, and for that reason, we should be granted the supreme command of the allied forces.”

Napoleon III wanted to enhance France’s position in the world and gain political prestige for himself; therefore, command of the allied forces was something the French must fight for.

The British believed: “We are the world’s hegemon (although not yet officially recognized), the world’s number one in comprehensive national power; the world’s leader must naturally have the bearing of one, so the British also cannot give up the command.”

The British were unwilling to be commanded by the French, and the French were equally reluctant to be commanded by the British. This was true not just at the top levels but also among the soldiers below.

Although everyone was allied, the officers and soldiers of the two armies simply couldn’t stand each other. To give a cold shoulder was one thing; fistfights and brawls that could break out at the slightest disagreement were common occurrences.

Then, Sultan Abdulmejid I had a headache; the two bigwigs couldn’t stop quarreling, but the war still needed to be fought!

The Russians had stopped their offensive, not because they were done fighting, but because they were preparing for a new campaign. They were urgently transporting strategic materials while allowing the rested troops to wait for reinforcements.

“No, representatives from England and France are still in endless dispute,” Foreign Minister Fuad replied with a bitter smile.

It wasn’t for lack of effort on his part. Ever since the Austrian Government had stirred up public opinion in England and France behind the scenes, the issue had become sensitive, and neither government dared to make concessions lightly.

In the words of The Times: “Don’t let the Frenchies poop on our heads!”

The French media also had similar statements, and the position of the commander of the allied forces had now risen to a matter of national dignity for both countries.

No one foresaw this situation. Had they known such a problem would arise, neither government would have become so incessantly entangled, giving the opposition a chance.

Austria did not have the power to control public opinion in England and France; only their domestic forces could achieve that.

Being able to cause trouble for their political adversaries and doing something politically correct, they had no reason not to act.

Abdulmejid I sighed, “Ah!”

He added, “Tell the representatives of England and France that if they still cannot reach an agreement, we should form a tripartite joint command, with each of the three countries appointing one person to share command.

If that’s still not viable, then let’s divide the forces, each commanding their own troops, as long as there is coordination among us!”

Clearly, Abdulmejid I also knew these were two bad ideas. But there was no choice; the Ottoman Government had no way to persuade England and France.

The war was about to resume, and the issue of command could not be resolved. Should the Russians launch an attack, they would suffer greatly.

In any case, it was necessary to establish an allied command first. If that truly did not work, Abdulmejid I could accept dividing the forces and conducting separate campaigns.

After all, the British had now sent only twenty thousand troops, and the main forces of the war were still the Ottoman Army and the French Army; the British were to play the tambourine, so to speak.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Fuad replied.

Turin

Ever since the complete failure of the Austro-Sardinian War, Charles Albert, the unfortunate King, was abandoned by the people of Sardinia, and his son Victor Emmanuel II succeeded him.

Unlike in history, this time Charles Albert left behind a total mess.

Not to mention the enormous foreign debt, having been visited by the Austrian army, the economy of the Kingdom of Sardinia suffered a devastating blow and has still not emerged from the shadows until now.

Prime Minister Cavour ascended the historical stage against this backdrop. Unfortunately, he was human, not a god, and faced with this total mess, he was also fraught with headaches.

Development? That question temporarily had nothing to do with the Kingdom of Sardinia. Better to focus on recovery first! If internal issues couldn’t be resolved, then what development could one even speak of?

“What? Prime Minister, you actually want to wage war against the Russians?” Victor Emmanuel II nearly roared in protest.

Since the Austro-Sardinian War, Victor Emmanuel II had been plagued by the shadow of war, and now, hearing that Cavour wanted to fight the Russians, he immediately erupted.

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Prime Minister Cavour replied.

Victor Emmanuel II angrily questioned, “My Prime Minister, are you sure you’re not joking?”

Prime Minister Cavour answered unflinchingly, “Your Majesty, this is certainly serious. How could I possibly joke about such a matter?”

Victor Emmanuel II questioned, “Madness! Without any reason, why should we go to war against the Russians, do you bear a grudge against them?”

As there was no conflict of interest between the Kingdom of Sardinia and the Russians, Victor Emmanuel II truly could not find a reason to fight the Russians.

Prime Minister Cavour explained calmly, “Your Majesty, I have no personal vendetta against the Russians, even if I’m displeased with them, it certainly doesn’t rise to the level of hatred.

The alliance of England, France, and the Ottoman Empire are all at war with Russia now, and we want to seek help from England and France—this is the opportunity.

To join this war, and seek a chance to form an alliance with England and France. Use this war to escape our domestic economic crisis and get out of this predicament.”

Victor Emmanuel II seriously considered it. Prime Minister Cavour’s suggestion, although far-fetched, might not be entirely unworkable for the Kingdom of Sardinia.

As the Kingdom of Sardinia was far from Russia, there was no need to fear a military threat from the Russians, and even if they offended the Russians, they need not fear retaliation.

Victor Emmanuel II shook his head and said, “That’s still not enough, just getting a chance to form an alliance with England and France is of no value to us.

Currently, we don’t have a bargaining chip to negotiate with England and France. In the Near East, we have no right to intervene.

Utilizing war to escape the economic crisis—my Prime Minister, the current Kingdom of Sardinia would have difficulty even assembling the equipment for one infantry division.

Do you expect England and France to provide us with weapons and equipment? To take their weapons and equipment means sending our boys to the battlefield as cannon fodder.”

The harsh reality is that the strength of the Kingdom of Sardinia is too weak. After the Austro-Sardinian War, even the army had been disbanded, not out of coercion by Austria, but due to financial constraints.

The British are not running a charity; loans and interests must be repaid in full and on time. The Kingdom of Sardinia does not have the funds to develop its military.

Since national defense is under the protection of the British, all they need is an armed force capable of maintaining internal stability; a police force would suffice. The only military force currently in the Kingdom of Sardinia is the King’s Guards.

Prime Minister Cavour said fervently, “Your Majesty, I know that weapons and equipment from England and France are not easy to come by, and I do not wish to send our boys to the battlefield as cannon fodder, but the nation needs this now!

If we cannot garner the support of England and France, the Kingdom of Sardinia will never have the opportunity to develop and grow strong. The blood from the Austro-Sardinian War has not yet dried, and without the strength of our own, it will be impossible to seek revenge against the Austrians.

“They leave us…”

Victor Emmanuel II said with dissatisfaction, “Stop! Prime Minister Cavour, I don’t want to hear your long-winded speeches.

Day in and day out, you advocate for revenge against Austria. Are you worried that the Austrians have forgotten us and you want to remind them to be vigilant, that there is still an enemy present in the Italian Area?

In the Austro-Sardinian War, Sardinia lost one hundred and ten thousand brave soldiers, sacrificed eighty thousand civilians, and there were more than one hundred thousand wounded, not to mention the economic loss which is incalculable. The entire Kingdom of Sardinia is weeping.

With the addition of casualties and the worsening economic situation, from 1848 to the present, the total population of the Kingdom of Sardinia has dropped by 670,000.

Do you think we have any surplus manpower to spare? Even if we had the support of England and France, would we possess the capacity for revenge against Austria?”

Revenge? Victor Emmanuel II had also thought about it, but reality did not permit it. The Kingdom of Sardinia was a tiny country with a territory of seventy thousand square kilometers and a population of just over five million.

Having been struck down once, not just Victor Emmanuel II, but the entire Kingdom of Sardinia had lost confidence.

The main purpose of Prime Minister Cavour’s promotion of revenge against Austria was to harness the power of hatred to boost everyone’s fighting spirit, working toward the unification of Italy.

Cavour continued to explain, “Your Majesty, the international situation is ever-changing. Now, England and France have come together, while Russia and Austria have joined forces. Taking sides for us is only a matter of time.

Rather than being forced to choose sides later on, it’s better if we proactively join in now. The Austro-Sardinian War from two years ago decided that we have no other choice.

To declare war on Russia now is only a stance. Our strength is limited, and England and France would not expect us to contribute much.

Now Montenegro and Greece have sided with the Russians, and England and France likewise need someone to help shout on the international stage. Given the strength of the Kingdom of Sardinia, we are well-suited for this role.”

After hearing this explanation, Victor Emmanuel II’s expression softened slightly.

If it doesn’t require a large deployment of troops, then it’s negotiable. The last war was too devastating in its aftermath, his father went from hero to bear, and ultimately was forced to abdicate. He didn’t want to go through that again.

Victor Emmanuel II said very calmly, “We also have to consider the attitude of Austria. The Russians can’t hassle us, but they are right beside us. With a single command from the Vienna Government, it wouldn’t take a week before we’re in exile again.”

Facing one who suffers from a fear of Austria, Cavour was powerless. This was not only characteristic of Victor Emmanuel II; many others felt it after the Austro-Sardinian War, including Cavour himself, although he had strong self-control and did not show it.

This mood was particularly severe among the general public. Having experienced the war firsthand, many knew just how terrible it was, and their fear of Austria deepened.

This was a side effect of excessive propaganda. During the era of Charles Albert, there was rampant propaganda depicting the decadence of Austria, exaggerating the strength of the Kingdom of Sardinia, and nurturing the confidence of the Sardinian people.

Unfortunately, this confidence was shattered in the Austro-Sardinian War, and as a backlash, those who lived through the war became afflicted with this fear of Austria.

The nationalists and adolescent rebels who once feared nothing are now quiet. The country has stabilized, but the plan for Italian unification has been stunted.

After hesitating for a moment, Cavour spoke, “Your Majesty, I will find a way to handle Austria. If they are firmly opposed, then we will give up this opportunity!”

This issue could not be avoided; if Austria made military threats, even Cavour himself would be apprehensive. The Kingdom of Sardinia simply had no capacity for another war, and their involvement in the Near East conflict would be limited to moral support.

After Cavour’s response, Victor Emmanuel II nodded in satisfaction, signaling his tacit approval.

Chapter 72: Do Not Dig Your Own Grave

Belvedere Palace

Prince Windischgrätz marked the retreat route of the Ottoman Army on the map, and then a whole group of people from the Austrian Government just stared at the map, dumbfounded.

Yes, they were dumbfounded, and shocked at that. Anyone who understood the details would be surprised by the current actions of the Ottoman Empire.

Retracting the defensive line is very normal, but the Ottomans’ approach this time clearly went too far.

It’s understandable to give up the northern plains of Serbia since flat terrain cannot stop a single attack from the Austrian army, but why abandon the southern mountainous areas, the Kosovo area, and the Bosnia and Herzegovina region all at once?

Even if only a small number of troops were left behind to organize a militia using the terrain advantage, they could slow down the advance of the Austrian army.

If things didn’t go well, they could also take to the hills to raid the Austrian supply line, which could be said to be basic military common sense.

Other areas aside, at the very least in the regions of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia, the Ottoman Empire still had many supporters; giving these up for nothing was a simply unfathomable move.

And why leave Belgrade in the middle after giving up everything else? Even if that city is that important, how could a solitary city hold out after abandoning everything around it?

Regardless, Franz could not understand what the Ottomans were attempting with such a move, neither from a military nor political perspective.

It was just like… giving up.

Feeling intellectually outmatched, Franz asked, “Can anyone tell me what the Ottomans are trying to do?”

Metternich speculated, “Your Majesty, perhaps after the defeat in the battle of Bulgaria, the Ottoman Government panicked and decided to consolidate their forces to deal with the Russians, making this hasty decision in the process.

The person left to defend Belgrade is probably one of the losers in the power struggles of the Ottoman Empire, trapped by political rivals.

It’s even possible that there aren’t two thousand troops left in Belgrade by now, and it’s likely just a collection of misfits intentionally placed there to die.”

Such occurrences are not strange for the miraculous country that is the Ottoman Empire. The Sultan Government’s performance is still decent, at least they haven’t abandoned the capital to flee, and they are still organizing troops to fight the Russians. What they’ve given up is just the “Savage Land” beyond their borders.

Everyone nodded in agreement. If normal logic failed to explain it, then the issue must lie with the Sultan Government. It seemed that was their perceived level of competence in everyone’s eyes.

It could only be said that the Sultan Government had a history of foolish actions; adding one more wasn’t too hard to accept. As one of the world’s two most peculiar empires, it would be odd if they didn’t do something that baffled and amused people.

Franz waved his hand saying, “Assuming the Ottoman Government has gone off the deep end, what should we do now? Do we send troops to follow the retreating Ottoman Army and reclaim our lost territories or find an excuse to hold our forces back?”

Don’t ask why it’s “reclaiming lost territories.” Just look at Franz’s long list of titles, and you’ll see there is always a legal basis that can be found.

It doesn’t matter if it’s a bit far-fetched, as this thing was always meant to serve as a fig leaf to prove that Austria isn’t waging a war of aggression, but reclaiming sovereign land.

The Habsburg Family is too ancient, and a little too strong in the marital alliance department, leaving behind a plethora of titles.

Even if these places were never ruled by the Habsburg dynasty, they were once ruled by families they had marital ties with, and if needed, the historical facts could always be dredged up.

Franz did not expect the rest of Europe to recognize it, as long as he could persuade a portion of the local population, or rather, it provided an excuse for those wanting to defect to the Austrians.

There are many pretentious people in the world, everyone cares about saving face, and “restoring order to recover legitimacy” is a good excuse.

So far, the approach had been quite successful in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. Those willing to defect to Austria had acknowledged Franz’s legitimate status.

As for those unwilling to side with Austria, they were naturally remnants of the Ottoman Empire and deemed targets for suppression. With the assistance of collaborators, they had been mostly subdued.

Successful governance experiences could be replicated. Just as Romanians who had been assimilated into Austrian culture could rule Romania, so too could Serbians assimilated into Austrian culture govern Serbia.

It seemed as though Franz had thought of something else, adding, “I should state in advance that the Serbia region and the Bosnia and Herzegovina region are not within our targets for this operation.

Austria doesn’t have such a voracious appetite. No matter the final outcome, we will not annex these areas this time!”

Prime Minister Felix said, “Your Majesty, now that it has come to this, we should go the whole nine yards.

Arm a group of reserve forces and first take over the territories abandoned by the Ottomans. Even if we have to give them up later, we can leverage them at the negotiating table to secure benefits for us.”

In order not to distract the main forces, the reserve forces were the ones that could be called upon at such a time. Austria’s reserves were vast, and mustering tens of thousands was an easy task.

The combat effectiveness of these troops was limited, and they might struggle against the Anglo-French forces, but they wouldn’t balk at fighting the Ottoman Army.

Franz could proudly claim that Austria’s reserve forces had better training than the Ottomans’ regular troops.

Finance Minister Karl shook his head saying, “It’s not that simple. The Ottomans are prepared.

According to the intelligence we’ve received, the roads and bridges in these regions have all been destroyed by the Ottomans. They have also ruined the farmland, burned the untransportable food and supplies, and in the end, conscripted masses of the able-bodied to leave with them.

If we take control of these areas, we will be unable to get any support locally; even finding enough laborers to repair the roads will be challenging.

We’ll even have to provide a significant amount of food aid for the war refugees. This is the Ottomans’ way of trying to bog us down.”

But in reality, we were not prepared to continue the war. Occupying these areas would bring us nothing but a heavy financial burden, except for potential gains at the post-war negotiations table.

“I don’t think the benefits gained from the negotiation table can compensate for our current expenditures. It’s better to support a local regime there, since we have no intention of annexing the place anyway.”

Faced with the Ottoman Empire’s tactic of killing eight hundred enemies at the cost of three thousand of their own, Franz had to admit—he was impressed.

After such trials, even if we were to hold onto these areas in the future, they can forget about ruling them peacefully.

Of course, it could also be said that they had the foresight to know that the Balkan Peninsula couldn’t be held onto, so they might as well abandon it and concentrate their forces to defend the core areas along the strait.

Since they were going to abandon it, naturally, they couldn’t leave anything good for the enemy. If it were not for the fact that the cities were built of stone and could not be burned, they would even have learned from young Dong Zhuo and set fire to the city.

Prince Windischgrätz objected, “No! Even if we leave these areas in the hands of the Ottomans, it’s still better than establishing a local regime.

In the hands of the Ottomans, they won’t have the people’s support, and we can take it back whenever we want. If they become independent, it may be easy to conquer these areas, but ruling them will be difficult.

The borders of the European Continent have basically stabilized. The only place we can continue to expand into is the Balkan Peninsula, and we absolutely cannot let this route be blocked.

This is connected to Austria’s long-term future development. Once the overseas colonization strategy encounters obstacles, we will have to seek expansion in the Balkan Peninsula.

In this age of great conflict, we are rowing against the current: if we don’t advance, we will retreat, and we must reserve space for future development.”

After hearing Prince Windischgrätz’s explanation, Franz’s eyes lit up. Indeed, those who left a significant mark in history all had their exceptional qualities.

Prince Windischgrätz’s military capabilities might only be average, but his strategic vision for the nation’s development was very precise.

Especially that phrase, “future development space must be reserved,” seemed very classic to Franz.

Under a capitalist economy, if the route for external expansion is blocked, then everyone must rely on internal development. This means that external plunder turns into internal oppression, and then disaster will come.

Why did the German people challenge the world order in history? Was it really because of ambition?

Reality is very cruel. Having developed to its limits, Germany faced only two fates if they did not provoke a war:

Either internal conflicts would intensify to the point of a revolution with a redistribution of wealth,

Or they would artificially slow down development, use extreme measures to weather the crisis, and then slowly decline.

The German government could not accept either of these fates. Lacking both industrial raw materials and a market for their goods, they chose war in order to gain space for further development.

“From a military standpoint, taking Belgrade is very important for Austria’s national defense security. If we have control of that city, the Pannonian Plain will be safe,” Marshal Radetzky analyzed.

The Pannonian Plain is spread across Hungary, Austria, Croatia, Czech, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine. Surrounding areas include Slovenia and Bosnia.

This is where Austria’s granary is located, and it is of great strategic importance. By occupying Belgrade, we not only solve the military threat from the Balkan Peninsula but also turn passiveness into activeness; strategically, we become able to attack or defend.

Leaving such a strategic location in the hands of the Ottomans was something Franz felt reassured about. The decaying Ottoman Empire didn’t have the courage to cause trouble. However, it would be hard to say the same for the newly-formed Balkan states.

Throughout history, the Balkan Countries have invariably engaged in various self-destructive acts. Should the proxy we support stab Austria in the back at a critical moment, it would be fatal.

Franz wouldn’t dare gamble on their integrity. Before national interests, all kindness is void; only interests are real.

A Greater Serbia ideology alone could cause the new regime to part ways with Austria and become an inextricable enemy. It’s not as if Franz could simply surrender half of Austria to his junior, right?

Franz spoke with righteous indignation, “The Serbia region absolutely cannot become an independent state. No matter the cost, we cannot allow a major power to rise in the Balkan Peninsula. If there has to be one, it can only be Austria.

If I were to choose, I would rather let the Ottomans occupy the Balkan Peninsula or share it with the Russians than see it become independent.

Austria is a multi-ethnic country, and now is the critical moment for ethnic integration. The establishment of any independent states could lead to uncontrollable consequences.

Nationalism in the Balkan region has just begun to emerge, and we cannot give them the space to develop and strengthen. At least the Serbian and Romanian cannot be independent.

Otherwise, think about it: if an independent Serbia and Romania appear, what would the Serbian and Romanian within our country think?”

One’s interests determine their thinking. Perhaps in a former life, Franz even sympathized with the Balkan Peninsula nations, but that was no longer the case.

In this era where the strong prey on the weak, everyone is struggling to strengthen themselves. It’s not about right or wrong; it’s about interests.

If we consider the other’s position, the historical struggles of the Balkan Countries are quite tragic. However, with such severe conflicts of interest, concessions mean death; thus, they must fight.

Unfortunately, because of their overemphasis on immediate interests, the Balkan Countries all ended in failure, with not a single country achieving its goals.

The independence of other Balkan ethnic groups doesn’t matter since Austria hardly has any of them. But the situation with Serbia and Romania cannot stand, as these two ethnic groups together comprise nearly nine percent.

We had just begun the process of assimilation. If two independent states were to emerge, if we don’t want trouble, the only thing Franz could do is to package these people up and return them to the two countries.

Franz definitely couldn’t do such a foolish thing. He had not forgotten that historically the Austro-Hungarian Empire had supported the independence of Serbia and Romania, and then fell into the very pit they had dug themselves.

Chapter 73: Change of Nationality

On June 25, 1852, Austria once again sent troops to attack the Ottoman Empire. Within a month, they had fought hundreds of miles across the Serbia region and Bosnia and Herzegovina, liberating over a million people who had been enslaved by the Ottoman Empire and bringing the dawn of civilization to the Balkan Peninsula…

The above is an annual report from the Austrian Government

In truth, the Austrian army had merely taken over local defense duties after the withdrawal of the Ottoman forces, thereby maintaining social order.

The Serbia region was relatively easy to manage at this time. The serfs in the countryside were obedient, and although riots were born in the cities, they were still at the stage of street hooliganism.

Under the Iron Fist of Austria, these remnants of the Ottoman Empire vanished in an instant. The rest seemed like well-behaved children, of course, this also had much to do with the Ottomans taking away a large number of their young and strong during their withdrawal.

This wasn’t a kindness from the Ottomans, nor were they making a blunder. War required a lot of cannon fodder and civilian husbands. Leaving the young and strong behind would equate to aiding the enemy.

The Two principalities of the Danube Basin serve as an example—by now the Russian Army had conscripted at least 150,000 civilian husbands from the area, and these individuals could be converted into soldiers if necessary.

Without these sacrifices, the Russians would have had to transfer civilian husbands from within the country, and the Tsarist Government was no fool; naturally, they would make such a decision.

Withdrawing too many young adults from within the country could also affect production, whereas conscripting civilian husbands in the Two Principalities was of no consequence. This was Austria’s domain, and the Russians wouldn’t be heartbroken over any severe losses incurred here.

The Russians didn’t care, and neither did Franz. Without the atrocities of the Russian Army, how could Austria’s benevolence be highlighted?

At present, these Romanian people have yet to become part of Austrian citizenry; they aren’t Austrians, nor have they paid taxes to Austria, so naturally, the Austrian Government has no obligation to provide protection for them.

As for the economic losses incurred, that’s even less worth mentioning. These regions were barely developed, so it amounted to nothing more than a reduction in the yield of crops.

Thinking cynically, if these young adults suffered heavy losses on the battlefield, the difficulty of Austria’s future rule over the area would decrease a notch.

Joining Austrian citizenship is the only choice to avoid being conscripted by the Russians, who wouldn’t dare to draft Austrians.

Each has what they need—the Russians obtained a large number of civilian husbands, Austria issued quite a few citizenships, and gained a group of supporters. On this issue, Russia and Austria cooperated very happily.

Despite the small force Austria’s Government invested in the Serbian campaign, it did not mean that they did not value it. On the contrary, Franz placed great importance on this future source of turmoil.

To extinguish this source of European conflict at its root, the Austrian Government also enacted specific measures.

Military administration was essential, and purging the local Ottoman influence was indispensable. For better post-war management, Franz specifically instructed the delivery of a large amount of wheat flour and bean flour as relief supplies.

The geographic conditions of Belgrade were unparalleled in the Balkan Peninsula.

Situated at the confluence of the Sava River and Danube River, it was also the meeting point of the Pannonian Plain and the Balkan Peninsula. Being the junction between Europe and the Near East region, it has always enjoyed the reputation of “Key of the Balkans.”

However, the current Commander of Belgrade, Isala Pasha, didn’t see this “Key of the Balkans” as such a favorable place.

Having been abandoned by the surrounding areas, he, the unlucky one, was left to defend this isolated city.

The idea of abandoning Belgrade and fleeing had emerged more than once in his mind, but Isala Pasha did not dare to act on it.

Abdulmejid I had given him a strict order to hold this gateway city of the Balkan Peninsula, to lay the foundation for the future counter-offensive of the Ottoman Empire.

Regarding the counter-offensive against Serbia, Isala Pasha was disdainful. If the Ottoman Empire had such strength, the war would not have reached this point.

The person who came up with this idea was clearly trying to trap him. As a political loser, Isala Pasha was mentally prepared; he had submitted his resignation at the beginning of his assignment in the Near East, only to be rejected.

Now he was faced with only two paths—either hold Belgrade or die on the battlefield. He didn’t dare to choose any other path; it was better for him to die than his entire family.

Unless the Ottoman Empire won the war, he could then try to pull some strings, bribe more generously, and possibly solve the problem.

In Isala Pasha’s view, such a chance was nearly zero. If the war couldn’t be won, a scapegoat was needed, and being a political loser, he fit the bill perfectly.

“Send someone to scout and find out what the enemy is up to; why haven’t they launched an attack after so long?” Isala Pasha ordered.

Three days ago, the Austrian army had surrounded Belgrade, but aside from the routine daily shelling, there had been no further action.

This abnormal tactic naturally made Isala Pasha vigilant. No matter how careful and cautious he was, the enemy simply wouldn’t attack. All of his preparations had been in vain.

Isala Pasha was anxious, and General Feslav outside the city was even more so. Leading a bunch of reservists onto the battlefield was one thing—they were, after all, facing an even more pathetic enemy.

But the headquarters ordered him to keep the casualty number below a thousand, which put him in a difficult situation. The withdrawal of the Ottoman army had caused virtually no casualties since they directly took over the local area. Now, attacking Belgrade could not possibly come without a cost, could it?

The politically astute General Feslav understood that the government was not enthusiastic about the war. Even the command to attack Belgrade was only four words—”Act according to circumstances.”

The higher-ups acted this way, clearly for political reasons. The Russian-Austrian Alliance was no longer a secret, and there was much speculation about the content of the pact.

Feslav surmised that domestically, Austria didn’t want the Russians to conquer Istanbul, yet was bound by the alliance to support Russian combat. Under these circumstances, it made sense for Austria to play a minimal role.

Yet for military men like him, it was a tragedy. Without war, there could be no military exploits. This kind of merit, gained without firing a shot and simply taking over territory, could only be seen as hard labor, not enough for promotion or aristocratic advancement.

Feslav asked, “The map of Belgrade’s topography is here; the enemy is not foolish and has taken quite a tight defense.

Who has a plan that can capture this city without incurring significant casualties?”

A young officer, eager to prove himself, said, “Commander, I don’t have any clever plans, but I do have a couple of clumsy ones. Shall we give them a try?”

Feslav revealed a delighted smile and replied, “Vassim, as long as it can take Belgrade with fewer casualties, that is a good plan!”

“Yes, Commander!”

“Belgrade is located at the confluence of the Tisza River and a tributary of the Danube River. If we build a dam upstream to store water, we could use a flood to take the city.”

However, considering Belgrade is on the Pannonian Plain, it’s hard to estimate the extent of damage a flood might cause to the city.

“The second method is to drive the civilians into the city. Many of the defenders in Belgrade are locals. We could send the soldiers’ families and those who lean towards the Ottoman Empire straight to the gates of the City of Belgrade.”

“If the defenders let them into the city, these people will accelerate their consumption of food supplies; if they refuse entry, then we can drive these people with sticks to attack the city, depleting the enemy’s ammunition,” Vassim said.

Everyone gasped at the thought. While the methods sounded effective, they were admittedly rather ruthless.

Using a flood to attack the city would affect a wide area with uncontrollable losses; driving civilians into the city and then silencing them after the battle is, in effect, murdering witnesses—once these people perished, the impact could be minimized.

After much hesitation, Feslav slowly said, “Ask for assistance from within the country, let the government send over hydraulics experts, we’re going to flood Belgrade.

“As for driving civilians to attack, let’s not. We’ve already had a large amount of disaster relief grain shipped from the homeland. If we end up making people suffer, who would the grain be for?”

Feslav had the nerve to flood the city, but he could not bring himself to drive civilians to their deaths. The domestic relief grain was just an excuse.

Now that the fighting-aged population of the Serbia region had been taken away by the Ottomans, it was impossible to find cannon fodder to storm the city.

Using the remaining weak and sick, who lacked the value to be armed for combat, was essentially sending them to their deaths with sticks. As Vassim had suggested, it would only serve to waste the enemy’s ammunition.

Heaven knows how many lives it would take to exhaust the enemy’s supply of bullets. If it were done, after the war, the Serbia region would be filled with deserted villages and towns.

After taking Belgrade, a large killing would be necessary to silence the witnesses. It wouldn’t be easy to finish without staining the Danube red with the blood of many.

Inside Belgrade, there certainly would be no survivors, and none of the coerced conscripts would live. Feslav was not a butcher and couldn’t commit such an act.

Vassim’s suggestion was quite normal for that era. The Americans were slaughtering Indians, the British were on a killing spree in Australia and New Zealand, and the Qing Government in the Far East was competing in a killing contest with the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom.

In this war, the main players, Mao Xiong and the Ottomans, didn’t blink an eye at killing, and claiming unearned military honours was one of the main sources of their military achievements.

Their armies often left behind deserted villages as they passed through. How well the Ottoman Empire managed its vast population growth was in no small part due to the notable contributions of the Ottoman Army.

In an era where “all crows under the heavens are equally black,” the reorganized Austrian army was a clear stream, renowned in the Near East wars for their discipline.

Every coin has two sides. Feslav did not resort to using civilians in the attack, and with the Austrian Government sending a large amount of disaster relief grain, the Serbia region soon stabilized.

Despite the shortage of young and strong people, the Austrian Government adopted a work-relief policy, recruiting the local elderly, weak, and sick to repair roads and restore transportation.

Those who performed well during construction earned the right to apply for Austrian citizenship. With Austrian nationality, one became eligible for official positions.

At this time when the Ottomans had fled, the original ruling class was finished, and the social order was being reshuffled. There was also a great need for local officials.

The opportunists thus scrambled to apply for Austrian citizenship, as it presented the best opportunity for changing one’s social standing.

It’s not only about the present; even before this, those with Austrian nationality were more respected here, and Ottoman officials were similarly cautious to avoid causing diplomatic altercations.

People are inclined to follow the crowd, seeing others join, they naturally followed suit.

At some point, rumors started spreading that by becoming Austrian nationals, even the serfs could obtain free citizen status, resulting in a frenzy.

From Bosnia and Herzegovina to Serbia, and then to the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin, many people competed to become Austrian nationals, with the majority being serfs.

However, by then, the criteria for citizenship had tightened. To be Austrian, one must first learn German.

That didn’t deter them, because upon applying, the Austrian Government would send language teachers over. Once they mastered daily language use, they could become part of Austria.

Local officials replicated Austria’s land redemption policy, disregarding the landowner’s opinions and forcefully purchasing the land.

Even if people objected, it was pointless. Their land rights were granted by the Ottoman Empire and not recognized by Austria. Lands without their owners present were considered ownerless.

As for whether the actions of the Austrian Government were legal, that wasn’t something people dwelled on. After all, Austrians now had the final say in these parts.

Self-interest is always the best weapon. Austria may not have obtained sovereignty over these lands, but it had already turned the local population into Austrians.

If Austria could rule for two or three years, and the mainstream population became Austrian nationals, subsequent developments would become interesting.

One day, if the Sultan Government reclaimed these lands through negotiation and sent officials to take over, only to find, much to their surprise, that their own land was full of foreigners, one wonders what they would think.

Chapter 74: The Pig Teammates Assemble

London

Upon receiving news of the Kingdom of Sardinia’s decision to enter the war, Prime Minister John Russell was very pleased. A perceptive little brother like this is liked by everyone.

After the outbreak of the Near East War, their support for the Ottomans made many unhappy, placing them on the opposite side of European public opinion. Even within the United Kingdom, many people and media took the opportunity to scold the government.

Reality once again proved the importance of a good reputation; the Ottoman Empire’s reputation was indeed too foul, so much so that even the joint efforts of England and France couldn’t whitewash it.

Public opinion was but a minor issue. Standing on the opposite side of international opinion wasn’t a first for the British. Those merely good at spouting words could only curse without causing them the slightest harm, and John Russell didn’t care.

However, it wasn’t just Montenegro Duchy joining the Russians; even their minor ally Greece started making moves, as if to express how unpopular the alliance with the Ottomans was.

Under pressure from the Opposition Party, John Russell urgently needed to demonstrate the correctness of their actions.

In terms of military breakthroughs, John Russell no longer held out hope; the chances were too slim. With only twenty thousand British Army soldiers on the frontline in a war involving over a million combatants, it was indeed questionable what kind of achievements they could garner.

Unable to make strides militarily, they could turn to diplomacy. This was their strong suit—wasn’t pulling in allies what the Great Britain Empire was good at?

Even Napoleon, formidable as he was, had been brought down by the Anti-French Alliance they formed. The current threat from Russia, although severe, wasn’t as dire as during the Anti-French wars.

Unfortunately, European nations had all become savvy, unwavering in face of their threats and inducements, with countries one after
another declaring neutrality.

This gave Prime Minister John Russell a headache, as he no longer hoped for strong allies’ support. With only a few powerful countries in Europe, and everyone wise to the costs, no one was willing to take chestnuts out of the fire for them.

John Russell lowered his standards, considering just a few who would wave the flag and shout, enough to account for to his people back home.

“What are the conditions of the Sardinians?” John Russell asked happily.

He had made up his mind—so long as the Sardinian Kingdom’s demands were not too excessive, he would agree. To build world hegemony, recruiting subordinates was essential, even buying their loyalty at a high price.

They had no shortage of subordinates, such as Portugal, the Netherlands, Belgium, and others. Unfortunately, these subordinates were not cooperative; seeing no benefit in it for themselves, they each became turtles retracting their heads, unwilling to offend the Russians.

The stance of the Sardinian Kingdom was therefore especially significant as the first to come forth, and while militarily their contribution was virtually nil, politically, having one more country to wave the flag and shout was very important.

Originally, the Greek people also had the potential to play this role, but unfortunately, their contradictions with the Ottoman Empire were too significant, with no chance of reconciliation.

“The Sardinians’ demands are not excessive. They are asking the Allied Forces to purchase a batch of goods from the Sardinian Kingdom and to postpone loan repayments until the end of the war,” replied Palmerston, nonchalantly.

There was no doubt that the defeat in the Ausa war had shaken their confidence, leading them to a sober understanding of their own strength; at this time, they dared not make outlandish demands.

John Russell continued to ask, “How many troops can the Sardinian Kingdom contribute?”

Palmerston disdainfully said, “Two infantry regiments, which is better than nothing. Prime Minister Cavour has stated that if we can provide weapons and equipment and cover the cost of war, they can deploy twenty thousand soldiers.”

John Russell said cheerfully, “We can agree to their terms, but we will take command.

Our army has been slow in reaching the battlefield, causing great dissatisfaction among our allies. Now let’s make do with the Sardinian Kingdom’s army for the time being.”

He had already guessed seven or eight out of ten regarding the Sardinian Kingdom’s plans—they probably wanted to secure support from England and France and then unify the Italian Area.

John Russell found the confidence of the Sardinians somewhat perplexing; he didn’t even think the Italian Area could be unified. After the Ausa war, the economy of the Sardinian Kingdom had been set back by twenty years, and they hadn’t recovered yet.

Under normal circumstances, they should recuperate and ease relations with Austria, to change the diplomatic dilemma.

After all, during this period, Austria held significant influence over the Italian countries, having even set up the Holy Roman Economic Alliance to push them out of the Italian Area.

To unify the Italian Area, Austria was an obstacle they couldn’t circumvent. Without defeating Austria, their efforts would be in vain.

The London Government supports the Kingdom of Sardinia in unifying the Italian Area, indeed, but this support is merely verbal, at most extending a loan; personal engagement is out of the question.

The French want to drive Austria out of the Italian Area, but they also oppose the unification of the region. Had it not been for an unexpected turn of events, France and Austria would have partitioned the Kingdom of Sardinia three years ago.

It doesn’t matter if you don’t understand, since the People of Sardinian are willing to be cannon fodder, how could he refuse?

Vienna

Franz wrote in his diary, a habit he had developed since crossing over. He had a mess of memories from his previous life and, to prevent forgetting them, Franz recorded everything.

For secrecy, he presented these contents as a novel. He even set the world background in a magical realm, with the messy contents jumbled together, making it incomprehensible to anyone but himself.

“Your Majesty, Mr. Metternich requests an audience!” called the familiar voice of Maid Jenny.

“Let him in,” Franz said indifferently.

“Yes, Your Majesty!”

Metternich said, “Your Majesty, the Sardinian Government is testing our attitude; they are preparing to declare war on Russia.”

To be honest, when Metternich first heard this news, he simply couldn’t believe it; the Kingdom of Sardinia must be full to bursting to go and start a war with the Russians, especially when they were already deep in debt.

After multiple confirmations, Metternich finally accepted the news.

Panic was an overstatement; Austria knew best about the military strength of the Kingdom of Sardinia. Such a weakling was not worth serious attention.

However, the political implications behind it had to be considered. If just maybe England and France promised some benefits to the Kingdom of Sardinia, and that was the reason behind their troop deployment, then it warranted attention.

After some thought, Franz replied, “Since the Kingdom of Sardinia wishes to join the war, let’s be generous! Hint to the Sardinian Government that Austria has no objections.”

Would the Kingdom of Sardinia’s participation affect the Russo-Turkish War? It definitely would, but the impact would be political; militarily, as long as they didn’t cause trouble for the Allied Forces, it would be fine.

At this moment, Franz suddenly realized that the Russians had a not so small chance of winning. Don’t be fooled by the strength of the Allied Forces; among these four countries, three were apt to backstab their allies. Could they rely solely on the French to take the lead?

There’s no need to explain the Ottoman Empire; their land force’s combat effectiveness can be judged by how they were getting pushed around by the Russians on the battlefield.

The core of the Sardinian Army was gone, what remained was a group of demoralized and defeated soldiers. Don’t hold any expectations for the fighting power of the troops they assembled.

The combat effectiveness of the British Army, relatively speaking, was decent. Unfortunately, they were few in number and their command abilities were not great; crucially, they had a tendency to malfunction at critical moments and to sabotage their allies.

In contrast, the Russians didn’t need to worry about so much. Among their few allies, aside from Austria’s strength, the rest could hardly be counted on.

And in the alliance, Austria’s role was, of all things, akin to a medic. Unless the front lines of the Russian Army were defeated, the Austrian Army wouldn’t even need to join the battle; logistics were the decisive factor.

Greece, Montenegro, were completely cut off from the Russians, so there was no need to consider their cooperation or worry about being betrayed by them.

Theoretically, if the Russians could seize the opportunity and crush the French, they might be able to defeat the enemy one by one.

Upon receiving Austria’s tacit approval of their actions, on July 1, 1852, the Sardinian Government declared war on the Russian

Empire, further expanding the scope of the Near Eastern War.

Chapter 75: The Russians’ Counterattack

St. Petersburg

Upon receiving the unexpected declaration of war from the Kingdom of Sardinia, the Tsarist Government was furious. It was one thing for the mighty forces of England, France, and the Ottoman Empire to do so, but the Kingdom of Sardinia? What were they in comparison?

Did they really think Russia had declined to the point where any Tom, Dick, or Harry could come and cause trouble? Furious as they were, due to the vast distance, Russia could do nothing about the People of Sardinian.

Nicholas I let out a cold snort, “Hmph!”

“Order the troops at the front to give the People of Sardinian a good reception, let them know the Russian Empire is not to be insulted!”

“Yes, Your Majesty,” the Army Minister quickly responded.

Nobody could have predicted that Nicholas I’s order in his anger would become the key to a major Russian military breakthrough, securing a great victory in the future.

On July 18, 1852, the Russian Army launched an offensive in the Caucasus region, driving back the Ottoman Army. Despite winning many battles due to the constrained terrain, the frontline’s advance was terribly slow.

There were wise men within the Ottoman Empire who understood that the advantageous terrain of the Caucasus region should not be ceded; they’ve amassed a large force there. Whenever the frontline troops collapsed, new ones were immediately sent to hold the line.

Both sides engaged in fierce combat, neither willing to give ground. After paying a heavy price, by August, the Russian Army was forced to halt their advance.

The casualties were too high; in the fighting that lasted over half a month, over seventy thousand soldiers were lost, averaging more than five thousand casualties each day. Victory remained elusive, and even the Russians could not bear it.

Reinforcements were considered, but logistical supply was a challenge due to the terrain. Being able to concentrate two hundred thousand soldiers was the result of amassing strategic resources in advance.

After half a month, weapons and ammunition were almost depleted. It was precisely because the Russian military’s equipment was outdated that they could ensure basic logistic supplies. If it had been the troops of England, France, or Austria, the logistic pressure would have increased by a quarter.

With the Caucasus region impregnable, the Russians once again turned their eyes to the Balkan Peninsula. After a lengthy period of recuperation, the Russian military had regained its combat capability, and total forces had risen to 480,000.

The Allied Forces had even more troops: the French Army had 170,000, the British Army 20,000, and the Ottoman forces 540,000. The Sardinian Army had not yet arrived; the total was a formidable 730,000.

However, the Russians were not at a complete disadvantage. The Bulgarians formed an army of 50,000, Austria helped by engaging seventy to eighty thousand Ottoman soldiers, and the Montenegro Duchy mobilized 20,000 troops. Additionally, the Greek people preparing to backstab also organized an army of 70,000.

In total, the combat strength of both sides was almost even. The key to victory would lie in the competition between the commanders of both sides.

“Have all the supplies arrived?” Menshikov asked.

The previous battle in Bulgaria did not result in a decisive expansion of their gains. Aside from the French Army’s sudden appearance disrupting their plans, they also faced the problem of the lagging supply of logistics.

Before, the Russian Army underestimated the consumption of ammunition on the battlefield, overlooking the fact that after re-equipping their troops, the ammunition consumption would increase significantly.

With outdated weapons and equipment, their ally Franz certainly could not sit by idly. As soon as the war in the Near East erupted, Austria began to sell a large amount of modern weaponry to the Russians.

Russia did not have the funds for a widespread rearmament, but they still purchased a batch of equipment for their main forces, about three infantry divisions that were equipped with Austrian weapons, and bought over three hundred cannons to increase firepower.

As it turned out, these weapons were worth the price. After re-equipping, the Russian Army’s fighting ability greatly improved, and these main divisions were the first to break through the Ottoman lines.

The smoother the battles went, the higher the ammunition consumption naturally became. Take the additional three hundred cannons, for instance; just one round of volley fire, and one ton of ammunition was gone.

Great consumption was a logistical issue. Faced with frequently problematic Russian-made equipment, the officers immediately took a liking to the Austrian-made gear and unanimously called for an equipment overhaul.

In peacetime, a large-scale purchase of Austrian weapons would have been opposed fiercely by the interest groups involved in domestic weapons production.

War time was different. With so much already sacrificed for the war, Nicholas I would not tolerate anyone dragging their feet at such a time, and he forcefully pushed through the military’s rearmament request.

During the subsequent months of recuperation, the Russians didn’t sit idle, continuously upgrading some of the troops’ equipment. Now, out of the 480,000 Russian soldiers, a third were using Austrian-made equipment.

With the main forces’ equipment on par with that of England and France, even if they fell short in training, the fighting spirit of the nation could make up for that shortfall somewhat.

The situation from the last time, where ninety thousand main Russian forces couldn’t overcome fifty thousand French in an open field, was now unlikely to occur.

“Everything is in place, and some supplies have even exceeded our initial plans, enough to support our entire army in a major battle for three months,” the quartermaster replied.

Menshikov nodded in satisfaction; he had ample confidence in this war. In the last battle in Bulgaria, they had already severely crippled the main forces of the Ottoman Army.

Even if their numbers hadn’t decreased, their combat effectiveness had inevitably slipped. New troops simply couldn’t match the battle prowess of veterans, and the gap between elite forces and cannon fodder was even more pronounced.

Menshikov confidently declared, “Good, as long as our logistics are covered, we’ve won half the battle.

The domestic authorities have approved our battle plans; with three hundred thousand troops in the Ukraine Region ready to replenish any battlefield losses.

The Ottomans are of no concern; the Kingdom of Sardinia is merely a number to add to the British forces. Our main enemies are England and France.

Our strategic goal for this upcoming battle is to annihilate the main forces of England and France on the Balkan Peninsula, push the frontline to Edirne, and lay the groundwork for capturing Constantinople.

For the ultimate victory, we must spare no effort or toll in this war, regardless of casualties, and break through the enemy’s defenses in the shortest time possible to surround the Anglo-French forces.

Only by inflicting severe pain on them can we secure victory in this war.”

Russia’s military system was somewhat chaotic, and the Tsarist Government was capricious in its appointments. Menshikov originally came from the army and had served as a military attaché in Vienna, participating in the anti-Napoleonic Wars and the Eighth Russo-Turkish War, as well as being an adjutant to the Tsar.

After retiring from the army, he dabbled in the diplomatic service. Then he entered naval service, successively serving as Commander of the Black Sea Fleet, Chief of Staff of the Naval General Command, and Minister of the Navy; he is now a naval admiral.

Being able to transfer from the army to the navy and become an admiral, some might think his naval talent was exceptional, warranting his unprecedented promotion. In reality, it was quite the opposite; he was there to add to the confusion.

The direct consequence of Menshikov’s entry into the navy was the delay in the technological advancement and combat training of the Russian Navy. Applying the army’s training model to the navy, he could be considered the grave digger of the Russian Navy.

Now, as a naval admiral, he was sent to command hundreds of thousands of army troops, serving as the commander-in-chief of the expeditionary force in the Balkan Peninsula, which naturally wouldn’t convince many.

Although he came from the army, he had been away from it for a decade or two, and his professional capabilities had inevitably deteriorated, which was not convincing.

To call him a military officer now would be less accurate than calling him a politician, which was more fitting. The Tsarist Government’s hiring mechanism cast a shadow over the upcoming outbreak of war.

The Russian Army’s Chief of Staff, Fitzroy Somerset, objected, “Sir Commander, one should squeeze the soft persimmons; the easiest breakthrough to win this war is clearly through the Ottomans.

What we need to do now is to look for opportunities to cripple the Ottoman Army and then gnaw on the hard bone of the British and French.

Without the Ottoman Army as vassals, we could easily dispose of their less than two hundred thousand troops.”

Menshikov confidently explained, “If we focus on striking the Ottomans, the British and French troops will flee once they see the tide turning against them; we simply don’t have the capability to hold them back as well.

If we don’t inflict pain on England and France, even if we occupy Constantinople, the war will still continue.

They could continuously send troops to the Balkan Peninsula by sea, and the war would drag on indefinitely.

From the outbreak of the war to now, we have spent at least 130 million rubles on military expenses. If we include the preliminary war preparations, our military spending has already exceeded 200 million rubles, which are the annual fiscal revenues of the Russian Empire.

If the war continues for a long time, our finances will be unsustainable. Financially, we can’t compete with England and France, and even Austria combined wouldn’t suffice.”

In terms of financial power, the British were unbeatable at that time. Even just considering fiscal revenue, they were far ahead. Occupying the second tier were France, Austria, Russia, and Qing China, who couldn’t catch up and only had about six to seven-tenths of what the British had.

This gap would only begin to close after each country completed its industrial revolution.

“But Sir Commander, we do not currently have an advantage, and the outcome of the war could likely be a Pyrrhic victory, failing to achieve our ultimate goal,” Fitzroy Somerset said with a frown.

Menshikov shook his head, “We must fight even if it ends in mutual destruction. No matter what, we must hurt England and France and force them out of the war.

If we fight by the book, how long are we prepared to fight this war – one year, two years, or ten years, eight years?

Times have changed. In the past, we could fight a war with the Ottoman Empire for over a decade, but is that possible now?

The high cost of war has told us that a swift victory is the best choice; if it drags on, the price we pay will only grow more severe.”

Military personnel see issues solely from a military perspective. Politicians view problems from a political standpoint.

Menshikov had already transitioned towards being a politician. He could disregard the losses of Russian troops, but he could not accept the war continuing on.

The Russian Government was well aware that the longer the war lasted, the more disadvantageous it was for them. In the later stages, it would come down to who could endure more.

To avoid such a scenario, the best method was to use the staggering casualties on the battlefield to frighten England and France, forcing them to make concessions.

Historically, after the Crimean War, the British intervention in European affairs diminished significantly. They avoided direct involvement as much as possible, laying the groundwork for Prussia’s unification of the German Region.

One could say the Crimean War was fought on behalf of the Teutons. After the war, Russia was riddled with internal conflicts, requiring reform, and it took more than a decade to recover; even the victorious British and French were wary, not immediately interfering with Prussia’s war of unification.

With unified understanding, the Russian Army began their preparations. Fortunately, in this era, the transmission of information was inconvenient. Although the telegraph had appeared, it was only available in major cities and hadn’t spread to the Balkan Peninsula yet.

Otherwise, with the Russians’ current actions, the enemy would be ready before they even began.

Wars require comparisons, and however disorganized the Russians’ command was, it was better than the British-French-Ottoman Empire allied forces’ joint leadership.

The British and French did not yield to each other, leaving the Ottoman Empire neutral, fearing they would exit the war if things went badly, which would doom them.

Historically, when Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier became the supreme commander of the allied forces, he could barely manage the coalition’s battle operations, but now he was just one of the three chief commanders.

The consequence was that when coordinated operations were needed, they had to be reported to the Allied Command. Only after an agreement was reached among the three commanders could they proceed.

The Russian Army was preparing to attack, yet the allied forces knew nothing. The Ottoman Empire underestimated the importance of intelligence work, and all intelligence came from voluntarily provided information by their own people.

Under the bureaucratic system, many of these intelligence pieces were used without verification. Unfortunately, the Russians also undervalued intelligence work; otherwise, sending false information could have caused significant losses for the allied forces.

Both England and France were dragons across the river who lacked the capacity for intelligence gathering. Their bureaucracy was not to be underestimated, and they simply assumed the Ottoman Empire would handle this aspect.

Chapter 76: The Plan of the Allied Forces

On August 15, 1852, the Russian Army launched the second battle of Bulgaria, with the main force pouring out and launching an attack on the Allied Forces after crossing the Balkan Mountains.

Franz found it hard to understand why the Russians would risk everything in such a reckless way, without leaving a sufficient force to guard their supply lines. Incomprehensible as it was, he still had to clean up after them.

Austria needed the war to continue; only if the Russians and England and France were truly at each other’s throats would the opportunity for Austria to advance west emerge.

Franz frowned and ordered, “Command the front-line troops to stand by. If the Allied Forces advance, pose as Balkan Guerrillas and help the Russians hold the line.”

Were it not for the fact that Austria was a multi-ethnic state with a substantial number of minority troops, it would be difficult even to assist the Russians.

Politics is about shamelessness. As long as the lid remains unlifted and England and France lack evidence that Austria is involved, everyone would feign ignorance and seek opportunities for retaliation later on.

Should the lid be lifted, there would be no choice but to fight a backs-against-the-wall battle. Franz disliked such extreme and risky measures immensely.

Marshal Radetzky suggested, “Your Majesty, direct intervention might expose us. Why don’t we support the Bulgarian Local Militia and guerrillas?

“The Russians don’t take them seriously, but our frontline military observers report that they have strong fighting will and considerable combat effectiveness.

“As long as we provide them with a batch of weapons and armaments and equip these locals, with them on the ground, it would be nearly impossible for the Allied Forces to launch a surprise attack.”

Austria needed the Russians to keep fighting but was not prepared to actively join the war on Russia’s side, as that would signify the collapse of Austria’s strategy to expand westward.

Surely, one cannot expect the Russians to honor their word and send troops to help Austria unify the Germany Region after taking Constantinople, right?

Thinking from a different perspective, if Austria’s strategy was fully realized, would Franz still be so devotedly helping the Russians?

Sincere collaboration is built on mutual interests; once those interests evaporate, positions shift accordingly.

Franz shook his head and said, “Supporting the Bulgarians is easy; we aren’t short on military supplies.

“But how do we explain to the Russians? According to the alliance agreement, the Bulgarian region is Russian territory, and we can’t overreach.”

To avoid conflicts, the divisions of influence in the Russian-Austrian Alliance were very clearly defined, with a clear understanding that one could do as they pleased within their own territory but not interfere in their ally’s domain.

The Russians now promote Slavism in Montenegro and the Montenegro Duchy, but they have refrained from doing so in Serbia and the Two principalities of the Danube Basin.

The Russians abide by the rules, and naturally, Austria can’t break them. This is the foundation of the alliance, and while it’s easy to damage, it’s hard to rebuild.

Prime Minister Felix suggested, “Why not arrange for arms smuggling into the Bulgarian region? There are quite a few arms dealers active in the Balkans lately; we could find someone to act as our agent.”

Metternich objected, “No. If it were just a few thousand rifles, we could let the arms dealer sell them to the Bulgarians.

“But now we want the Bulgarians to have the capability to block an Allied Forces raid, which requires at least the weapons of two divisions.

“If so many weapons entered the Bulgarian region and we claimed ignorance, could that be plausible?

“Moreover, the Bulgarians themselves can’t afford so many weapons right now. Arms dealers who sell without payment – if such an outrageous incident happened, the Russians would know it was us as long as they aren’t fools.”

Arms smuggling can only be done on a small scale. Once it expands, it’s hard to keep secret.

The Ottoman Empire has always been controlling the influx of arms and ammunition into the Bulgarian region. If a large quantity of weapons now enters Bulgaria from an Austrian-controlled area, Austria simply cannot explain it away.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Take some second-hand weapons from our storerooms, select some that are still usable, along with those captured in the Balkans, and have the quartermaster sell them to arms dealers under his own name. We won’t be involved beyond that.”

It was indeed an odd situation for a superior to order his subordinates to sell off weapons; and yet, that was precisely what was happening now.

A sudden influx of Austrian weapons into the Bulgarian region would certainly catch the Russians’ attention. They might even welcome it if it were influx of second-hand, obsolete equipment into the market.

Currently, the largest arms dealer in Bulgaria is the Russian expeditionary force. The officers sell confiscated weaponry to local guerrilla organizations for profit.

Since the Russian Army did it, it wouldn’t be surprising for the Austrian Army to follow suit. Even if the Russians discovered it, they would likely help cover it up, lest their own arms dealing be exposed as well.

Prime Minister Felix pondered and then said, “Your Majesty, this may be too little too late. The Bulgarian Local Militia is too poor; they hardly manage to purchase some firearms and ammunition, let alone afford artillery.

“If the Allied Forces send troops to cause havoc in the rear, the number of troops might not be very large, but it won’t be insignificant either; certainly, they would operate at least at the battalion level. The Bulgarian Local Militia is unlikely to be a match for them.”

“Don’t worry. We only need the Bulgarians to buy some time. With this buffer period, I trust the Russians should be able to respond,” Franz said calmly.

He was confident about the combat effectiveness of the Bulgarian militiamen, as he had previously been misled into thinking they couldn’t compete with regular troops in a head-on fight.

Yet on their home turf, with the terrain to their advantage, it would be feasible for these Bulgarians to delay the enemy’s march.

A surprise attack on the rear typically hinges on one thing – speed. Without sufficient speed, one wouldn’t even dream of cutting off the enemy’s supply lines; lucky just not to be wiped out after getting discovered.

Balkan Peninsula Allied Command

General Mustafa Pasha, how will you explain this to me? Why didn’t you have any information about the Russian offensive this time?

“Don’t tell me you haven’t noticed the movement of hundreds of thousands of troops?” the French Army commander Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier questioned.

“General Mostepa Pasha, you can’t shirk responsibility for this. The Russians have already started their attack, and you didn’t even know. We had to inform you.

This is the Ottoman Empire’s homeland, and you couldn’t even gather this bit of intelligence. Are all your officials good for nothing?” the British military commander Montes accused.

Faced with the criticisms from both men, Mostepa Pasha had nothing to say. It was somewhat excusable for the foreign forces to be unaware of the Russian movements, but for them, the locals, to let the Russians complete their military deployment right under their noses without any knowledge was inexcusable.

“I apologize to both of you. We will deal with the negligent officials seriously, and such an incident will not occur a second time. Now that the enemy is upon us, let’s focus on facing them!”

Having said that, Mostepa Pasha picked up the command baton and pointed on the military map, analyzing, “Here, and here, are the focal points of contention with the Russian Army.

Based on the firepower observed on the battlefield, the Russians are likely focusing their attack on the strategic location — Sliven.

Sliven has always been a strategic site in the Balkan Peninsula, and once it’s occupied by the Russian Army, they will gain a strategic advantage over us.

From here to Edirne, the terrain is flat and open, making it nearly impossible for us to establish an effective defense. If the Russians station a hundred thousand troops in Sliven, we will have to leave two hundred thousand to hold them.

Besides that, another city that the Russians may focus on attacking is — Sofia.

Sofia is located in the southern part of the Sofia Basin and is also a strategic site of the Balkan Peninsula. Securing it means controlling half of Bulgaria.

If Sofia falls, the Russians will be able to link up with the Austrians to the north and the Serbian region, including our stronghold at Belgrade, will lose its strategic significance.”

Looking at the map, Montes’s expression changed. The location of the British Army, which was stationed in Sofia, along with thirty thousand Ottoman troops.

The reason for choosing this location was that preliminary analysis by the British Expeditionary Force assumed that the Russians aimed for Constantinople, with the main attack focused on the Sliven Region.

If the Allied Forces were victorious and launched a counterattack, Sofia would be in a favorable position to quickly move towards the Danube River and cut off the Russian retreat, making it an excellent place to earn military glory.

But now it seems the Russians might also attempt a breakthrough in the Sofia Region. If they take it, much of the Balkan Peninsula will fall, and the political gains will be greater than the military ones.

The French Army commander Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier analyzed dispassionately, “If the Russians want to take Constantinople, the Sliven Region is an obstacle they can’t bypass. Unless they are not afraid of us cutting off their retreat, they must take it.

If we lose the Sliven Region, the battles that follow will be difficult for us. Then, the Russians can advance or retreat at their convenience, and we can only react passively.

Your country has already abandoned the Serbia region, and even if we lose Sofia, it’s merely the center and west Bulgaria plus Belgrade that we’ll be giving up.

The war is far from over, and the one who laughs last is the true victor. We don’t need to concern ourselves with the gain or loss of individual cities or lands, as sacrificing some territory temporarily for the ultimate victory is worth it.”

Montes strongly opposed, “The Sofia Region cannot just be given up like this, the Russians have already bewitched the Bulgarians. If this continues, even more Balkan citizens will be manipulated.

By then, we will find that the more battles we fight with the enemy, the more numerous they become. Even if we defeat the Russians, we will have no way to drive them out of the Balkan Peninsula.

Our country’s 30,000 reinforcements have already set off, and they will arrive in the Balkan Peninsula at the latest by the day after tomorrow. The Kingdom of Sardinia’s 20,000 troops have also arrived in the Balkan Peninsula. We can send these 50,000 soldiers to reinforce Sofia.

Limited by logistics, the Russian forces in the Balkan Peninsula are finite, and their troops attacking Sofia cannot be too numerous; one hundred thousand troops can definitely hold their ground.

This side of Sliven is guarded by the French Army; it is almost impossible for the Russians to break through. As long as we block this wave of attacks, we will be able to launch a counterattack.

In terms of military strength, we have an absolute advantage. No matter how strong the Russian forces are, they are not our match on the Balkan Peninsula.”

Military serves politics, and as the first battle of the British Army on the Balkan Peninsula, Montes cannot retreat without fighting—this is related to the face of the British Army.

The French have already started to excel; even if the French Army suffered, from an overt perspective, they are the victors, and any failure would be blamed on the Ottomans.

The British Army also needs to establish its might; they must demonstrate their strength to the outside world and enhance their domestic standing. This dictates that they cannot act in concert with the French, otherwise, they would be dismissed as mere bystanders.

General Montes Pasha supported the proposal, “General Montes’s suggestion is good, Sofia is too crucial to lose. We cannot afford the political impact of losing it.”

To speak negatively, whether we can drive out the Russians is an unknown. What if both sides end up equally damaged, and the Ottoman Empire cannot recover the lost territory? Wouldn’t it be a great loss to give up on Sofia now?

The British are very strong, that is the might of the navy; the French are very strong because it was Napoleonic France that was mighty; the Ottoman Empire was strong in history.

The strength of the Russians is in the present, and it is their army that is formidable. Having encountered the Russian Army several times, the Ottoman Government has plenty of those who fear Russia. Even General Montes Pasha could not entirely avoid being affected.

The Sultan Government has made preparations to relocate the capital. If not to inspire morale, the capital of the Ottoman Empire would now have been in Ankara.

Russia is too tough an adversary. If we cannot drive them out of the Balkan Peninsula, the Sultan Government dares not keep the capital in Constantinople, having them as neighbors.

Outnumbered two to one, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier no longer opposed. Although they are Allied Forces, he can only command the French Army and barely command the Ottoman Army; the proud John Bull would not heed his orders.

Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier proposed, “In that case, let us divide the responsibilities. The Sofia Region’s garrison will be primarily the British Army, named the Left Army, commanded by General Montes.

The Sliven Region, including the area around Karzanlek, will be guarded by the French Army, and I will personally serve as the commander, acting as the Central Army. The remaining areas will be under the responsibility of General Montes Pasha, serving as the Right Army.

The situation at the front line is urgent; we have no time to waste. If there are no objections, let’s take up our posts as soon as possible!”

Without hesitation, Montes said, “No problem, this distribution is reasonable and can maximize the combat power of our troops.”

Chapter 77: Production Line

In the Bohemian armory of Hordas, engineers were conducting weapon tests. Twenty testers raised their guns simultaneously and fired at the target range ahead.

After a burst of gunfire, the weapon designer Holman-Stellen stepped forward to take a look, quickly calculated the parameters, and said with satisfaction, “It’s qualified.”

The specifications are as follows:

Caliber: 12.68 millimeters

Weight: 4.2 kilograms

Length: 1417 millimeters

Barrel Length: 920 millimeters

Bullet: Paper-cased acorn-shaped lead bullet

Loading Method: Breech-loading

Fire Rate: 12-15 rounds/min

Muzzle Velocity: 410 meters/second

Effective Range: 650 meters

Maximum Range: 1512 meters

Ammunition Supply: Single-shot

The armory director Hordas came over with a chuckle and said, “Congratulations, Mr. Stellen, you’ve designed another excellent rifle.

This rifle is superb; it allows soldiers to load ammunition while lying down or crawling, and its accuracy in close-range shooting is above most rifles.

I’ve heard that the Prussians have already switched to a large-scale rearmament, and we’ve also gotten our hands on a few of their rifles, but their performance still falls short of this rifle.”

Stellen calmly said, “Mr. Hordas, this is just a laboratory product. Whether it can be mass-produced industrially is still an unknown.

In fact, over the years, our lab has manufactured a number of advanced firearms, but very few are worth mass production due to the cost of production.

For example, the previous 1850 series rifles, which are far better in all aspects than this one, had to be reluctantly abandoned because of production costs.”

As a weapon design expert, one of the first things you learn is to let go. Weapons aren’t just about being advanced; you also have to consider overall cost.

Design-wise, it’s possible to create a rifle that belongs a hundred years in the future right now, but whether it can be produced is an uncertainty.”

Stellen was used to it; over ninety-five percent of the weapons he designed ended up lying in the lab. Although this rifle wasn’t bad, whether it could be commissioned by the Austrian army remained uncertain.

Hordas optimistically said, “No matter, the war in the Near East is raging fiercely, we can market it to the Montenegro Duchy for trial. As long as it’s proven excellent in actual combat, the military won’t be able to refuse it.

Technically speaking, this rifle’s requirements are much lower than the 1850 series. I can make a preliminary estimate that the production cost of this rifle will not be much higher than the current rifles.”

I certainly can’t say it was the Emperor who ordered the design of a breech-loading rifle suitable for the Austrian army, can I?

Now, almost every Austrian armory has submitted sample guns, and there are already more than a dozen breech-loading rifles at the Imperial Palace’s shooting range. Based on his experience, Hordas believes there’s a high chance this rifle will prevail.

Cheap, easy to operate, and stable in performance are the advantages of this rifle. The only downside is the slightly lower lethality, but accurate hit rates and the ability to reload while prone can compensate for that.

Now all that’s missing is the final link of actual combat, and the Near Eastern war presents a good opportunity.

Since the outbreak of war, Montenegro has relied on Austrian logistical support, and for convenience in supplies, they have completely switched to Austrian weapons, now serving as a testing ground for Austrian weaponry.

The Austrian military has also dispatched weapon observers to collect battlefield data on various weapons, which will serve as an important reference for future rearmament of troops.

Stellen seriously said, “Well then, Mr. Hordas. Arrange it as soon as possible. This time I want to lead the team to the battlefield myself to collect data.”

“No! The battlefield is too dangerous. You are Austria’s finest weapons designer; you cannot take the risk,” Hordas said, agitated.

Stellen smiled and said, “Don’t worry, the people of Montenegro will ensure our safety. If you’re still worried, we can request a military escort.

Danger is relative. If God wants to take me away, an accident could happen just the same if I’m within the country.”

At the Belvedere Palace, Hordas armory’s new rifle had already appeared at the shooting range, and Franz skillfully completed the loading and shooting.

Perhaps due to lack of talent, his shooting skills were embarrassing. At a fixed target within a hundred meters, hitting the target was considered a blessing from God.

Franz always thought that it was the rifles’ fault—the strong recoil led to bullets missing the target. Evidence being the astonishingly low bullet lethality rates after every major battle, with thousands or tens of thousands of rounds needed to take down an enemy.

“Bang, bang, bang…”

After the gunfire ceased, Franz’s face turned green. He had actually hit the target next to his; such inaccuracy was unmatched.

A snicker broke out, and a few youngsters burst into schadenfreude laughter. Franz glared at them and quickly identified the instigator.

“Is it that funny? A bullet missing the mark, what’s so strange about that?”

Long accustomed to his authority, his three younger brothers and two cousins all struggled to restrain their laughter, their expressions irresistibly adorable.

Suppressing the mockery of the little ones, Franz cheerfully said, “Come on, give it a try, all of you, but keep your distance.”

These rifles were new to them, and if treated like front-loading rifles, Franz’s recent performance made clear—the bullet could miss by more than ten meters.

“Bang, bang, bang…”

A series of gunshots rang out. After a distant glance at the target, Franz rubbed his eyes in disbelief. Could they all be sharpshooters?

Turns out he was overthinking; everyone’s hit rate was mediocre at best, leaving a bullet on the target was enough to be considered skilled.

“Cousin Franz, you’re still at the bottom!” exclaimed Princess Sissi.

Franz gave her a stern look, deciding to increase her etiquette lessons later—she really lacked manners.

Is there any need to state the obvious? Keep in mind that the youngest participants in the shooting are only ten years old. Where does that leave Franz’s dignity?

“Elizabeth, mind your image!” Princess Helen, her sister, reminded her.

“What happened?” Empress Sophie’s voice sounded from afar.

Seeing Franz’s ugly expression, no one answered the question. Observing everyone’s repressed smiles and then glancing at the targets, Empress Sophie couldn’t help but laugh out loud.

While laughing, she pointed at Franz and said, “Not bad, you’ve made progress, Franz. You’ve finally broken the record of five rings.”

Only then did everyone notice an extra bullet hole on Franz’s target. Nobody knew who had shot wildly hitting it by mistake.

Unable to hold back their laughter any longer, Franz resignedly said, “That’s enough; let’s continue the live-fire shooting training.”

Archduke Carl, chuckling, patted Franz on the shoulder and said, “See, I told you to come hunting with me, but you refused. Now you see how embarrassing it is?

Don’t be disheartened. Just accompany me hunting a few more times, and your shooting will catch up with them.”

Franz nodded in agreement as if to say his poor shooting was due to too much coursework and a lack of practice. With diligent training, he would surely catch up.

Hunting was out of the question. Franz was self-aware; at over a hundred meters, it was uncertain if he could hit an elephant standing right there.

As for game like pheasants and rabbits, he couldn’t be bothered to shoot, considering it a waste of bullets. Franz understood why many civilian shotguns fired a spread of shots.

“Father, why didn’t you go hunting today?” Franz inquired with curiosity.

“Seeing how much fun you were all having, he wanted to come over to instruct you on marksmanship,” Empress Sophie interjected briskly.

“Indeed, your shooting skills are dreadful, a total disgrace to the nobility. I’ve come to teach you how to use guns,” said an aggrieved Archduke Carl.

Franz guessed the real reason and promptly replied, “Is that so? That’s great. You teach them then, I’ve got to leave on another matter.”

After speaking, Franz turned and left, as if he really had pressing matters to attend to.

This was a catch-all excuse. At the Vienna Court, there were rules; nobody was allowed to interfere with the Emperor’s handling of state affairs.

Even Empress Sophie, aware that Franz was stalling, was powerless to do anything. Typically, parental decree was enough for an engagement among European nobility, but Franz was clearly an exception.

Facing a son with too strong of a will, she too felt the pressure.

Franz was even more pressured. At such a time, with the outbreak of an engagement war, how should the Royal family conduct itself?

St. Petersburg

Inside Kurs Manor, even in the warm August of midsummer, the interior was chillingly cold.

“Gentlemen, we cannot continue like this. The expeditionary force at the front is massively re-equipping with Austrian weapons. It won’t be long before the entire Russian Army is armed with weapons produced by the Austrians.

What will we do then, shut down our armament factories? Or compete for the meager civilian market, selling hunting shotguns?” an elder spoke with righteous indignation.

The meeting’s facilitator, Kurs, persuaded, “Mr. Ivanov, calm down. The situation is not as bad as it seems. The government cannot just watch us all perish.

It is wartime, and everything must serve the war. The supply of logistics for our front-line troops is in the hands of the Austrians, and it is impossible to kick them out.

After the war is over, that will be our time. The government also does not want to see the Austrians taking control of our military production. By then, our market will come back.”

Everyone is here for profit, and the military and government are very dissatisfied with their production of inferior weapons, which is why the expeditionary force replaced their equipment with Austrian weapons on a large scale.

The characteristics of Russian weapons have always been ‘foolishly big and bulky’. If that were the only issue, the military might have tolerated it, but the problem is these weapons frequently jam and, even worse, risk exploding in the chamber.

If there were no choice, or if everyone had the same type of weapons, then it would be fine. The problem is now England, France, and Austria have all surpassed them, and even the opposing Ottomans have begun to equip their troops with new weapons.

To win the war, to increase the odds of surviving on the battlefield, front-line officers strongly demand new equipment. They cannot be suppressed by the interest groups in the government any longer, so they had to purchase Austrian equipment for the expeditionary force.

The young man complained, “Mr. Kurs, even if the market does come back, I still have to face competition from the Austrians. Will the military, accustomed to Austrian weapons, ever use our shoddy goods again?

I apologize, I am too blunt with my words. Compared with our European counterparts, the weapons and equipment we produce are indeed a generation behind.

Does no one want change? The government cannot tolerate this forever. If this continues, we will inevitably be eliminated.”

Kurs laughed and then explained, “Little Peter, you are still too green. Hasn’t Old Peter told you?

On the surface, our alliance monopolizing the domestic supply of weapons and equipment means we should be extremely wealthy.

In reality, we do not make much money. How much does the army spend on changing equipment every year? Less than ten million rubles, and almost half of that is taken by others, leaving only the remainder for purchasing equipment.

Developing weapons is full of uncertainties. Over ninety percent of weapons and equipment that are introduced lack practical value for combat, and over ninety-five percent are not profitable.

In such a situation, if we cannot maximize the profits from each type of weapon, how can we ensure the interests of everyone involved?

The time when we all should be making money is during the war. Unfortunately, in this Russo-Ottoman War, the Austrians have taken the biggest prize.”

Little Peter hung his head dejectedly and said no more. The arms market is limited, and there are too many people sharing the pie.

Plus, with monopoly business practices in place, developing new weapons will not bring them greater profits, so naturally, everyone is not proactive.

A middle-aged man spoke gravely, “Since we cannot stop the rearming, we might as well join in.

Let’s send people to purchase production lines from the Austrians so we can produce them ourselves. We cannot compete for the market the expeditionary force needs for logistics, that is beyond our reach.

But the remaining domestic market, we must occupy. After the war, the domestic arms market will still be ours.”

The previously angry Ivanov said, “That might work. Based on past experience, this war won’t end shortly, and by joining in, we can at least recoup some losses.”

Little Peter was much more cautious this time, asking uncertainly, “Would the Austrians sell to me, though? You do know that now is a good time for them to make money, right?”

Kurs confidently replied, “They will. These production lines are not exclusive to Austria. If they don’t sell to us, we can still find others to buy from, though it may require some modifications.

Even our country can produce them, though they don’t work as well. To save costs, we all have gotten used to importing from abroad.”

Chapter 78: On Which Bureaucracy Has the Strongest Techniques

The flames of war reignited on the Balkan Peninsula, and this grand battle was the largest in the history of the European Continent, with total forces exceeding one million deployed across a front more than four hundred kilometers long.

The campaign destined to make history unfolded in an almost comedic manner. Logically, the Allied Forces, being ill-prepared, should have been at a serious disadvantage, and as the initiators of the battle, the Russians should have easily locked in victory.

The reality was tragically absurd. As the aggressors, the Russian Army also descended into chaos.

Artillery Battalion Commander Preston cursed, “Damn it, we’re an artillery unit, and you’ve delivered a bunch of bullets to me. Are you suggesting I feed bullets to the cannons?”

The officer responsible for transport replied robotically, “I apologize, Colonel. This is the order from above. If you have any issues, please contact the command. Now, if you’d be so kind as to sign for the supplies.”

Preston’s Artillery Battalion had just arrived; the infantry battalion previously stationed here had already advanced forward, but the logistical department was still distributing supplies according to the original plan.

Preston frowned and answered, “We have reported this to the higher-ups, Major. Right now, these supplies are of no use to us at all. You’d better take them back!”

The Major replied seriously, “I’m afraid that’s not possible, sir. My orders are to deliver these supplies here to the garrison forces. Please sign for them.

As for what to do with these supplies, you’ll have to decide for yourself. You can deal with them privately or find a place to dump them. After the battle, just report them as combat losses.

These supplies are enough to sustain an infantry battalion for the next week, and there are a lot of good things inside. You won’t be at a loss, Colonel.”

After a moment’s hesitation, Preston still affixed his signature. After all, an opportunity for easy money should not be missed.

In any case, the artillery was the darling of the command, not like those worthless grey beasts. With a report, their supplies would still come through.

This time, the main forces of the Russian Army split into two, with Fitzroy Somerset leading four infantry divisions, two artillery battalions, and one cavalry regiment, totaling over seventy-three thousand men, to launch an attack on the Sofia Region.

The battlefield was ever-changing, with frequent troop movements, and the logistics system couldn’t keep up. Unlike the last battle, which took place in the Danube Basin where resupplying was easy and mistakes could quickly be corrected,
now it was different. The front had moved forward two hundred kilometers, and the transportation of logistics took several days, and without telegraphs, only messengers could deliver notices, causing the military supply section to receive delayed information.

That’s when the rigid bureaucratic system of Russia proved its effectiveness. The officers transporting logistics had to deliver the supplies to the designated locations.

Even if the original units were gone, they still had to transfer the supplies. The incident where Colonel Preston’s artillery received infantry supplies was not an isolated one.

Fitzroy Somerset was a competent general who had to handle such matters. How could he fight without resolving logistics problems?

“Order the logistics department to increase the frontline units’ supply to one month. From now on, supplies should not be delivered to a fixed location but must be handed over directly to the units involved.

Sub-divisional units should no longer transport supplies individually; they should all be delivered to the division headquarters for centralized distribution. The artillery battalions and cavalry regiments will receive supplies directly from headquarters.”

A middle-aged officer reminded, “Chief of Staff, sir, this goes against the regulations and could lead to…”

Fitzroy Somerset shook his head and said, “Don’t worry, I will explain the situation to the home front. Now, send someone to contact Commander Menshikov; I believe he is facing the same problem.”

By changing the logistics supply model, the Russian Army’s logistical chaos was somewhat mitigated. Of course, the supplies lost in transit were never to be found again and were simply written off as combat losses.

The Sofia Campaign kicked off, with the Russian Army only thirty kilometers from Sofia, and both sides had begun to exchange fire.

At the Allied Command in Sofia, Montes asked, “Have we clarified the enemy’s strength?”

“Commander, sir, we have clarified it. The Russians have deployed 4 infantry divisions, 2 artillery battalions, and 1 cavalry regiment, totaling 73,000 troops.

In addition, there are about 20,000 Bulgarian guerrillas. However, it seems they have had a disagreement with the Russians and are not acting in concert.”

An Ottoman officer replied. Scouting the enemy was naturally the job for these sly serpents. If they sent out British soldiers, they wouldn’t know how to return with language barriers and getting lost.

Montes responded calmly, “Our reinforcements will arrive tomorrow night. Order our troops not to engage with the enemy too eagerly, leaving only a few units to slow down the enemy’s advance.

Besides a few critical positions that must be defended, the rest should fall back. We will face the enemy in a decisive battle once the reinforcements have arrived.”

Montes had no choice but to remain calm. He was one of the few “veterans” in the British Army, having commanded a battalion and suppressed a hundred-strong colonial rebellion.

What could be done, considering the Great Britain Empire enjoyed peace and prosperity for the last decade or so? Without major wars, the British Army had no more to do than suppress Irish rioters and bully the indigenous people of the colonies.

The largest battles they saw remained at the battalion level. High-ranking officers like Montes, who had actual combat experience, were rare, which is why he was catapulted to the position of commander of the British Expeditionary Force.

Lacking experience was no excuse not to learn. Montes was doing just fine now, following the military texts to the letter. If he wasn’t getting the better deal, at least he wasn’t suffering significant losses.

Dusk

Within a camp, soldiers gathered in small groups to look up at the starry sky.

A man with a Genoese accent asked, “Arturo, what do you think they brought us from Sardinia to the Balkan Peninsula to fight the Russians for?”

Arturo said nonchalantly, “Didn’t those lords tell us? They say we’re fighting the Russians for revenge. I heard that during the last war in Ausa, the Russians supported Austria, and they are still allies now.

Ahongzo, why are you asking such questions? We’re all here to scrape by. If we could find jobs back home, who would come here to suffer?”

“No reason, just asking. I always feel like there’s something off about this. Sending us to the Balkan Peninsula to fight the Russians for no apparent reason doesn’t make any sense.

Even if it’s about vengeance, it’s the nobility and capitalists who need revenge, not us poor sods. Why should we come all the way here?” Ahongzo shook his head.

Despite their doubts, they were uneducated and couldn’t think too deeply. They had all joined the army just to make a living.

“What are you guys chatting about? Hurry up and get tomorrow’s food rations; if you miss the time, you’ll have to fend for yourself.”

A familiar voice came, and the two stopped their conversation and ran as fast as they could to join the queue for supplies.

After collecting the food, Ahongzo’s face turned sour, and he complained, “Damn those Brits, do they really enjoy eating salted beef and hardtack so much?

They don’t even offer a piece of bread; it’s downright inhumane. They’re deliberately mistreating us; these supplies are probably even worse than what the Ottomans get!”

In this war, the cost of the Sardinian Army was borne by the British, and logistical support naturally came from them as well.

It wasn’t exactly deliberate mistreatment; the British soldiers’ rations were the same as theirs. It was a uniform standard of 2 pounds of salted beef and three hard biscuits per person per day, and that was it. (1 pound is equal to 0.4536 kilograms)

Don’t even talk about vegetables and fruits; there wasn’t even any brown bread. The British didn’t do this to cut costs; beef is not cheap, and switching to brown bread would be much more economical.

The cause of this tragedy was—the bureaucratic system. The bureaucrats at the UK military supply section believed salted, dried beef was easy to transport, and with a slap on their backsides, decided that it would be the main supply for the British during the war.

At first glance, having beef every day doesn’t sound too bad. But if it’s dried beef every single day, the experience isn’t quite so pleasant; the first test is whether your teeth can handle it.

The beef wasn’t only hard; the issued biscuits were even harder; these might have been the earliest version of hardtack. If you didn’t soak them in water first, you would need teeth of steel to bite into them.

For Italians who pursued delicious flavors, these foods were a complete disaster.

Even if the Kingdom of Sardinia was poor, their army never skimped on the food expenses, and the quality of their food was much higher than that of the British.

“Stop complaining, Ahongzo; if the Ottomans knew about this, they wouldn’t mind trading with you. Would you really want to switch with them?” Arturo said with a chuckle.

Happiness is relative; at most, the food provided by the British was unpalatable, but at least one didn’t have to worry about going hungry.

These pieces of dried beef could be further processed; if there were the means, one could get some vegetables to boil together with them, without even needing to add salt.

The supplies of the Ottoman Army, on the other hand, were truly woeful, with some even required to bring their own provisions into battle. Getting enough food to be three-quarters full was considered having a good time.

Due to the common practice of corrupt officials taking their cut from soldiers’ rations, the Ottomans had also developed the habit of shortchanging, according to regulations. If a unit didn’t have any shortages, then prepare for the whole army to go hungry.

Ahongzo shook his head and said, “Forget I said anything, but those British logistics officers really should be shot. I bet that more soldiers died from their mistreatment than on the battlefield.”

Arturo laughed and said, “I don’t know about that. Maybe the Brits have different stomachs than ours, and they can withstand it.

Let’s not talk about this anymore. Remember, during the day, you picked some vegetables, and I still have two potatoes. We’ll mix them with the dried beef tomorrow and stew it; we’ll just have to make do!”

The two looked at each other and smiled. Even if the logistics were poor, the Italians could still utilize their talents to improve their meals as much as possible within their limited resources.

In this regard, the Sardinian Army did contribute. Their arrival directly improved the living standards of the British soldiers and reduced the number of cases of scurvy among them.

The British soldiers who traveled with them quickly learned these valuable skills and spread them as quickly as possible. Before, they used to plunder only wealth and goods, which was a complete waste.

Now everyone has become adept, the crops in the fields, the cattle and sheep on the hillsides, could all be turned into spoils of war. Many soldiers even learned to cure food, using every condition to store provisions.

As a result, the direct consequence was that the marching speed was greatly reduced, and military discipline became even more lax. With the Sardinian Army, these old hands around, no matter what the officers commanded, they did as they pleased.

There’s safety in numbers, facing a group of soldiers who stood on the principle of unity, the officers did not dare to handle them harshly.

It even led the British astray, everyone discovered the power of solidarity. As long as they were united, the officers did not dare touch them.

In the end, the arrival time in Sofia was a full two days later than Montes had predicted. On this battlefield where time is life, two days were enough to change things.

The most direct outcome was that the Russian Army had already pressed forward, and due to insufficient forces, Montes did not dare to assign too many troops to defend the surrounding strongholds, which were now nearly all lost.

With the delay of the reinforcements’ arrival, the Allied Forces had already lost the best opportunity to attack, intending to launch a counter-offensive while the Russian Army was not yet stable; now it was already too late.

Montes roared furiously, “You bunch of incompetents, to actually delay two days for such a short distance, were you on an excursion on the way? Do you not know what military law is?”

Major General Mantuya of the Sardinian Army lied through his teeth, “Commander, Your Excellency, we were ambushed by guerrilla teams on the way, which caused dozens of casualties. We delayed to exterminate the guerrillas.”

No one was a fool; to avoid military discipline, everyone expressed that they indeed encountered guerrilla attacks, and the wounded were proof.

“The guerrillas are so rampant that despite so many troops, they dared to ambush you?” Montes asked, puzzled.

Mantuya quickly came up with an answer, “Commander, Your Excellency, the guerrillas are extremely cunning. They do not confront us head-on but sneak attacks from the shadows.

“They dig traps on the road, shoot cold arrows at night, and are very difficult to deal with; their numbers are not small either. To prevent these people from cutting off our army’s rear, we eradicated them.”

He wasn’t just making this up; indeed, soldiers had fallen into traps, but it was while they were searching for game in the mountains that they accidentally fell in. The cold arrow incidents were real too, but they happened when encountering Ottoman hunters in the mountains.

Montes had never before come across such a high-caliber individual who could lie without batting an eye. British officers were relatively honest compared to Italian officers—it was a completely different concept.

Mantuya had not done this for the first time; when he had been with Marshal Badoglio, they had collectively deceived their country before; now duping the inexperienced Montes was a breeze.

Montes snorted coldly, “Hmph!”

Then he berated, “Even so, you should not have delayed for such a long time. Couldn’t you leave behind a small force to suppress the guerrillas and bring the main force over promptly?

“Do you realize how much your delay has cost our army, and we even missed the best opportunity to counter-attack!”

However, at this moment, he didn’t mention military law, and everyone couldn’t help but breathe a sigh of relief. Mantuya also didn’t continue to argue; what was there to fear from getting scolded? It wasn’t going to cost him a piece of flesh.

After the failure of the Ausa War, there were not many Sardinian generals who managed to keep their titles, and Mantuya was one of them, not because he was good at fighting—in fact, his military capability was very limited.

His greatest talent was his eloquence, his ability to read people, to place all the blame on others, and to quickly align with the King and gain his trust, thus securing the chance for a comeback.

Chapter 79: Russian-Austrian Trade

The height of summer in Vienna, yet still cool.

Belvedere Palace

Mr. Metternich said, “Your Majesty, the Russians have made a request to purchase our weapons production line, from handguns to artillery, it’s practically all-encompassing.”

Franz was aware that Austria had snatched the interests of the Russian Munitions Group, and he knew they would certainly take action, but he did not expect that their approach would be to purchase a weapons production line.

When he thought about it, it made sense, for the British possessed the strongest technology in machinery equipment of the time, followed closely by Austria and France, with Belgium and Prussia’s industrial systems imperfect and coming after.

The mechanical equipment produced by the Russians themselves, not to mention the high maintenance cost, had inferior performance and could barely suffice, unable to match the efficiency of peers, thus buying foreign production lines was a forced move.

Engaged in war with the Russians, the British and French would even if available, dare not use such production lines. Armament production equipment is sensitive and unlike civilian goods, even smuggling wouldn’t suffice.

It would also be feasible to purchase from Prussia, Belgium. However, by doing so, those units of the expeditionary force equipped with Austrian weapons would no longer be able to maintain their equipment.

Given the financial power of the Tsarist Government, do not expect them to discard weapons and equipment worth tens of millions of rubles; the annual maintenance of these devices is also a business worth millions of rubles.

Capitalists would not turn their backs on money, and for the sake of maximizing profits, purchasing Austrian weapons production lines is quite normal.

Franz said indifferently, “Sell it to them then. Even if it’s the same equipment, the quality of weapons produced by the Russians will drop by a grade.”

This was not contempt for the Russians, but a fact. Because of government corruption and for the sake of bigger profits, capitalists would definitely cut corners.

Franz knew that the cost of domestic weapons equipment procured by the Russians was even higher than international market prices. It was better to buy than produce, which is exactly where the saying comes from.

The domestic budget for weapons equipment imported from Austria was 20% to 50% higher than the actual import price, which specific proportion was dependent on the integrity and capability of the involved officials.

Mr. Metternich reminded, “Your Majesty, should we set some limits? If the Russians get the complete production line, it could pose a problem for us in the future.”

Even though there was no notion of technology blockades in that era, not just any military equipment could be purchased especially when it came to weapons production lines.

Franz shook his head and said, “It does not matter, nowadays technological innovation is rapid. This equipment might hold up for the next ten years, but after a decade or so, it will probably become obsolete.

Since the Russians are willing to buy, we might as well oblige them. It’s best to make them long-term clients, using the profits from the arms trade to promote the technological upgrade of our military industries.”

Russia indeed deserved wariness, but there was truly no need to take their industrial technology too seriously, with the decaying Tsarist Government in power, it was impossible for their industry to thrive.

Mr. Metternich continued, “Your Majesty, the Russians have also made a loan request.

Focusing on commercial trade, the trade volume with the Russians grew nearly by twofold in the second and third quarters of 1852.

The total trade between both parties reached 292 million shield, with our imports amounting to 88 million shield and exports reaching 204 million shield, resulting in a trade surplus of 116 million shield.

This trade surplus mainly came from the export of arms and strategic materials, with just these two categories totaling an export value of 83 million shield.

What remained was the trade of civilian goods. Due to the war, British and French commodities largely withdrew from the Russian market, creating opportunities for us.

The loans we provided to the Russians have been nearly exhausted. The strategic materials purchased earlier are likely to be depleted after this campaign.

If they can’t secure a major victory, the Tsarist Government’s military spending will probably continue to grow next year.”

Franz reflected; everyone in that era enjoyed doing business with the Russians because they paid directly with gold and silver instead of paper money. (Paper Rubles were abandoned, international trade was settled with Gold and Silver Rubles).

The trade between Russia and Austria resulted in a vast inflow of gold and silver into the Austrian National Treasury, which then turned into paper money that flowed into the market.

From a currency standpoint, the inflow of this gold and silver negated the risk Franz took by allowing the central bank to print more money; the market had absorbed it. (The paper currency wasn’t printed 1:1 with gold and silver; leverage was set based on economic conditions).

After some thought, Franz said, “Take your time negotiating with the Russians, there’s no rush. Tell them our finances aren’t flourishing either, we don’t have the capacity to provide a huge loan.

Try to lower the loan amount as much as possible, delay the loan period, have the Russians bring out more gold and silver for payment, do not push too hard on loan interests, and you can let go of additional conditions.

We can also help them issue some bonds, they must be government bonds, preferably with collaterals. War bonds are likely hard to sell, let the Russians set the interest rate for themselves, as long as they can sell.”

If before the outbreak of the Near East War, the two nations were on an equal footing, the onset of the war saw Austria’s leverage growing stronger.

The significant inflow of gold and silver due to war had caused a deformed boom in Austria’s domestic economy, but this prosperity harbored considerable risks.

If Austria were to offer too much in loans to Russia now, it would either draw funds from the domestic market or continue printing currency.

The former would impede Austria’s economic development, and the latter could lead to inflation. This was due to the scale of the economy; Austria’s economy was only so large. A certain amount of currency printing the market could digest, but once over the limit, it would be unsustainable.

The best approach was to first have the Russian gold and silver flow in, increasing the reserve funds of the treasury and expanding the market – only then could more currency be printed without the risk of inflation.

Metternich reminded, “Your Majesty, perhaps we can ask the Russians to pay with a portion of gold or silver. This could reduce our financial risk.”

Franz shook his head and said, “That won’t be necessary for the time being. Our risk is still within a controllable range. We shouldn’t be in a hurry to remind the Russians now, when their gold and silver are pouring into our country at an incredibly rapid rate.

“Our nation’s economic boom isn’t solely due to this war.

“Mr. Metternich, you may not have noticed, but in the past six months, British and French capital has been rushing into Austria, with total investments more than doubling compared to the same period last year. In fact, our market is no longer short of gold and silver.

“Based on past experiences, Russian-Ottoman wars tend to last a long time, and capitalists are counting on this war to make their fortunes, rushing to invest and build factories in Austria.

“Due to the lack of information, they are unaware of how many competitors have recently entered the market, and they haven’t considered that the Russians’ demand for materials is not unlimited.

“The market has gone mad. Carl is nearly frightened out of his wits, fearing an economic crisis will erupt. He’s already drawn up several emergency plans.

“From the perspective of the capitalist market economy, once the war ends, Austria will immediately face the challenge of economic transition.

“Early investors are still in good shape. They’ve made profits and can support their transition. The later investors are in trouble—they haven’t made any money yet but will have to face transformation. A wave of bankruptcies is inevitable.

“At this time, helping the Russians digest some bonds, cooling down the overheated market, is also a good choice.”

Knowing the risk of economic crisis, why doesn’t the Austrian Government stop it? The answer is very pragmatic: to increase fiscal revenue and accelerate domestic development.

“If this economic fever continues, in just two or three years, Austria could surpass France in total economic output. Even if the bubble bursts, the capital will leave behind a considerable foundation for Austria.

“Money comes in easily, but it is much harder to pull out. Once it’s turned into real estate like factory buildings and machinery, cashing out will not be easy.

“Those capitalists who have been trapped can either continue to contribute to Austria’s development or cut their losses and leave, just as the United States developed historically.

“As long as we gain enough from this war and expand our market capacity, we can minimize the impact of the economic crisis. When the time comes, Franz won’t mind having the government intervene in the market to enforce a soft economic landing.

“How many capitalists will be ruined by this action is of no concern to Franz—he’s no saint.

“Investment involves risk, enter the market with caution.”

While the Near Eastern war was drawing the attention of the world, Russia and Austria quietly completed a substantial transaction without causing the slightest ripple.

The munitions trade is incredibly lucrative, especially when selling weapon production lines and technology transfers, along with the added value of products, the profits are even more substantial.

This vast profit has greatly satisfied the Austrian Government.

It wasn’t just a one-time deal. If relations between the two countries remain friendly, the capitalists, with their lack of scruples, could very likely package subsequent upgrades with Austria.

The fundamental reason for “buying rather than making” is that the cost of research and manufacturing is too high. Why do so many enterprises in later eras prefer imports? Don’t they know the benefits of independent research and development?

The key issue lies in the investment in research and development. The outputs are often disproportionate to the inputs, not only requiring a lot of time and money but also being full of uncertainties.

For capitalists eager to make money, such high investment in this area certainly doesn’t maximize profits. With bad luck, they might fall just before reaping the benefits.

Weapons research and development is no exception, and it also needs a supporting industrial system. The Russians are lagging in these areas, making independent research and development by their enterprises even riskier.

If a military enterprise were to undertake research and development, the imported production lines could be up and running before they achieved any results.

What would the Tsarist Government choose? Equip their military with already developed and advanced technology or wait for the uncertain outcome of their own research and development?

Austria has lifted all restrictions on weapons exports, allowing the Russians to freely choose their production lines. Naturally, the Tsarist Government is overjoyed—such opportunities are rare.

Keep in mind that to limit the Russians, European countries predominantly export finished products, being very cautious about production line exports.

If they only buy finished products, a war blockade could have severe consequences, which is why the Tsarist Government is supporting their domestic military enterprises.

Purchasing production lines eliminates such worries. The Russian military industry heavily relies on imported equipment, and they don’t mind continuing to import as long as their munitions supply is assured.

Few can foresee the future. Theoretically, as the overall industrial technology improves, military technology will naturally follow. They reinforce each other.

Historically, major advancements in Russian military technology occurred during periods of worsening relations with the Western world. The more intense the opposition, the faster their technological progress.

In this era of war, nobody’s thinking that far ahead, and even if some perceive potential risks, they are powerless to protest.

From a developmental perspective, with ready-made Austrian equipment available to dismantle and study, their technological progress can be even faster. At worst, they could produce imitations.”

Chapter 80: The Struggle of the Montenegrin People

Montenegro

Ever since the breakout of the Near East war, this tiny nation had been aboil, immediately completing nationwide mobilization, with men, women, old and young all joining the fight.

The people of Montenegro were proud; they were the only ethnic group on the Balkan Peninsula that had not submitted to the Ottomans, and for hundreds of years, they had been at the forefront of resisting the Ottoman Empire.

It was a nation where every citizen was a soldier; without any need for government coercion, the people spontaneously took up arms and returned to military order.

Shkodër lay just ahead, and Montenegrins had fought their way to this point many times before, but this time was different, this time their chances of victory were significant.

Not long ago, they had successfully rendezvoused with Austria in the Bosnia and Herzegovina region, solving the issue of their weapons and ammunition constraints, significantly boosting the Montenegrin Army’s combat power.

Montenegro Army Command Post

Commander Mirkov spoke gravely, “We’ve just received a notification from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that the Holst Armoury wants to come and test a batch of weapons.

Lasridge, take a company and be responsible for the security of our Austrian friends. Under no circumstances are they to suffer any accidents.”

Mirkov had good reason to be cautious; every rifle and bullet used by the Montenegro Duchy was supplied by Austria.

Austria had now replaced Russians as their most important ally, without any rival.

At this juncture, with Austria requesting to conduct weapons tests on the battlefield, they naturally couldn’t refuse.

For the impoverished Montenegro Duchy, no matter what the weapon’s performance, it was a boon just to have something to use. Now, by testing weapons for Austria, they could get a batch of weapon equipment for free, which to them was a win-win situation.

As for the risks of using new weapons, could it be any more dangerous than fighting the Ottomans with cold steel?

The quantity of equipment for combat testing was not small, for example, this rifle test brought in five hundred new rifles directly from the Holst Armoury. Equipping two Montenegrin infantry battalions, they were to be thrown into this war for combat testing.

With a gloomy face, Lasridge said, “The Austrians have come again. Your Excellency, the Commander, can’t someone else do it? I want to go fight the Ottomans.”

Although Lasridge was only a battalion commander, given the small size of the Montenegrin Army, his role had become that of a senior officer.

Watching his colleagues fight valiantly on the frontlines, he became the designated Guard Commander for the Austrian Delegation due to his knowledge of German. He had already seen off three weapon inspection teams.

As a Montenegrin, how could he not be eager for battle? When an opportunity finally came, it was interrupted by the unexpected weapon testing.

Mirkov glared at him and said sternly, “Don’t negotiate with me. There is no room for discussion here. If the test is successful, we can get five hundred rifles and a batch of ammunition for free, saving the country tens of thousands of shields.”

Speaking of funds, Lasridge had nothing to say. Tens of thousands of Austrian shields might not seem like much, but for Montenegro, that was the equivalent of one or two months’ fiscal revenue.

Not all weapon tests were successful. Many weapons performed exceptionally at the range, but once on the battlefield, various issues would come to light.

To encourage domestic armories to develop new weapons, all the costs of these combat tests are now covered by the Austrian Government.

Various Austrian armories took this opportunity to send a myriad of weapons to the battlefield for testing.

Combat testing not only measured weapon performance but also included logistical maintenance, the difficulty of battlefield weapon operation, and more.

There were successes, but there were more failures. Many weapons had great lethality but proved unreliable on the battlefield, or they were reliable but had prohibitively high maintenance costs.

Throughout his journey, Holman-Stellen was greatly shocked. Montenegro was indeed a nation of soldiers-in-arms; the promised mobilization of twenty thousand troops had been not only met but exceeded by the Montenegrins.

Everyone capable was serving the war effort. All along his way, he saw resources being relayed village by village towards the front, much like a relay race.

Scarcely any able-bodied adults were seen; from beginning to end, it was the elderly and children who managed this task. The old were nearly toothless, the young just a few years of age, all busily engaged.

“Mr. Lasridge, where are your country’s able-bodied men?” Holman-Stellen asked, puzzled.

Lasridge replied as if it were obvious, “They’re all on the battlefield!”

Seeing Holman-Stellen’s apparent lack of understanding, Lasridge added,

“This is our homeland; there’s no danger here. The logistics are handled by the people themselves. A bit further on, and you will see our army.”

Holman-Stellen said nothing but silently recorded everything he saw in his notebook and continued onward.

When he arrived at the frontlines, Holman-Stellen also saw the presence of women soldiers. Evidently, for this war, Montenegro had staked its national fate; they had bet all their chips.

To Austria, this Near East war was merely a local conflict to grab spoils of war, with the outcome merely affecting the degree of Austria’s gains—after all, the Ottomans didn’t dare to retaliate.

For Russians, it was a strategic battle, not yet a matter of life and death; the Russians were not desperate yet.

Should they lose, they could simply try again in a few decades. With vast lands and wealth, the Russians could afford the loss; one more war with the Ottomans wouldn’t concern them after so many.

But for Montenegro, it was a gamble on national survival; victory would bolster their development and strength, whereas defeat would mean the end of everything.

Holman-Stellen understood the Montenegrins’ stance; their enmity with the Ottomans was irreconcilable. For hundreds of years, this was their closest chance at victory.

The Ottoman Empire was in decline, and now it was simultaneously at war with both Austria and Russia. Had it not been for the meddling of England and France, this war would have already ended.

The Montenegrins naturally had to take this chance. As a Balkan nation, if they didn’t dare to bet their national fate, could they still call themselves Balkan citizens?

The only pity was that the population of Montenegro was too small. If they had ten million, not just five million people, they could have driven the Ottomans out of the Balkan Peninsula and established their own empire.

At this thought, Holman-Stellen smiled slightly. If the Montenegro Duchy had that many people, they would not have become allies with Austria.

The entire Balkan Peninsula had just over thirteen million people, with almost half of the population in the Istanbul area.

In the remaining regions, the Bulgarian region had two million, the Kingdom of Greek had nearly one million, the Serbia region had over nine hundred thousand, the two Danube principalities each had over one million, the Macedonian Region had over one million, the Albania region had several hundred thousand, and Bosnia and Herzegovina had several hundred thousand.

Even if the people of Montenegro tried their best, the limit on their population determined the ceiling for their development.

They could not possibly become a threat to Austria, so everyone could be good friends. For example, supporting Montenegro to expand into the Albania region, helping to plant a thorn to prevent the unification of the Balkan Peninsula.

Holman-Stellen shook his head, dismissing these thoughts. These were issues for politicians to consider; as a weapon designer, thinking about these matters was overstepping his boundaries.

The war soon began; through binoculars, Holman-Stellen and his companions watched the Montenegrin Army launch an attack on the Ottomans’ position.

The sound of gunfire roared, and flesh and blood were scattered everywhere.

Holman-Stellen had no time to care about these details as he observed the combat capability of the new rifles, revealing a satisfied smile from time to time.

During volley fire, because they could lie down to reload, the soldiers equipped with these new rifles had significantly fewer casualties.

Although the combat lethality was slightly lower, the advantage of a higher hit rate in close combat made up for this shortfall.

As long as the enemy was hit within effective range to inflict effective damage, that was enough; these were not sniper rifles, and the chance of hitting the enemy at long distance was too small, so a little lower lethality was not a big deal.

The first round of testing was a success, and Holman-Stellen let out a sigh of relief. As long as maintenance standards were met in subsequent care, the initial requirements would be considered fulfilled.

Compared to Holman-Stellen’s satisfaction, Lasridge by his side had a worried expression. After having many interactions with the Austria weapon testing team, he inevitably learned some professional knowledge.

“Mr. Holman, isn’t the ammunition consumption of this rifle a bit too high? Have you noticed that its high hit rate is actually based on the consumption of ammunition?” Lasridge asked.

Without thinking, Holman-Stellen asked, “Is the ammunition consumption very high?”

Lasridge answered affirmatively, “Of course. Ordinary rifles typically fire two or three bullets per minute, but this new rifle can fire up to a dozen shots per minute.

That means the ammunition consumption has increased several times, while the hit rate has only increased slightly, though our casualties have decreased somewhat.

This kind of gun is too expensive to use. We can’t afford it, anyway. I fear the manufacturing cost is not going to be low either.”

Holman-Stellen nodded and noted all this information in his notebook. High ammunition consumption would be very fatal in war, meaning an increase in logistical supply difficulty.

For Montenegro, the consumption of these breech-loading rifles was too great; neither their financial capacity nor their industrial strength could support it, making it unfeasible for them to equip.

Yet for Austria, that might not be the case; the intensity of the ammunition consumption had not yet surpassed their limit of endurance.

The advent of the breech-loading rifle also meant an increase in the cost of war, widening the gap in strength between industrial powerhouses and weaker nations once again.

Without strong industrial strength, it was simply impossible to support the terrifying ammunition consumption demanded by future wars.

If, in this recent Near Eastern war, both sides had been equipped with breech-loading rifles, Russia would not have been able to sustain the conflict.

In a war of attrition, Russia and Austria were truly no match for England and France. They could bear the cost now due to early preparations and also because the ammunition consumption of muzzle-loading rifles was not so high.

“Mr. Lasridge, it’s clear you’re very experienced with weapon testing. Would you be interested in joining our team? The salary will definitely satisfy you,” Holman-Stellen invited.

Testing weapons on the battlefield was a high-risk job. Working in this field, one never knew when they could get hit by a stray bullet from nowhere.

High risk naturally comes with high income, at least several times higher than the salary of Lasridge, the Montenegrin Army regimental commander.

No, it could even be several dozen times higher. Due to financial difficulties, the soldiers of Montenegro were paid very low salaries, and most of the time, they did not receive any military pay.

This was not coercion; rather, it was a voluntary renunciation by everyone. Unless their families were truly destitute, they would generally give up their pay of their own accord.

Lasridge laughed and declined, “Thank you, Mr. Holman. But I think it’s not necessary; this is not a matter of money.

There are many things in the world more important than money. Right now, my homeland is engaged in a bloody battle with the Ottomans, and centuries of humiliation must be washed away with blood.

For me, the goal of destroying the Ottoman Empire is my life’s ambition. Once this goal is achieved, I’ll reconsider my life.”

Holman-Stellen bowed and said, “Mr. Lasridge, please forgive my presumption. You are a true soldier, and should not be insulted by money.”

In that moment, Holman-Stellen truly acknowledged Lasridge, or perhaps Montenegro itself.

Perhaps they were not strong enough, but their spirit of persisting in the fight against the Ottoman Empire for hundreds of years for their nation, without ever wavering in their beliefs, deserved respect from everyone.

After this small episode, Holman-Stellen and his companions changed their views of them. Gone was the previous arrogance, and the relationship between them improved greatly.

Chapter 81: Propaganda Comes Before the Army Moves

The Winter Palace in St. Petersburg

The military arms deal contract between Russia and Austria had appeared on Nicholas I’s desk, accompanied by documents concerning the loan blockade and suggestions from the Austrian Government for bond issuance.

Nicholas I had no objections to purchasing the weapons production lines and directly made annotations on the document.

The gap between the Russian Empire’s military industry and those of other European countries was vast, and it wasn’t something that could be bridged in the short term. Purchasing production lines was the only option to quickly close the gap.

Nicholas I asked, “Austria has proposed issuing bonds, what do you think about this?”

Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes analyzed, “Your Majesty, this is likely to be very troublesome. We have issued bonds before, but previous bonds were not well received in the capital market.

To sell the bonds now, we would need collateral, as suggested by the Austrians, and we would have to offer high-interest rates to attract capital.

This would significantly increase our financial costs. Previously, the interest rate on loans we obtained from Austria was only 0.2% per month. If we issue bonds, the rate is likely to increase significantly.

The war expenditure has far exceeded our expectations. If we were to raise the financial costs further, our future fiscal pressure would be immense.”

The Tsarist Government had not anticipated England and France sending troops directly, and all their battle plans were centered around facing the Ottoman Empire alone.

According to the original plan, with the control of the Black Sea, the Russian Army could be resupplied by sea, greatly reducing logistical pressure. The amount of troops they could deploy to the Balkan Peninsula would also increase substantially.

In theory, with sufficient advantages, the Russian Army could have defeated the Ottoman Empire by 1852 and end the war in the Balkan Peninsula by 1853. Then, they would set out in two directions to attack the Asia Minor Peninsula.

However, plans were disrupted by rapid changes, and the participation of England and France threw off their deployment. The war spiraled out of control from the very beginning, and military expenditures surged.

Nicholas I continued, “Is it possible to continue obtaining low-interest loans from the Austrian Government?”

Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell replied, “Your Majesty, if it’s a small loan, there’s no problem, but obtaining a loan of 200 million rubles in one go is unlikely.

Although Austria has not directly refused our loan, they have made it clear that the amount is too large and surpasses their capacity to provide.

Our analysis shows that the Austrian Government is capable of raising such a large sum, but it would impact their domestic development. Unless we pay a significant price, it’s not going to happen.”

200 million rubles was an astronomical sum, equivalent to one year of the Russian Empire’s fiscal revenue. Under normal circumstances, the Austrian Government would not have the financial capability.

But the situation now was different; Russians did not need to take away actual gold or silver for the loans, as all loans were to be used within Austria, meaning the money was not leaving the country.

This money would not enter the market at once, but would lie in the accounts of Austrian banks first, and slowly flow into the market through the procurement of goods.

Because of taxation, a substantial part of the funds would flow back to the Austrian Government, so the actual outlay would be much less.

For instance, for purchasing goods worth one million, the first round of trade tax, value-added tax, corporate tax, customs duty, etc., would result in the government receiving two to three hundred thousand; the second round of transactions involving raw material suppliers would also involve taxes such as trade tax, value-added tax, corporate tax, likely amounting to several tens of thousands.

As a result of this business, transport, and the surrounding catering industry were stimulated, generating tax revenue. The capitalists would profit, the workers would receive their wages, and then they would go on to consume, further boosting other industries, all of which would generate taxes.

This is just the simplest form of commodity circulation. In the actual industrial circulation system, it’s far more complex. There are very few businesses that can buy raw materials and directly turn them into industrial products for sale.

Most industries involve cycles of three, four, or more stages, during which capital returns to government finances through taxation. In fact, the funds the Austrian Government needs to pay for this loan is only half, or even less.

If it weren’t for these advantages, powers like the United Kingdom and France wouldn’t be so keen on high-interest lending based on just a few percentage points of interest.

Furthermore, by using loans to accelerate the exchange of goods between two countries, it gradually penetrates into all sectors of a country, especially the easiest to permeate, the financial sector.

Nicholas I thought for a moment and said, “Is it because of the interest? We can pay according to international standards, even a bit higher doesn’t matter, after all, it won’t be as high as the bond interest.”

Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell answered, “Your Majesty, I’m afraid it’s not a matter of interest. The Austrians haven’t asked for a higher interest rate, which probably means they have financial difficulties.

The Austrian Government places great emphasis on domestic economic development and wouldn’t disrupt it for a slight increase in interest. Unless we make significant political concessions, they won’t release the funds.”

Nicholas I nodded in agreement; the relationship between nations is very pragmatic, even allies won’t sacrifice their own interests to help.

If it means stunting domestic economic development for a few points of interest, everyone knows the correct choice to make.

“We can’t give up on the Austrian loan, we’ll take whatever we can get. The Finance Ministry should devise a plan for issuing bonds, not just in Austria, but for sale throughout Europe.

The war’s end is unforeseeable, and now the government must gather as much funding as possible, even if that means higher interest rates.”

Nicholas I was a wise man and did not continue to increase domestic war taxes.

Historically, Russia faced a joint blockade by the major powers of Europe, which prevented it from raising funds on the international capital market, forcing it to scour its own country.

The consequences of raising taxes were very severe. After the defeat of the Crimean War, the Tsarist Government’s foundation of rule was shaken.

Nicholas I, who was in good health following the war, suddenly died and most historians believe he committed suicide by poisoning, accepting the blame for the war’s failure with his death, providing an explanation to the outside world and stabilizing the Tsarist rule.

“Yes, Your Majesty!” the Finance Minister replied.

As for how Nicholas I actually died, Franz was just as uncertain, but his death definitely worsened Russian-Austrian relations.

From both a personal emotional standpoint and the nation’s interest, Franz hoped Nicholas I would live a long and healthy life.

Nicholas I was a man of good character and a reliable ally, and the administration he led still had credibility.

The longer he lived, the more delayed the Tsarist Government’s serfdom reform would be, and the greater the difficulty of the reform would become.

An ally without threats is a good ally. Having reviewed the historical data, Franz couldn’t help but feel fortunate to have arrived at such a favorable time.

If nothing unexpected happened, the next few generations of Russian Tsars would remain relatively compliant, meaning that for the next several decades, Austria’s rear would be secure.

Russians were preparing to issue bonds, and so was Franz, as one could never have too much money. Especially during a war, stockpiling ammunition was very necessary.

Unlike the Russians who attracted capital with high interest rates, Franz planned to leverage the patriotism of the citizens.

To support the Prussians in reclaiming the Two Principalities to the north, people were willing to donate tens of millions of shields, and now, for the unification of the German Region, they would surely be even more enthusiastic.

“Unity Bonds,” Franz did not prefix it with “German,” mainly to accommodate the other ethnic groups within the country. If possible, he would not mind adding “Holy Roman Empire” in the front.

This bond issue was still confidential and was set to be launched simultaneously with the initiation of the unification war. Since it was for national unification, talking about profits seemed too vulgar.

The annual interest rate for the “Unity Bonds” was only 1%; one could say it was barely better than nothing. Even with such a low-interest rate, Franz was still very confident in selling the bonds.

Under his influence, the concept of Greater Germany still dominated within Austria, and there was a significant interest in the reconstruction of the Holy Roman Empire.

To create a foundation for public opinion, in 1851 and 1852, the Austrian Government spent millions of shields on propaganda for two consecutive years.

It wasn’t just Austria; all the states of the German Region were within the scope of the propaganda.

“Rebuild the Holy Roman Empire” had become the hottest topic in the German Region; whether people supported or opposed it, the concept had been implanted into everyone’s mind.

University of Munich

A debate on the future path of the German Region commenced here.

Ever since the former King Ludwig I announced that the royal family would strive for the unification of the German Region, discussing its unification became legalized.

Greater Germany ideals, Lesser Germany ideals, a division of governance between North and South Germany, and the newly proposed reconstruction of the Holy Roman Empire, among other chaotic proposals, were all openly debatable.

Not just the Kingdom of Bavaria but many German regional states could discuss these issues. Governments also had to express support; this was a right won by the public in the revolution of 1848 and was politically correct.

Simply put, you could support any plan for the unification of the German Region, as long as you were not against the unification itself.

Supporter of the Shinra faction, an impassioned orator, Christian: “The German Region has been fragmented for too long, each Sub-State has different development models, and it’s not easy to integrate them into a grand empire immediately.

Given this, why don’t we take a middle ground? We could first rebuild the Holy Roman Empire and rally everyone within a unified grand imperial framework.

Other issues could be discussed slowly over time. If one year is not sufficient, then two; if ten years are not enough, then twenty. After several decades, the German Region will become an integrated whole.”

After the Austrian Government’s secret propaganda, many people supported rebuilding the Holy Roman Empire, even rulers of some small sub-states were proponents of this concept.

The Holy Roman Empire was not fearful; it was never truly unified before, the major sub-states all did as they wished, and the Central Government existed only in theory, exerting almost no constraining power over the sub-states.

If unification was indeed inevitable, such unification could protect their interests to the greatest extent possible.

Also, those who preferred peaceful times saw how simple it sounded to unify the German Region, but in reality, doing so would mean war was not far off.

Whether it’s Greater Germany or Lesser Germany, we must subdue everyone with our military before we can complete the great undertaking of unification.

Rebuilding the Holy Roman Empire is much simpler; everyone gathers for a meeting, casts their votes, selects an Emperor, and the Germany Region is unified.

The interests of all are not greatly harmed, each sub-state continues its own affairs, only now with stronger economic exchanges, standing united when facing the external world.

Once the Germany Region is unified again, even if it’s just a nominal unity, this great Empire will be the most powerful empire in the world.

A young student objected, “Such a unification is too slow; the countries of Europe will not grant us the time to consolidate our nation. As soon as the German Empire is unified, we will immediately face resistance from all countries.

It may even lead to a combined assault by them. Only when the Germany Region is completely unified, and we all become one entity, will we be able to defeat our enemies and accomplish the grand revival of Teuton.”

No sooner had he finished speaking than someone countered, “Don’t forget Napoleon’s lesson; any country that attempts to confront all of Europe is courting its own demise.

The current international situation simply does not allow us to complete national unification step by step. Once signs of unification appear in the Germany Region, the countries of Europe will definitely intervene.

The British, the French, the Russians, the Spaniards… none will simply watch the Germany Region unify. It is unwise to confront the European Continent on one’s own.

At this time, we must learn to take things step by step. First, unify the Lesser Germany Region; once we’ve consolidated and grown stronger, then we can set out to unify the entire Germany Region.”

Another person disagreed, “Unify the Lesser Germany Region? If that’s the case, we might as well administer North and South Germany separately.

It would similarly evade the combined attacks of the powers and accumulate strength for the ultimate national unification. Why should we care about the upstart Prussians’ feelings?”

“That won’t do, that’s dividing the nation, not unifying it. Whether it’s establishing Lesser Germany or the administration of North and South Germanic regions separately, the end result is the destruction of the Empire.

A divided Germany is no longer our Germany. The key to taking things step by step is to re-establish the Holy Rome, and to build an Empire that is nominally unified.”

Without a doubt, Franz played an immense role in the spread of these muddled thoughts. Many of these ideas came from his own machinations.

To achieve the propaganda objectives, you certainly cannot directly say: Austria wants to unify the Germany Region, and everyone should unite under the flag of the Habsburg dynasty.

If promoted in that manner, the campaign would probably be suppressed by the governments of various countries right from the start.

Now, by throwing out all sorts of messy plans for unification, we’ve obscured Austria’s presence, leading everyone to believe they are spontaneously generated by the public.

In the eyes of most, the ideas of a Greater Germany and the theory of rebuilding the Holy Roman Empire might be supported by the Austrian Government, with the latter possibly reflecting the intentions of the small German states.

The remaining concepts of Lesser Germany and the theory of administering North and South Germany separately are clearly instigated by the Prussians, these two ideologies being most widely disseminated in Prussia.

Amidst the true and false, what is the actual political stance of the Austrian Government? Franz would say, whatever political stance aligns with Austria’s interests, that is the stance of the Austrian Government.

In the face of interests, national strategy and political ideals can change. The reason they haven’t yet changed is simply that the interests aren’t significant enough.

Chapter 82: A War Fought by Mistake

Balkan Peninsula

The Russians already bathed in bloodshed with the Allied Forces; it’s worth mentioning that the Ottoman Army, the largest in number, became a supporting actor in this war. The main force of the alliance had become England and France.

In the Sliven Region, a stalemate ensued. The French blocked the advance of the Russians, and now, every step forward required a human life to fill.

Due to the Ottomans’ lack of effort, restrained by a small force of the Russian Army, it was now 160,000 French troops against 280,000 Russians. It was already quite difficult for the French to hold the Russians back, let alone launch a counterattack.

French Army Commander Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier was in quite a headache. In the previous battles, he had used 10,000 French soldiers to eliminate 20,000 Russians, which could be said to be a brilliant victory.

Regrettably, the ally was not strong. The Russian Army, allocating only a detachment aside, with tens of thousands of the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team, pressed against over four hundred thousand Ottomans, still managed to gain the upper hand. Against such teammates, anyone would have a headache.

Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier admitted that the combat effectiveness of the Ottoman Army was not up to par, mainly due to the tradition of drawing excess pay, which caused the actual number of troops on the battlefield to be two or three layers less than on paper.

Even after making allowances, there should have been over three hundred thousand Ottomans. Nearly twice the manpower advantage, yet still being suppressed in battle, baffled him.

Plans cannot keep pace with changes. He had overestimated the strength of the allies, and the war had turned into an attritional one. Continuing this way, even if they won the battle, it would be a Pyrrhic victory.

“Commander, a victory message from the front line!” a young officer said in a deep voice.

“Read it!” Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier said calmly.

“Yes, sir!” the young officer replied.

“On the morning of September 14th, 1852, the Seventh Infantry Division encountered the enemy’s Sixteenth Division in the eastern part of Sliven. After a day of bloody battle, our forces defeated the incoming enemy.

In this battle, 1,328 enemy soldiers were killed, 16 were captured, and several were wounded. We seized 8 horses, 628 rifles, 28 pistols, and various ammunition.

However, our troops also paid a heavy price. The Seventh Infantry Division suffered 1,236 casualties, including 784 killed, 652 wounded, and 196 missing. Brigadier General Olehaddon was hit by shrapnel and is now missing, alive or dead unknown.”

Is this also considered a victory? Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier was doubtful. It seemed his officers had forgotten the concept of victory.

He had also climbed up from the lower ranks and was tired of such petty tricks. Defeated the enemy? It was clear that they simply dispersed at night.

If it were a true victory, how could nearly two hundred disappear? If the French Army had so many who could get lost, there was no need to fight this war. Perhaps these men were now in the Russian prisoner of war camps.

Frowning, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier ordered, “Send someone to ask if that fool Olehaddon is dead or not. If he’s still alive, have him report to me at the earliest convenience. If he’s dead, have the Chief of Staff come instead.”

“Yes, sir!” the young officer answered immediately.

Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier did not believe this battle report. The casualties of the Seventh Infantry Division were likely true, as no one dared to falsify such information.

But the glorious victory was probably nonsense. If they had truly won, the number of prisoners would not be so low. The Russian Army wasn’t one to court death, and the French Army wouldn’t massacre prisoners at this time.

Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier wasn’t concerned about the outcome of such skirmishes. The battlefield changes in the blink of an eye, and it was acceptable to occasionally suffer minor losses.

The combat effectiveness of the French Expeditionary Force also varied. The strongest units could thrash any Russian forces, while the weakest ones weren’t a match for the Russian elites either.

The Seventh Infantry Division’s combat power was only average among the French forces. It wouldn’t be surprising for them to suffer losses against the main force of the Russian Army.

After some contemplation, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier ordered, “Command the troops to focus on defense, avoiding decisive battles with Russia as much as possible.

We just need to hold them in the Sliven Region. After a breakthrough in the Sofia Region, we can then engage in a decisive battle with the Russians.”

The Ottoman Army’s combat strength was insufficient. Unable to achieve a breakthrough in the Sliven Region, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier had abandoned the plan to fight a decisive battle with the Russians there.

This was not France; it was unnecessary to fight desperately for the Ottomans. In Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier’s view, the primary task now was to conserve strength.

They had tied up the main strength of the Russians and fulfilled their duty as allies. The failure of the Ottoman Army to cooperate, hindering the operation, was not their fault.

After the British achieved victory in the Sofia Region, they could join forces to encircle these Russians. After all, there were only over 70,000 Russians there, with 50,000 British, 20,000 from Sardinia, and 30,000 Ottomans, holding an absolute advantage.

Otherwise, rashly engaging the Russians in a battle now might leave little remaining of this French Expeditionary Force, even if they won the war.

Russian Army Headquarters

Commander Menshikov was still unaware that he had narrowly escaped a disaster. If the French had recklessly pushed forward now, they had a great chance of winning.

The lack of Ottoman combat effectiveness was evident in frontal battles. But if circumstances were favorable, the result might be different.

If the French were willing to take on casualties, bracing themselves at the front and undermining the Russian morale, then these Ottoman soldiers could also show their capability if they fought with the wind in their favor.

“Order the troops to attack at all costs. We must break through the enemy’s defenses as quickly as possible. Do not worry about casualties. In the Wallachia Principality, we have another 50,000 reinforcements, and in Ukraine, another 300,000.

We just need victory. The Russian Empire has been waiting nearly two hundred years for this victory, for which nine generations have struggled.

Now Constantinople is less than three hundred kilometers away from us. Once we break through the enemy’s defenses, no one can stop our advance.”

Menshikov spoke with soaring passion, as if this wasn’t a command center, but a podium where he was delivering an inspiring speech.

How much is Russia willing to sacrifice for Constantinople? No one knows the answer, but let’s put it another way.

Is it worth millions of casualties for Constantinople? The Russians’ answer is: It’s worth it!

From the first Russian-Turkish war to the present, the Russians have already surpassed a million casualties for this fortress city. Have they wavered?

Menshikov knew the Tsarist Government’s determination, which was to secure victory at all costs.

The minor goal of this Russian-Turkish war was to take Constantinople and lock down the Bosphorus Strait. The ultimate goal was to occupy the lands along the two straits, turning the Marmara Sea and the Aegean Sea into internal seas of Russia.

The consideration of personnel casualties didn’t occur to the Tsarist Government from the start. To them, the difference between tens of thousands and hundreds of thousands of casualties was just a number, as long as the war was won.

General Burde questioned, “Commander, we have done our utmost. If we increase the attack intensity further, it’s very likely we will provide the enemy with an opportunity.

Everyone knows the French fighting power. Apart from a small number of elites who can contend with them, we can only rely on our numerical advantage.

In the areas surrounding Sliven, along this front line of over one hundred kilometers, we do not have an absolute advantage in numbers. In many places, the enemy even has the upper hand.”

Now that we have the upper hand, it’s because the Ottomans are too weak. If we blindly attack the French positions and deplete a large amount of our strength,
we might even suffer a setback if we aren’t careful and the French launch a surprise attack. These weak Ottoman forces could then deliver a fatal blow to us.”

Menshikov shook his head and said, “General Burde, you worry too much. The French do have strong combat power, but they have too few troops.

Attacking the French now means a war of attrition. The French are not gods; they will collapse if their casualties are high.

I’ve said it before, inflict three thousand casualties a day on them, and in less than a month, the French will collapse.

Winning this battle with the sacrifice of tens of thousands is truly worth it.

If we don’t take out the French elite troops and instead bully the Ottoman rabbits, even if we exterminate these hundreds of thousands of rabbits, the war will still continue.”

When the Commander-in-Chief demands an attack, then naturally we have to fight. After all, it’s the grey beasts that die, not the officers who lead the charge.

On the battlefield of Sofia

Montes did not yet realize that his French allies had passed the burden of victory to him, and he was still hoping to achieve a breakthrough in the Sliven battlefield and to mercilessly beat a fallen foe.

As for commanding the troops to crush the Russian Army before them and then flank the Russians for victory in this battle,
such a difficult task should be left to his allies! In Montes’ view, the only troops he had with any combat power were the fifty thousand British and, at most, another twenty thousand from the Sardinian Army. The Ottomans were utterly unreliable.

There were over seventy thousand Russians opposite them, plus a Bulgarian Guerrilla Team. The guerrilla team’s combat effectiveness was negligible, probably on par with the Ottomans, and they just happened to cancel each other out.

Facing seventy thousand with seventy thousand, even if victorious, would result in heavy losses.

Montes was there to gather military glory, not to invite trouble. The bureaucrats back home would not care about their contributions on the battlefield; they only looked at the results.

To put it simply, it’s about how many enemies were killed and at what cost. The French had previously managed a kill-to-loss ratio of 1:1.3 while being heavily surrounded, so now a force of one hundred thousand against seventy thousand had to perform even better.

The guerrilla team did not fall within the consideration of London bureaucrats and could not be counted in the military achievements; they only recognized regular forces.

Before clashing with the Russians, Montes was quite confident. After engaging them, that confidence was gone. In terms of overall combat power, the British did have an advantage, but it was not substantial.

At least, fifty thousand British could not beat seventy thousand Russians. If the Russians had not been armed with new equipment, then relying on the advantage in firepower could possibly have made a difference.

Before the upgrade, Russian rifles had a range of only 200 yards, while British rifles could exceed 1000 yards. In terms of firing speed, British rifles were at least thirty percent faster, and the advantage in artillery was even greater.

(Note: 1 yard is equivalent to 0.91 meters)

Historically, in the Crimean War, the Russians suffered greatly due to inferior equipment, brutally outclassed by the Anglo-French alliance.

Now it’s different. The Russians who had upgraded their armament had caught up in terms of firepower. The units that engaged with the British in the early stages were these troops, which directly led Montes to overestimate Russian strength.

Based on this assessment, Montes decided to mount a limited offensive to wear down the Russian strength. Simply put, he commanded Ottoman forces to act as cannon fodder, taking the lead in fighting the Russians, with the British acting as the supervisory team.

On the surface, this seemed fine, but in reality, he overlooked that such combat was actually helping the Russians train their troops.

An army that wins a battle becomes a force of veterans; after three to five battles, it becomes elite. Elite forces in that era were forged precisely this way.

Consecutive victories not only enhanced combat experience but also confidence and morale.

The front-line Ottoman forces, easily defeated in combat, were delivering experience to the Russians, aiding their progression to a higher level.

Fortunately for Montes, Russian Commander Fitzroy Somerset hadn’t noticed this. Otherwise, if he rotated all Russian units in turns, the Russians would gain another elite division.

Then the British would not need to fight anymore. Although their training was stricter than the Russians’, elite troops could not be established simply through training; they also needed to endure the baptism of blood and fire.

Chapter 83: Passing the Buck

Vienna

At the Austrian General Staff headquarters, Marshal Radetzky was gathering a group of officers to conduct an analysis of actual combat cases, focusing on the recent Balkan battles.

Based on the intelligence they had, they analyzed the gains and losses of both sides in the battle and sought to learn from their experiences.

It is said that those directly involved cannot see as clearly as the detached observers.

As detached observers, the staff officers at the Austrian General Staff, a bunch of armchair strategists, criticized both sides as being utterly incompetent.

Russians: Strategic decision-making errors, failing to choose to break through the weak Ottoman forces, instead butting heads with the French. Evaluation: Military quality of commanders is inadequate, lacking adaptability.

Allied Forces: Unclear command authority, incessant internal strife, continuous backstabbing, failing to utilize the advantage of superior troop strength. Evaluation: The inevitable result of multilateral cooperation, beyond human remedy.

Common points: Severe bureaucracy, disordered command, rubbish logistics system.

Military comprehensive combat strength assessment:

French: 9.4

British: 9.6

Russians: 7.8

Montenegro Duchy: 10.5

Ottomans: 5

People of Sardinian: 5

Looking at this assessment report, Franz’s expression was very interesting. The British Army’s combat effectiveness is rated above that of the French, a statement that probably not many could accept.

Even more bizarre is that the combat strength of the Montenegrin Army is off the charts, even above all the great powers.

The rest are more or less normal; the Ottoman and Sardinian armies, just weaklings with a combat strength of 5, a view that is widely accepted by the Austrian military.

Since the Greek people had not yet joined the war, they could not be accurately assessed, and the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team, not being a regular army, was ignored by the General Staff.

Sensing Franz’s confusion, Marshal Radetzky explained, “Your Majesty, the fighting will of the Montenegrin Army is the strongest among the nations. Every Montenegrin begins military training from a young age, and their training is no worse than that of other national armies. Coupled with the weapons and equipment we provide, their combat power can be astonishingly explosive.”

Those who do not fear death will not perform poorly in battle. If you add to that well-trained soldiers and advanced weapons, it’s no surprise that their combat performance is off the charts.

However, this kind of overwhelming strength does depend on the situation. Right now, Montenegrins are avenging past wrongs and fighting for themselves, so their morale is high and their combat power consequently off the charts.

If it were a different time and place, this Montenegrin Army might not possess the same fighting power.

Similarly, if the British and French troops were fighting on their home soil against a foreign invader, their combat power might also be potentially off the charts.

Now they’re fighting in the Balkans on behalf of the Ottomans, and setting aside potential geographical and acclimatization factors, just the morale alone cannot rise to its peak; achieving eight or nine out of ten in combat effectiveness would already mean they’re well-trained.

This ever-changing comprehensive assessment, in Franz’s view, was still reliable.

The fighting power of any military is not constant; it is only in the most suitable environment that it can be maximized.

With a hint of curiosity, Franz asked, “Marshal, I can accept that the Montenegrin Army is formidable in battle.

But how did you conclude that the British forces are superior to the French in combat power? Looking at their achievements, the French clearly outperform the British, whose ‘Lobster Soldiers’ barely have any remarkable triumphs.”

Marshal Radetzky explained, “Your Majesty, the British Army has always been small in number, but their training is in no way inferior to that of any other nation.

Of course, this factor alone proves that the British forces are well-trained, but does not mean they are stronger in combat than the French.

The fundamental reason is that Napoleon III, in his purge of dissenters, used the opportunity of war to replace a portion of the high-ranking officers.

This kind of personnel change invariably affects morale in the short term. When new officers take command, they need time to meld with the troops, reducing the combat power of the French army in the short term.

In the Balkans, the morale of this French expeditionary force is not high, thus diminishing their combat effectiveness.

Based on these factors, the General Staff believes that their current fighting power is below that of the British.

This is not set in stone, of course. If these French officers’ command abilities were stronger, they could bridge this gap, as after all, the British commanders are a bunch of novices.”

Franz nodded, acknowledging the combat strength assessment as a reference. Taking it completely seriously meant preparing to be proven wrong; the battlefield is full of changes, and in military terms, there has always been a saying—winning with the weaker force.

Franz chuckled and said, “So it seems, the forces in this battle are evenly matched, and a victor cannot be decided in the short term.

If the Greeks suddenly erupt and strike effectively, catching the Allied Forces’ logistics off-guard, wouldn’t that give the Russians a bigger chance of winning?”

Foreign Minister Metternich spoke up to explain, “Your Majesty, I’m afraid we cannot count on the Greeks.

Although they have chosen to ally with the Russians for their own interest, the Greece Government does not wish to be at odds with Britain and France.

They hope to be like us, to be at war only with the Ottoman Empire and to remain neutral in the fight between Britain and France and the Russians.

In this battle, the Greeks are unlikely to have the guts to attack the logistics lines of the British and French. Even if they did join the conflict, they would only target the surrounding lands, which is inconsequential to the overall situation.”

Apart from lamenting the uselessness of such allies, there was not much Franz could do.

Austria had not deployed troops to fight against Britain and France because the Balkan Peninsula could only sustain a limited number of troops in action, and the “Mao Xiong” soldiers already filled the ranks. Increasing the number of troops would overwhelm the logistics.

There’s also the matter of post-war benefit distribution. Currently, Austria’s main contribution is in logistics, so according the prior agreement, Russia, putting forth the most effort, is justified in receiving the largest share of the spoils.

If Austria were to play the lead role, the Tsarist Government would not be able to swallow all the desired benefits it now expects, which is unacceptable to them.

Aside from these special cases, there was one crucial condition: Austria had the strength to maintain neutrality, so even if England and France were displeased, they couldn’t do anything about it.

If it were the Greek people, it would be different; the British didn’t mind seizing the opportunity to discipline this disobedient “little brother.” Once a small nation took sides, there was no turning back, and they shouldn’t expect England and France to listen to their explanations.

The correct approach for the Greek people was to either not do it at all or to go through with it completely. Sitting on the fence would mean, regardless of the outcome, they would not come to a good end.

After a moment of contemplation, Franz said, “Then let’s wait some more. The railroad from Vienna to Salzburg has already started laying tracks and will be operational by the end of the year.

The railway from Munich to Salzburg has also completed the foundation work. Technically speaking, most parts of this section can lay temporary tracks.

Even if the enemy is in a do-or-die struggle, blocking the Danube and Rhine Rivers, the logistical problems can still be solved.”

Franz had no worries about the military strength of the South German States. No matter how hard these state governments tried, it was no use against the many proponents for unification among their people.

The topic of unification had already been stirred up, and although people of the time were unaware of a term—”media manipulation”—in reality, the opinions of the common folk of these small states had been influenced by the media.

When the Austrian army came marching in, such sentiments would dissolve the will to fight in their armies. The surrendering forces could even proudly claim: We’re not surrendering; we’re contributing our part to national unification.

The only risk was logistics; if the Bavarian Government chose a scorched earth policy, blocking the Danube and Rhine Rivers outright, the Austrian army could only rely on road transport for logistical support, which would be a headache.

Waiting for the domestic railways in Bavaria to be operational would be too late, but that didn’t matter; they could still improvise by laying temporary tracks on the already completed foundations.

Due to the terrain, these short-distance railroads might consist of segments running only tens of kilometers, a dozen kilometers, or even a few kilometers in length, unable to be connected into a whole. But Franz could not worry about that; having them was better than nothing.

Even if transferring materials midway was a hassle, it was faster than moving them by manpower alone. Every minute on the battlefield was precious, and Austria could emulate the relay transport model of the Montenegro Duchy.

The Balkan Peninsula

The war had entered a stalemate, with the Russians unable to defeat the Allied Forces, and the Allied Forces unable to do anything about the Russians.

Embarrassingly for both sides, the two armies that stood out the most on the battlefield were actually the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team and the Montenegro Army.

On October 1, 1852, the Montenegrin Army achieved a victory against the odds by taking the heavily guarded Ottoman fortress at Shkodër, opening the gateway to Albania.

In the following month, the Montenegrin Army swept through half of the Albania region, bringing it under their control. Fortunately, these areas were not vital, not affecting the overall situation.

The Bulgarian Guerrillas also took the spotlight. In the Sliven Region, they pressed the Ottoman Army hard and frequently infiltrated deep into the enemy’s rear, causing significant disruption to the logistics of the Allied Forces.

In the Sofia Region, the Bulgarian Guerrillas broke through the frontlines of the Sardinian Army, inserting themselves into the rear of the Allied Forces.

If it weren’t for the British reacting swiftly this time, gathering heavy forces for a counterattack that routed them, the Allied Forces in the Sofia Region would have been encircled.

If regular troops were scattered, they became fleeing soldiers. But being guerrillas to begin with, once dispersed, they simply went back to guerrilla warfare, pushing the Allied Commander Montes to the brink of collapse.

There was no choice; the Ottomans were not pulling their weight. Despite promises of a home-field advantage, they found themselves engulfed in a sea of people’s war instead.

After the collapse of the Bulgarian guerrilla teams, they delved deep into the Bulgarian region, utilizing the support of the local populace and launching sporadic surprise attacks against them.

By now, even Montes dared not rely on the Ottomans to escort the Allied logistical transport. Without an escort of at least two thousand British soldiers, it would be nothing but a supply delivery for the enemy.

Recently, five thousand Ottoman troops were escorting strategic supplies only to be hijacked en route by guerrilla squads. If it weren’t for Sofia’s ample reserves, the Allied Forces would be facing starvation.

Even with heavy troop escorts for the convoys, behind each successful supply transport, up to a hundred and eighty British soldiers were left dead on the battlefield.

Of course, the enemy suffered even greater losses, but to Montes, trading British soldiers for guerrillas felt like a loss, no matter the angle.

Montes angrily said, “Have the Foreign Office send a note to the Sultan government, demanding they eradicate the guerrilla squads promptly, so they don’t interfere with our logistical operations.”

It wasn’t that he didn’t want to send troops to defeat the guerrillas, but the problem was the Russians on the other side keeping them in check. The moment he dared dispatch the main British force, the Russians would immediately pounce.

Yet the guerrillas couldn’t be ignored either. Left unchecked, their plundering would eventually lead to the collapse of the Allied logistics.

Supplies that once arrived within a week now took at least ten days. The casualties and losses sustained with each supply transport were continually rising.

Thus, the task of rooting out the guerrillas fell to the Ottoman Government. Being local, they were better suited for the job.

Unfortunately, that was merely theoretical; reality was much crueler.

Brigadier General Aberlen of the British Army spoke disdainfully, “Your Excellency the Commander, I’m afraid the Ottomans are hardly reliable.

To pursue this guerrilla squad, the Ottomans have already committed fifty thousand troops and are now probably down to half that number.

These incompetents are simply not cut out for warfare; hearing gunfire sends them running in fear. Relying on them to root out the guerrillas is a fool’s dream.”

This was an exaggerated view, as the Ottoman Army wasn’t quite that inept. The main reason for the low combat effectiveness of these troops was that the bulk of the Ottoman Empire’s army was deployed in the field.

In the Caucasus region alone, four hundred thousand troops had been committed, with losses exceeding one hundred thousand on the Balkan Peninsula. Currently, over four hundred thousand Ottoman soldiers were still battling fiercely in the field.

What army did they have left? As the war progressed, the Ottoman Empire had fully expended their forces; they had mobilized their maximum available strength.

Now, to deal with the guerrillas, they had hastily scraped together another fifty thousand troops, but to even call them an army was an overestimation.

Most of them were forcefully conscripted men, with no will or morale to fight. Just learning how to fire a gun was considered enough training before they were sent straight to the battlefield.

Their weapons and equipment were antiquated leftovers, many of which were generations older than the soldiers themselves.

The firepower of this regular army unit was on par with the guerrillas, and in some cases, even inferior to certain guerrilla squads.

Montes said angrily, “Worthless! How could the Great British Empire ally with such a disgrace; it’s utterly humiliating.

Hurry the French along, demand that they resolve their battle with the Russians quickly. What are they sluggish for, do they intend to stay on the Balkan Peninsula for Christmas?”

Chapter 84: Opening a New Front

Constantinople

Abdulmejid I’s countenance was ominously dark, the great battle in the Balkans may have been a minor episode for England and France, but it was fatal for the Sultan Government.

For this war, the Ottoman Empire had already exhausted all its strength. There was no doubt that this was all the power they had.

Mobilizing a million-strong army, regardless of its combat effectiveness, the entire fortune of the Ottoman Empire was at stake.

The outcome on the battlefield, however, was extremely disappointing to Abdulmejid I. Initially, the Allied Forces should have had a slight advantage, but unfortunately, any such small advantage had vanished after the struggle for command between England and France.

Resolve the conflict between England and France? Stop dreaming. The two World Wars had concerned their very survival, and still, they held each other back, so how could one expect them to cooperate wholeheartedly now?

Abdulmejid I said gravely, “Have the Foreign Ministry contact the London and Paris governments and tell them that if they continue to conserve their strength on the battlefield, we will lose this war.”

“Yes, Your Majesty,” the Minister of Foreign Affairs Fuad replied.

Despite the intense battles, the casualties of the English and French were not significant; it was primarily the Ottoman Army that was dying on the battlefield.

Since the British had a gun to the Ottomans’ necks, forcing them to deplete the Russians on the battlefield, the French naturally did not mind following suit.

In the Sliven Region, the Russians started by severely pounding the French, and in order to conserve their strength, the French naturally used the Ottoman Army as cannon fodder.

After all, it was the Ottomans begging England and France for help, and even if they were extremely unreasonable, the Sultan Government could only endure it.

Up to now in the battle, less than fifteen percent of the English and French forces had been reduced, including non-combat personnel, while the Ottoman Army had lost over twenty-five percent.

Under normal circumstances, with such heavy losses, the Ottoman Army should have already collapsed, but having a Supervisory Team made things different.

To some extent, England and France holding guns to their necks and forcing them onto the battlefield also had a positive aspect, at least causing significant losses to the Russians.

War Minister Mudra tentatively suggested, “Your Majesty, let’s ask England and France to send more troops. Given the current situation, it is impossible for them to cooperate well. The only way to win this war is to rely on overwhelming strength.”

The battle has progressed to this point, and we are already at a disadvantage. Even if the British Army and French Army are willing to fight to the death, it will only result in mutual destruction.”

Abdulmejid I sighed, smiling bitterly, “It’s not that simple. This battle is not so important to England and France, it won’t matter much even if they lose.

Perhaps in their view, moving the battlefield to the coastal areas, or even a defense of Constantinople, could lower the cost of the war.

Even because of the extended front, the logistical pressure on the Russians would greatly increase, which would inevitably reduce the number of troops they could deploy to the front, actually increasing the Allied chance of victory.”

England and France could afford to do so, but the Ottoman Empire could not. If they were to let the Russians come and fight in the coastal areas, the heartland of the Ottoman Empire would become a battlefield.

Even if they won the war, their foundation of rule on the Balkan Peninsula would be destroyed. Not to mention regaining lost territories, it would already be quite difficult to maintain the current range of actual control.

The reality is so cruel, England and France only allied with them to strike at the Russians; the life or death of the Ottoman Empire was simply not within their consideration.

Having paid such a huge price for this war without a single benefit, and possibly even losing most of the Balkan Peninsula, it would be strange if Abdulmejid I didn’t hold any resentment.

Yet the conflict between the Ottoman Empire and the Russians was too deep; even if the Sultan Government wanted to show submissiveness, the Russians would still come after them, forcing them to sell their lives following England and France.

London

As the situation in the Balkan Peninsula became deadlocked, the British Government started to suffer headaches. Don’t think that just because they’re wealthier and mightier, they can disregard the situation.

From an interest standpoint, ending the war as quickly as possible and focusing the Great Britain Empire’s energy on colonial expansion was the best choice.

After dawdling about for over half a year, the British troops promised finally arrived; the last batch of reinforcements had set out from the British Isles to the Balkan Peninsula.

This reinforcement was urgently requested by General Montes at the frontline, because he no longer believed the Ottomans were capable of exterminating the guerrillas, nor was he certain when the French would be able to defeat the Russians.

The honor of the Great Britain Empire couldn’t be lost, and neither could that of the army. For the sake of honor, for the standing of the army at home, and for future military funding, the bureaucrats at the British Army Department showed rare efficiency for once.

Theoretically, the arrival of these thirty thousand British troops at the frontline could break the deadlock, but the British Government still lacked confidence.

Since the anti-French wars, the Russian Empire had become the most powerful country on the European Continent, and the leading land military power in the world.

The London Government had no confidence in its own army; they didn’t believe this number of troops could break the deadlock, and they never even asked the army to take the initiative to attack.

In the eyes of the British Cabinet, Britain was never a land military power, and all that mattered in the Balkans battlefield was not to lose face. The heavy task of defeating the Russians was best left to the French and the Ottomans.

Prime Minister John Russell asked, “The situation on the Balkan Peninsula has reached a stalemate; unless the Allied Forces send more troops, victory cannot be achieved in the short term. What are your thoughts?”

Foreign Minister Palmerston suggested, “Your Excellency, such a situation has arisen mainly because the Russians had been scheming and preparing for this war for over two years, while the Allied Forces were hurriedly reacting to it.

Another factor is the position of the Austrian Government, which has caught us by surprise. The Vienna Government has actually given up restrictions against the Russians and is even providing them with logistical support.

We have already contacted the Vienna Government; their stance is very firm. They made it clear they were neutral before even hearing our conditions.

We asked them to refuse to supply strategic materials to the Russians, and they rejected us using the excuse of free trade.”

“Free trade” was a concept put forth by the British, but they didn’t expect it to backfire on them so soon. And they couldn’t oppose it either; it’s the national policy of the Great Britain Empire.

At that time, there were no restrictions on neutral countries exporting strategic materials, at least no mandatory force. Now, Austria is openly doing business with the Russians.

Palmerston once considered sweeping the Austrian market clean, to cut off the Russians’ supplies. But after giving it some thought, he gave up on the idea; the domestic capitalists were not to be trifled with.

If the London Government buys goods from the Austrians without purchasing their goods, it would be disastrous if these people were to make a fuss.

As a political ally, Minister of the Navy James Graham came to the rescue, “Mr. Palmerston is right, the reason for this situation is that we misjudged the Russian-Austrian relations.

However, what’s done is done, and reviewing the error won’t help; the most important thing now is to defeat the Russians, and let bygones be bygones!

The Russians do have weaknesses, according to the intelligence we have, more than eighty percent of the Russian Army’s operational materials on the Balkan Peninsula are provided by the Austrians, with the remaining being supplies previously stockpiled by the Russians themselves.

The strategic materials in the Caucasus region are basically all supplied by the Russians themselves.

These strategic materials are mostly stockpiled along the Ukrainian coast. If we can launch a raid on these areas, it would also be a heavy blow to the Russians.”

Of course, it would be a heavy blow, as the results of two years of Russian preparation are all there. They had originally planned to use the Black Sea Fleet to transport logistics for the front-line troops.

But plans can’t keep up with changes; the English and French navies came in, and sea traffic was cut off, leaving them with only ox carts and horse carts to slowly transport supplies to the front.

If the British were to raid these supplies, just the economic losses would bring the Tsarist Government to tears.

Given the greed of Russian bureaucrats, even if the British were to only shell the area a few times, they would dare to claim significant damage to these supplies.

Palmerston suggested, “We cannot only destroy these supplies, in fact, we could also open a second battlefield along the Ukrainian coast.

With the Russians deploying their main forces on the Balkan Peninsula, we can take this opportunity to wipe out their Black Sea Fleet’s base.

Without these pesky flies, our men can land along the Black Sea coast at any time, and the Russians will have a headache.

They can abandon other places, but they dare not lose the Crimea Peninsula.

The Russian military power is not infinite; after we open a new front, they won’t be able to cope at both ends for long.”

The London Government’s misjudgment of Russian-Austrian relations was caused by an incorrect assessment made by the Foreign Office, and Palmerston must find a way to make amends.

Opening a new front is the strategy devised by his think tank. As long as the Russians are defeated, all previous mistakes are no longer worth mentioning.

Having the advantage of naval superiority, they can fight along the Black Sea coast however they wish.

The Russians would be overstretched managing three battlefields at once. The Caucasus region aside, giving up the Balkan Peninsula is impossible; they have already paid too much and are just a step away from Constantinople.

Yet they can’t lose the Crimea Peninsula either; if they do, the English and French navies would be at their doorstep every day, making it impossible for the Russians to develop a navy in the Black Sea.

Without a navy, continuing the advance on Constantinople would have only political and religious significance, and even if they were to capture it, it would be difficult to hold.

Home Secretary Henry John Temple questioned, “Mr. Palmerston, opening a second front sounds very good in theory, but let’s not forget that we are also on an expedition far from home. The Russians’ expenses are huge, but ours are greater.

Just like the current great battle on the Balkan Peninsula, the Allied Forces’ military spending is twice that of the Russians. The Russians purchase supplies directly from Austria, and our supply transportation costs are also a quarter higher than theirs.

The Ottomans’ finances are already exhausted, the Kingdom of Sardinia’s military expenses are all on us, and the French government’s financial situation is not optimistic either.

If we open a new front on the Crimea Peninsula, most of the military spending will fall on us, and there is no budget for this expense. How do we convince Parliament?”

No one likes to be on the losing end, and if they want to open a new front, the British would have to play the role of financier. This means an expense of millions, even tens of millions of British Pounds.

Palmerston calmly explained, “Mr. Henry, you worry too much. If a war should break out on the Crimea Peninsula, we would actually be at an advantage.

As long as we destroy the Russians’ stockpiled supplies along the Black Sea coast in advance, the Russians would have to transport supplies from the rear if they want to resupply.

These costs would be much higher than purchasing from Austria, and with the Tsarist Government’s ability to react, they simply won’t be able to adjust to this situation in the short term.

During such times, the more they panic, the more likely they are to make mistakes. Once the Russians make a wrong decision, our chance will come.

Even if they don’t make a mistake, fighting on three fronts will exceed their national strength limit. We would be facing an enemy who lacks soldiers, money, and supplies, winning the war won’t be a big problem.

As for the additional military spending, compared to crushing the Russians, what does paying a bit more count for?

After such a defeat, the social contradictions repressed by the Tsarist Government will burst, and under internal and external problems, the possibility of the Russian Empire’s collapse is very high.

By then, we will be able to partition the Russian Empire according to our will and completely eliminate this threat.”

For the British of that era, the Russians were the primary enemy. The possibility of merely defeating the Russians wouldn’t be enough to win over the British Parliament.

But if there’s a chance to thoroughly crush the Russians, it’s a different story; no MP could resist this temptation.

Seeing no further objections, John Russell spoke, “If there are no other opinions, let’s proceed to a vote now. Those in favor of Mr. Palmerston’s proposal, please raise your hand.”

After speaking, John Russell raised his hand first. He too couldn’t resist the temptation of defeating the Russians. If he achieved this task, he would be one of the greatest Prime Ministers in British history.

After a quick scan, John Russell continued, “Approved. Next week I will submit a motion to Parliament on behalf of the Cabinet.

Mr. Palmerston, the Foreign Office must immediately communicate with the French to reach a consensus on this issue as soon as possible.

It’s best to do it before the Parliament vote, to avoid any last-minute complications.”

No matter how good the strategy is, someone has to execute it. The British Army’s numbers are limited, and even if they sent everything they had, it wouldn’t be enough for the Russians, so the French would have to take the lead.

Napoleon III wants to gain political prestige from this war, how is it possible to do so without paying a price?

John Bull isn’t a big fool; the French won’t be able to achieve an explosion of force if they don’t contribute.

Chapter 85: Greece Enters the War

The Balkan battle has been unfolding, and the scales of victory have started to tilt in favor of the Russians. The Greek people, who had been watching from the sidelines, could no longer contain themselves.

Mao Xiong was not easy to negotiate with; if the situation dragged on and the Russians won the war, the Greeks would be left out in the cold.

Clearly, the Greek Government made a strategic misjudgment, believing that if the Russians won this battle, England and France would back down.

In this era, Mao Xiong’s brand was still very effective, recognized as the foremost power on the European continent, the world’s number one land force.

The Greek people had great confidence in the Russians, and even with the combined forces of England and France, they were more optimistic about the Russians.

As the decision-makers, they were unaware that their conclusion was clouded by self-interest.

Deep down, they were very eager to expand their territory and restore their status as a once-great nation. Therefore, they hoped for a Russian victory, which would provide them with the opportunity to expand their territory.

As for the potential threat of a Russian victory, it had been completely ignored by the Greek people. Blinded by interests, who would bother to think that far ahead?

On November 12, 1852, Otto I gave a secret order, and the Greek Army declared retirement en masse, then changed into civilian clothes and appeared on the battlefield as volunteers, launching an offensive against Thessaly and the Epirus region.

Make no mistake, they were simply keen on grabbing territory and had no intention of helping the Russians win the war.

At this time, the Greeks had not forgotten the threat of England and France; officially, they completely denied any involvement in this military action.

They said that there was no relation, but in practice, the Greece Government was anything but restrained, as streams of strategic supplies continuously headed to the front lines, which was telling enough.

The Greeks picked an opportune moment; Ottoman forces were all deployed to the battlefield, leaving behind only some police units to maintain order.

Although the Greek Army was not very formidable, seventy thousand troops against a bunch of police was no problem, and they started off by making the Ottomans retreat in complete disarray.

Had the Greeks decided to push forward, all the way to Constantinople, disregarding everything else, the Ottoman Empire would not have been able to muster any troops to stop them on their way.

All of Europe’s attention turned to Athens, as the decisive moment of the war unexpectedly fell into the hands of the Greek people.

There were no two ways about it; it was time for bribery and intimidation. Representatives from England, France, and Russia gathered in Athens, each presenting their own terms.

There was no Austrian representative, not because Franz lacked interest in influencing the Greeks, but because the Austrian Government simply did not need to foot the bill for this.

Or rather, bribing Greece was too costly, to the extent that the Austrian Government could not bear the price, and Franz was not prepared to waste energy on this; the Vienna Government directly gave up on making an offer.

Otto I hesitated, unsure of how to choose. Whether the Greek Government acknowledged the military action or not, everyone thought they were behind it, and the thin veil was pierced.

On one side was the stern warning from England and France, on the other was the enticing offer from the Russians. It might seem easy to choose, but the situation was fraught with danger.

The Ottoman Empire was still an ally of England and France, and the war was ongoing; the Ottoman Empire was still making a significant contribution to this fight.

Even if they were to betray an ally, England and France would not do so at this time, since the great powers had to maintain a decent appearance. The sweeteners offered by England and France came in the form of loans.

It was well known that the Greece Government was short of funds, especially since they were foolish enough to try their hand at developing a navy, naturally worsening their financial state.

The Russians’ offer was more to Otto I’s liking; if they were willing to send troops to Constantinople, then Thessaly, Epirus, Thessaloniki, and the Macedonian region were all open for negotiation.

Of course, how much they can get depends on whether the Greek people can capture Constantinople. If they can capture it, then it proves their strength, and these promises can be fulfilled.

Otherwise, the situation would not be so wonderful. Being neighbors with the Mao Xiong, without sufficient strength, one would become their prey.

The latter situation was naturally ignored by Otto I. Otherwise, they would not be taking advantage of the situation now.

Otto I was very clear that public sentiment had been stirred up, and most of the people in this military operation were volunteers; the government could no longer control the situation.

Without these brave souls bringing their own provisions, the Greece Government would not have the money to recruit an army of seventy thousand. Now that the arrow was on the string, they had to release it; Otto I had no choice but to push forward.

The Prime Minister hurried over, saying frantically, “Your Majesty, something has happened, something serious!”

Otto I asked, “Slow down, what exactly happened?”

With a worried frown, the Prime Minister said, “Your Majesty, the news of our negotiations with the England, France, and Russia has been leaked, causing an uproar among the public.

Just now, countless citizens took to the streets and submitted a petition to the government. They demand that the government refuse the terms of the three countries and have also presented their demands.”

After glancing over the petition, Otto I’s expression turned grim in an instant.

He wished he could tear the person who leaked the information into a thousand pieces; this was truly a great betrayal.

Now the public demanded that the government negotiate with the three countries according to their views, which simply meant they demanded that the government deploy troops to occupy Constantinople and restore the territories of the Byzantine Empire era.

Was this a joke? Otto I also wanted to restore the territories of the Byzantine Empire, but they did not have the strength!

Usually, it would suffice to chant slogans about such matters. But going through with it, were they sure they would not be beaten to death?

In anger, Otto I exclaimed, “Bring out the map of the Byzantine Empire, mark the range of influence of each country on it, and print ten thousand copies to be distributed nationwide.

Send someone to educate the public with basic knowledge, so that they stop making such a laughingstock out of this.”

It was already a joke, with the strength of the Kingdom of Greek, even if it was increased tenfold, shouting this slogan was still a joke.

If it could be increased a hundredfold, they might just barely qualify to carry it out, the difficulty not much less than unifying the European Continent.

With a dark expression, the Prime Minister said, “Your Majesty, according to our analysts, this may be an Ottoman conspiracy. Public opinion is now wildly enthusiastic, and it’s useless to explain anything anymore.

The people’s desire for Constantinople has turned into an obsession, and many will probably consider it a concession to give up territorial demands over Spain, Italy, and the Region of Africa.”

Nationalism is the most fanatical, and once it goes to extremes, it cannot be controlled. Now the Greece Government was being held hostage by public opinion, and this was Otto I’s fault.

Initially, to gain public support, he chose to stand with public opinion. With the support of the King, nationalism quickly spiraled out of control.

Otto I said firmly, “Then the government should not make any statement. The forces fighting the Ottomans now are civilian militias; they have nothing to do with us.”

Dispatch troops to sneak attack Constantinople? Forget it, it would still be okay if they did not succeed; what if they did and the public refused to give it up, what then?

In the event of offending England and France, to then contend with the Russians for Constantinople, did they really think they were the rebirth of the Byzantine Empire?

Under this guiding principle, Otto I ordered the front-line troops to proceed cautiously and steadily push forward along the boundary line.

At the same time, the Greece Government recruited even more volunteers, taking the opportunity to send extreme nationalists to the battlefield as cannon fodder, a move to eliminate threats that is the instinct of the ruling class.

Patriotic slogans were shouted with earth-shattering vigor, and at such a time, showing any sign of hesitation would label one as a false patriot, the kind who courts fame and reputation, and is easily despised by others.

The active Greece Government sent these cannon fodders to the front line as quickly as possible, where the number of troops increased and domestic stability was achieved.

The cost was that the combat effectiveness of the front-line troops decreased, which was already low, and now with the addition of a bunch of armchair critics, the combat effectiveness naturally dropped even further.

Constantinople

In ordinary times, the Sultan Government did not take the Greek people seriously, as they could squash the Kingdom of Greek with one hand if not for the intervention of the great powers.

Now it was different, as the main forces of the Ottoman Empire were tied up in a fierce struggle with the Russians, and even the weak Greek forces required military resistance.

“These little Greek bugs have also jumped out, what does everyone think?” Abdulmejid I asked calmly.

Perhaps because he had vented his anger too much recently, Abdulmejid I showed no signs of rage now. Those who knew him understood that this was just on the surface.

The Sultan’s anger was frightening, but a Sultan suppressing his anger was even more terrifying. Only those who had experienced the struggles for power knew how Abdulmejid I could kill with a smile.

Mudra replied, “Your Majesty, although the strength of the Greek people is limited, we are at a critical moment, and we cannot underestimate their opportunistic behavior during this time. We must handle it prudently.”

Abdulmejid I scolded, “Stop beating around the bush, just tell me what to do!”

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Mudra replied with an uneasy heart.

“Based on our intelligence analysis, the Austrians have already obtained everything they wanted and have no intention of continuing the war against us.

At this time, we can send someone to negotiate with the Austrian Government. Whether or not we can come to an agreement, let’s first stabilize the Austrians.

After stabilizing Austria, we can then withdraw the troops facing them and use these forces to deal with the Greek people.”

Abdulmejid I cast his expectant gaze towards Fuad, the Foreign Minister, waiting for his response.

After pondering for a moment, Fuad answered, “Your Majesty, to stabilize the Austrians, we must offer them substantial benefits. It is very likely that they will seize the opportunity to force us to cede the Two principalities of the Danube Basin and the Serbia region.”

“Cede territories,” Abdulmejid I hesitated, as he had to weigh the pros and cons of reaching a compromise with the Austrians at this moment.

“If the Austrians are willing to cut off the Russians’ logistical support, these lands can all be ceded to them!” said Abdulmejid I emphatically.

Ceding land was painful, but compared to survival, it seemed insignificant. Being neighbors with Austria was better than sharing a border with the Russians.

If Austria could block the Russians, Abdulmejid I felt he might be able to sleep well.

“Your Majesty, I’m afraid that’s not possible. There must be an alliance between the Russians and Austria, and it’s likely they have already agreed upon the division of influence in the Balkan Peninsula. They won’t risk breaking with the Russians over these interests.

It is said that England and France have also had secret contacts with the Austrians, but to no avail,” Fuad explained.

“It has to be said, if the Sultan’s expectations are too high and ultimately unmet, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs will still be the one to suffer. Fuad didn’t think the Austrians would be so easily bribed, and even if they could be, the price was beyond their means.

From a standpoint of interest, England and France would definitely feel less pressure in selling them out. Regardless, the Sultan Government has its limits and can’t possibly make concessions indefinitely.”

Abdulmejid I thought for a moment and said, “Then let’s take another step back, as long as Austria agrees to a ceasefire, we’ll cede the Moldavian Principality to them.

As for the specific negotiations, that’s for you, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to weigh and decide. We have enough troubles already; we cannot afford to let the Austrians get involved any further.”

The Moldavian Principality included what would later be: northern Romania, the Republic of Moldova, and parts of Ukraine.

This was a border region between the Ottoman Empire and the Russians on the Balkan Peninsula. To avoid being neighbors with Russia, Abdulmejid I didn’t mind offloading this hot potato.

He paused, seemingly feeling that the offer wasn’t secure enough, Abdulmejid I added, “The bottom line is the Wallachia Principality. Elsewhere on the Balkan Peninsula, only minimal concessions can be made.”

He felt a bit of heartache as he said this.

If he had known the war would evolve to this state, he would have accepted the British proposal from the start to hand over the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin to Austria, pitting them against the Russians.

Abdulmejid I was aware that even if the Allied Forces were victorious now, they wouldn’t be able to restore their pre-war sphere of influence.

The world speaks through power; without strength, why would they get so many benefits? Once the great powers stirred things up a bit, the Balkan citizens longing for independence would undoubtedly respond en masse.

The ethnic conflicts within the Ottoman Empire were not a new issue. Despite many efforts made by the Sultan Government, the results were still minimal due to poor implementation at the lower levels.

If they can’t stop the wave of independence, decline is the inevitable outcome.

If other nations decline, they can still act coy and cute. After all, there are many small countries on the European Continent, and as long as they align with the right major power, they can live comfortably.

The Ottoman Empire is the exception. Not to mention having enemies all over Europe, hatred can’t be eaten as food. A few more apologies, and things can usually be smoothed over.

Unfortunately, they are not a small nation. They have substantial heritage and are in an extremely important geographical location—at the crossroads of Asia, Europe, and Africa, practically the heart of the world.

A brief inventory reveals that of the ten most important straits in the world in the future, three are under the control or influence of the Ottoman Empire: the Black Sea Strait, the Red Sea Strait (Suez Canal), and the Strait of Hormuz (Persian Gulf).

So many strategic locations, if not defended with sufficient strength, spell disaster.

After the Ottoman Empire’s historical decline, it was a process of ceding territory, ceding some more, and then even more, until they had tossed away most of the hot potatoes, which then led to some stability.

Clearly, this is not acceptable to the Sultan Government. Doesn’t everyone dream of being a great power? Even a decadent Sultan Government is unwilling to sink into oblivion.

The reform efforts to strengthen themselves, which began in the last century, were their self-rescue attempt. These reforms successfully brought the Ottoman Empire back into the ranks of the great powers.

However, it was only a semblance of a great power. One war with the Russians tore that façade apart, exposing their inherent weakness.”

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Fuad responded solemnly.

Pressure, he now felt its heavy burden. There was no credit to be had for handling this matter well; no amount of ceding territory or reparations would please anyone.

If he failed, the Ottoman Empire itself would be in danger. The Greek people might just be the last straw, but Fuad didn’t know if the Greece Government was simply after territory.

Chapter 86: Scandal

The choice that the Greek people considered correct was undoubtedly one that satisfied neither party, it could be said they displeased both sides.

The Russians could still reluctantly accept it, as wherever the Greeks fought, they tied up some of the Ottoman Empire’s attention. Now was a critical moment; having one more ally meant one more source of strength, increasing the chances of victory.

England and France could not tolerate it, especially the British, who saw the Greeks’ actions as outright betrayal.

The conflict between the two nations in 1850 was ignored by the London Government. They overlooked the fact that the two nations had fallen out years before when Palmerston ordered the blockade of Piraeus.

Of course, John Bull didn’t want to provoke the Greeks at this time either. If they disregarded everything and headed straight for Constantinople, en route cutting off their logistical supply lines, it wouldn’t take half a month for the Allied Forces on the Balkan Peninsula to be finished.

While the London Parliament was discussing the opening of a new front, Foreign Minister Palmerston got into trouble. He couldn’t control his lust and had an affair with the Queen’s maid.

This wasn’t too big of a deal; the nobility had many rotten affairs, and adding one more was of no consequence. Carrying on with extramarital affairs was one thing, getting caught was another; look the other way, and it would be over.

But they chose to court disaster by meeting in secret within the Palace, and, unfortunately, were caught red-handed by Prince Albert.

Once the affair was out in the open, it became a Palace scandal. Prince Albert was furious, as was Queen Victoria.

If they did not set a strict example, where would the dignity of the royal family be?

The scandal blew up, and the unfortunate Palmerston and that maid were caught by the Palace guards and given a good treatment on the spot.

Under Franz’s butterfly effect, history took a turning point. In history, Palmerston had ruined the maid’s virtue, but that was done in private.

The curtain of discretion had not been torn, and there was room for redemption. Historically, Palmerston also paid a heavy price; not only did he leave the office, but he also had to expend a great deal of effort and political bargaining to finally return to the political arena.

Now he was caught with both evidence and stolen goods at hand; it was not just a matter of what would happen later but how to survive the immediate crisis.

If the news of the Foreign Minister’s debauchery within the Palace spread, it would be sensational. The gossip-hungry British public could create all sorts of stories.

John Russell was dumbfounded; he was beyond admiration for Palmerston’s romantic exploits, enviable but inevitably fatal, and he had the deepest respect for his comrade’s ability to court disaster.

Then, he also had to figure out how to clean up the mess. The royal family must be given an account, and his colleague couldn’t just disappear without reason.

Palmerston was no small fish; he was not only the Foreign Minister of the Great Britain Empire, but also the spokesperson for the bourgeoisie in the government, with significant influence among the people.

Prince Albert asked, “Prime Minister, what do you think should be done about this issue?”

After having Palmerston arrested, Prince Albert regretted his actions. There were plenty of opportunities to deal with Palmerston later; why act immediately?

Who knew how outsiders would spin the story. It could even backfire, with some believing the royal family had fabricated the drama to persecute the minister.

For the sake of the reputation of the royal family, this incident was doomed to be treated coldly. Political savant Prince Albert naturally chose to pass the buck.

The sudden scandal directly affected the efficiency of the London Government, delaying the time to open a second front and creating an opportunity for the Russians.

In a dilapidated village of Plovdiv, the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team was holding a secret meeting.

“Gentlemen, we have just received intelligence that the Ottoman Empire has withdrawn the forces besieging us, replaced by the freshly arrived 30,000 British Army.

This is both a challenge and an opportunity. The British are much stronger than the Ottomans; without two to three times the number of soldiers, we are no match for them.

Obviously, we don’t have that many troops; that’s the challenge we’re about to face.

From what we’ve learned from our prisoners, there is heavy discord between the British and the Ottomans, and though allies, the arrogant British only regard them as cannon fodder.

This is the opportunity; since there is discord, the two sides will hardly be able to cooperate closely.

After all, the British are foreigners here; they are unfamiliar with the environment in the Bulgarian region. Now, as they are in the process of handing over with the Ottomans, a period of confusion is inevitable.

According to information passed by our insiders, the five thousand Ottoman garrison in Plovdiv left yesterday, now only less than two thousand remain, including merely eight hundred British soldiers.

That’s an opportunity. If we join forces and seize Plovdiv, destroying the enemy’s supply transfer station, the war on the Sofia front will undoubtedly be affected.”

The speaker was a middle-aged man, Dimitri, the key leader of this alliance of several Bulgarian guerrilla teams.

Don’t think that just because the Bulgarian guerrilla forces have quite a number, they have established a system; in fact, they are still scattered and fighting on their own.

The Russians who supported them did so with the true intention of causing trouble for the Ottoman Empire, without the intention of letting them truly gain independence; naturally, they wouldn’t allow them to unite.

In this era, Bulgarian nationalism had not yet awakened. The future father of the Bulgarian nation – Hristo Botev, was still a kindergartener. (If there were kindergartens)

The Bulgarians’ drive to resist stemmed mainly from the oppression of the Ottoman Government and religious persecution.

A young officer with black hair and green eyes stood up, objecting, “Mr. Dimitri, Plovdiv is only 15 kilometers from Asenovgrad and 30 kilometers from Pazardzhik.

This means thus, as soon as we attack Plovdiv, the enemy reinforcements from Asenovgrad will arrive within the day, and those from Pazardzhik, at most by the following day.

Pazardzhik still has three thousand troops, and Asenovgrad has two thousand. I will not be facing two thousand, but seven thousand.”

The enemy had just withdrawn five thousand of their troops; certainly, new units would be taking over the defense. Yet we have received no intelligence about this, which is very illogical.

There are only three possible explanations for this situation: First, the enemy commanders have forgotten or overlooked the importance of Plovdiv; second, there is a problem with our intelligence system; third, it’s a trap set by the enemy to deliberately lure us in.

The first scenario is obviously impossible. The enemy isn’t that stupid; they couldn’t possibly miss such a simple issue.

The intelligence we received comes from the Bulgarian people in various regions. It’s impossible to keep a large army movement a secret, and according to our intelligence, no large units are currently heading towards Plovdiv.

Thus, the likelihood of a trap seems very high. If we cannot seize Plovdiv quickly, in at most three days, enemy forces from surrounding areas will swarm us, trapping us here.

“Sepllos, you’re right,” Dimitri explained. “This could very well be a trap set by the enemy, but the temptation is just too great.

We are all aware that the enemy has stockpiled a significant amount of supplies in Plovdiv. Even if it’s a bait, we have the chance to destroy these supplies.

Although I am not sure how much strategic material the enemy has stockpiled in Sofia, judging by the importance they place on logistics, the strategic materials in the Sofia Region are likely insufficient to support their frontline troops until the end of the war.

Once we destroy these supplies, we’ll make our escape. As for the city of Plovdiv, let’s leave it to the Ottomans for the time being. We can come back after this major battle is over.”

Dimitri’s analysis was based on sound evidence. Up to now in the war, the enemy forces in the Sofia Region had dwindled to eighty thousand. Even in such circumstances, Montes had still transferred fifteen thousand British soldiers to handle logistics.

Because logistics took up a significant portion of the forces, this led to the situation on the Sofia front where the Allied Forces were being beaten into the ground by the Russians.

It was due to the strain on military resources that Montes had to ask for reinforcements from home. Dimitri was eager to break through mainly because the enemy reinforcements were about to arrive, and the battle would become unwinnable if not engaged in swiftly.

This was a consequence of the Allied Forces’ hasty response to battle. The Russians were prepared in advance, with frontline units suffering heavy losses and being withdrawn for reinforcement.

The reinforcements were sent to Wallachia Principality, not directly to the frontlines, as the logistics couldn’t bear the strain and could only linger by the Danube River.

The Ottoman Empire went all-in; they were now relying on drafting to replenish their forces. Since most of the Balkan Peninsula had fallen, there were barely any able-bodied men to draft, and replenishment could no longer keep pace with the rate of losses at the front.

England and France were too far from the Balkan Peninsula, so reinforcements had to involve reports back home and pass through bureaucratic approvals, which consumed a lot of time.

In this respect, the British were truly far-sighted in planning to open a second front. Once the war on the Crimea Peninsula started, the Russians would be run ragged.

Even with thorough preparation, there are always limitations. The terrible state of domestic transportation was undoubtedly the greatest enemy, restricting the Russians’ ability to deploy their forces.

A middle-aged man sneered, “Mr. Dimitri, our few guerrilla teams combined amount to just over five thousand men, and you’re well aware of the state of our weapons and equipment.

If this is a trap, the enemy will definitely be prepared. To all appearances, the enemy’s troops with combat effectiveness amount to those eight hundred British soldiers.

But who really knows? The Ottoman army isn’t entirely incompetent. If all their troops were useless, we would’ve restored our nation long ago.

If these one thousand plus Ottoman defenders are the elites of the Ottomans, and with the addition of eight hundred British soldiers, their combat strength would not be much inferior to ours.

I think it’s too risky to make a move on Plovdiv hastily, even if we have collaborators inside the city. The chances of success are too low.”

Where there are people, there are social networks. The Bulgarian Guerrilla Team has always been divided into many groups, mostly formed by region, and many are eyeing the leadership of the guerrillas.

Dimitri is only the nominal leader of these several guerrilla groups, and there are not a few who are dissatisfied with him. However, these dissensions had been suppressed in the face of a common enemy.

“Mr. Hamir, do you have any superior ideas?” Dimitri asked calmly.

He could tell that Hamir wasn’t opposed to attacking Plovdiv but had other plans in mind.

Hamir smiled slightly and said, “I wouldn’t say they are superior ideas, but since we are unsure whether it is a trap, we might as well initiate a probing attack.

We first attack Zalgik, thirty kilometers away, whom we have thoroughly scouted. The three thousand defenders there are Ottomans with rather average combat capabilities—it would not be difficult to take them down if we combine our forces.

If the enemy has set a trap, it will be revealed at that time. They couldn’t possibly set an encirclement extending thirty kilometers.

If there is no trap, then we take a shortcut straight to Plovdiv after the attack. With the enemy forces around Zalgik distracted, our chances of a successful surprise attack are high.”

After thinking it over, Dimitri said, “That is indeed a good strategy to minimize the risks. However, the strain on the guerrilla forces from rushing between the two locations would still be too great.

It seems we need to contact Boris and his men. They can take on the task of attacking Zalgik to break the situation, and we can assist by cutting off the enemy’s reinforcements.

Once the enemy troops from Plovdiv and Asenovgrad come out, we’ll take them out first, reducing the difficulty of the upcoming siege.”

This wasn’t the first time the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team had undertaken a siege, but it was the first major counterattack since they were defeated in the Sofia engagement.

After more than two months of regrouping, they had regained their vitality. Although they had not reached their peak condition, their confidence was evident.

In this regard, the Sardinian Army also deserved credit. Had it not been for them providing the Bulgarians with an opportunity, these guerrilla teams would still be clashing with the Allied Forces in the field by now.

By this time, they would likely have suffered heavy casualties. Mao Xiong didn’t see the guerrillas as equals from the beginning, using them as cannon fodder to breach the Allied Forces’ defenses and sandwich the enemy between forces, clearly aiming to use them for his own ends.

Unfortunately, no plan survives contact with the enemy, and who knew that the Sardinian Army would be so timid, actually getting breached by the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team and outflanked.

The Russians never believed the guerrillas could achieve this and failed to respond in a timely fashion, missing a chance to win the war.

Chapter 87: A Bloody Lesson

Snowflakes fluttered down, heralding the arrival of another winter. Vienna, dressed in a layer of silver, was exceptionally pleasant during this winter.

Belvedere Palace

Metternich reported, “Your Majesty, the envoys from England and France have submitted a ceasefire negotiation document from the Ottomans to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It seems that the Sultan Government is preparing for the aftermath.”

This did not surprise Franz; the war had been raging for so long that the Ottomans were the ones to suffer the heaviest losses, followed by the Russians. The losses sustained by England and France were merely a trifle and not worth mentioning.

Without strength, everything else was meaningless. It was inevitable that the Ottomans would have to scale back their influence. With the current support from England and France, ending the war with Austria early and retracting their forces to deal with the Greek people instead was more in line with their interests.

After pondering for a moment, Franz said, “Proceed according to our original plan, slowly negotiate with the Ottomans and find out their bottom line first.”

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Metternich responded.

The second battle for Bulgaria had by now exhausted both sides. The high intensity of combat over consecutive days had increased the soldiers’ war-weariness, inevitably leading to a decline in morale on both sides.

Apart from the Greek people who had just joined the war and the Montenegrins, who were intoxicated by victory, the rest were merely holding on by sheer willpower.

On the surface, the Russians might have seemed to have the upper hand, but Franz was well aware that this was an illusion; it was a battle where both sides suffered losses.

One could tell by the Russian casualties. After over four months of fierce fighting, Russian casualties had already exceeded one hundred and seventy thousand.

Of these, fewer than sixty thousand had died in direct combat. The rest, over one hundred thousand wounded, due to lack of timely medical treatment and a shortage of doctors and medicine, fewer than eighty percent survived in the end.

Field triage was non-existent; medics in the Russian Army were extremely rare, managing only to ensure the safety of officers’ lives. As for the soldiers, apologies, but they were too busy!

The life of a common soldier was cheap; injured ones could only hope for a quick bandage, followed by a test of their endurance.

The Russian Army had received no training in field triage. Rather than bandaging, it was more accurate to say they simply bound the wounds. Without sterile gauze or proper disinfection, wrapping with any piece of cloth was considered sufficient.

Those with severe injuries were not even considered for survival; they were directly counted among the casualties.

Many with light injuries, who were merely shot in non-vital areas like arms or legs, could have survived with proper wound care; however, due to insufficient treatment, they too perished.

At the field hospital Franz had set up in Wallachia Principality, they were extremely busy. Every day, wounded Russian soldiers retreated from the front lines and came here seeking medical care.

“Seeking medical care” was a glorified term, which merely involved washing the wounds, disinfecting them, and then re-bandaging, while casually prescribing drugs of unknown efficacy.

It was the wound cleaning and disinfection that really saved lives by preventing inflammation and infection. The medicines mainly served to provide peace of mind and, incidentally, to make money.

The severely injured who survived several days of travel from the front to the rear areas were not likely to die; as long as the wounds did not become infected, they could generally survive.

The Russian soldiers did not know this; what they saw was the rapid decline in the death rate after receiving first aid, leading them to believe that the hospital was full of miracle workers.

In reality, most of the medical staff were soldiers who had only received field triage training. Franz was using the Russian wounded as guinea pigs to enhance their practical skills.

As for medicines, it depends on the situation. You get what you pay for, and the pricier drugs certainly have an effect—that’s one principle Franz does hold onto.

There’s no hope for the cheap drugs; they’re either various experimental medicines or concocted out of flour and vegetables.

Among the low-cost remedies, the most effective are the herbal decoctions, simply put, a pot of herb-infused water to clear heat and detoxify. Unfortunately, many consider this concoction a form of witchcraft, and most Russian soldiers are unwilling to drink it.

Moreover, this medicine was never intended for treating wounds. Without immediate, noticeable effects, it failed to capture widespread attention.

Nicholas I was a fairly decent Tsar, at least in that he covered the medical expenses for his soldiers. Of course, don’t expect him to spend much—a flat rate of ten rubles per wounded soldier, paid only if they survived. (One silver ruble is roughly equivalent to half a tael of silver)

With such a paltry sum, naturally, one cannot expect any decent service. Beyond a minority able to pay out of their own pockets, most received only the most basic treatment.

Take surgery, for example, to remove bullet fragments from a wound. Without a hundred rubles, you might as well not even think about it. There were few capable of such surgery, which naturally drove up the price.

Franz had actually prepared to outsource emergency battlefield medical care, but considering the high risks on the battlefield and the Tsarist Government’s unwillingness to spend substantially, no agreement could be reached.

Such a horrendous casualty rate inevitably affected the combat effectiveness of the army, even with continuous reinforcements from the rear.

In theory, healing these wounded soldiers and rearming them for battle should increase the military’s strength, as they would be experienced veterans.

Unfortunately, due to the severe bureaucratic practices of the Russians, without proper indoctrination of the soldiers, most of the wounded were reluctant to return to the battlefield, and some even bribed medical personnel to delay their recovery.

The situation was even worse for the Allied Forces facing the Russians. The Ottoman Empire lacked the ability to provide medical services, even when fighting on their own territory.

The British casualties were not significant enough to draw domestic attention, and the pioneer of battlefield nursing, the angel of mercy, had yet to arrive at the front.

Without battlefield medical care, they were left to fate, relying on God or other divine intervention.

This is why the English and French commanders pressured the Ottomans to be the cannon fodder. To reduce casualty rates, they had to sacrifice others to save themselves.

Past experiences are the lessons for the future. Franz naturally sought to learn from the experiences of the Near East War.

He had long ordered the General Staff to compile these various messy incidents, and case studies from the battlefield were distributed to every officer and soldier.

Government departments also received copies of logistical lessons learned and organized training in related professional knowledge. In short, the same mistakes could not occur in Austria.

To better implement these lessons, the Austrian Government had already introduced a dual-responsibility system in logistics, where leaders and direct supervisors were accountable. If problems arose at any stage, those responsible would appear together in military court.

Franz solemnly said, “Your Excellency, Marshal, the General Staff must finalize the latest plan for the westward campaign as quickly as possible. We are racing against time.

The army must capture Munich within a week, secure all of Bavaria within a month, and sweep through the South German Region within two months.

If time permits, we also need to extend our reach into the Central Germany region and seize strategic terrain to lay the foundation for the future.”

The terrain of the Germany Region is complex: the Northern Germany flatlands have an average elevation below 100 meters; Central Germany is mountainous, dominated by east-west-oriented highlands; the southwestern Rhine Rift Valley is flanked by mountains, with steep valley walls; and the South Germany region encompasses the Bavarian Plateau and the Alps Mountain Area.

This posed an inconvenience to Austria’s military operations, as the most expedient choice was to attack along the Danube River, where all issues were not considered problems.

If the enemy blocked the river channel, then the challenge would arise; a land attack to sweep through this more than one hundred thousand square kilometers of territory was definitely a challenge.

Fortunately, these areas were all developed and perfected, and the South German Region was a plateau, not a mountainous area, otherwise this task would have been impossible to complete.

(Note: A plateau refers to an area above five hundred meters in elevation that is generally flat, and may have certain undulations over a widespread area.)

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Marshal Radetzky replied with full confidence.

While Austria was making its final preparations, Napoleon III also made a decision—to reinforce his troops.

There was no choice. Napoleon III’s participation in this war was motivated not just by France’s interests in the Near East, but even more by his pursuit of political prestige.

If the Russians were to achieve victory, his throne would become unstable. The French public were not the patient sort; if he could not present them with satisfactory results, another revolution was entirely possible.

Had the London Government not suddenly erupted into a political crisis, the Anglo-French forces would have been marching on the Crimea Peninsula by now.

While the army remained in place, the navy had already acted. Starting from the end of November 1852, the navies of England, France, and the Ottoman Empire relentlessly bombarded the Russian coastal cities along the Black Sea, causing the Russians thousands of casualties.

In the face of the unbridled bombardment by England and France, only the brave remained. Clearly, such brave souls were few, and a large number of Russians fled inland.

St. Petersburg

When Nicholas I learned of the bombardment of the coastal areas by England and France, he was truly enraged. This was utterly preposterous, England and France had the audacity to open fire on civilians.

Civilian casualties mattered little; the problem now was the addition of hundreds of thousands of refugees waiting for relief from the Tsarist Government.

Fortunately, the Ukraine Region was a grain-producing area, otherwise another human tragedy would have taken place. No, it had already occurred.

The inefficiency of Russian bureaucrats was on full display at this time. Faced with the wave of refugees, local officials failed to take effective measures, mechanically waiting for orders from St. Petersburg.

The consequence was naturally severe. St. Petersburg was so far away that before the orders of the Tsarist had even arrived, rebellions by the starving had already broken out.

It couldn’t be considered a rebellion, as these people did not revolt, but simply looted for food and did not attack the cities.

In suppressing the rebellion, for once the bureaucrats showed efficiency. The Ukraine Region still had a sizable Russian Army waiting to reinforce the Balkans battlefield, and now it was readily deployed to suppress the unrest.

The disorganized uprising of the starving was quickly extinguished as it began.

Naturally, Nicholas I was unaware of these incidents, and it was even possible he would never know. No official would be foolish enough to trouble the great Tsarist Majesty with such trifling matters.

Nicholas I demanded, “The enemy has been attacking our coastal cities for so long, do you have no measures at all? What is the Black Sea Fleet doing, why hasn’t it played any role!?”

The Minister of the Navy replied in a low voice, “Your Majesty, the Black Sea Fleet has been severely crippled in the fight against the enemy, leaving only a few small boats and being unable to fight any longer.”

“Severely crippled” was a conservative description; perhaps “completely obliterated” would be more fitting. Surrounded by the navies of England, France, and the Ottoman Empire, the Black Sea Fleet was utterly powerless.

The navy had thought that hiding in port under the protection of fortress guns meant the enemy would not dare to approach. They never expected that these “advanced” fortress guns could not even be used normally.

Since the decline of the Ottoman Empire, there had been no external threats along the coast of the Black Sea. Thus, the decaying Tsarist bureaus naturally cut corners wherever possible, and the coastal guns became merely for show. They were either products of the last century, or even earlier, and there were even more inferior products.

After some probing, the navies of England and France launched unabashed attacks, and after struggling for a while, the Black Sea Fleet bravely sacrificed itself.

There was no shame in this; no country in the world could withstand the combined might of the English and French navies. That the Black Sea Fleet did not surrender to the enemy spoke volumes of their bravery.

It was mainly because there was no opportunity to surrender; they were simply annihilated. Ever since Menshikov joined the navy, the Russian navy had been marking time for decades, and was now two eras behind the enemy.

(He dared to use the army’s exercise manual to drill the navy—a ruthless man indeed.)

“Hmph!”

Nicholas I snorted coldly, expressing his dissatisfaction.

Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell spoke up, “Your Majesty, now that things have come to this, we can only abandon these cities for the time being. As long as we can take Constantinople and block the Bosphorus Strait, such an incident will never happen again.”

At this moment, the Tsarist Government’s desire for Constantinople intensified once again as they personally experienced the dire consequences of losing naval command.

Nicholas I nodded. He was not truly angered by the destruction of the Black Sea Fleet. From the day England and France joined the war, he had anticipated such an outcome.

What really made him furious was that the coastal defenses crumbled at the first blow, failing to trouble the enemy in the slightest. The corruption within the government bureaucracy had reached such an extent.

Problem though it was, it was wartime, and internal stability was paramount. Nicholas I could not purge the bureaucracy at this time.

“Is there a casualty report yet?” Nicholas I asked, concerned.

“Your Majesty, this is just a preliminary tally, but we’ve lost ninety percent of the strategic materials stockpiled in the coastal region, approximately three hundred thousand civilians have been displaced, and the direct economic losses exceed two billion Rubles,” Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes replied with a trembling voice.

Clearly, Aristander Rhodes had not expected his subordinates to dare such reckless behavior. Even if the enemy had revealed the location of their warehouses, it was improbable that the enemy could hit them so accurately. Even for fixed targets, the navy’s accuracy rate was not high, and destroying their entire stockpile of supplies was not achievable in a short amount of time.

Did they think the enemy’s shells were free?

Nicholas I sneered and said, “Investigate. Send people to investigate thoroughly!”

Even if he couldn’t act against them now, wasn’t there a phrase ‘settle accounts after the autumn’? The Tsarist was very vindictive; it was time to note these issues down. There would be plenty of time for a reckoning in the future.

Chapter 88: “The Shinra Faction in Action

On December 4, 1852, the opening of the Vienna to Salzburg railway was reported in the newspapers, but it did not cause a sensation.

In recent times, there had been a fair number of railways coming into operation in Austria, and apart from the initial surprise, the Austrian population had already become used to it.

The railway companies were the most affected; they had invested so much money, and now they were finally seeing returns, directly reflected in the stock market. The bustling railway operations stimulated a further rise in stock prices.

As for the strategic value of this railway, not many people were paying attention. Even if railway transportation were convenient, could it compare with the transportation capacity of the Danube River?

Franz, of course, was pleased with the situation. The idea of German unification was already heating up, and it was time to initiate the next phase of the plan.

Franz joked, “Prime Minister, your visit to each German Nation this time is of great significance. If you can persuade everyone to rebuild the Holy Roman Empire, then we will have made a great profit.”

Persuading everyone to agree to rebuild the Holy Roman Empire would be possible only if Austria put bayonets to their necks. Why would anyone want to complicate their lives by submitting to a higher authority when they are living comfortably?

Times had changed. Nationalism in the Germany Region had awakened. Even if the governments of the sub-states retained a high degree of freedom, the emergence of a central government would still harm their interests.

In this era, even the loosest of empires could not do without a constitution, and a significant weakening of the autonomy of the national governments was inevitable.

Forget about independent foreign policy rights; currency unification was unavoidable, and tariffs were bound to be abolished. Just these three points meant that the central government would no longer be an empty shell.

With these developments, Franz could responsibly say that he could control most of the small states using political means.

If he were to be even more unscrupulous, he could incite a foreign war, using the pretext of war to gain command over the military of the German states.

The United States had done exactly this, gaining command of the military of various states during wartime, thereby increasing the authority of the central government and ultimately transforming a loose federation into a unified nation.

Prime Minister Felix smiled and said, “Your Majesty, that joke is not at all amusing. If I could persuade them, why would we need an army?”

Franz’s butterfly effect was at work again. Felix Schwarzenberg, who had died in an accident on April 5 of that year, was still very much alive.

The idea of changing the Prime Minister certainly did not exist. Felix’s political skills were quite impressive, and he handled the work of the Cabinet with ease. Franz was not like Emperor Chongzhen, who enjoyed creating unnecessary trouble.

Felix understood very well what this visit was about. Persuading the German states to rebuild the Holy Roman Empire was just a smokescreen. The real purpose was to create a pretext for war.

Only after efforts for peaceful unification had failed would the Austrian Government be able to garner public support for a war of unification.

No, it should be to forcefully unify the South German Region, and at the most include the Middle German Region. Any more would be overburdening; the Kingdom of Prussia would not be so easy to deal with.

Of course, the slogan would naturally be the unification of the Germany Region. Otherwise, the nationalists wouldn’t be on board, and without their support, the war would be difficult to wage.

Franz said seriously, “It doesn’t matter. There are so many German states; to cheat one is to count one. I refuse to believe that, with so many small states, not a single one is foolish.”

This was not some baseless talk from Franz. Historically, Prussians had successfully fooled several small states into cheering for them. After the matter concluded, they simply swallowed these states whole.

On the contrary, the South German states that resisted fiercely retained significant rights. Out of fear of intervention by the major powers, the Prussians dared not continue the internal conflict after the Franco-Prussian War and had to compromise with the German states of the South German Region.

“Your Majesty, I plan to start with Prussia, the most difficult part. After all, in the German Confederation, except for us, the Kingdom of Prussia has the greatest influence. As long as they oppose, the momentum will be created,” Prime Minister Felix said.

Metternich replied, “Prime Minister, diplomatic issues are easy to resolve. If we use negotiation to address the unification of Germany, many people will take it as a joke. What we need to do now is to make this plan appear even more like a joke.

As long as they see that each German nation opposes our proposal, the pressure we actually face will not be that great.”

Everyone laughed. It was true that the countries of Europe didn’t want to see Germany unified. But if Austria only shouted slogans without taking any actual action, they would not be inclined to interfere.

One couldn’t just make the Austrians shut up. Everyone involved in politics knew that politicians’ slogans were just for show.

Indeed, to make the play even more convincing, the Austrian Cabinet began role-playing several years before, making the political stances of these ministers well known throughout Europe.

Prime Minister Felix played the role of the faction advocating peaceful unification, or, in other words, the faction for rebuilding Shinra. His supporter within the Cabinet, Finance Minister Carl, together with him, formed the leadership of the “Shinra faction” in Austria.

At the same time, they were also leaders of the “Shinra faction” in the German Region, with at least thirty-five percent of Germans supporting or agreeing with their political ideology.

Metternich played the role of the opposition, which has always been his political stance, known throughout Europe.

Otherwise, when the Vienna System was established, Austria should have chosen the Kingdom of Bavaria, not the economically prosperous Lombardy Region.

In the Cabinet, Archduke Louis was a supporter of Metternich. They openly claimed that Germany could not be unified, arguing that the German regional states had been independent for a long time and that the countries of Europe would not tolerate a unified Germany.

For this reason, the two were often vilified by German nationalists.

Due to public support, the “Shinra faction” led by Prime Minister Felix currently holds the advantage in the Austrian Government.

At this point, there was nothing wrong with Felix stepping forward to promote the “reconstruction of the Holy Roman Empire.”

After Christmas, Felix set off on his journey amidst the farewell of the people.

In the eyes of German nationalists, this was a critical step towards unification.

As the leader of the German Federation, the Austrian Government had begun efforts towards unification, marking a historic turning point.

No matter the outcome of the negotiations, Felix was welcomed by crowds everywhere he went.

It wasn’t that the “Shinra” name was popular; in fact, many people had no particular sentiment towards the dissolved Shinra Empire.

However, they wanted Germany unified and without war, so “reconstructing the Holy Roman Empire” was the best choice, bar none.

The “Shinra faction” became the mainstream ideology among German nationalists simply because the people hoped for a peaceful unification of the German Region, earning them the label “peaceful unification faction.”

Unfortunately, these people could not rule over Germany; the rulers of the individual states had to consider their own interests first.

Berlin

Frederick William IV, though supportive of the unification movement, did so for political necessity rather than a willingness to sacrifice his own interests for the unification of Germany.

The unification that the Kingdom of Prussia had been pursuing always excluded Austria. Without achieving this goal, the unification would be worthless to them.

Historically, Frederick William IV had centered around the “Triangular alliance,” attempting to exclude Austria through the Erfurt Union Parliament.

This is also a political stance of the Lesser Germany idea, and the reason for excluding Austria was simple: a German Empire including Austria would be so vast that no European country could tolerate it.

Of course, this was only one of the reasons. There were many others, for instance, Austria had too many other nationalities within its borders, which would undermine the purity of the German people…

“The ambitions of the Austrians have been laid bare,” said Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich with a serious tone. “Considering the current international climate, it is very likely that they have garnered support from the Russians.

The secret Russian-Austrian pact we have always suspected probably involves Austria supporting Russians in their annexation of the Ottoman Empire, in return for Russian support in their restoration of the Holy Roman Empire.

It must be said that the Austrians are ruthless, daring to deal with the tiger for its hide. Now, they have chosen a good time as England and France have declared war on Russia, which occupies a great deal of their attention.

To intervene in the Germany Region, they would have to let the Russians annex the Ottoman Empire. Napoleon III might prioritize intervening in Central Europe, but the London Government would certainly hesitate.

If the Austrian Government could unite the Germany Region diplomatically, even if it’s only a nominal unification, the French would not dare act rashly,” he added.

The Russians annexing the Ottoman Empire would only cost the French their interests in the Near East and Egypt. In the Mediterranean, the French Navy can still suppress the Russians.

It is different for the British, who stand to lose not just interests in the Mediterranean. As Palmerston said: If we can’t stop the Russians at the Balkan Peninsula, then we would have to stop them at the Indus River Basin.

If the Russians were allowed to annex the Ottoman Empire, Persia would be unable to halt the Russian advance, meaning India would be in danger.

In this era, the United Kingdom only controlled India and had not yet fully assimilated it. If the Russians were to cause trouble, their most important colony might well be lost.

When facing a dilemma, hesitation is inevitable.

After all, a restored Holy Roman Empire would still be a loose empire, unable to expand externally without finishing internal integration, and with the French standing in front, the British would not be threatened in the short term.

Frederick William IV said with a sneer, “The Austrians are too optimistic. That little brat Franz must have been fooled! Without our consent, it’s impossible for the Germany Region to unite. Does he really think that the German regional states are willing to be united by Austria?

If they cannot rebuild the Holy Roman Empire through political means, what would the Austrians do? Is it possible that they would use military force to unify the Germany Region by force?”

Joseph von Radovich shook his head and said, “Your Majesty, that is impossible. Although the military strength of Austria is indeed formidable, it cannot unify the Germany Region with intervention from the major powers.

Once Austria resorts to force, we will form an alliance with the German States to jointly resist their invasion.

Even we could deliberately let the Austrians wipe out the military forces of the small states, as long as we do not rashly engage in a decisive battle with them. By delaying until the French send troops to intervene, Austria is guaranteed to lose.

If managed well, after the war, these small states will have significantly weakened strength, and our opportunity to unify the Germany Region will actually emerge.

Metternich, that old fox, couldn’t possibly fail to see this. Felix is pushing for peaceful unification with all his heart because of this. With them in the Austrian Government, they are unlikely to take risks.”

Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich’s judgement wasn’t wrong, and it was one of the reasons why Franz dared not take a risk.

As long as the Prussian Army doesn’t come out to fight a decisive battle against Austria, whether they hold their cities or retreat, it will not be possible to eliminate their main force in a short time.

After a month or two, the French intervention forces will arrive, and Austria won’t be able to withstand a joint assault from Prussia and France.

If it’s delayed for a few more days, British, Spaniards, and intervention forces from a bunch of small countries in Europe would all show up.

In such a scenario, Austria simply can’t see any hope of victory. Betting everything, once they fail, it’s all over.

Can one expect the Austrian Army to explode in power and, before the intervention forces from the various countries arrive, to take out Prussia and France first?

Big nations stabilize, small nations take risks.

Franz, who had studied history thoroughly, understood that only the last standing victor is the true winner. Any nation that relied on a rash offensive to achieve victory usually ended in tragedy.

Japan and Germany are classic examples, both boasting immense military power, launching furious offensives against heaven, earth, and air, only then to be collectively crippled by everyone and forced to spit out all their early gains.

On the other hand, Italy, which always muddled through life, ended up as one of the victors in both world wars and took a good share of the spoils.

Even the French, so proud and blustering, learned after one setback that if they could win by lying down, they absolutely shouldn’t act rashly.

With so many precedents, how could Franz dare to act rashly? Do not look at the Austrian Army, which after reorganization, appears very formidable; the problem is it can only surge once!

If a swift victory isn’t achieved and the conflict drags on, the weakness of Austria as a multi-ethnic nation would be exposed.

According to the current plan, it is much safer to only act against areas with a sound foundation among the public. A smaller scale means lower risk.

After everything is settled, the internal integration can be completed in the shortest possible time. Should the French dare to show up, they will be the aggressors and will have to face the morale boost of our army fighting on home soil.

Frederick William IV sighed and said, “It’s a pity. If it weren’t for these old foxes, we could still send someone to try.

Now, the better strategy is to figure out a way to ruin Austria’s plans, preferably without arousing the public’s antipathy, as our reputation cannot take any more damage.”

If your reputation stinks, everything becomes difficult. Ever since the Prussian Government was duped by the German Confederation, its reputation has not been good.

Not only in the Germany Region but even within the nation, the Prussian people have been quite indifferent to the government.

No matter how it is explained, the government’s promises have not been kept, and the people always feel like the government cheated them out of their money. This is particularly true for the nationalists, who are extremely dissatisfied with the government’s compromises with the Russians.

Chapter 89: The Ultimate Realm of Trapping

The British reinforcements had just arrived in the Balkan Peninsula and had not yet taken over the entire defense zone when the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team launched a comprehensive counterattack. The Russians were also very cooperative, tightly suppressing the Allied Forces at the front line.

It proved that Plovdiv was indeed a bait set by the British, intending to surround and annihilate the main force of the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team there, but they managed to control the beginning, not the end.

The battle had just started when the situation changed; more than a dozen cities, including Plovdiv, were simultaneously attacked by the guerrilla team.

Most of these were feints, but this chaotic assault exposed the British defenses, which were still incomplete.

There was no helping it. Although the Greek people were not powerful, their timing was too good. Who knew if they would kill all the way to Constantinople? For safety’s sake, the Ottoman Empire had no choice but to divert troops to blockade them.

Lacking sufficient forces to defend the city and with traitors inside, even a feint could breach the walls. If these places were lost, the Allied Forces in the Sofia Region would be surrounded, and the British Army was forced to send reinforcements.

The Bulgarian Guerrilla Team was too weak in firepower; they could bully the Ottoman’s second-line troops, but they were no match for the British on the front.

Being unable to win didn’t mean there was no way to fight. The British forces, having just arrived at the front, hadn’t clashed with them, and the cocky Allied Commander directly treated them as if they were natives from a colony.

This understanding wasn’t wrong, as Bulgaria could theoretically also be considered a colony of the Ottoman Empire, albeit a directly governed one.

However, the gap in strength was vast. The Bulgarian Guerrilla Team had been trained by Russian and Austrian instructors and, with their high morale, could unleash formidable combat power.

With a loud “boom,” the marching British Army was once again attacked by the guerrilla team, and after a moment, the gunfire abruptly ceased, indicating the guerrillas had retreated.

A young officer, pale-faced, said, “General, we’ve been attacked by the enemy at the front, two soldiers are dead, and seven are injured!”

“How many times have we been attacked by the enemy?” asked Major General Oliver.

“The eighteenth time!” the young officer replied softly.

“Then what are we waiting for? Send men to pursue them immediately!” Major General Oliver ordered.

The Bulgarian Guerrilla Team’s attacks did not cause significant casualties, but the frequent assaults not only delayed their marching speed but, more importantly, impacted the troops’ morale.

Major General Oliver was not one to suffer losses without retaliation. Of course, he would strike back.

Due to lack of experience in fighting guerrilla warfare, most times they ended up losing sight of the enemy midway, and if unlucky, additional traps awaited them along the way.

In this round of skirmishes, not only did the British Army gain no advantage, but the key issue was that they also missed the best opportunity for battle. By the time they arrived at their destination, the guerrilla main force had long since vanished.

Everyone knew that the main base of the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team was in the Balkan Mountains, and Major General Oliver’s mission was to suppress the guerrillas.

But entering the Balkan Mountains was to play to the enemy’s strengths and their own weaknesses. Large units were difficult to maneuver, and the artillery lost its effectiveness. In this type of warfare, the casualty ratio between the two sides was nearly 1:1.

To exchange one British soldier for one guerrilla fighter was not something Major General Oliver would consider. If he dared to do so, his days before a military tribunal would not be far off.

This was Major General Oliver’s first time commanding troops in battle; otherwise, as a gilt-edged relative, he would not have taken on this unfortunate task.

British generals who have spent a long time in the Balkan Peninsula would rather face off with the Russians at the front than march into the mountains to suppress the guerrilla team.

To them, the enemy is visible on the front, and the British forces are slightly superior in combat strength. As long as they are not surrounded by enemy forces several times their number, the risk is controllable; however, the latter option seems less risky on the surface, as the guerrilla team would definitely be no match for a regular army, but once they entered the mountains, it would be a different story.

Major General Oliver thought he had outsmarted them by setting up a bait, which lured the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team into the trap.

The result now was clear—the enemy had fallen for it, but unfortunately, he overestimated the marching speed of the British Army. They couldn’t close the pocket formation in time due to the enemy’s surprise attack.

Plovdiv, this strategic stronghold, had already fallen significantly, yet its defenders were still resisting stubbornly. Siege warfare was not the strength of the guerrilla team, and even with collaborators inside and outside the city, they were unable to take it in one go.

The commander of the guerrilla team, Edimir, gave the order, “Command the troops to stop the attack and gather strategic supplies as much as possible. Take what can be carried away, and set fire to the rest; we can’t leave it for the enemy.”

The middle-aged officer reluctantly said, “Commander, to burn so many treasures, isn’t it a pity? If we organize civilian husbands to carry them, we can still transport them out.”

Edimir glared at him and said, “Stop your nonsense. Can we still move if we carry so much? If the British catch us, even if our forces were increased tenfold, we would not be their match!”

Edimir was satisfied to destroy this portion of the supplies. Although it was regrettable not to take the whole of Plovdiv, politically, they could declare that they had conquered the place and strive for a better position with the Russians.

The Russians are very realistic. At the beginning, the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team’s treatment was just enough to keep them from starving. Since they had torn through the defense lines of the Sardinian Army and broken into the enemy’s rear, the treatment for the guerrilla team was on par with that of the Russian Army.

They might not have access to logistical supplies for the time being, but the Russians still issued them a batch of arms, which were transported through the small paths across the Balkan Mountains.

Many guerrilla officers, including Edimir, received formal military ranks from the Russian Army, and they were now officially enlisted men.

Fitzroy Somerset had also promised that those willing to continue serving after the war could receive official Russian military numbers and be responsible for guarding Bulgaria; those who wanted to retire could also enter government departments and receive a matching treatment.

“Independence”? Don’t dream about it. The Russians didn’t come to do charity work, having fought so hard for so long, just to let the Bulgarians become independent.

The demands of the Bulgarians were not so high now; autonomy was their ultimate goal. Most people still hoped to be under the protection of the Russians, ensuring they were not enslaved by the Ottomans.

Especially the clergy, who were the standard pro-Russian faction, were filled with great expectations for Bulgaria to join the big family of the Russian Empire.

The future of Bulgaria was either to be a province, an autonomous province, or to join Russia as an autonomous principality. The specific situation would depend on the decision of the Tsarist Government.

The prerequisite was for the Russians to win the war. If they lost, they should not mention any spoils of war since losers do not have the right to enjoy them.

Sofia

At the Allied Command, General Montes had already cursed Major General Oliver’s entire family in his mind. There was no need to be so deceptive, not even with one’s own people.

If it weren’t for his delay in taking up his position to set up the so-called pocket formation, the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team wouldn’t have been able to take advantage of the situation and capture three and a half cities within a week.

The city belongs to the Ottomans, and Montes didn’t care much even if it was captured; the problem was that the supplies stored within were theirs.

Even the Great Britain Empire, with its vast interests, could not afford to disregard such a loss without considering its political impact.

The immediate consequence was that Montes couldn’t hold his head up in front of the French. At a deeper level, the Bulgarian region became even more unstable as more and more people saw the possibility of breaking free from Ottoman rule and began to support the guerrilla forces.

“Send a message to Major General Oliver to immediately reclaim the lost territory and ensure the security of our army’s supply lines,” Montes ordered.

The matter of suppressing the guerrilla forces could wait; if push came to shove, it could be left to the Ottomans. After all, this wasn’t the Great Britain Empire’s territory, and Montes couldn’t care less.

“Yes!” replied the adjutant.

At the time he issued this order, Montes had not yet noticed that danger was looming. Fitzroy Somerset was already planning a decisive battle.

Initially, the battlefield at Sofia was in a deadlock, with Russian forces composed of 73,000 plus 20,000 Bulgarian Guerrilla Team against 50,000 British Army, 20,000 Sardinian Army, and 30,000 Ottoman Army troops; both sides were evenly matched.

Now, after reinforcements, the Russian Army still had over 70,000 men, while the Ottoman Army within the Allied Forces shrank to less than 10,000. Of the left 42,000 British soldiers, only 35,000 were at the front line; the Sardinian Army, on the other hand, still had 19,000 left.

It must be said that the Italians were exceptionally adept at self-preservation; among all the combatants, they had the lowest casualty rate. The battlefield survival manual once compiled by Franz has now taken a firm hold in the hearts of the Sardinian Army.

This meant that, while the Allied reinforcements were held up by the Bulgarian guerrilla forces, the Russian Army already had an absolute advantage on the battlefield.

The Ottoman Army had been severely weakened, and with the Sardinian Army merely going through the motions, even the strong British forces couldn’t withstand an enemy, the Russian Army, twice their number.

On December 27, 1852, under the leadership of Fitzroy Somerset, the Russian Army launched a fierce attack in the Sofia Region.

This time, unlike previous attacks, the Russian forces targeted the Sardinian defense lines, which had been identified as a weakness by Fitzroy Somerset after the breakout by the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team.

But at that time, the opportunity was missed. To avoid alerting the British to this vulnerability, this area became the target of feints by the Russian Army; they always attacked with a ferocity that suggested a major offensive, but in reality, they exerted little effort.

The Sardinian Army cooperated very well, with their habitual practice of firing aimlessly into the sky, both sides putting on a fierce show.

Montes was fooled, truly believing the initial breach made by the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team was due to the Sardinian forces being new to the area and unfamiliar with the environment, allowing the guerrillas to find a path through.

Furthermore, due to a shortage of troops, it seemed as though the Sardinians had pushed through, bringing vigor to the battlefield and withstanding the Russians’ assault, so Montes did not order the British forces to join them in defense.

Looking at the long-term situation, Montes’s decision was the right one. Had the British and Sardinian forces defended together, it’s likely that the elite British forces would have been decimated before long.

Mantuya might not be a good general, but he was certainly a good boss. To lower the casualty rate among soldiers, he repeatedly emphasized safety as the top priority, endearing himself to his troops.

In the eyes of the Sardinian soldiers, this wasn’t their war; the battlefield was simply a place to earn their pay. Hence, they always held back their efforts if possible.

All this was crystal clear to General Mantuya, who deeply understood human nature. This army would become his political capital when he returned to the Kingdom of Sardinia; winning the soldiers’ loyalty was essential.

Leading them to win battles and to plunder riches was out of his reach, so he opted for ensuring their survival instead. A general who valued the lives of his soldiers would be equally welcomed.

The situation has now become dire, for the Russians across are not cooperating, leaving Mantuya with a headache. To abandon the defense line and flee is an easy thought, but if he actually did so, the enraged British would undoubtedly execute him on the spot.

What could the allies do anyway? Could the Kingdom of Sardinia do anything to the British besides lodging a complaint?

A middle-aged officer suggested, “General, what if we open a gap at the juncture with the British defense line and let the Russians through? Even if the British come searching for a scapegoat after the war, we can shift the blame onto them.”

Constantly being chided by the British, the People of Sardinian have their own tempers, and the disparity in treatment has only intensified this discontent.

In name, everyone’s provisions were the same, but once in place, the British always managed to obtain some fruits, vegetables, potatoes, bread, and other supplies.

Given the limited quantities, only British officers were entitled to these provisions, naturally leaving none for them.

Even Mantuya, as a general, didn’t fare much better; to improve his meals, he had to dip into his own pocket to bribe British quartermasters.

They had protested to the British before, but the British bureaucrats took out the contract signed by both countries, which clearly stated: The Great Britain Empire would provide logistical support for twenty thousand Sardinian soldiers.

Since it was agreed upon for “soldiers,” that’s the only treatment they were entitled to. To the Sardinian officers, equating them with regular soldiers was not just a matter of treatment—it was an insult to their dignity.

In this situation, even General Montes, the Allied Commander, was powerless.

The bureaucrats in London were untouchable for him; they operated strictly within the regulations, fully in line with British laws, so complaining domestically was futile.

If there was no solution from London, could they perhaps get some provisions from the Ottomans?

Obviously, that was impossible. Just looking at the state of the Ottoman Army, one would know—with treatment guaranteed only for high-ranking officers, the lower-ranking soldiers depended on the British for relief.

If it weren’t for the relentless dedication of bureaucrats in London, who continued to distribute supplies according to the original headcount at departure, Montes would not have been able to spare extra beef jerky and biscuits for the Ottoman Army—without which, the Ottoman soldiers at the front would still be fighting on empty stomachs.

Mantuya shook his head and said, “We can’t do that. If there’s an investigation afterwards, we won’t be able to escape involvement. We can’t afford the responsibility for losing the defense line; it would affect our national reputation.”

It’s one thing to undermine an ally, but it must be done with finesse. A sloppy move could easily spell disaster for oneself. Mantuya would not engage in such a crude tactic as openly relinquishing a defense line.

“So what do we do? The Russian onslaught is so fierce, our losses are heavy; I’m afraid we won’t be able to hold on much longer,” an officer said with a wry smile.

Mantuya frowned and lowered his voice, “We can’t continue this war. There’s no need for us to stay and die for the Ottomans.

Order the troops to abandon the frontmost positions, and conveniently leave behind the British troop deployment data on the battlefield, with clear markings.

Make sure to write it in Bulgarian, since the Russians will be able to understand it too. The Ottomans will have to bear this burden, as it’s quite normal for their army to have Russian spies in their ranks.

Once the Russians get their hands on this information, they will certainly shift their focus of attack. As soon as the defense line fails, we’ll draw back our forces and move to the Kosovo area, then we’ll return to Thessaloniki through the Macedonian region.”

Clearly, he had been prepared for some time, with even the escape route already planned. If the British manage to block the Russian offensive, then well and good—let the investigation into Russian spies within the Allied Forces begin!

The first suspect would naturally be the Ottoman Army. In theory, the British Army and Sardinian Army are outsiders; the Russians simply wouldn’t have had the time to infiltrate them.

Chapter 90: Turning Point

Vienna

After the new rifle from Horsda Factory passed its real combat test, it entered the list of optional armaments for the Austrian army, and was named the Styer M1852 rifle.

This seems to be a European custom, with designers always fond of naming the weapons they create after themselves.

These are minor issues, Franz had no interest in delving into the rationale, as being on the list of optional military equipment didn’t mean it would be equipped on a large scale.

Breech-loading rifles had been around for more than thirty years, starting with the American Hall M1819. Unfortunately, this rifle’s bullets tended to veer left after 45.7 meters.

Then came the Prussian Dreyse M1841, which the Prussian Army had begun to equip. However, many generals opposed it, as clearly its performance had not yet won over the masses.

This rifle shone brightly in the Prussia-Denmark War and the Prussia-Austria War of 1864, although its advantages over muzzle-loaders were not as miraculous as later generations would tout.

This was evident from the fact that the Prussian Army did not fully equip it.

Despite its firing rate being four to five times that of a muzzle-loader, its firing pin was prone to damage. The initial industrial production of the M1841 often drew mockery: without a spare indicator, one should not even go to battle.

The breech often leaked gas, which could interfere with shooting and, in severe cases, burn the skin or even blind the shooter if they were unlucky.

Later improvements in production technology stabilized its performance, and the Dreyse M1841 began to stand out.

Franz had encountered similar rifles as well, many of which performed excellently in the lab but failed under large-scale industrial production.

Either the cost was too high, or the performance was reduced. Since this wasn’t a nuclear weapon, Franz naturally had to consider the cost; sacrificing performance was even less acceptable—what was the point of equipping a rifle without a performance advantage?

It wasn’t until the Styer M1852 came along that, in terms of performance, it was similar to the historic Chassepot rifle, albeit with a slightly shorter effective range.

These were minor issues—ensuring an effective range of 650 meters was already sufficient; at its maximum, couldn’t it hit over fifteen hundred meters, which could also be intimidating at long distances.

Franz had always believed that in actual combat, soldiers who could accurately hit an enemy within a hundred and fifty meters were excellent, and further out it was a matter of firing by feeling!

“Your Excellency Marshal, what do you think of this rifle, should we change our equipment?” Franz asked.

Marshal Radetzky replied cheerfully, “Your Majesty, based on the data collected, the performance seems quite satisfactory, and it has the potential for mass equipping.

However, the quotation from the armory for this rifle is 30 percent higher than regular rifles, and the ammunition consumption could be two to three times higher.”

Clearly, Marshal Radetzky was experienced and did not expect to achieve the theoretical limit of 15 rounds on the battlefield; otherwise, the ammunition consumption would increase significantly more than a mere trifle.

Franz calmly said, “A part increase in cost is acceptable, and it will reduce as we ramp up large-scale industrial production—as long as its power justifies the price.

If we order full capacity production now, the more than twenty armories in Austria could produce thirty to forty thousand of these rifles each month without any problem.”

This was thanks to the outbreak of the Near East War, which led Austrian armories to expand their production capacity. Compared to a year ago, Austria’s military production capacity had increased by fifty percent.

If they were producing muzzle-loaders, producing a hundred thousand a month would be no problem at all—otherwise, the Russian Army wouldn’t have been able to rearm so quickly.

Marshal Radetzky said calmly, “Your Majesty, it might be best to be cautious. First purchase a hundred thousand for trial use.

If they prove effective on the battlefield, we can then fully rearm. Currently, all the countries in the world are still using muzzle-loaders, our rifles are not behind the times.”

Franz nodded, realizing there wasn’t enough time for a large-scale rearmament. Unless he ordered a national mobilization now, Austria’s military production capacity still had a lot of potential to be tapped into.

“This is just like when the automatic rifle was introduced; everyone knew it was a good gun, but the terrifying rate of ammunition consumption—could logistics really keep up with the supply?”

“The limit of ammunition consumption is only known when the battle commences. Just like when the Montenegro Army tested the rifle, they were very satisfied with its performance, but after seeing the terrifying rate of ammunition consumption, they lost any intention of purchasing it.”

“You say the hit rate is high? True, the enemy fires at most two or three shots per minute, while you fire off seven or eight at will, your chances of hitting the enemy naturally increase, which is completely normal.”

“However, the improvement in hit rate isn’t two or three times more, it’s merely twenty to thirty percent, and that’s when the enemy is still unaccustomed to the weapon. If they adapt, it might even continue to decrease.”

“It may not seem like much on the surface, but when you consider how many bullets it takes to kill an enemy, you’ll realize it’s too expensive to afford without money.”

“During the muzzle-loading gun era, an average of a two-digit number of bullets was needed to kill an enemy; in the breech-loading rifle era, that number grew to four digits.”

“There’s no way around it, the era of line infantry has ended, and everyone is now firing from the ground, making it harder to hit the enemy. The later emergence of trenches and machine guns only exacerbated the consumption of ammunition.”

“In the semi-automatic rifle era, it rose to five digits; and later, with the number being too large to express in rounds, it was more appropriate to use tons as the unit of measure.”

Sofia Region

A Sardinian officer, filled with righteous indignation, said, “General, the Russians are still biting at us without letting go. What do we do now?”

“All of the British military intelligence has been leaked to the Russians, and they still dare to continue attacking here, which is simply outrageous.”

Mantuya clenched his teeth and said, “We cannot retreat now, it’s a matter of our honor and the glory of the Kingdom of Sardinia.

“You wouldn’t want to return to our country branded as a disgraced commander to face a military court, would you? Right now, we absolutely cannot be the first to lose our positions.”

“Since the Russians are so outrageous, let’s teach them a harsh lesson and show them we’re not easily bullied.

“Tell the soldiers that our pay is still in the hands of the British, and if we run now, all this effort will have been in vain. Anyone who dares to flee, I’ll execute them on the spot.”

“Yes, General!” The young officer immediately responded.

Mantuya, not fully assured, added, “Wait, let out a message privately, say that the British can hardly hold on anymore, and once their defense line collapses, we’ll immediately retreat.”

It turned out that once the Sardinian Army had their back against the wall, they still had fighting capabilities. The so-called ‘heavy casualties’ depended on what standard was being used.

A few casualties occurred, and they could easily add two or three zeros to it, reporting it as heavy losses when making their reports upward.

If someone paid attention to the previous casualty reports the Sardinian Army submitted to the Allied Forces, they would discover that their casualty rate had already approached one-fifth.

The British believed in this report, as the casualty situation of the British Army wasn’t too far off from this data. Judging others by oneself, the British never doubted it.

Faced with the sudden outbreak of the Sardinian Army, the Russians found this ‘soft persimmon’ wasn’t so easy to squeeze.

Fitzroy Somerset decided to test if the intelligence from above was accurate; after all, along the way, the Bulgarians had provided them with too much information, and it was not surprising that there were Bulgarians within the enemy forces.

When the Russians took action, Montes was almost driven mad by the battle report he had just received. Suddenly, a barrage of artillery fire erupted, accurately landing on their artillery positions.

If it had been just one position, one might claim it was luck, but all of the artillery positions were hit without exception, all visited in one go.

This was far from over. After the artillery positions had taken a beating, the military supplies warehouse took another precise licking.

Even though the distance was long and the Russian Army’s artillery accuracy low, such relentless bombardment still inflicted heavy losses on them.

Once the bombardment was over, the Russian Army accurately identified their weakest point and launched their fiercest attack.

Montes knew there was a traitor leaking intelligence, but at this point, all he could do was call for reinforcements. Even if they had to settle scores later, they had to stop the Russians first.

“How long before that idiot Oliver arrives at the frontline?” Montes asked again

The adjutant replied anxiously, “Major General Oliver reports that they have just recaptured Plovdiv from the guerrillas and expect to arrive in the Sofia Region after a week.”

A hundred and twenty kilometers or so, it’s normal to take a week. The regular marching speed of the British Army is just twenty to thirty kilometers a day, and now it’s understandable to be slower due to guerrilla attacks.

Montes ordered, “Tell that idiot to speed up, he must arrive at the frontline within three days, otherwise he will face military justice!”

“Yes, Commander!” the adjutant immediately responded.

Montes then instructed worriedly, “Wait, tell that idiot to send half of his troops with light gear to hurry over, and to keep the baggage with the rear troops, that will speed things up.”

The Russians were going all-in, a risk but also an opportunity. As long as the reinforcements could arrive, the Allied Forces could still turn defeat into victory.

Otherwise, Montes would have fled already. If the People of Sardinian didn’t want to continue fighting, they could find a way to make the British the scapegoats, and Montes could surely make the People of Sardinian take the blame, couldn’t he?

He was the commander of the Allied Forces, after all, and there were plenty of ways to set someone up.

Now it was the British and Ottoman joint defense, bearing the main pressure on the battlefield. If he gave up some positions to be defended jointly by the Sardinian Army and Ottoman Army, it was estimated that the Russians could break through the defense line in less than a day.

Montes still wanted military glory. If the Sofia Region was lost, even if he could put the blame on his allies, his role as commander would still be tarnished forever.

Oliver did have capabilities; it was just his lack of experience in his first battle that led to a series of setbacks.

Before Montes’s orders reached him, he had already quickened the marching pace, but the roads along the way were just too problematic.

As the operational area of the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team, how could they have not sabotaged transportation? They repaired roads as they marched, while also dealing with sniper fire from unknown locations.

They occasionally encountered sudden mines, courtesy of Franz in friendship. Originally concerned that the Russian Army might be defeated, he had already prepared a batch to block any pursuers.

No one anticipated that the Allied Forces would blunder repeatedly, unwilling to exert themselves to let allies gain an advantage, and squandered their lead.

The Russians didn’t value these crude bombs and gave them to the Bulgarian guerrillas; now it was Oliver’s turn to have a headache.

These mines were simply buried, and defusing them was very easy—the only thing needed was time.

There were no good solutions, but the dumb ones were plenty. The British drove animals to trigger mines through the fields, and the march’s speed was still unavoidably delayed.

On January 2, 1853, the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team suddenly attacked the British Army’s rear positions, creating confusion in the Allied Forces. At this critical moment, the People of Sardinian cut and ran, leading to the collapse of the defense lines Montes had worked so hard on.

There was no choice, he simply did not have the troops to anticipate an attack from behind by the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team, and they were caught off guard.

The most frustrating part was that at this time, the reinforcements were less than fifteen kilometers away from the front line. If the Sardinian Army hadn’t run away, and instead had tried their best to help, they could have held on until the reinforcements arrived.

Obviously, Mantuya didn’t have the determination to fight the Russians to the death. Given the opportunity to flee, they didn’t hesitate. After all, it wasn’t their responsibility since it was the British defenses that had collapsed.

To avoid blame, Mantuya even led some British soldiers away in their retreat.

By fleeing, Montes doomed himself—he was on the brink of facing a military tribunal as the general of a defeated army, that is if he managed to return alive, he would inevitably be put through that ordeal.

Major General Oliver, who had marched rapidly toward the battlefield, became the second unfortunate soul. He had rushed over, exhausted and disregarding losses, only to encounter the Russians in a skirmish immediately upon arriving at the last moment.

Unsurprisingly, on the battlefield, those with fewer numbers always suffer, and Oliver, in his rush, had not brought any cannons, putting him at a disadvantage as soon as the battle began.

After a hard fight, Oliver successfully led his men to retreat, and along the way, they also rescued a number of scattered British soldiers, making his efforts not entirely in vain.

The Russians too were exhausted, their soldiers lacking the strength to continue the pursuit. Seeing this, Fitzroy Somerset naturally chose to cut his losses and retreat.

Holding Sofia was out of the question; Montes had already considered this. Unfortunately, the city had been ravaged by the Ottomans, and its fortifications had long been destroyed.

The city’s populace, who deeply resented the Allied Forces, engaged the Russians in street warfare, becoming the first to fall into a people’s war.

Moreover, the efficiency of the Ottoman Government was too low; the supplies stockpiled in Sofia were insufficient for even a month’s consumption by the Allied Forces. If they dared to entrench in a siege, they would be waiting for their complete annihilation!

Now that the grand battle had reached this point, the Allied Forces were already strained in terms of manpower, with little hope of anyone coming to their relief.

Even if reinforcements were summoned from within their own borders, there wouldn’t be enough time. After the failure of the campaign, the Allied Forces began fleeing for their lives.

A battle line over ten kilometers long couldn’t be entirely destroyed—it was impossible. The Russians had merely ripped open a section of the Allied defense.

If it wasn’t to rescue more soldiers, Oliver would not have bothered to rush over and engage in a skirmish with the Russians; if they had just turned and fled, the Russians would not have pursued.

The half-year-long campaign, which saw both sides commit nearly 200,000 troops, ended with a pyrrhic victory for the Russians.

Looking at the casualty report, Fitzroy Somerset could say with responsibility: he had accomplished the Tsarist Government’s mission very well, indeed securing victory at great cost.

The total casualties amounted to a staggering 67,000, with the Russian Army nearly entirely rotated out, including 26,000 dead (including the wounded beyond help).

Even with continuous reinforcements from the rear, this Russian force was now devastated and urgently needed rest and recovery. The decline in the Russian fighting capability was evident in the final assault.

The heavy toll paid resulted in the following outcome: the defeat of 100,000 Allied soldiers, the death of 34,000 Allied troops, and the capture of 25,000 prisoners, including over 11,000 wounded Allied soldiers.

Based on the casualties, it would seem the Russians should have been the ones defeated. If not for the surge of the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team, the outcome of the battle would still be in question.

For the sake of appearances, Fitzroy Somerset did not hesitate to claim the achievements of the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team as his own, while ignoring the casualties they had suffered.

Of course, to keep the Bulgarians fighting for him, Fitzroy Somerset still requested commendations for them back home, highlighting the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team’s role in delaying enemy reinforcements, making an outstanding contribution to the victory of the war.

And that was that. Just this one act was enough for the Tsarist Government to agree to the terms he had promised earlier.

The Tsarist Government was already planning to annex the Bulgarian region, and St. Petersburg was concerned whether these guerrilla teams would become an impediment. Now, with the chance to integrate them, why would Nicholas I refuse?

No matter the losses on both sides, they could not diminish the historical significance of this battle, which historians recognize as the turning point of the Second Bulgarian Campaign.

Chapter 91: “How a Fugitive Soldier is Made

After the Battle of Sofia, Montes, who had a narrow escape, was summoned back to his country by the London Government, awaiting his day-long court-martial, which was a major embarrassment for the British.

Despite Montes’s repeated explanations that it was the traitor’s betrayal that led to the defeat, they were all in vain.

A loss was a loss, even if tactically they had caused greater casualties to the Russians, but everyone knew that in this campaign, the Allied side had lost.

The main culprit was the failure of the British Army to hold the defense line, allowing the Russians to break through. The incident of being sandwiched by the guerrilla teams was promptly shied away from by everyone, and the British were too embarrassed even to bring it up.

Oliver, who had merited a promotion for his role in the rescue, was elevated to the Commander of the British Army, a promotion which should have been a happy occasion, yet Major General Oliver didn’t show the slightest bit of joy.

He was self-aware, after all, his so-called meritorious rescue was just an excuse; if not for his deep background, he would also have been hard to exonerate from this war’s failure.

If he hadn’t concocted the so-called decoy plan, attempting to wipe out the guerrilla teams in one fell swoop, and if the reinforcements hadn’t been stationed at various key points in advance, allowing the main force of the guerrilla teams to assemble and launch a surprise attack from behind, this campaign was actually a trap that cost Montes his life.

This kind of thing might fool the domestic bureaucrats and soldiers engaged in combat, but it couldn’t deceive the officers on the front lines.

Under such circumstances, with him taking up the role as the commander of the expeditionary force, could he really inspire everyone’s confidence?

“Have we tallied up our casualties?” Oliver asked.

The middle-aged officer with a beard replied, “We’ve only counted a portion so far: the Third Corps of the Expeditionary Army has 6,876 killed, missing, or captured, and 2,847 injured.

For the First and Second Corps of the Expeditionary Army, the casualties are still being tallied; so far, we’ve gathered 11,621 stragglers, including 924 wounded. It’s said that some stragglers have retreated to the Macedonian Region with the people of Sardinia.”

This was no longer a case of heavy losses; the expeditionary force had been crippled. After half a month with no returnees, the chances of anyone rejoining were very slim.

There was nothing that could be done about it; in the panic of flight after a defeat, people ran in all directions, with no one caring about which way they were supposed to go.

Following the disastrous outcome of the Battle of Sofia, the entire southwestern region of Bulgaria was now under Russian control, so the number of those who could escape the pursuit of the Russians and the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team was an unknown.

In these times of poor communication and language barriers among the soldiers, even if they managed to escape by luck, finding their way back would be extremely difficult.

If they had no sense of direction, it was not impossible to end up going the exact opposite way.

Oliver slapped his forehead; of the 80,000 men in the British Expeditionary Force with which he started, he was now left with just over 30,000. Even accounting for those who had fled to the Macedonian Region with the Sardinians, the number would not exceed 40,000.

More critically, there was an utter lack of morale and fighting spirit. Due to prolonged bitter fighting, the soldiers were rife with war-weariness, including the recently arrived Third Corps.

If the fighting strength of the British Army was a 10 before, it had now dwindled to a mere 5. Without a half year to recover and rehabilitate, it would be impossible to regain combat effectiveness.

But the battle must go on; the French had already demanded that they construct a defensive line to block the enemy coming from the west.

If possible, Oliver wouldn’t mind retreating all the way back to fight a defensive battle at Constantinople. Fighting in coastal areas, they could receive naval fire support, which would make it easier to achieve an advantage.

Clearly, this was not possible, not to mention the Ottoman’s opinion; currently, the Allied Forces and Russians were still fiercely engaged in the Sliven Region, and it simply wasn’t feasible to pull back.

A blind retreat would likely turn into a rout, which would be disastrous.

Oliver gravely said, “No matter what, we now must hold off the Russians at the Karzanlek, old Zagora area; otherwise, the Allied Forces will fail in this campaign.

The London Government has handed down an explicit order that we must at all costs avoid a campaign failure due to our actions.

I’ve already requested reinforcements from home, and the Cabinet Government has promised at least fifty thousand reinforcements within two months.

After the great battle at Sofia, the Russians also suffered tremendous casualties, and they too need time to recuperate; they’re unlikely to launch a major offensive within the next two months.”

A young officer questioned, “Commander, if I may be so bold, even if the Russians launch a probing attack, I might not be able to hold them off.

On the retreat, we’ve abandoned all our artillery, and now a third of the soldiers don’t even have a rifle. Without reconsolidation, the troops basically have no fighting power at all.”

This was no exaggeration; if the Russian Army sent a main force division over at this point, these thirty thousand British troops would have to keep running.

Oliver glanced at him and said, “Colonel Fuhu, you worry too much. The home country has already replenished the loss of weapons and equipment, which should be restored in at most half a month’s time.

As for the issue of morale, that depends on our joint efforts. Now we won’t have any new combat tasks, we just need to do our defensive jobs well and wait for the reinforcements to arrive.”

Active or passive, Oliver couldn’t afford to be selective anymore. He knew that if they relied on the fortress for defense, the soldiers could still exhibit a part of their combat effectiveness. If they were to be on the offensive, that would be tantamount to writing a treatise on the creation of deserters.

Serbia Kralevo

At Austria’s newly compiled Seventh Division Fourth Battalion Third Camp, Lieutenant Colonel Haidun encountered a big problem; a sizable number of stragglers had appeared in his defense sector.

A young officer around 22 to 23 years old said in a low voice, “Lieutenant Colonel, a delegate from the British has arrived.”

Haidun said indifferently, “Let him come in.”

The current situation was somewhat special; while maintaining neutrality in the war between Britain and Russia, Austria was an ally of the Russians and was also at war with the Ottomans, allies of the British.

This intricate web of international relations put Lieutenant Colonel Haidun in a tough position. If this had been Austrian territory, as a neutral country, he would simply disarm the British and repatriate them after the war.

Unfortunately, Serbia’s sovereignty still belonged to the Ottoman Empire. If the British were uncooperative, Lieutenant Colonel Haidun wasn’t sure whether to forcibly disarm them or to expel them from the country.

Before long, a somewhat disheveled British officer walked in. Lieutenant Colonel Haidun greeted him, “Pleased to see you, Colonel Daniel. Would you like something to drink?”

Colonel Daniel politely replied, “Thank you, coffee would be fine, and some pastries would be nice, if possible.”

It was clear from the grumbling of his stomach that it was protesting. The “gurgle gurgle” sound rose, reminding him it was time to eat.

Lieutenant Colonel Haidun shrugged and said, “Sorry, I don’t have any pastries, but I do have bread, canned food, and beef jerky. Would you like some?”

Here on the battlefield, even inside the city of Kralevo, the Austrian Army was not so well-off as to supply pastries.

Colonel Daniel spoke plainly, “Bread and canned food will be fine.”

During their escape, they had carried beef jerky to stave off hunger, and now they were almost sick of eating it. At this point, bread was a welcome option.

Lieutenant Colonel Haidun ordered, “Guard, brew Colonel Daniel a cup of coffee and bring a loaf of bread and two cans.”

Both men were soldiers, and communication between soldiers was always straightforward.

After a brief pause, Lieutenant Colonel Haidun stated the conditions, “Colonel Daniel, you have two choices:

Either we, as a neutral third party, will disarm you according to international custom, and any subsequent issues will be dealt with through communication between the London Government and Vienna. After the war, you will be repatriated.

Or, you leave immediately. For the sake of the friendship between our two countries, I can pretend to have seen nothing. If you leave the Kosovo area now and cut through the Macedonian Region, you still have time to make it back.”

He did not want to clash with the British at this time. There were too many British soldiers entering the Kralevo area, and if they were not dealt with promptly, it could lead to chaos.

Without hesitation, Colonel Daniel answered, “We’ll take the first option. The Russians have already occupied Kosovo, and our retreat has been cut off.

We agree to disarmament, but you must provide us with treatment befitting our status and ensure that we are repatriated only after the war.”

Hearing Colonel Daniel’s blatant lie, Lieutenant Colonel Haidun couldn’t help but be amused and exasperated. He now understood why these men had mistakenly entered the Kralevo area.

This was not a mistaken entry at all; it was deliberate.

The war had lasted nearly a year, and the British had been involved for over half of that time. After such a long period of fighting, without troop rotation, it was natural for war weariness to rise.

The treatment of British Army soldiers in this era was not generous, evident from the logistical support they received. If they had held any status, the logistics bureaucrats would not dare to mess around so carelessly.

Compared to the Navy, they were treated like stepchildren, not even receiving a third of the benefits given to naval personnel. Such differential treatment naturally stirred discontent.

With war weariness on the rise, they naturally sought ways to avoid the conflict. Desertion was not an option since that would lead to court-martial.

With the defeat at Sofia, an opportunity arose. Since it was an all-out defeat, they had to flee.

Escaping back would inevitably lead to another battlefield. Surrendering to the Russians—the notorious Mao Xiong—was feared as it might lead to slaughter.

Moreover, becoming a prisoner of war was not something to be proud of, and as the enemy, the Russians would leave them no chance to negotiate their treatment.

That’s when the clever ones devised a plan: escape to a neutral country, disarm, and then wait to be repatriated after the war.

They would avoid the war without fear of being accountable back home. It’s normal to flee in panic on the battlefield, and besides, how would they know that the Austrians held Serbia?

The London Government had not informed them via documented orders, so everyone could feign ignorance, claiming that they had retreated normally but mistakenly entered Austrian territory.

The bureaucrats of the London Government had to acknowledge this as within regulations, as they depended on this mechanical set of rules to safeguard their own interests. Naturally, they would not easily break them.

It wasn’t only the British doing this—some from the Sardinian Army had followed suit, though in fewer numbers due to animosity towards Austria.

Whether it would trouble the London Government or affect Anglo-Austrian relations was beyond their consideration.

After all, the Austrians were obliged to treat them well, and that was a bargaining chip to negotiate with the London Government.

Even going so far as to find an excuse, they insisted that the Russians had taken Kosovo and cut off their path of retreat.

Lieutenant Colonel Haidun thought for a moment and said, “That’s fine, but every British soldier must sign the agreement.

You must confirm that you entered Kralevo on your own error and that, with your retreat path cut off by the Russians, you lost logistical support and thus sought our help.”

By phrasing it differently, everyone’s face was saved. Even the concept of disarming was repackaged in a way that wouldn’t cause future conflict between Britain and Austria.

Colonel Daniel complained, “No problem. Then please hurry and provide us with supplies, Lieutenant Colonel Haidun. We’ve had no proper meals for several days on this journey.”

Lieutenant Colonel Haidun asked, “Alright, how many people do you have? I will immediately have someone send a batch of supplies to you.”

Colonel Daniel replied, “We have a total of 1,531 men, including 426 Sardinian soldiers. They all must receive equal treatment. Additionally, there are 62 wounded that need treatment.

There might be more troops following, so the number may continue to increase. It’s best if you prepare extra supplies.”

This was not just a few individuals fleeing; it was officers leading soldiers en masse to flee, and they did it with such a novel approach.

Lieutenant Colonel Haidun nodded, then instructed someone to prepare the supplies. At any rate, stabilizing these British soldiers came first.

Lieutenant Colonel Haidun had no objections to Colonel Daniel’s loyal requests. After all, it was the London Government that would foot the bill.

Chapter 92: Just Waiting to Jump into the Pit

Vienna

Impacted by the defeat at the Sofia battle, the Austrian Government had made intermittent progress in negotiations with the Ottomans, with only some details still under discussion.

Franz was not particularly concerned about the outcome of the negotiations, thinking that even if the two countries signed an agreement, there was less than a one-third chance of it being fulfilled in the future.

The international situation was ever-changing, and the outcome of the Near Eastern War would directly affect Austria’s gains. From an interest standpoint, a hard-won victory for the Russians would certainly be the best outcome.

It would allow them to bear the brunt of the enmity and share Austria’s pressure, without allowing the Russians to truly soar unchecked.

Army Minister Prince Windischgrätz said with a strange expression, “Your Majesty, a report from the Serbia frontline indicates a group of British soldiers have accidentally entered our territory and were disarmed by us.”

Franz asked in confusion, “The Near Eastern War can’t spread that far, can it? Isn’t the Kosovo area still in between?”

This deviation seemed too great for an accidental entry. Even with the defeat at Sofia, the Kosovo area was still under Ottoman control, and the proper authorities could have easily provided guides.

Prince Windischgrätz handed over the report, and after Franz scanned it, he finally understood why his expression had been so odd.

After thinking for a moment, Franz said, “This could also be a good thing. We now have an additional small bargaining chip. Notify the British through the Foreign Office and have them send representatives to discuss the repatriation of these men.”

Without a doubt, these men would be detained until after the war; informing the British now was merely to let them know that Austria held a group of British officers and soldiers.

These men were of no use now, but once the Near Eastern War escalated and news of heavy casualties among the frontline British forces sparked outrage back home, the London Government would be forced to take these soldiers seriously.

Franz greatly admired the person who came up with this strategy.

This was a genius move. Unlike other deserters who suffer hardships on the run, hiding and fearing post-war retribution and not being able to return home,
these men also deserted, yet they would stay in Austria, well-fed and cared for until the war’s end. Their salaries and benefits from London must be paid in full, and afterwards, they would still be repatriated.

It was fortunate such geniuses were few; otherwise, if thousands of British soldiers ran to Austria to freeload, the London Government would have had a fit.

As for the Sardinian Army that had come over to freeload, Franz disregarded them completely. This was normal behavior, not the headlong rush that would indicate they were part of Italy rather than the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Metternich said with a beaming smile, “Your Majesty, Prime Minister Felix’s mission to Berlin has failed. The Kingdom of Prussia has rejected the proposal to restore the Holy Roman Alliance.

To avoid public condemnation, that cunning Frederick William IV chose to buy time and emphatically declared respect for the choice of the German people.

Prime Minister Felix proposed a public referendum, which was decisively rejected by him. It seems the Prussians are up to something.”

Franz wasn’t afraid of the Prussians causing trouble; his greater fear was them not causing it. Had they managed to restore the Holy Roman Empire under the guise of a public referendum, Franz would have had reason to weep.

An elected Emperor might seem appealing, but in essence, it would be several notches lower in rank. It would no longer be supreme. Since it was possible to elect, it was equally possible to depose, which was even worse than the Imperial Election system of old.

Whether it’s good or bad for the nation is up for debate, but for the Royal family, it’s an absolute disaster. No Emperor would willingly accept an elected throne unless absolutely necessary.

At least, Franz would not accept it. There are many families in the Germany Region with the right to elect the Emperor, and even if one wins once, the throne could easily change hands the next time. Then, the difference between the Emperor and a life-term president is merely nominal.

Not only is this unacceptable to Franz, but the Austrian Government cannot accept it either. If Austria cannot control the Holy Roman Empire, what use is there in rebuilding it?

The Prussians are worried that Austria will use the Empire to restrict them not realizing that Austria is equally concerned about not being able to control the Empire.

Because of interests, once the Empire unifies, Prussia’s awkward position in the Germany Region would immediately change, as the smaller Sub-States would support them against Austria.

Of course, this support could only be in secret, as openly opposing the Central Government is something that none of these Sub-States are likely to do. Most of them would play balance politics: maintaining a delicate balance between the central government led by Austria and regional power factions represented by the Kingdom of Prussia.

Finance Minister Karl said uncertainly, “The Prussians haven’t stepped forward to carry the banner of opposition, which is somewhat surprising. Could it be that they are expecting the smaller Sub-States to stand up and openly oppose us?”

Under the influence of nationalists, unification has now been accepted by many. To oppose national unification is undoubtedly to invite hatred.

Of course, the nationalists’ group is not yet strong enough to influence the government’s stance, let alone sway its decisions.

If Austria were to play the card of “rebuilding the Holy Roman Alliance—peaceful unification” in two or three decades, there might indeed be a chance of success.

“That’s unclear. In any case, someone must lead the way, or this plan will succeed. If the Prussian Government wants to oppose it later, the price will be much higher.

Now, it’s a matter of seeing which unlucky one gets cheated. Whoever stands up to oppose will be despised by the nationalists in the future,” analyzed Metternich.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Best if it could be Bavaria. We need the Bavarian Government to stand out in opposition; this is the choice that suits us.”

Metternich analyzed, “Your Majesty, if we want Bavaria to fall for it, we also need to give them a push personally. I reckon the Prussians also want to push the Kingdom of Bavaria to be the scapegoat.

As the third largest state of the Federation, only their influence is substantial enough to elicit a collective response.

If the Bavarian Government wants to gain the support of the smaller Sub-States, then this is an opportunity. If successful, they will become the leaders of the German Sub-States.”

While the Austrian Government was discussing how to lure the Kingdom of Bavaria into a trap, far away in St. Petersburg, the Tsarist Government was discussing strategic plans for the next stage.

The Sofia campaign had ended, and the second Battle of Bulgaria had entered a new phase. At this point, there were two choices:

Either concentrate forces to fight in the Sliven Region or first occupy the Kosovo area, Macedonian Region, and meet up with Montenegro and Greece.

Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes proposed, “Your Majesty, first take the Sliven Region; clear the obstacles to Constantinople. Strike in one fell swoop to capture Constantinople, and then England and France will have to withdraw their troops.”

This tactic aimed at swift and decisive action, and from a financial perspective, it’s the least costly way to win the war.

The precondition is that they must win. If they lose, of course, all bets are off. High returns come with high risks.

Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell opposed, “No, the Sofia campaign has just ended, and the frontline troops urgently need to regroup. At this time, engaging in another major decisive battle would put too much pressure on the front line.

It would be better to first strike at the enemy’s weaker areas, to occupy places like Kosovo, Macedonia, and Thessaloniki, and to attack the enemy’s flank in a roundabout way in conjunction with Montenegro and Greece.

Although this approach is a bit slower, it would be a battle fought with the wind at our backs, which is perfect for training our new soldiers and quickly restoring the army’s combat effectiveness.”

Watching the Finance Minister and the Foreign Minister finish speaking, the Army Minister embarrassingly found that he had nothing to say.

Whom to support? This question was not easy to handle. Before implementation, who knew which strategy would be more reliable? Ivanovich, from a professional perspective, judged that, in theory, both were feasible.

In practice, although the encirclement and flanking strategy looks appealing, logistics are expected to be a nightmare. We surely can’t count on Montenegro and Greece to provide logistics, can we?

Otherwise, while occupying those places, the Russian Army must also divide its forces to garrison, ensuring the logistics supply lines remain open.

To immediately engage in a major decisive battle was also too much to ask, Ivanovich understood. The frontline troops were already weary, and without rest, their combat effectiveness could not be guaranteed.

After hesitating for a moment, Army Minister Ivanovich analyzed from a professional perspective, “Your Majesty, the Army Department suggests deploying new troops to replace some of those who have suffered heavy casualties, pulling them back to the Danube Basin to regroup as a reserve force for the entire army.

After the relief of troops, we should immediately engage in a decisive battle with the enemy. The British Expeditionary Force is also severely weakened, and with only two main divisions, we can defeat them.

We must race against the enemy for time now. Whoever can reinforce the front line faster will win this battle of engagement.”

Without doubt, he was supporting neither. Ivanovich was very dissatisfied with the amateurish approach of the two non-professionals, but he couldn’t afford to provoke the two bigwigs.

Nicholas I, being a military man, might have questionable military accomplishments, but he had enough basic knowledge to clearly understand that Ivanovich’s suggestions were far more reliable than those of the previous two.

“Shift five divisions from the Lvov area up there to replace the troops that participated in the Sofia campaign, and mobilize eight divisions from the Moscow area to replace the forces on the Silven frontline that suffered heavy losses.

Order the troops in the Ukraine Region to guard strictly against enemy landings, especially on the Crimea Peninsula; do not let the enemy find an opportunity.”

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Ivanovich replied.

The advantage of having a large army was now evident; the Russians could mobilize reinforcements in the shortest possible time.

Unfortunately, this advantage was somewhat lackluster on the battlefield. Poor transportation and logistics hindered the speed of Russian troop deployment.

More than half a month had passed since the end of the Sofia campaign, and only now had the Tsarist Government made a decision, wasting a lot of time. By the time these troops reached the front line, it would be over a month later.

Regardless, the Russians had performed adequately in the Sofia campaign. The Ottoman Empire’s rule in the Balkan Peninsula became shaky, and at this point, the Sultan Government no longer had the strength to reinforce the front lines.

This meant that the good days for the French were over. In six months, the Ottoman Empire had lost over three hundred thousand troops. Now, the Sultan Government, urgently dealing with the Greek incursion into Thessaloniki, had no capacity left to send reinforcements.

For the first time, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier realized how important the Ottoman Empire actually was. Without sufficient fodder troops, the French Expeditionary Force had to take the brunt of the battle themselves.

Attrition warfare was no fun, with almost a battalion crippled every day. Such losses were not easily bearable. Previously, the Ottomans took the brunt of the casualties, and they did not feel the issue, but now they knew the severity of the situation.

Menshikov completely disregarded his own casualties in his tactics, launching major offensives every now and then, which left both sides crying out in agony after each battle.

Of the 170,000-strong French Expeditionary Force, less than 100,000 remained combat-effective. The rest had either died or become wounded, or had to be pulled back for reorganization because their units had been decimated.

In fact, French losses were about the same as the British, both suffering casualties of over 40,000 men. However, they could afford such intense losses due to their larger numbers.

France had already provided them with two rounds of reinforcements, totaling up to 48,000 men, so the total number of French troops had not decreased. Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier had experience and knew to cycle his troops through the battlefield without overusing any single unit to its breaking point.

Even so, at the basic company and battalion levels, units were often wiped out entirely. This was an unavoidable circumstance, as a single assault by the enemy often meant the front line units were completely eradicated.

From this perspective, the British were far behind. Of course, this is the difference between a land power and a maritime power. Even during Napoleon III’s purge of dissenters, no foul play was conducted in these matters.

As a result, France still maintained its strength; if they could rest and reorganize for a month or two, enabling them to rebuild their lost structures, they could return to their peak condition.

Time was a critical factor that the Russians clearly would not afford them. Although the Russians also suffered heavy casualties, their serfs, known as the “grey beasts,” were easy to deceive.

In front of the promising future envisioned by Menshikov, Russian soldiers once again mustered the courage to go into battle, something the British and French forces could not match by any means.

The Russian serfs, being simple-minded and largely illiterate, could be enticed to fight to the death on the battlefield with promises of freedom and land.

If it were the British and French soldiers, such ploys would likely be ignored. Savvier soldiers would not be tempted by such trivial tricks, especially since they all knew that there was no land available to distribute back home.

Promising land from the colonies to entice them to fight was asking for trouble. Who’d risk their lives for places where a farm could be bought for just one British Pound?

Even if it was difficult to deceive them, Pelissier had to find a way and resolutely invoked the Russo-French enmity to boost morale. It worked at the beginning, but its effectiveness had waned.

If one paid attention, they would notice that the French Army was steadily retreating, seemingly preparing to flee.

Pelissier was in a bitter predicament, as this battle held great significance, tied to the prestige of his superior, Napoleon III, and therefore, he absolutely could not afford to lose.

Even if it meant suffering great losses, a nominal victory would suffice. Since he could not afford to lose, he naturally had to consider his exit strategy, and in case of an untenable situation, he had to be ready to shift the blame.

Of course, winning the war would be better, as losing would still have some impact. Pelissier regretted not charging into a decisive battle with the Russians from the start, now realizing the British were too unreliable.

A pyrrhic victory where both sides incurred heavy losses would still count as a victory.

Besides, Napoleon III’s initial desire was to purge dissenters and eliminate forces in the army loyal to the Orleans Dynasty. Even a costly victory would be seen as a great achievement upon return.

Nevertheless, Pelissier’s conscience was not yet numb, and he could not bear to let so many young French men perish, thus he chose the safest method of warfare, which turned into attrition warfare.

Unfortunately, the resilience of the Russians on the battlefield surpassed that of the Allied Forces, and the French suffered as a result.

Having missed the opportunity for a decisive battle, the French Army was unlikely to best the Russians in their current state. Pelissier certainly did not wish to serve as a stepping stone for Russia, enhancing their reputation as the world’s number one land power.

93

The defeat at the front exacerbated the infighting within the London Government, and with the recent political scandal, Prime Minister John Russell was forced to resign.

The Whig Party lost in the new elections, and the Pier faction joined forces with the Conservative Party to form a government, with George Hamilton-Gordon ascending the stage of history.

With the new government came a new atmosphere, and for the George Hamilton-Gordon administration, the most important issue at the moment was the Near East War.

Retreating was not an option, as it concerned the United Kingdom’s international status. In an era of competition between England and Russia, if the London Government retreated at this time, it would be a capitulation to the Russians, tantamount to acknowledging the Russians’ world dominance.

Not to mention the heavy losses in interests, just the blow to the spirit alone was something the British people could not accept.

As the leader of the Anti-war faction, George Hamilton-Gordon understood John Russell’s difficulties. It was a war that had to be fought.

No matter how great the casualties, the fight must go on. If the Russians’ expansion were not curtailed now, the Great Britain Empire would pay an even greater price in the future.

10 Downing Street

“Gentlemen, it’s our turn to clean up this mess now. The situation on the Balkans battlefield is extremely unfavorable for us, and according to the battle reports from the front, the Allied Forces could be defeated at any moment.

The question now is, should we continue to open a second or even a third battlefront?” George Hamilton-Gordon asked.

It was evident that Prime Minister George Hamilton-Gordon’s heart was not at peace, the few wrinkles between his brows betraying his inner turmoil.

Minister of the Navy James Graham replied, “Prime Minister, strategically, there’s no problem with opening a second front in the Crimea Peninsula.

The Russians have formidable strength, but due to the transportation within their own country, their force projection is limited. Because we were prepared, the Russians have the capacity to support both the Caucasus War Field and the Balkans battlefield at the same time.

In actuality, on the Balkans battlefield, the Russians heavily rely on Austria’s logistical support, otherwise, they would have run out of steam long ago.

If we open a new battlefront, it will quickly exceed the Russian’s limit of endurance. Even if we cannot achieve a complete victory on the battlefield, we can wear them down to death.

Now that the Russian Black Sea Fleet is finished, we can launch an attack at any time. If needed, we can turn the entire Ukrainian coast and the Crimea Peninsula into battlefields, exhausting the Russians to their breaking point.”

There was a cabinet reshuffle, but the higher-ups in the government didn’t change much, and the Ministers of Army and Navy related to the war all retained their positions.

It was not surprising that the Minister of the Navy supported the plan. How else could they demonstrate the significance of the navy if a second front could not be opened?

Power struggles are ubiquitous, and being uncontroversial is impossible. Even though the Royal Navy held an absolute advantage and firmly suppressed the army, they still needed to make their presence known regularly.

“Opening a second front is fine, but the situation on the Crimea Peninsula is a bit complicated. The climate there differs significantly from our homeland, and if we attack rashly, non-combat casualties will be severe.

Why not land on the Ukrainian coast first, cut off the Crimea Peninsula from the mainland from behind, and starve the Russian Army on the island to death,” Minister of Army Stanley suggested.

“Mr. Stanley, aren’t the French the main force in this offensive?” Minister of the Navy James Graham asked.

The dispute over the route of attack had turned into a struggle for dominance between the army and navy.

As it turned out, given the British Navy’s much greater strength than the army, the result of this struggle for dominance was self-evident.

Paris

Napoleon III had already lost his patience. This war could be afforded militarily, but not politically; France could take the loss, but he personally could not.

Upon receiving notification from the British, the French government made its decision with utmost speed, deploying an army of two hundred thousand to launch the Crimean War.

After discussions, on February 12, 1853, England and France reached an agreement to jointly send three hundred thousand troops to open a second front on the Crimea Peninsula.

By then, the great battle on the Balkan Peninsula was approaching its climax. Under the relentless attack of the Russians, the Allied Forces still could not hold the Sliven Region.

Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier successfully made the Ottomans take the blame. It seemed, on the surface, that the Russians broke through the Ottoman defense line and then completed the encirclement.

Seeing the situation was lost, on February 14, 1853, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier ordered the French Army to break out. Well-prepared, the French troops easily breached the Russian encirclement.

Their retreat was smooth, but the Allied Forces took the bitter hit. There’s no need to mention the Ottoman Army; they were directly betrayed, with less than thirty thousand of the three hundred thousand-strong force escaping after the battle.

The British also tragically suffered; they were busy reorganizing troops to recover combat effectiveness when the Russians attacked from behind, leading to a hasty and disordered escape.

When taking stock of the losses, Major General Oliver was so angry that he was lost for words. This battle’s failure had nothing to do with them, but the losses on the battlefield were a cause for angst.

Without a doubt, the rank of Expeditionary Force Commander was downgraded for him. He could barely be considered the rank of a division commander, retaining over nine thousand troops, couldn’t he?

As for the rest, they were scattered, and only God knew how many died in battle, how many were captured, and how many were lost.

Constantinople Coalition Command

Major General Oliver roared furiously, “Pelissier, you bastard better give me a reasonable explanation, or the Great Britain Empire will not let this go!”

Of course, they couldn’t let it go. With such heavy losses to the British Expeditionary Force, how could they explain the situation without any justification?

“General Oliver, calm down, please. The position was suddenly overrun by the enemy, and we were surrounded. We had no capacity to inform you,” Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier explained forcefully.

“Scoundrel, such an excuse is for fooling children! Even if the Russians broke through the line, they couldn’t have completed the encirclement so quickly. You didn’t have time to send a message?

If you hadn’t used us as a scapegoat, perhaps the French Army could not have retreated so intact!” Major General Oliver said with a cold sneer.

“Perhaps you cannot blame us for that. The fifty thousand reinforcements promised by your government should have arrived twenty days ago, and we still have not seen them. If this troop hadn’t been delayed, we wouldn’t have lost the battle in the first place.

At this point, you also can’t shirk responsibility. It was the erroneous information provided by your government that misled the military deployment of the Allied Forces, leading to this failure,” Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier retorted sharply.

Who doesn’t know how to pass the buck? At a critical moment, it is definitely every man for himself; without the allied troops covering the rear and blocking the Russians’ pursuit, could the French Army have retreated so intact?

If they had notified the British to run first, the part of the Russian Army that the British were blocking could have flanked from the side, and the French Army might have been completely wiped out.

Even if the French Army had some kind of cheat code, being able to escape with half of the troops while faced with enemies ahead and pursuers behind would have been a blessing from God.

Now it’s much better; the French Army sacrificed over twenty thousand casualties, but they managed to rescue all of their main forces.

With the firepower support of the navy, these French forces could even hold Constantinople. From the French interest perspective, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier’s decision wasn’t wrong.

However, the aftermath was quite severe, as, aside from the always-slacking People of Sardinian, on the Balkan Peninsula, the main forces of the Allied Forces were now solely French.

The Ottoman Empire became the biggest loser, literally losing their shirt. After receiving the message, Abdulmejid I was so angered that he fainted.

The Ottoman Government was in a dilemma, unable to vent their frustrations like Oliver, as they did not have the backing of the Great Britain Empire.

The Balkans Peninsula was now under France’s control — if pushed into a corner, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier was capable of murder; could they really expect the Sultan Government to intervene?

Whether they liked it or not, they were stuck with the blame. As long as the French can hold Constantinople, the London Government would tacitly accept the outcome.

Interests always trump truth; even if they were conned to the point of spitting blood, the Sultan Government still had no choice but to continue relying on the French.

Over seven levels of the Ottoman Empire’s financial income came from the Balkan Peninsula, with the majority of its industry clustered around the area of Constantinople (Istanbul region).

Without the Balkan Peninsula, the Ottoman Empire’s strength wouldn’t even compare to Sweden or Belgium, a consequence beyond what the Sultan Government could bear.

Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier’s actions were successful militarily, but politically they brought endless troubles to the Paris Government.

Of course, Napoleon III was personally willing to face these troubles. Between two evils, choose the lesser; international political troubles that affect French interests are better than losing on the battlefield and shaking his own ruling foundation.

Once bitten, twice shy; Major General Oliver now greatly admired the foresight of his predecessor and was firmly opposed to joint operations with the French.

The London Government was also dissatisfied with the actions of the French and exerted political pressure on Napoleon III, demanding an explanation.

With the British leading the way, the Ottoman Empire naturally protested as well. Under pressure from allies, Napoleon III made some concessions.

In the upcoming battles in the Balkans, the French Army would independently bear the responsibility of stopping the Russians and defending Constantinople; the British and People of Sardinian would be responsible for dealing with Greece and Montenegro; the Ottomans, having suffered the greatest loss, were appeased by being allowed to take a less active role.

War expenses, undoubtedly the British would take on the lion’s share of 50%, with France and the Ottoman splitting the remaining 25% each; if there was a shortage of funds, a UK consortium would provide loan services.

Clear division of combat tasks resolved the internal conflicts within the Allied Forces, but also cast a shadow over the impending Crimean War.

Over just a little more than two months, Prime Minister Felix had traveled through over twenty German states and now arrived at the location of the Federal Assembly—Frankfurt.

After such a long time of diplomatic efforts, Prime Minister Felix did have some achievements, at least several Free Cities openly declared their support for the “Holy Roman Empire.”

This wasn’t surprising at all; these Free Cities were the areas most heavily influenced by nationalism, with their governments being deeply swayed by public opinion.

The remaining states either expressed opposition or were hesitant. In any case, everyone was clever and looking for excuses to delay, with no one foolishly voicing outright opposition to the unification of the Germany Region.

The Kingdom of Prussia wasn’t idle either; their representatives often arrived before Felix, communicating with the governments in advance to oppose the reconstruction of the “Shinra.”

The general public was not aware of the high-level situations; most German people were optimistic about peaceful unification, for a very simple reason—no state government had directly opposed it.

The public could freely express their opinions, but the state governments didn’t dare to speak recklessly, right? They couldn’t just say that because the “Holy Rome” was unreliable, only military unification could truly bring the Germany Region together, could they?

Austria had been preparing for so long, and even Franz didn’t dare to raise the flag of military unification; not to mention those smaller state governments.

As the objects to be unified, they didn’t have enough time to oppose, so how could they possibly support it? Even to protect their own interests, they couldn’t completely block the path to rebuilding the Holy Rome.

If unification became inevitable, rebuilding the Holy Rome would be the path most aligned with their interests; so, the attitudes of most rulers of the German states were complicated.

They wanted to oppose the rebuilding of the Holy Rome but couldn’t say it outright; they could only hope that someone would take the lead in disrupting Austria’s plans.

By now, the slogan “Rebuilding the Holy Rome” had echoed through every corner of the Germany Region, and wherever Felix went, he was warmly welcomed by the local people.

If this continues, Felix might very well be remembered by posterity as the “Father of the Nation,” with no one even mentioning the name of the Butcher Prime Minister.

At this moment, he became the spokesperson for pacifism, and in the future, he might even become known as the Iron-blooded Prime Minister; after all, Franz would not come out to steal the spotlight.

Cheating people was not an easy job, especially cheating a group of old foxes. Felix kept making promises to various interest groups about the numerous benefits after unification, and he also had to respond to everyone’s questions from time to time.

He boasted to the capitalists about the advantages of a big market, assured the nobility that their interests would be protected, and sold the dream of a powerful nation to the nationalists…

In short, it was all about selling—whether they believed him or not, and whether it could be fulfilled or not, Prime Minister Felix enjoyed his extravagant boasting throughout the journey.

As one saying goes, “Every politician is an excellent salesman.”

Talking until he was hoarse, in reality, all that was accomplished was a lowering of people’s resistance.

Most still chose neutrality; they could accept the rebuilding of the Holy Rome, but asking them to exert effort was out of the question.

Everyone was of the mindset, “no seeing, no hunting”—don’t expect them to commit without seeing the benefits.

This outcome satisfied Felix. He had initially just wanted their neutrality; now, being able to persuade some supporters was already a bonus.

The focus of this public relations effort was on the South German States, where Austria’s influence was strongest, with a solid mass base, making it the easiest place to be swayed.

Chapter 94: The Point of No Return

Munich

Ever since learning of Felix’s journey through the Germany Region, with the Kingdom of Bavaria as his last stop, Maximilian II had not slept well.

The other Sub-States could practice tai chi and delay, but as the last Sub-State, what could they do?

Undoubtedly, all the Sub-States hoped that Bavaria could stand up and stop Austria’s actions. As the leader of the smaller Sub-States, Bavaria could not avoid this role.

Especially after Maximilian II ascended to the throne, the implementation of the tripartite balance strategy had backed Bavaria into a corner.

The Kingdom of Prussia had become estranged from everyone. Frederick William IV played dumb without any pressure; after all, he was not afraid of offending others.

Bavaria was different; since it wanted to be the leader of the smaller Sub-States, it now had to come forward. Whether it was supporting or opposing Austria’s plan, it was better than acting like an ostrich.

Maximilian II said gravely, “Gentlemen, Felix will arrive in Munich before long, and we do not have much time left. Today we must make a choice.”

This was the price that had to be paid for previous diplomatic blunders. Previously deceived by the Prussians, they had proposed the Three-Part Germany Strategy, which had offended numerous smaller Sub-States.

At this point, the Bavarian Government could either side with Austria, join everyone in establishing the Holy Roman Group, and become a minor shareholder,
or stop Austria’s plan, express the inner voice of the numerous German States, and regain everyone’s support. After all, what maintained national relations was interest; as long as there were shared interests, everyone was friends.

Prime Minister of Bavaria, Auguste, analyzed, “Your Majesty, stopping the Austrians’ plan is easy, but the consequences are very serious.

Firstly, we would greatly offend Austria, and it would be difficult to restore the friendly relations between our two countries; secondly, the hurdle of our domestic public is not easy to cross. Most people now hope for the peaceful unification of the German Region.

Although we all know that unification of the German Region is impossible in reality, as the people who personally close this door, we will inevitably be condemned by public opinion.”

Auguste had already sensed the danger. After the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire, the Austrians had come up with the German Federal Parliament, all to block the French invasion.

Unexpectedly, after the French had been quiet for decades, Austria’s efforts had gone to waste. Now that the French had rearmed, Bavaria’s western flank was no longer secure.

Not nurturing relations with the Austrians to the east now was asking for disaster to strike at any moment; after all, Maximilian II had been making nothing but foolish decisions since his accession.

Ambition needed the support of strength, and the tripartite balance in the Germany Region was exactly what England, France, and Russia most hoped for. International support was not lacking, but unfortunately, the strength of the Kingdom of Bavaria was limited, and they were unable to put plans into practice.

Theoretically, if the strength of the Kingdom of Bavaria were doubled and they had support from the great powers, they could have made a solid effort.

Now, Maximilian II’s efforts were a bit premature. Lacking sufficient strength of their own and having lost the support of many smaller Sub-States, their negotiating power within The Federation had become almost negligible.

Finance Minister Bazel objected, “Prime Minister, these pressures are all things we can withstand. Once we accept Austria’s terms, the Holy Roman Empire would be revived.

Times have changed, and now nationalism has awakened. The Central Government is no longer a rubber stamp; they can use public opinion to pressure us into submission.

Austria is already the largest Sub-State in the Germany Region, whether it’s population, land area, or even the economy, they’re comparable to all our Sub-States combined.

If they gain control of the Central Government’s powers, with justice on their side, we will have no choice but to comply.

Perhaps at the beginning, it would only be about unifying our Currency and abolishing customs duties, which doesn’t seem like would cost us much.

But over time, you’ll find that the command authority of the military, fiscal control, and foreign policy will all fall into the hands of the Central Government. At best, we’ll end up as a highly autonomous government.”

This was bound to happen sooner or later; any Central Government would find ways to centralize power.

And it just so happens that the many German States are not a united front; take the Free Cities for example, they wouldn’t mind becoming highly autonomous regions, which for the capitalists, is a good thing.

Most smaller Sub-States are more willing to compromise, as they see certain powers as dispensable. But for the larger Sub-States, these are tangible benefits.

From this perspective, the royal family stands to lose the most. With an Emperor above them, they’re no longer supreme. If certain policies are unpopular with the public, they could even run to the Central Government to lodge complaints.

Under the combined pressure from within and without, it won’t be long before the royal family’s power dwindles to nearly nothing. The Cabinet Government will also gradually devolve into a provincial government, with a significant decrease in its authority.

Therefore, the bureaucratic groups of each principality were firm opponents.

Prime Minister Auguste shook his head and said, “Mr. Bazel, I think you misunderstand. I am merely opposed to directly standing against Austria, not that we should support them.

There are so many who do not wish to see the Holy Roman Empire reemerge, is there a need for us to jump out and attract hatred? Why should we bear the brunt alone when the benefits are to be shared by all?

Our current stance should be to maintain consistency with the majority of the German States. If everyone is not opposed to the Austrians’ plan, then we are not opposed either.

Either all the state governments go down together, or we all return to the era of the Empire together.”

“Your Excellency the Prime Minister, I’m afraid it won’t be so easy. Now, each German Nation wants us to take the lead, and even England, France, and Russia hope we stand against them.

It seems impossible to muddle through; at the very least, we cannot justify it diplomatically.” Foreign Minister Bakhaus objected.

In simple terms, even if the Kingdom of Bavaria wants to shrink back, there are so many higher-ups forcing them forward. The Bavarian Government isn’t powerful enough to treat the great powers’ opinions as nothing.

Maximilian II frowned. Why should everyone, because of a situation instigated by the Austrians, exert pressure on them? It’s just bullying the softer target.

The Kingdom of Prussia does not want to take the lead themselves, so they push the Kingdom of Bavaria forward; England and France can’t frighten Austria nor influence Prussian Government decisions, so they corner and bully them instead.

The Russians push them out to oppose, purely to complicate matters for Austria and delay the allies’ unification efforts.

All these factors combined pushed the Bavarian Government to the very front lines. Facing diplomatic pressure, even the vehemently opposing Prime Minister Auguste had to relent.

With the support of the great powers, the Kingdom of Bavaria could maintain its position within the Federation; fundamentally, they are but a small country, on par in comprehensive national power with Belgium.

But a small country is still a small country, with limited territory and population, forced to depend on major countries for survival.

This is also why Maximilian II wanted to integrate the many small states of Germany. Only by uniting these small states could they become a medium-sized country, possessing the ability to be independent.

A well-developed medium-sized country can also be a small powerhouse, just like the current Kingdom of Prussia, which has stepped over the threshold of the great powers with the strength of a medium-sized country.

To accomplish this, Bavaria first had to secure the support of the great powers; without England, France, and Russia restraining Austria and Prussia, where would Bavaria get the chance to integrate the numerous small German States?

In the time of great ideological clashes, Maximilian II also proposed the Little Germany plan with Bavaria at the core, but regretfully even the Bavarian people lacked interest.

The reason is very simple—too small, failing to meet the expected value of the “great nation dream”.

Any people with grandeur in their ancestry harbor a dream of a great nation; how could the German People be without one? Since it is a great nation dream, it must be sufficiently grand—that is why Austria is now popular.

The renewed Holy Roman Empire would indeed be vast; should it be established, it would exceed 1.1 million square kilometers in area, surpassing all aspects of their neighbors—the French—which satisfies many adolescent dreams of a great nation.

The Teuton-French conflict is the result of the Habsburg dynasty’s centuries of struggle against the French. The historical Prussia-France war was merely a continuation of this conflict.

To surpass the French, this also held special sentiment for the German People. This is also why, after the Prussia-France war, Prussia could unify the loose German Confederation.

With satisfied vanity, a sense of national pride emerged, and identification with the country increased, and then Germany transitioned from a regional term to a nation.

Maximilian II said with a cold laugh, “Since everyone wants Bavaria to oppose Austria, then we can only proceed.

This is also an opportunity. As long as we stand against Austria, we can obtain the support of the great powers. Then, integrating the principalities in the German region will no longer be a dream.

England, France, and Russia do not wish to see the emergence of a colossal German Empire. Our plan aligns well with their interests. With their support, the probability of ultimate success is very high.”

Unable to contend with a greater force, Maximilian II pinched his nose and conceded. He indulged in his beautiful aspirations, unaware that with this step, he was entering a point of no return.

Chapter 95: When the Time is Right
plaintext

On March 16, 1853, Prime Minister Felix arrived in Munich, and after a week-long negotiation, it ended in failure.

The Bavarian Government explicitly opposed the reconstruction of the Shinra Empire, declaring Felix’s diplomatic efforts a failure.

Under public pressure, the Bavarian Government proposed on March 27 to reconvene the Federal Assembly to decide whether to reconstruct the Holy Roman Empire.

On March 28, Prime Minister Felix delivered a speech at the University of Munich, publicly responding to the Bavarian Government.

“I have a dream that within my lifetime, I will see the unification of the Germany Region. It should be the real unification of the German People, not the nominal German Federation, which is a joke.

Today is a bad day, the Bavarian Government has shut the door to the reconstruction of the Holy Roman Empire, and all our efforts have failed.

It seems my dream has a long way to go before it can be realized. If I don’t live to see it, I hope you can continue on, as the elite of the Germany Region, it is your responsibility and duty.

We all know that rebuilding the Shinra is the best choice for the unification of the Germany Region, it is the only way to achieve national unity in a short time.

The multitude of states in Germany have been divided for so long, each has developed its own system, which makes the desire for true unity very difficult, and it cannot be achieved overnight.

Let the Federal Assembly vote? In truth, we all understand this is not an activity of the minority obeying the majority, nor is it a child’s play.

Reconstruction of the Shinra must gain the support of all Sub-States; if anyone disagrees, a forced merger into an empire will only lead to contradictions and ultimately collapse.

The consequences of force are clear to all—Switzerland gained independence, Belgium gained independence, the Dutch gained independence, Luxembourg gained independence—these were their own choices, and we don’t need to scrutinize the historical reasons today.

If we don’t handle things well now, a new wave of independence movements will appear. Do not doubt, there are already international forces plotting to divide Germany, and they have even colluded with internal forces in Germany.

Therefore, I must proceed with the utmost caution, afraid that one wrong step will make me a criminal of Germany.

A unified German Empire must be an empire recognized by all. If this cannot be achieved, then it is only a federation, not an empire.

I know many people oppose the reconstruction of the Shinra because they feel the empire is too loose, with local governments having too much power and the Central Government too little, a system that does not suit everyone’s tastes.

But there is one thing to note, in order to gain the approval of all the people, we must not bleed, or at least not bleed too much.

If a civil war breaks out because of unification and blood flows like rivers, will everyone be able to sit together calmly after the war?

The answer is no. Under the guidance of those with ulterior motives, this kind of hatred will quickly take root and sprout, leading to division in the end.

Felix got into the groove, starting his oratory barrage.

The officials from the Bavarian Government below the stage were so angry that their faces were ashen, but it was not appropriate to have an outburst, as diplomatic etiquette needed to be maintained. Although Felix was ranting, he was not directly insulting the Bavarian Government by name.

If they were to stand up and stop the speech, wouldn’t that show that they felt guilty?

Moreover, the emotions of the students had been stirred up, and provoking them at this moment could lead to unpredictable results; who knows if some impressionable youth would start calling for a revolution.

This was not without precedent, as over ninety percent of the revolutions in Europe had been started by fervent youths with a casual call to action that was then blindly followed.

For instance, the French February Revolution, the Vienna March Revolution, the Berlin March Revolution, and so on—none of these uprisings had tight organization beforehand; it was just that passionate cries led everyone to blindly join in the turmoil.

Ever since the Bavarian Government made their decision, they had heightened their security to strictly prevent any rash actions from fervent youths.

For example, there were more than a hundred police officers currently inside the University of Munich—officially to protect Prime Minister Felix’s safety, but also, essentially, to monitor the crowds he interacted with.

Bear in mind that Prime Minister Felix was now the most unstable element within the Kingdom of Bavaria, and with his high status, the Bavarian Government could only hope he would leave quickly.

As much as the government despised him, the general Bavarian people welcomed him, and most had great respect for this peace-loving Austrian Prime Minister.

About an hour later, Felix stopped his speech and entered the interactive exchange segment.

An excited young student said, “Respected Prime Minister Felix, I would like to ask how we can ensure that the Holy Roman Empire will treat every Sub-State fairly?”

This question had been answered many times over by Felix in his travels, and he repeated:

“It’s a simple question, it depends on the system, a fair system. I do not believe in rule by man, for humans are inherently selfish, with natural tendencies; only a fair system can solve problems.

This system will be jointly established by all the Sub-States, publicly demonstrated throughout the country, for everyone to evaluate if it is fair.”

The nonsense mode was activated, and applause arose from below the stage. The accompanying officials of the Bavarian Government closed their eyes, as if to say, ‘Out of sight, out of mind.’

Another young student curiously asked, “Your Excellency, Prime Minister, does such a perfect system exist?”

Felix answered without hesitation: “No, it does not!”

Ignoring the commotion in the room, he continued, “There is no perfect system in the world; what seems wonderful today may become outdated tomorrow. What we can do is continually update the system to make it more suitable for us.

From the very beginning of human society, from the earliest tribal civilizations, matrilineal clans to the patriarchy, then entering the era of slavery, with the earliest nations emerging…

All these social changes are about self-adjustment and improving social systems. From our perspective today, our current system is more advanced than in the past.

But actually, if our ancestors had adopted our advanced regulations, the German People would have become history, or even untraceable in history books.

Is this a problem with the system? Clearly not!

The productive forces of society determine the production system, so do not parrot criticisms of past social systems being corrupt or backward. At least at the time, those systems met the needs of the era.”

It went off track; with everyone’s thoughts so active and their questions too cunning, Prime Minister Felix had no choice but to lead the conversation further away, striving to maintain control of the pace.

“Prime Minister, after the establishment of the Holy Roman Empire, Austria will become the new Central Government. Isn’t this unfair to the other Sub-States?”

A young student’s question brought the topic back to attention.

“You are mistaken. The Central Government is formed collectively by the Sub-States. If Austria acts as the Central Government, whom exactly could this Central Government command?

As for fairness, I think it can only be ensured by an impartial constitution. Large and small Sub-States will definitely have different political clout. If you forcibly equalize them, that would in fact be unfair to the larger Sub-States.

True fairness is about equal treatment, not privileges. My vision of the Holy Roman Empire is of a world without special privileges.

You will receive rewards proportionate to your contributions to this country, be it in money or in social status.

In other words, it’s about opening the gates to high society, although this gate might only be open a crack,” Prime Minister Felix continued to cheat on.

The mixture of truth and falsehood made his speech even more persuasive.

His open acknowledgement of social harshness implied that while no Sub-State would have privileges, gaps in individual social status would still exist.

This mode of speech was the result of painstaking research by the staff of the Austrian Government, designed to rouse peoples’ emotions without letting them spiral out of control.

The balance was not easy to strike; if nationalist fervor was detonated, Austria would be unable to bear the consequences.

Due to the Bavarian Government’s extreme caution, Prime Minister Felix made only a few speeches before he started on his return journey.

There was no doubt that this diplomatic mission had failed. Aside from a very small number of German Confederation Sub-States that expressed support for rebuilding Shinra, the majority subtly expressed opposition.

Especially after the Bavarian Government openly declared opposition, a wave of critique against the Holy Roman Empire swept through the Germany Region.

Of course, none of the governments delved into their dark histories; the local governments’ resistance against the Central Government was also a stain and an absolute political faux pas that could not be mentioned.

Vienna

After hearing Felix’s report, Franz realized that the situation in the Germany Region was far more complicated than he had imagined.

The German People were often stubborn. Once they fixed their minds on something, it was hard to sway them back.

This meant that convincing them was a necessity; without their approval, unifying Teuton was but a dream.

A misstep could lead to the very independence surge mentioned in Felix’s speech.

“Your Majesty, nationalism is growing rapidly in the Germany Region. If we stir up national sentiment now, by political means we still have hope to achieve unification,” Prime Minister Felix suggested.

Perhaps too engaged in his role, Felix was now genuinely considering the use of political maneuvers to unify Teuton.

Franz shook his head and said, “It’s impossible to succeed. If we really established the Holy Roman Empire, England and France and Russia would probably suspend hostilities and turn their attention back to us with malice.”

Teuton unification would undermine Russian hegemony over Europe, shatter the French dream of European dominance, and collapse the British policy of continental balance.

It was a clash of core interests, affecting their future development and survival. To avoid this situation from happening, they would definitely take action, without ifs, ands, or buts.

Even now, as England and France and Russia were embroiled in fierce conflict in the Near East, their secret government contacts had never ceased.

Franz was sure that England and France no longer wished to fight. If not for being in a difficult position unable to dismount from the tiger, they would likely have compromised with the Russians.

Now that they wanted to compromise, the precondition was for the Russians to make concessions; otherwise, they couldn’t explain it back home.

Did the Tsarist Government wish to continue fighting? The answer was no. The cruelty of war had awoken many, leaving them also reluctant to continue.

Concessions are easy to discuss but difficult to make! Once the Tsarist Government compromised, internal conflicts would erupt, and naturally, Nicholas I wanted to end the war with a resounding victory.

Now, Constantinople was within reach. Capturing this fortress city would solve all of the Tsarist Government’s crises, and Nicholas would become the greatest Tsar in Russian history.

As for other interests, with the Black Sea Fleet destroyed, even if they entered the Mediterranean, they couldn’t rely on swimming, could they?

Annexing the Ottoman Empire? Wars cost money, and while the Russians had military strength, they lacked the corresponding financial resources.

They could even intervene in the Germany Region while continuing the war. With the Kingdom of Prussia in the mix, a few barks from England and France and Russia, and the Holy Roman Empire would dissolve again.

Once Franz pointed this out, Felix quickly came to his senses. The Shinra Empire was far from a true empire; without external threats, issues could be gradually resolved, but now the problem was collusion from within and without.

“Your Majesty, the time is ripe to commence the next plan,” Metternich said.

Franz nodded in agreement.

Austria wasn’t aggressive enough to start a war over a disagreement. Without a justifiable reason that others could accept, if they inadvertently provoked collective anger, that would play right into the hands of the Prussians.

Simply disagreeing politically was not a sufficient cause for war. Now, there was a need to add fuel to the fire and give a final historical definition to the Bavarian Government.

Chapter 96: Pretext for War

With Franz’s order, Bavaria became bustling.

Prime Minister Felix’s speech in Munich did have an effect, and most of the younger generation in Bavaria were ensnared, each considering how the Germany Region could be unified.

This thought alone created problems. With their limited social experience, they simply could not consider the issues comprehensively, and it was very easy for them to become extreme in their views.

If no one had provoked further, it would have been one thing, but how could the prepared Franz possibly miss this opportunity?

One by one, experts and scholars emerged to express their opinions, criticizing the rulers of the Bavarian Government for acting in their own interests and undermining the unification of the Germany Region.

To most people, rebuilding the Shinra was not the best choice, but it was the most suitable one. When the path of peaceful unification was blocked, the only option left was unification by force.

Perhaps some craved to achieve great things in war, but this was definitely not to be a civil war.

Influenced by Prime Minister Felix’s speech, these self-proclaimed elite students couldn’t restrain themselves anymore. They believed they should do something for the unification of the nation and could not just watch the government mess things up.

Demonstrations, this meaningful activity, became their best method of voicing their opinions.

As intellectuals, even when marching, they could find legal grounds for it. The speech given by the former King Ludwig before his abdication became their banner.

(Affected by the revolution, Ludwig abdicated. To win back public support, he publicly stated: “The royal family will commit to the unification of the Germany Region.”)

Maximilian II was troubled, as the political bomb had detonated. Even though there were no unchangeable family laws in Europe, the remarks made by the former king before his abdication held political sway as well.

Now the public wanted the King to give an explanation. Since the royal family was committed to the unification of the Germany Region, how would they explain the government’s current contradictory actions?

Not only the King was questioned but also the Cabinet Ministers were subjected to the people’s scrutiny. The public’s stance was clear: they could accept opposition to the establishment of the Shinra, but shouldn’t there be a plan for the unification of Germany?

No matter if it was feasible, there had to be at least a theoretical plan that could convince most people and gain their approval.

An anxious Maximilian II asked, “What do we do now, gentlemen? The citizens are awaiting our reply.”

It wasn’t that they were unprepared, but the previous contingency plans were meant to deal with troublemakers. The problem now was that these people weren’t making trouble at all.

The crowd involved in this demonstration was of much higher quality than usual; no longer only workers and students, but also the middle class, capitalists, social scholars, and the nobility participated.

The wide coverage involved all groups of the Kingdom of Bavaria. Even if the Bavarian Government suspected it was organized, they had no evidence and dared not act rashly.

The revolution had just passed, and everyone was nervous, fearing to cause any social unrest.

Prime Minister August replied, “Your Majesty, the best solution right now is to present a unification plan for Germany and try to convince the public as much as possible.”

In reality, each principality’s government in the Germany Region was preparing their own unification plans. If one were to oppose the re-establishment of the Shinra, then a new alternative was necessary.

Otherwise, it would be as Felix criticized, “doing nothing practical all day and opposing for the sake of opposing.”

“Prime Minister, any suggestions?” Maximilian II inquired.

August replied, “Your Majesty, we can change our previous plans slightly and revamp the Three Countries Cabinet plan.

The reason remains the same: there are too many principalities in the Germany Region, and if everyone is involved in the decision-making, all that would be left is quarreling daily.

The best choice is for Bavaria to replace the many small principalities, balance against Austria and Prussia in the central government, and co-dominate the Empire.

Of course, this proposal is unlikely to gain support from the other states, but it is viable to convince our citizens, and Bavaria can reap the greatest benefit.

As long as the Austrians can accept the formation of a Three Countries Cabinet, we will support the re-establishment of the Holy Roman Empire.”

After hesitating for a moment, Maximilian II made up his mind and said, “Alright, let’s do that.”

Doing this would offend the smaller states, but when faced with a lesser of two evils, one must choose the lesser. Offending the small states might lead to some protests, but failing to provide the domestic public with an explanation could impact the basis of the rule.

Ever since receiving the support of the major powers, the Bavarian Government’s courage had grown a lot. If it weren’t for the fact that Prussia-Austria was a bit too strong, they would have even liked to unify the many small German principalities by force.

Moreover, this time, the Bavarian Government had taken the lead for everyone and thwarted Austria’s Shinra plan. Even if their current slogan was a bit overboard, surely everyone would understand.

On March 4, 1853, the United Kingdom and France ignited the Crimean War, immediately disrupting the Russian’s arrangement with their first strike.

The British strategy was not wrong; the Tsarist Government truly was struggling. After adding a new front, the logistics and supply of the Russian Army on the Balkan Peninsula all fell on Austria.

To the surprise of the Allied Forces, the Russian units committed to the Crimean War not only had poor combat effectiveness, but even their weapons and equipment were surprisingly bad, amounting to a beggar army.

There was no other choice, the Tsarist Government was helpless. Russia’s elite units were mostly consumed on the Balkans battlefield, or had gone to the Caucasus war field; what remained were second-line or reserve forces.

Inadequately trained and with poor weapons and equipment, when combat erupted, the Russians naturally suffered greatly. If not for the terrain and climate of the Crimean War tormenting the unaccustomed Allied Forces, the victor between both sides would have already been decided.

Vienna

Finance Minister Karl spoke gravely, “Your Majesty, the Russians have applied for another loan from us. Tsarist government bonds are facing a cold reception in the market, and most investors are worried about their defaulting.”

Franz couldn’t even be bothered to criticize the Russians anymore. With such poor creditworthiness, no wonder investors, even with collateral on offer, worried about them defaulting.

It wasn’t an unfounded worry; the Russians had a history of default. It was one thing to default on ordinary debts, but they were equally capable of making excuses for defaulting on secured debts.

For example, if they mortgaged a mine, they could impose all sorts of messy taxes specifically targeting that mine, forcing the investors to withdraw on their own.

Another example would be mortgaging tax revenues; the result is letting the creditors go collect it themselves, provided they can actually collect it.

The sins committed by the ancestors now fall on Nicholas I to repay. There are too many harsh lessons, leaving the capital market still scarred by them.

Even as Nicholas I is striving to restore credibility, it is still of no avail. Without the efforts of several generations, their credit will be hard for the market to accept.

Just look at how the European countries are issuing paper money, while they still directly use gold and silver as currency; it’s not just a lack of credibility in the international market, but the domestic capital market also doubts the credibility of the Tsarist Government.

Franz did not hesitate to say, “Tell the Russians that our finances are also very difficult, and we cannot provide them with a huge loan. We suggest they try the capital market of a neutral country.”

He is scared. The Russians have already borrowed 202 million shields from Austria, including 130 million in government loans and 72 million in private loans, and Franz’s Royal Bank has issued a loan of 5 million shields.

Of course, government loans come with ultra-low interest rates. Private loans naturally follow market laws, and with a business partner like the Tsarist Government, which has a poor reputation, they do not consider anything less than 0.7% per month.

After deducting all kinds of messy fees, the interest that the Russians need to pay has actually exceeded 1% per month.

Don’t think this is usury; even with such interest rates, there are very few consortia willing to lend money to the Russians.

High risk corresponds with high returns; if it wasn’t for the stipulation that this money can only be used within Austria, these loans simply would not be approved.

Some private loans have additional conditions attached, such as specifying the purchase of products from certain companies, or for example …

Naturally, the Tsarist Government is keen to seek loans from the Austrian Government. Not to mention the high interest rates of private loans, there are also a plethora of restrictive conditions that the Tsarist Government obviously cannot endure.

Even if there are Russians to back it up, Franz dares not to print money recklessly; who knows when the Near East conflict will end? What if it ends prematurely?

At that time, if Austria has not accumulated enough capital and an economic crisis erupts again, the Russians who obtain the loans could potentially become bottom-fishers.

In the face of interest, one must still guard against what needs to be guarded. Basically, the Russians must bring a certain amount of gold and silver into Austria before Franz dares to lend out money, ensuring there will not be currency devaluation.

Franz admits that he is a conservative and utterly ignorant about economic issues. However, a state is different from a company; a state needs stable development, not rapid eruption.

Metternich spoke, “Your Majesty, at this time, we need to stabilize the Russians. We can first help them sell some bonds for emergency use. The summer taxes are about to arrive, and the Russians should be able to recover a bit by then.

The Bavarian Government has led itself to a dead end; it just needs time to ferment. Our people only need to give them a push, and they’re finished.”

It’s not easy to trap the Bavarian Government. Austria had set up many huge pits for them to fall into, but they have managed to avoid most of them.

For instance: When the Bavarian Government suppresses the crowds demonstrating, Austria can intervene using the accusation that the Bavarian Government is persecuting nationalist activists, attempting to split the German region.

No need to declare war, and the Austrian army could just appear on the streets of Munich, even being welcomed in.

Clearly, the Bavarian Government was not foolish, even if they were unaware of Austria’s intention to act against them, they also knew that a violent suppression would undermine their foundation of rule.

As a result, they avoided that trap, but then they dug a new one for themselves. On the surface, offending these small principalities might not seem like much, since all they do is shout slogans at home.

But with Austria fanning the flames, it was different; the governments of these principalities might keep their cool, but the public could not.

According to Austria’s plan, they were, after all, one of the shareholders of Shinra, the masters of the nation; but according to Bavaria’s plan, they became mere shareholders, nominally so, without the right to participate in decisions, their share of the profit even stripped away.

Under such circumstances, it would be strange if they were not angry. Once they became agitated, when Austria moved against Bavaria, they would oppose the government sending troops, and the public’s opposition would inevitably make these small state governments hesitate.

If they did not send troops to help at the very beginning, the Kingdom of Bavaria would not withstand the first wave. Ensuingly, Austria’s annexation of Bavaria as a fait accompli, it would be too late for others to intervene.

Without the Kingdom of Bavaria, these small states had to confront Austria directly; their limited strength meant they no longer had the power to resist Austria, and with public spirit and morale scattered, subsequent problems became easier to manage.

The small states of Germany might seem inconsequential, but if united, their strength was not insignificant.

They could muster an army of three to four hundred thousand, and with the Kingdom of Prussia added, if Austria could not quickly defeat them one by one, becoming mired in a stalemate would mean the failure of the plan.

Therefore, political subterfuge was of paramount importance. Not to mention deceiving other national governments, as long as there was hesitation, allowing Austria to take down Bavaria, the overall situation would be settled.

On the surface, the Austrian Government now appeared to be dominated by the Peaceful unification faction, with the opposition to the German unification faction closely following; as for the voices advocating for the military unification of the German region, one would hardly hear them unless going down to the grassroots level.

From a political standpoint, no matter how one looked at it, the Austrian Government had neither the motivation nor the conditions to take military action.

To a certain degree, politicians’ political stances would influence national decisions, just as the election of Lincoln, an advocate for the abolition of slavery, led to the detonation of the American Civil War.

If the Austrian Government had the War Party in power, every principality in the German region would be extremely vigilant, just as everyone now is towards the Kingdom of Prussia.

Even though their power was still inferior to Austria, their Prime Minister was from the military, a standard hardliner, giving everyone a sense of threat.

Franz, agreeable as ever, said, “Well then, let’s hold off the Russians this round. They’ll probably be collecting war taxes again soon, and I suppose the Tsarist Government won’t be short of money this year.”

War tax is a unique type of tax in Europe; before modern times, the funds monarchs raised for wars usually came from war taxes.

Austria also had a war tax in place, but Franz wouldn’t collect it unless absolutely necessary. Money collected could not be followed by losing battles, or the consequences would be very serious.

Marshal Radetzky reminded, “Your Majesty, it’s time to create a pretext for war. The dissolution of the German Confederation has progressed enough; any more would be overdoing it.”

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Proceed according to plan.”

Chapter 97: National Traitor

Ever since Prime Minister Felix visited the German States, the topic of unification has been heatedly hyped by the media. It’s as if one would be eliminated from this world for not discussing this topic daily.

Particularly after Felix’s Bavarian mission ended in failure, the impact was even bigger, and naturally, German nationalism was greatly disappointed.

Regardless of whether they agreed with the Shinra Empire or not, they had to admit that this was the most likely plan to achieve unification in the German Region.

When the Bavarian Government’s unification plan emerged, it was immediately spread to all corners of Germany by interested parties, causing a sensation.

Austria naturally scorned this, as a tripod’s stability still depends on strength. The Kingdom of Prussia, though only a medium-sized country, had military power on par with great powers and barely qualified for this status.

But what about Bavaria? On what basis were they achieving an equal standing; simply by representing the many small German states? Who had agreed to this?

If their strength was close to that of Prussia, then there would be nothing to say—the tripod balance would be inevitable. Austria wouldn’t need to expand westward and could just honestly manage the Balkan Peninsula

The Kingdom of Prussia wasn’t convinced either; a tripartite political system offered them no benefits. Whether it was the Lesser Germany plan or the North and South Germanic plan, both suited their interests better than this proposal.

The two major states were merely dissatisfied and let it pass with a laugh—at most, they mocked the Bavarian Government’s overestimation of themselves in newspapers.

The small states of the German Region were in an uproar—were they just represented like that, had they agreed to this?

Provoked by newspapers, public opinion exploded instantly. Trolls of all sorts emerged, as if they wouldn’t be comfortable without denigrating Bavaria once.

The Rhine River Daily directly published an article titled “The Ambition of Bavaria,” even posting the Bavarian Government’s strategy plan for annexing each German nation. The details were so meticulous it seemed genuine.

Real or not, nobody cared; everyone simply wished to believe it was true. Otherwise, how could there be a Three Countries Cabinet in a region with so many German states?

If they couldn’t annex these states, on what grounds could they represent them in the Empire?

It wasn’t long before someone dug up Bavaria’s plot to collude with England, France, and Russia in an attempt to kick Austria and Prussia out of the German plan.

This was true, as England and France had indeed made such a suggestion, and the Bavarian Government was willing to accept it. However, it was strangled in the cradle by a joint intervention from Austria and Prussia before it could even begin.

Even the Bavarian Government had secretly supported this theory. Only its influence was too small; it couldn’t even become mainstream within the Kingdom of Bavaria, let alone be promoted elsewhere.

Now that the media had dug this up, they were naturally talking nonsense. Without a touch of artistic license, how can newspapers have the audacity to call themselves journalists?

Franz admitted that he had paid; without the Austrian Government’s funding, it would’ve been impossible for so many newspapers in the German Region to uniformly criticize Bavaria.

Of course, there was also the matter of the Bavarian Government’s misjudgment in their decision-making process; they had taken great power support too seriously.

This is a common problem for small countries; they must act according to the whims of great powers, accumulating inevitable influence over time.

People are ambitious, and Maximilian II was no exception. Tiring of playing balance between Austria and Prussia every day, over time, it became wearisome.

The encouragement from England, France, and Russia released these ambitions. Theoretically, Bavaria’s plan was not without chances of success—had history not changed, the idea of partitioning Germany into three could have very well become a reality.

However, the diplomatic maneuver required a high level of skill, and the Kingdom of Bavaria also needed to have a cheat code of sorts—possessing at least two hundred thousand elite troops.

As long as they could successfully ambush the Kingdom of Prussia after its defeat of Austria, Bavaria’s strategy would have succeeded, and this success rate was somewhat frightening.

After all, England, France, and Russia would support them, as long as they win this round, it’s a victory. The strategy of small countries relies on taking a gamble; how can one counterattack if they dare not risk?

Now, the chances of success are even lower. Austria hasn’t embarked on a road to ruin, and its comprehensive strength is at least twice that of Bavaria’s compared to the same historical period; there’s simply no comparison.

No matter if there’s a chance or not, one should always dream. Isn’t Franz still dreaming of unifying the entire Germany Region?

Because it’s truly unattainable, one has to settle for the next best thing, enforcing the South Germany plan, and instantly, the difficulty drops to a controllable range.

Even when implementing the South German strategy, they still broke it down, with the first step being to take down Bavaria. Only after accomplishing this can other matters be discussed; otherwise, everything would be futile.

There it is, Bavaria’s fragmented strategy has also emerged, even brazenly appearing in the newspapers.

The first step is to fabricate an excuse to kick Austria out of the German Federation together with Prussia, England, France, and Russia;

The second step is to unite with England, France, and Russia to kick Prussia out of the German Federation;

The third step…

Regardless of how absurd these plans are, people were still outraged. Aren’t the plans of the Bavarian Government an insult to everyone’s intelligence?

Even Maximilian II was angry. He dared to swear to God that he had absolutely nothing to do with such a childish plan.

Of course, the Bavarian Government was also not involved. Even if such thoughts existed, they should only remain in dreams. Who would dare to put such content on paper?

And even if they were fabricating, shouldn’t the lies at least be somewhat credible? The first step of forcing Austria out with the help of the great powers is simply not feasible.

The Prussians, without a doubt, would love to see Austria go. But who doesn’t know that England and France are at loggerheads with Mao Xiong, intense battles have erupted, so how could Bavaria possibly unite them?

There must at least be some common interests, right? For instance, Austria having incurred universal wrath leading to a joint boycott by everyone, but hasn’t this scenario failed to occur?

Could it be that Bavaria in alliance with Prussia can actually force Austria to withdraw? It’s estimated that as soon as this plan is proposed, the Austrians would go berserk.

Would anyone believe such a childish plan? The answer is: yes, and there are many who do.

At least Franz believed it, and the Austrian Government did too. On April 11, 1853, Austria’s Foreign Ministry issued a diplomatic note to the Bavarian Government, warning them not to play with fire.

The public opinion was in an uproar, but still, most were supportive, as Austria only gave a diplomatic caution in words. To many of the smaller German regional states, this was quite satisfying.

If there were an actual war launched, it would be different. Many people’s view would change, as the reason was not sufficient enough.

Franz was an Emperor with a good temper, who would not rush into martial action, but he did add one more point to the annotations behind the pretext of war.

After receiving the warning, the Bavarian Government immediately made a clarification, stating that the aforementioned situation was slanderous, and they absolutely had no plans to split Germany.

After this minor interlude, the third wave of public opinion momentum ended and the fourth wave began.

Entering May, a new hot topic in the Germany Region became “how to unify the Germany Region”.

This topic was extremely sensitive. Governments of various countries kept silent on the matter, but the public was abuzz with discussion. The most disheartened were the Shinra faction, as they were eliminated first.

The Bavarian Government became the scapegoat, the target of everyone’s anger. Of course, in Maximilian II’s view, this was worth it. Despite receiving a lot of criticism, they had gained substantial benefits.

England, France, and Russia all publicly issued diplomatic statements, criticizing the reconstruction of the Shinra as an unstable factor that undermines the balance of Europe and warned Austria not to play with fire.

Afterward, Franz couldn’t even be bothered to look at them; he tossed these communications into a corner and considered the matter closed.

On the other hand, the Bavarian Government received high praise from the great powers. If it weren’t for the deep contradictions among England, France, and Russia, they would have personally stepped in to help Bavaria achieve its strategic goal.

Even Maximilian II wouldn’t believe this rhetoric; diplomatic language is just for show. It’s merely the great powers giving them encouragement. If you really believe it, then prepare to cry!

On the surface, in this political game, the Kingdom of Bavaria seemed to have the upper hand. Austria had just threatened them, and now they were the ones being warned by the great powers.

When all the plans were put together for comparison, everyone reluctantly found that the first one eliminated was, in fact, the one with the greatest chance of success. The opportunity for the Chuunibyo youths had arrived.

“When the gate of peace is closed, then force becomes the only choice, and Germany will ultimately be unified.”

After this slogan was chanted, it quickly spread across the Germany Region. The Chuunibyo youths didn’t even understand what it meant but started shouting along.

This scared a lot of people instantaneously, especially the governments of many small sub-states, who were most worried about the military unification of Germany.

With the reconstruction of the Shinra, everyone’s interests were somewhat secured. Once it turned into forceful national unification, they were undoubtedly going to be the part that got unified.

National unification achieved through bloodshed naturally spells the end for them, who stood against it – the reactionary faction. The smell of gunpowder in the Germany Region grew stronger.

The moment Franz had been anxiously waiting for had arrived; the public groundwork was laid, the people’s fervor was ignited, and everyone reluctantly accepted the reality of Germany’s forceful unification.

This was not the time to hesitate; the people’s fervor could not last forever. Once they calmed down, it would be too late for everything.

Inside the Austrian Government, the hardliners’ influence began to surge. On June 1, 1853, Prime Minister Felix delivered his Iron Curtain speech at the Vienna National Assembly.

“After our continuous efforts to try using peaceful means to unify Germany, the plan ultimately failed due to the collusion of national traitors and foreign enemies.

But Germany will ultimately be unified, this is the mission history has entrusted us with.

Now is perhaps the time for us to adopt a different method to achieve national unification.

Great Germany, since its birth, has been filled with iron and blood. Now we are left with no choice.

Since someone has forced us to take this step, let us then use iron and blood to sweep this corrupt world and forge the new glory of the Empire!

Everyone knew that Austria had changed. The Prime Minister of the Peace Party had become a member of the War Party; Austria’s national policy had undergone a major change.

In the following days, the Austrian elite made similar speeches, and the Austrian Government turned entirely to the War Party.

In a word: We love peace, but we love Germany more. For the unification of Germany, war is unavoidable.

These public stances instantly caused an uproar in the Germany Region. Many people suddenly realized, is war coming?

They didn’t have to wait long. On June 5, 1853, Franz issued “A Letter to the German People.”

“Peace has died, and there remains only one path towards the unification of Germany, and that is war.

History has given me a duty that I cannot escape, for I love this land, this country, deeply.

To prevent the disintegration of the Germany Region, we must wipe out any attempt at dividing Germany.

Now, before God, I have decided to execute the national traitors and eliminate a decayed regime that conspired with foreign enemies to split the Germany Region.

Regardless of whether everyone believed it or not, Franz was convinced that the Bavarian Government conspired with England, France, and Russia to split Germany.

“A Letter to the German People” served as a declaration of war. At the same time Franz made his proclamation, the Austrian Government had already submitted a declaration of war to Bavaria.

The cover of the declaration of war was marked: Execute National Traitors.

The Bavarian Government, which had not yet reacted, was dumbfounded; the transformation in the Austrian Government’s attitude was just too swift.

Not long before, the great powers had collectively warned Austria; normally, they wouldn’t possibly resort to military action under such circumstances.

Maximilian II was in no mood to investigate why. He made a swift decision, commanding, “Immediately seek aid from England, France, and Russia, and ask them to intervene; domestically, initiate a full national mobilization, and at the same time seek military assistance from the German regional states.”

Prime Minister August added, “Your Majesty, we must clarify immediately to the outside world; we absolutely must not acknowledge the crimes the Austrian Government has pinned on us. Otherwise, we are finished.”

The military issue was a minor concern. Even if they were defeated in battle, with the intervention of the great powers, there was still a chance to preserve their regime. But if they failed politically, even if they drove out the Austrians, it would be none of their concern anymore.

Foreign Minister Bachhaus exclaimed in alarm, “Not good, the Austrians have premeditated this; we fell into their trap!”

Maximilian asked urgently, “What happened? Explain!”

With a heavy countenance and a bitter smile, Foreign Minister Bachhaus said, “Your Majesty, public opinion is highly unfavorable to us. A series of events that have happened earlier all tied us together with England, France, and Russia.

I fear that in the eyes of many German people, we are seen as the national traitors colluding with foreign enemies. Even if we provide explanations, it won’t be possible to reverse the situation in a short time.

With Austria’s significant influence in Bavaria, if the people are convinced that we are national traitors, then I’m afraid…”

Without him finishing, everyone knew what a disaster had unfolded. At this moment, if England, France, and Russia stepped in to intervene, it would prove a collusion between the Bavarian Government and them. If they did not intervene, Austria would swallow Bavaria whole.

It was a dilemma of two evils, where every choice led to a pitfall; it was just a matter of which one to jump into.

Maximilian II said fiercely, “We can’t worry about that now; first let’s get through the current crisis.

The Austrians are probably taking a risk because England, France, and Russia are locked in conflict and cannot unite to interfere with their actions.

But they don’t know that we have agreements with England, France, and Russia; they will definitely intervene.

A united German Empire is too frightening a prospect for any European power to tolerate such an occurrence.

Austria taking action now amounts to disqualifying itself. We must seize this opportunity to kick them out of Germany!”

Chapter 98: The Snipe and the Clam at Loggerheads

Austria and Bavaria went to war, and the news shocked the entire European Continent.

Although everyone knew that the relationship between the two countries had broken down, the accumulated disputes were not enough to trigger a war. That left only one explanation—Austria intended to unify Germany by force.

The pretext for the war was obvious to many, who speculated that Austria’s strategy to rebuild Holy Rome had been bankrupted by Bavaria, prompting Austria to brazenly resort to force.

London

Upon receiving Bavaria’s plea for help, the British Government was first shocked, then resolved to intervene, followed by a headache.

“Austria seeks to forcibly unify the German Region, and they have now taken the first step. We must stop their actions; the balance in the European Continent must not be disturbed!” Prime Minister George Hamilton-Gordon said sternly.

Foreign Minister Thomas analyzed, “Prime Minister, the current situation is quite troublesome. It must be said that Austria has chosen a good time, with the Russians occupying the main attentions of the French and ourselves.

Even if we want to intervene, we can only do so verbally for a long time to come.

If Austria dares to make a move against Bavaria now, it is very likely that they have reached an agreement with the Russians. It will be hard to make them let go using diplomatic pressure alone.”

An England, France, and Russia ceasefire? Such a possibility indeed exists, but it is premised on Austria unifying the German Region. Currently, just attacking Bavaria is insufficient to make the three parties come to an immediate compromise.

Home Secretary Henry John Temple suggested, “There are many states within the German Confederation, and these small states can be quite strong if united, in addition to the Kingdom of Prussia. Once these forces are mobilized, Austria does not have the ability to eliminate them swiftly.

To interfere with the German Region, our troops need not necessarily march. We just need to unite these states and hold Austria back.

After the Near East war is over, it won’t be too late to mediate. Perhaps using this opportunity to kick Austria out of the German Region could also be a good choice.”

Minister of Army Stanley objected, “Difficult. Just the messes created by us, France, and Ottoman’s alliance in forming the Allied Forces are numerous.

With so many states in the German Region, full of contradictions among themselves, uniting them is not an easy task.

The wars in the Balkan Peninsula have proven that without sincere cooperation, it is easy to be defeated one by one by the enemy.

Austria’s influence in the German Region is too substantial, and now their assault on Bavaria in the name of national unity has gained the support of German Region nationalists.

Under these circumstances, even if the states of the German Region could unite, the combat power they could unleash would be greatly diminished.”

This was an intractable dilemma. As long as soldiers lacked the will to fight, one could not expect them to unleash any significant combat power on the battlefield.

Prime Minister George Hamilton-Gordon said, “Regardless of whether they have combat power, let’s first get them organized. As long as we can hold the Austrians back, that will suffice.

Let the Foreign Office communicate with other European nations as soon as possible. Surely, no one wants to see Austria unify the German Region. We shall join hands and intervene together to force Austria to stop this war that undermines European stability.”

Paris

Napoleon III had an even more intense reaction to Austria’s military actions; if it were not for the insufficient troop strength at hand, he would have immediately intervened.

Home Minister Persigny proposed, “Your Majesty, the German Region is not so easily unified. The Austrians likely don’t have the strength to do so. Waiting until they are both severely weakened is our best opportunity to strike.

We could also take advantage of the situation to annex the territories west of the Rhine River. Now, we shouldn’t stop Austria’s actions, but rather encourage them to continue fighting.”

Without hesitation for too long, Napoleon III made up his mind.

“Right. This war cannot stop immediately. Secretly send someone to negotiate with Austria, letting them fight boldly.

On the surface, we will still stand in unison with other nations, placing diplomatic pressure on the Austrian Government, encouraging each German Nation to fiercely resist Austria as much as possible.”

Interests are always the eternal theme between nations. When to intervene in this war is determined by interest.

The French are different from the British. The British strategy dictates that they are unlikely to expand on the European Continent; maintaining the balance among European nations is their goal.

The French, however, aim to dominate the European Continent. They have long coveted the German Region’s territories—how could they let go when the opportunity presents itself now?

Although the German Region’s states are small, their collective strength is not weak. If these states are not allowed to wear each other down with Austria, where would France’s opportunity lie?

Napoleon III wished to play the Fisherman, and interests had already determined that England and France’s stances were divergent; close cooperation is out of the question.

Frankfurt

To send troops or not is a dilemma.

Whom to help with troops is yet another dilemma.

The smooth talk of Prime Minister Felix was not meaningless; at least the capitalists of Frankfurt believed that a unified Germany would better serve everyone’s interests.

You can’t nurture a monster in shallow waters. The capitalists of Frankfurt aspired to advance further and needed a larger market to do so.

Interest is always the best catalyst. For rebuilding Shinra, they had no objections. After all, being a Free City or an autonomous municipality didn’t matter much to them.

Not only them but also most of the Free Cities in Germany were hesitant. The blueprint described by Prime Minister Felix was so enchanting that the capitalists couldn’t resist it.

Of course, there was opposition, rooted in the very realistic reason that capitalists’ status was too low in Austria and did not meet their expectations.

Many doubted Felix’s promises, questioning whether these conditions could be honored after the establishment of Holy Rome.

“To covet life when big issues are at stake, and to forsake righteousness for minor gains.”

This was the most fitting description of them.

Baden

As one of Bavaria’s staunchest allies, the 1830 Ming Baden royal family became extinct, and the Kingdom of Bavaria almost annexed the Grand Duchy of Baden. Sadly, plans couldn’t keep up with the rapidly changing circumstances, and they failed due to intervention by the major powers.

This small incident did not affect the relationship between the two countries; at most, there was a bit of dissatisfaction among the royal families.

Whether to send troops to help Bavaria had become a dilemma for Ludwig II, or rather, for his brother, Prince Friedrich.

There was no choice; it seemed as though a curse had befallen the modern European royal families, besieged by a slew of troubles, Ludwig II suffered from a mild mental illness.

Needless to say, once afflicted with such an illness, regardless of severity, no one dared let him continue to govern. No one could guarantee that his decisions would be sound.

“The Bavarians are asking for help, should we send our troops to rescue them immediately?” Prince Friedrich asked.

“Your Highness, now is not a good time to send troops. The Austrians are well-prepared; with our strength alone, we simply cannot save Bavaria.

It would be best to act in concert with other nations. If we were to go to war rashly, we could suffer heavy losses,” Minister Woltz replied.

The Kingdom of Bavaria must be saved, for they understood all too well the principle of mutual dependence. However, the method of rescue required skill; a misstep that cost them dearly would be a huge loss.

Home Minister Johannes added, “It’s not just that; we also have to consider the domestic public opinion. Most citizens have no good feelings toward Bavaria.

Ever since the Bavarian Government’s Three Countries Cabinet plan was proposed, many radical civic groups have demanded that our government sever ties with them.

The news has not yet spread widely. Once it does, there is a very high possibility that the public will oppose government intervention.”

The Austrian plan to rebuild the Shinra was very deceptive; not only have the citizens been fooled, but many governments of the German States as well, including the Baden Government.

Now that the cat is out of the bag, government elites may quickly shift their views, but the general populace cannot. Many will be prejudiced, believing that Austria’s initiation of this war is justified.

It’s not only due to Austria’s effort that the Bavarian Government has been maligned; much of it is also spontaneous public sentiment. After all, whose fault is it that the Bavarian Government’s German unification plan has left them dissatisfied?

In the eyes of many nationalists, German unification is inevitable, and the Bavarian Government is a cancer opposing national unification. Removing them would be the first step towards unification.

This idea, intentionally guided by Franz, had already begun to ferment. The Baden Government could not possibly convince the public with the argument of mutual dependence; even if they did, it would be to no avail.

Most of the populace hoped for German unification and the Baden Government did not have the people’s heart. During the time of the great revolution, the Grand Duchy of Baden briefly established The Republican Government, and it was only with the help of the Prussians that the uprising was suppressed.

Of course, since they’ve implemented social reforms, whether their government’s standing in the eyes of the public is as important as German unification is a question no one knows the answer to.

Foreign Minister Nicholas suggested, “Your Highness, Austria’s plan to unify Germany will not succeed. Once the major powers intervene, it’s over. There’s no need for us to risk getting involved in the fray.”

Prince Friedrich nodded in agreement; the Grand Duchy of Baden did not have deep coffers. If they were to engage in a full-scale war with Austria, they would at best be severely weakened, at worst, entirely decimated.

If such a situation were to occur, the government’s foundation of rule would be shaken. Without this standing army, what would they use to suppress the revolutionary forces within the country?

Anyway, with the eventual intervention of the major powers, what did they have to fear? The life-and-death struggle of the Bavarian Government was simply not within their considerations.

Berlin

When Frederick William IV learned of Austria’s military unification of the German Region, excitement surged within him—a rare opportunity had emerged.

With Austria taking the lead, the Kingdom of Prussia’s difficulty in unifying the German Region would be greatly reduced.

“Gentlemen, the Austrians can’t hold back anymore. Now that they’ve disrupted the situation, should we send troops to rescue Bavaria?” Frederick William IV asked.

Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich said gravely, “Your Majesty, we absolutely must not send troops now. Before forming an allied force with the German Confederation, or before the intervention of the great powers, we must avoid conflict with the Austrians as much as possible.

In recent years, the economic conditions within the country have not been favorable, and the development of our military has also been limited. Engaging in a decisive battle with the Austrians now, our chances of victory are too low.

Even if we were to win, we would still be the losers. Recklessly fighting the Austrians and depleting our strength would merely allow other principalities to benefit from our losses.

Once we suffer heavy losses in war, we would lose the opportunity to unify the German Region. The great powers will not give us time; they oppose the Austrians unifying Germany, and likewise, they oppose Prussia unifying Germany.

The best choice at this time is to incite the smaller states to deploy their troops, using the opportunity of war to drain their strength, thereby reducing the difficulty of our unification of Germany.

As for the Austrians, leave them to England and France! They think they’ve chosen a good time when other nations are unable to intervene in their military actions.

But they’ve forgotten that Europe is not just England, France, and Russia. Even if those three countries are engaged in conflict, with their influence, they can still rally other nations to organize intervention forces.”

In this era, the influence of England, France, and Russia is enormous, especially the two dominants, England and Russia. It is normal for Joseph von Radovich to have confidence in them. Although Austria is also one of the four major powers, it cannot compare with England and Russia.

Foreign Minister Rudolf spoke, “Prime Minister, sir, if we do not deploy troops, I’m afraid the smaller states of the German Region also won’t dare to. With their capabilities, they simply don’t qualify to intervene.

If no one intervenes, the Kingdom of Bavaria is doomed. By the time England, France, and Russia react, Austria will have already created a fait accompli.

Currently, England, France, and Russia are embroiled in the battles of the Near East, and Austria has always had good relations with Russia. It’s not impossible for the two to have reached a secret agreement.”

Rudolf’s concerns were not without reason. There were many states in the German Confederation, but few major ones. These small states could muster at most several thousand troops, hardly making a splash on the battlefield.

Austria’s strength was not weak, and once a fait accompli was achieved, and with the Russians’ tacit approval, the pressure from England and France would be insufficient to force them to back down.

“Mr. Rudolf, such a situation could indeed occur, which is why we must take action. At the very least, we have to organize the armies of each German Nation so that we can thwart Austria’s plot without paying a heavy price,” Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich responded.

In any case, it was impossible to recklessly challenge Austria to a duel. If the Kingdom of Prussia wanted to be the ultimate beneficiary, they could not afford to clash head-on with Austria and lose precious military strength.

England and France were hoping for the German States to dispatch troops to stop Austria, and these small German states were likewise hoping for the intervention of the great powers.

Everyone wanted to be the final fisherman, and then the tragedy struck for the Kingdom of Bavaria, who at the onset of the battle had to fight alone.

While debates were happening within the countries, the battle had already begun.

The Bavarian Government, unaware that they had been sold out, were confidently mobilizing their troops with affirmative responses from various countries, preparing to fight a homeland defense war.

Chapter 99: We Must Remain Neutral

On the day war was declared, Austria, well-prepared, mobilized a 400,000-strong force and launched a three-pronged attack on the Kingdom of Bavaria.

The unprepared Bavarian Government could only meet the enemy reactively, and the result was naturally tragic. They were suddenly struck by the Austrian Army without any preparation.

Upon receiving the distress letters from the front lines, the Bavarian Government was thrown into disarray. Maximilian II realized the trouble was severe, as Austria’s speed was too fast, and the border defenses had already been breached as soon as the fighting started.

In Freilassing, when news of the war between Austria and Bavaria arrived, the place became panicked, and Colonel Andreas, the commanding officer of the local garrison, instantly felt an ominous premonition.

Looking at the intelligence in his hands, he did not know how to handle the war. He was uncertain about the size of the opposing Austrian forces but presumed they numbered at least several tens of thousands, whereas he only had control over two garrison battalions.

Over three thousand Bavarian soldiers were expected to hold off the advance of tens of thousands of Austrian troops, a feat not even a reborn god of war could accomplish.

But there was no choice; the national command was clear — all local garrisons must hold their ground at all costs. Mobilizing the nation would take time, and to buy that time, the front-line garrisons would naturally have to be sacrificed.

This was the intent of the bureaucrats in Munich, as well as that of King Maximilian II. Munich was too close to Austria; without resistance, Austrian troops could arrive at the city’s gates within two days.

The guard reported, “Commander, sir, Mr. Marcus is here to visit.”

Andreas was slightly startled; at this time, those not preparing to flee were mostly extreme nationalist adolescents ready to joyously welcome the Royal Army.

Marcus was certainly not of that sort. As a cultural influencer in the Kingdom of Bavaria, he held high esteem in Freilassing.

“Let him in,” said Andreas.

No matter what, a guest was a guest, and moreover, they had known each other for some time and shared a certain rapport. Even though it was not a good time for a visit, it was still necessary to see him.

Marcus got straight to the point, “Andreas, I am here on behalf of the entire population of Freilassing.”

Frankly, Marcus was very reluctant to act as a guide for the enemy, but he was overwhelmed by the number of influential people who had worked on him.

Apart from the Austrians, these included many of his relatives and friends. Most of the societal elite in the Freilassing region did not want the war to break out.

War was the worst; with each conflict came a redistribution of benefits. For these interest groups, whether Austria could unify the Germany Region or not was still uncertain, but Freilassing could definitely not withstand the Austrian onslaught.

Once war broke out, they, as the local power brokers, would be the most severely affected victims.

If it were a foreign enemy invading, there would be no choice but to be patriotic and fight; they could not bring themselves to surrender without a fight.

Clearly, Austria was not an aggressor; flying the banner of national unification was acceptable to most, and surrendering carried no pressure.

It wouldn’t even be considered a surrender; they could remain neutral, yes, neutral. This was a concept Franz devised based on experience from past lives, encouraging Bavarian local governments and military to maintain neutrality during the war.

Then everyone’s inner and outer interests were safeguarded; regardless of whether Austria eventually unified Germany or what the final outcome for the Kingdom of Bavaria was, they would remain in an invincible position.

Under the coordination of the German Civil Exchange Organization, these people were brought together to advocate for mutual neutrality, and subsequently, the local council of Freilassing passed a resolution of neutrality.

To make Marcus an advocate, even the surrounding neighbors were mobilized. Unable to defy public opinion and suffering from a severe case of ‘literati illness,’ Marcus naturally could not escape this role.

Andreas said angrily, “You want to surrender to the Austrians? Impossible! As a soldier, the word ‘surrender without a fight’ does not exist in my dictionary!”

In the Germany Region, surrendering without a fight is the ultimate insult to a soldier’s honor, a stain that follows them for life.

Marcus shook his head and said, “No, Colonel Andreas, how could I possibly do such a thing?

I cannot betray the kingdom. If it were a foreign invasion, I would fight alongside you. But the current situation is special.

The Austrians have initiated a war of unification, not a war of invasion. I am loyal to the Kingdom of Bavaria, and I am also loyal to Germany.

Now that the kingdom’s government and the Empire stand on opposing sides, the people of Freilassing have decided to remain neutral in this war. I am here on behalf of the entire citizenry, hoping you and your men will respect the people’s choice.”

There was such a strategy? Colonel Andreas was somewhat dumbstruck. After pondering, he realized its potential for success was quite substantial.

Resisting to the death was out of the question, as the disparity between the forces was too great. Even if Andreas was willing to clash with the Austrians to the bitter end, it would not alter the outcome.

Casually, Andreas asked, “What would be the consequences if I refuse?”

Marcus’s expression became grave as he replied seriously, “If you reject the people’s choice, you will be expelled from the country.

The people of Freilassing have the right to make their own decisions. Even if we cannot contribute to the unification of Germany, we cannot become sinners who hinder it!”

Seeing Marcus’s stance, Andreas let out a sigh of relief internally, happy that he no longer needed to engage in a desperate fight with the Austrians.

No one wants to die. To reluctantly fight a battle you know you cannot win is foolish. If it were an external invasion, for military honor, Andreas could still motivate his troops to fight together.

But he wanted no part in a unification war. He hadn’t lived enough yet and didn’t wish to die for nothing.

The war had just erupted, and he had already cursed the entire bureaucracy of Munich. Wouldn’t establishing Shinra have been better? Why did they have to make it like this?

Andreas also had aspirations and a desire to achieve great merit. But merit could only be achieved with certain prerequisites.

For instance, if the attacking Austrian army consisted only of a battalion or even fewer, he wouldn’t mind showing the Austrians the might of the Bavarian forces.

But in the current situation, even if the entire Bavarian military were to assemble here, they would be inadequate against the enemy forces.

If he commanded resistance and his subordinates betrayed him, he would have nowhere to turn for comfort. Even worse, after the war, he could be charged with the crime of disrupting national unification. Andreas felt it was better for someone else to undertake such actions!

Pretending to be troubled, Andreas said, “Mr. Marcus, since it is the people’s choice, of course I’m willing to respect it. However, for a matter of such importance, I must convene a meeting with the officers to unify our stance.”

After considering, Marcus replied, “That’s no problem, but we don’t have much time left. You need to make a decision quickly—the Austrians are about to launch their attack.”

The result, naturally, wasn’t a surprise. At the military conference, Andreas’s proposal—to respect the will of the people—passed with a high number of votes.

Of course, it’s not as if they could be blamed; with just two understrength battalions of defenders, facing tens of thousands of Austrian troops, it was indeed difficult to muster the courage to resist.

The so-called “will of the people” conveniently solved their problem, given it was a civil war. Neutrality was always better than surrender, and surrender better than dying in battle. After all, no one was ready to die just yet!

Then, after the outbreak of war, a surprising scene unfolded: cities and garrisons in Bavaria’s border regions one after another declared neutrality.

Occasionally some garrisons resisted, but were quickly annihilated by the onrushing Austrian Army, not even capable of buying time.

This couldn’t be blamed on them either. Bavaria was no Prussia, constantly at war. Their standing army was only about forty to fifty thousand men, with just about ten thousand posted along the Austrian border.

Those ten thousand had to defend nearly a thousand kilometers of border against the onslaught of four hundred thousand Austrians. They truly were powerless.

Under these circumstances, if the bureaucrats in Munich had ordered them to hold at all costs, it would’ve driven them into a corner.

The local power brokers, who constituted the largest anti-war faction, along with radical nationalists, collectively made it easy for the local assemblies to pass neutrality resolutions.

With local socialites running to do the work with the military, things were naturally much easier. It wasn’t as if they were asking for surrender, just maintaining neutrality.

Once someone took the lead, many others were willing to follow. In a sense, the Bavarian Government profited as it failed to send reinforcements in time.

Otherwise, most of the troops sent would have likely also declared neutrality. The great tide of public sentiment can be terrifying, and the local assemblies’ decisions led the officers to believe it represented the will of the Bavarian people, inevitably influencing them.

Human nature is very complicated and, once these areas had made their decisions of neutrality, they inevitably started leaning toward Austria. Under the guidance of pro-Austrian media, many began to criticize the Bavarian Government.

Under such influence, it gradually became an unconscious belief that the Bavarian Government had lost the people’s support, and the public was willing to support Austria in unifying Germany.

Munich was too close to Austria and, with the front-line garrisons having declared neutrality, the Austrian troops had arrived at the city’s gates on the third day of the war.

The choices before Maximilian II were clear: flee, resist, or surrender.

Prime Minister August advised, “Your Majesty, there’s still time to leave. If we wait any longer and the Austrians surround Munich, escaping will become difficult!”

Resistance was impossible. At the outset of the war, they had some confidence, thinking that the Kingdom of Bavaria could hold off the enemy while waiting for reinforcements to arrive.

But ever since receiving a thick stack of declarations of neutrality, the Bavarian Government had completely lost confidence, believing the people had abandoned the government.

The marching speed of the Austrian army revealed everything. Without encountering any resistance along the way, how else could they have covered a distance of a hundred and eighty kilometers in just two days?

It should have taken at least four or five days; of course, an extra two or three days wouldn’t solve the problem, but wouldn’t it boost everyone’s confidence?

Instead, now everyone was uneasy, distrusting each other, fearing the guards might betray them.

Maximilian II said with a bitter smile, “Is there a point?”

This matter had dealt him a heavy blow. He had believed he was popular with the people, but the harsh reality was quite the opposite. The flurry of declarations of neutrality seemed as if all the Bavarian people couldn’t wait to see him gone.

Finance Minister Bazel consoled, “Your Majesty, it is only the dissatisfaction with the war that agitates the people; they have not gone over to the Austrians…”

Maximilian II said disappointedly, “It’s all the same, they have made their choice with their actions, to support the unification of the German Region, and we are but futilely resisting, aiming to establish a ‘Big Bavaria’!”

Flee?

Maximilian II did have some political acumen, wondering if now were the time to flee, could he ever return in the future?

Even with the support of major powers, if he faced resistance from the public, how could he securely sit on the throne as King?

If the Kingdom of Bavaria were to be annexed by Austria, running away would amount to the same end. Anyway, the Austrians would not mistreat their King, he would still have to be well provided for.

Prime Minister August continued to persuade, “Your Majesty, perhaps things are not so dire, even if we have lost Munich, we could still establish ourselves in the Western Region.

“It is the severe infiltration by the Austrians in the eastern part that has led to the current situation.

“As long as we hold the Western Region, awaiting the arrival of reinforcements from other countries, the situation might change, they will not stand by and watch Austria swallow up Bavaria.”

Before Maximilian II could make a decision, a servant hurried in, panicked, “Your Majesty, there’s terrible news. The Munich municipal council has just made a decision, declaring neutrality in this war, and the situation in the city is likely to change.”

Neutrality can be contagious—who would want to continue a war doomed to fail?

The Munich Council expressed that they had wanted neutrality long ago; if it weren’t for the Central Government being in the city, would they have waited until now?

At this time, the Austrians were already at the city gates. The city had long been in a state of panic, with the fear that a battle would cause heavy casualties or worse, result in death.

Neither the capitalists nor the nobility wanted to engage in this hopeless war.

Directly advising the King to surrender was too risky; no one wanted to be the first to stick their neck out. It was then that the council played its role, expressing on behalf of the public that the war could not go on.

After all, so many places had already declared neutrality; almost half of Bavaria was neutral, and they were simply following the trend, with no intention of betraying the King.

These people were still somewhat civilized, which fully indicated that the daily work of the Bavarian Government was effective; otherwise, the people in the city would have rebelled by now.

Maximilian II understood the underlying message, the general reluctance to fight this war, which he could understand, as he himself had no desire to engage in a war with no future.

Intervention by the great powers did indeed occur. European countries such as England, France, Russia, and Spain all condemned Austria’s barbaric actions, commanding them to cease hostilities.

Yet the Austrian Army still appeared outside the gates of Munich—the collective intervention of the nations had not yet been organized, and the Kingdom of Bavaria was on the brink of collapse.

This meant that Austria could ignore the threats of the great powers, which implied much more behind the scenes. If by this time Maximilian II still could not guess the reason, he would truly be a fool.

The Vienna Government could not possibly undertake military action under the pressure of all the great powers; no country in the world could ignore the collective will of the great powers.

The only explanation is that the great powers were divided. With Austria’s strength, as long as one of the great powers supported or acquiesced, it could ignore such threats.

Chapter 100: Bluffing

When the war broke out, Franz’s nerves were wound tight, and not a single person in the upper echelons of the Austrian Government dared to relax.

Though the speed of the front lines’ advance was very fast, even smoother than planned, the Austrian Government still carried out a national mobilization.

Perhaps to many, this seemed like an overreaction—deploying four hundred thousand troops against the Kingdom of Bavaria and mobilizing a million reserve forces domestically.

As a person directly involved, Franz could say very clearly that this was not an overreaction, but a strategic necessity.

Even when a lion fights a rabbit, it uses all its might.

This was precisely the state of Austria; if they were only facing Bavaria, perhaps thirty to fifty thousand troops would have sufficed to accomplish the mission.

After all, Munich was within easy reach, and an unexpected attack by thirty to fifty thousand troops was enough. There was no need for such a fuss or for such a massive display of force.

That was just on the military front, but politically, the war dictated that it should not be treated as business as usual.

Just take the example of many local governments and armies in Bavaria declaring neutrality—this was the result of the coercion of the four hundred thousand strong army combined with a political offensive.

If there were only thirty to fifty thousand troops, would the local power factions in Bavaria have easily compromised? Without these people’s cooperation, and without absolute advantage in strength, could Austria have induced Bavaria’s garrison to neutrality?

The reality was, it was not due to Franz being heaven-sent nor was it because the Habsburg dynasty was so beloved by the people, but rather strength that had won over the hearts of the people.

The Bavarian people witnessed the might of Austria, and the local ruling classes were intimidated. At this point, when envoys were dispatched, they naturally made choices that best served their own interests.

Whether they were capitalists or nobility, none would do something as futile as using their arms to block a chariot; attaching themselves to a stronger power was their way of survival.

These people cared about their reputation too. “Neutrality” just happened to serve as their fig leaf, and public opinion was the perfect tool to mask the true nature of their defections.

The Austrian Government also needed them to help create an atmosphere where all looked favorably upon Austria to win over the hearts of the people in the Kingdom of Bavaria, and endorse the war.

The current results were very good; everyone tacitly guided public opinion, using the pretext of German unification to frame this war initiated by Austria.

They also put on the hat of patriots under the guise of “not being able to betray the monarch they swore allegiance to, nor disrupt national unity,” then honorably declared neutrality.

After so many lies, they began to believe their own deceit, because now, Austria truly did have the support of the public.

The common people didn’t think so deeply. After a few rounds of boasting, they came to believe that the war for unification initiated by Austria was righteous. Anyone who considered themselves a patriot would definitely not stand in the way of national unification at this time.

One could say that Franz concocted the biggest ruse in history, ensnaring all parties, who then couldn’t find their way out.

Everyone around talked about “German unification”; to fit in, you involuntarily echoed it, unaware that those around you felt the same way, their actual buy-in to the idea nowhere near as strong as their verbal support suggested.

The true supporters of German unification were the nationalists; they were the real backers. Ordinary people were just swayed by the environment, influenced by preemptive opinions, and subconsciously considered themselves supporters of German unification.

The brainwashing was going very well; at least a million Bavarian people had been taken for a ride, and it was Bavaria’s local elite who had executed this plan.

They were also caught up in the game and couldn’t escape once they fell into it. One could say that this war had solidified the concept of German unification in the hearts of the Kingdom of Bavaria’s people.

This was something Franz knew to keep to himself; he wouldn’t talk about it. Everyone on the outside only saw that the Bavarian people supported Austria’s overthrow of the Bavarian Government to endorse German unification.

Even Maximilian II in Munich believed that he had been abandoned by his people, which would explain why the Austrian Army appeared outside the city without encountering any resistance.

Vienna

Prime Minister Felix optimistically said, “Your Majesty, the first phase of our strategy is secure. Under the banner of German unification, the Bavarians have shown no will to resist. It seems that our plans were too conservative after all.

The foundation of the people in the Germany Region is much better than we anticipated; perhaps we can take even bolder steps and simply…”

Franz shook his head. The alignment of the people in the Bavarian Region was the result of Austria’s years of effort combined with the right timing, location, and people, which could not be matched by other regions in Germany.

Continuing the ruse would reveal the deception. It was time to quit while ahead and let everyone think that the people of the Germany Region supported unification, inducing them to make incorrect assessments.

“Prime Minister, greed is the original sin of the world. The more critical the moment, the more we must control our desires. What Austria needs is stability, not to court danger!”

Startled, Prime Minister Felix broke into a cold sweat. Indeed, success could easily lead to losing one’s way and becoming arrogant.

Foreign Minister Metternich said, “That’s right, even if the popular foundation in the Germany Region is good, we now lack the capacity to unify Germany.

Austria cannot afford to stand against all powerful nations. What we need to do now is secure our gains and convert these spoils of war into national strength.”

Franz nodded, then instructed, “Mr. Metternich, you personally will have to make a trip to Berlin. The Prussian Government must be scared now; it is time to stabilize them.

Prime Minister, you too have a difficult task. Visit the German Confederation states again, starting with Saxon, and try to persuade them through political means.”

Must the war of unification involve fighting? Franz believed that history could serve as a guide; just as the Prussians politically annexed these sub-states, Austria could do the same.

When it came to domestic affairs, it was best to avoid military means if possible. If they resorted to bloodshed, they might enjoy a temporary thrill, but governing the land later would bring tears.

The fact that these small sub-state governments had continued to exist meant they had their own means of survival. Why did the historical German Empire leave these sub-states intact? It was for stability.

In history, the central government of the German Empire gradually eroded the powers of the individual sub-state governments through conciliation.

For Austria to achieve this was even easier now, especially since the largest sub-state, the Kingdom of Bavaria, had been defeated, leaving the remaining few too insignificant to mention.

As long as the positions of sovereign and subjects were determined, everything else would be easy to handle. The Central Government, with its strength and just cause, could easily suppress the local governments.

If all else failed, wasn’t there also the historical practice of territorial transfer?

In desperation, Franz could even act shamelessly; by seizing a handle, he could swap the domains of these so-called kings and grand dukes.

For territories they had managed for decades, or even centuries, if those were indefensible, what of a place unfamiliar to them? How could they fail to be obedient then?

Even more shamelessly, Franz could offer a nominal title, such as the title of King of Jerusalem, to swap with some unlucky soul.

This sacred title was extraordinary, yet it was a pity that the land was within the Ottomans’ sphere of influence, and when it might be restored was unknown.

Within the Munich Palace, Maximilian II had to accept the harshest reality; perhaps he couldn’t even escape anymore.

The Munich City Defense Army had astonishingly declared neutrality. Now, those loyal to the king, apart from the Palace Guard, only included a newly mobilized infantry division prepared to defend Munich.

But how reliable was this force? The answer was negative; public sentiment could not be defied, and since the Bavarian people had made their choice, they inevitably were influenced.

The only reason they had not declared neutrality was that the senior military officers were still loyal to the king, unlike the City Defense Army, which had been penetrated by the nobility and capitalists.

On June 10, the second day of the Austrian siege, representatives sent to persuade surrender had already entered the Munich Palace.

Negotiating terms after defeat was a common occurrence in Europe. This was not the first time it happened in the history of the Kingdom of Bavaria.

However, unlike before, the position of the Bavarian Royal Family was precarious; even Maximilian II himself lacked confidence in retaining his throne.

But Prime Minister August assured him that the Austrians would not abolish his kingship for one reason—appearances.

There were so many sub-states in the German region, everyone was still watching; the Vienna Government couldn’t overstep too much.

Foreign Minister Bachhaus furiously said, “Mr. Jonas, your country’s conditions are too excessive. We have agreed to join the Holy Roman Empire, and yet you put forward so many unreasonable demands, this is clearly annexation of Bavaria!”

The Austrian Envoy to Bavaria, Jonas, shook his head and replied, “Making a mistake always has its cost, and the current Bavarian Government lacks any capital to negotiate.

Mr. Bachhaus, believe it or not, even if the Austrian army immediately withdraws, the Bavarian Government will still be doomed. The people outside can’t wait to send you to the guillotine.

The current situation of the Kingdom of Bavaria is no longer suitable for the royal family to continue ruling. Exchanging territories with Austria is the best choice.

At that time, the respected King Maximilian II could assume the throne as King of Serbia, and you gentlemen could serve as ministers of the Kingdom of Serbia.

This is the limit of what Austria can offer. You have lost the foundation of governance; to continue ruling the Kingdom of Bavaria means a future filled with endless revolutions.

The unified Central Government of Germany is not a tool to truly aid your revolution, Mr. Bachhaus. I hope you understand this.”

Cheat after cheat, has the Bavarian Government really lost the hearts of the people? Franz knew they had not, judging by the fact that the local government chose neutrality instead of defection.

But they themselves didn’t know this. A thick stack of declarations of neutrality made it seem as though the Bavarian people were all supporters of Austria.

In their view, such neutrality was tantamount to betrayal; there was no need to defect openly, as Austria didn’t need their action to maintain face. Who would demean themselves?

Foreign Minister Bachhaus continued to strive for an agreement: “No, the Balkan Peninsula is too remote, and Serbia is just a savage land, this is clearly exile!

If we’re to exchange thrones, it must be an equitable exchange. Austria must offer a prosperous region to be fair.”

It wasn’t that his bottom line was too low, but rather, mistaken perceptions had caused Maximilian II to lower his expectations, and so Bachhaus, responsible for negotiations, naturally lacked confidence.

In their view, the Bavarian Royal Family had lost public support; regardless of anyone’s backing, they could no longer safely rule Bavaria. Originally, he was prepared to abdicate to take responsibility.

Unfortunately, Austria didn’t agree and threatened that if the royal family didn’t cooperate, they would incite the Bavarian people to revolt and send them to the guillotine.

Maximilian II did not fear such threats; as long as Austria was an imperial state, it would be impossible to send him, a king, to the guillotine, but it was different for others.

Austria would execute ministers without hesitation; wasn’t punishing a “National Traitor” the perfect excuse? For the sake of their lives and properties, the upper echelons of the Bavarian Government had to work on Maximilian II’s morale.

Even the current negotiations were for Maximilian II’s eyes. They feared that he might suddenly take drastic action; if he were to hang himself, Franz would mourn.

It would mean Austria had busied itself in vain. Having lost a king, how dare they annex the Kingdom of Bavaria? The future would be forever restless.

To win public support, Maximilian II’s cooperation was essential. Only with his agreement to relinquish the throne could Franz legally gain the rule over the Kingdom of Bavaria.

Maximilian II had to survive, at least until Austria annexed Bavaria; he had to be alive.

And he had to live well, without letting the Bavarian people see his downfall or feel sympathy. This led to the proposal of exchanging territories, with the Austrian representative suggesting swapping Serbia for Bavaria.

Once this proposal came up, the negotiations reached a deadlock. Bachhaus had to fight for the best interest of the king he served, while Jonas was unwilling to make concessions.

Chapter 101: Passing the Buck

The negotiations were still deadlocked, but the gates of Munich had already been opened. At this point, Maximilian II no longer had a say in the matter.

From the start of the negotiations, everyone knew a new ruler was coming to town. Jonas had no obligation to keep this a secret, and now the whole city knew that Maximilian II was ready to exchange territories with Austria.

Given this, siding with the new master was no longer a difficult choice. The exchange of territories in European history was not uncommon, and it hardly counted as news.

However, this time the situation was indeed special; the Bavarian Royal Family had fallen from grace, losing all their bargaining chips. The only thing they could rely on was legal rationality.

Originally, most of the Bavarian people still had some internal qualms, as after all, Maximilian II hadn’t committed any outrageous offenses. Abandoning him seemed somewhat unjustifiable.

But once the news of the territorial exchange came out, the people’s internal barriers disappeared. It wasn’t that they wanted to betray their king, but rather that the king himself was leaving, and that absolved them of any responsibility.

They felt justified in their actions, believing that as long as Austria did not mistreat the royal family, they owed Maximilian II nothing.

Baden

As a close ally of Bavaria, it was among the first to know what was happening within its neighboring state. The government of Baden was bewildered. This wasn’t how things were done. In the midst of a war with another country, the local government declared “neutrality,” followed swiftly by the army declaring “neutrality” too.

Regent Prince Friedrich asked, “What should be done now? The Bavarians haven’t put up any resistance at all. The Austrians merely marched their armed forces and reached the outskirts of Munich.

As things stand, the people of Bavaria have given up on their government, and Munich won’t last long. The Kingdom of Bavaria won’t hold out until reinforcements arrive.”

Never mind the arrival of reinforcements, there’s no sign of them anywhere. Prussia is gathering forces from the German Confederation to form an Allied Force, and England and France are also calling for troops to intervene in the war.

But all of this takes time. With so many small states in the Germany Region, even at their fastest, it would take a month or two to organize the Allied Forces, right?

Who would have expected the Kingdom of Bavaria to be so cowardly? After all, it’s the third-largest state in the Germany Region. Even if it couldn’t defeat Austrians, it should have held out a little longer, if only by waging guerrilla warfare.

At this time, Prince Friedrich was unaware that a compromise had already been reached, and that Maximilian II was negotiating with the Austrians.

Foreign Minister Nicholas analyzed, “Your Highness, this is a case of where the people’s loyalties lie. No matter how hard the government tries, it’s futile.

It seems we underestimated the importance of unification in people’s hearts. The Bavarians regard this war as a battle for national unification.

It’s less that the Austrian army advanced to Munich and more that they were welcomed into Munich by the Bavarians themselves.

Our troubles have increased. If our domestic public opinion aligns with that of the Bavarians, then the risks of interfering in this war are too great.”

Nicholas was frightened; it wasn’t just him, many were. If the domestic populace shared the same sentiment, what would happen if they forcefully intervened in the war? Could there be a rebellion?

Even if there was no rebellion, if they took a page from the Bavarians’ book and maintained “neutrality” during the war, it would spell doom for Baden’s government.

Prime Minister Woltz added, “Your Highness, such an outcome is very likely. Domestic opinion is largely against sending troops, and nobody is willing to deploy forces to rescue Bavaria.”

Prince Friedrich fell silent, understanding the principle of falling together with a neighboring downfall. But now, the risks of intervening were too high, potentially leading to their own demise.

After a pause, he slowly said, “Enough, we shall remain neutral in this war!”

Not only the Grand Duchy of Baden, but many terrified German regional states also chose neutrality.

It seemed that at that moment, everyone became an advocate for public opinion, and Austria’s political offensive began to gain momentum.

As one state after another declared neutrality, the yet unborn German Confederation’s Coalition Forces died prematurely in the womb.

Berlin

As more and more states announced their neutrality, the pressure on the Prussian Government increased. At least five hundred thousand Austrian troops had already gathered in the Prussia-Austria border area, and this number was still on the rise.

Whether these troops were combat-effective was still unknown, but the Prussian Government dared not make a move. The numbers were there; who would dare take them lightly?

What if they advanced troops to aid Bavaria and these troops entered their homeland right behind them? Even if these forces were substandard, sheer numbers could overwhelm Prussia.

The Kingdom of Prussia had limited strength and could not imitate the Austrian Government in mobilizing millions of soldiers.

Even if they exhausted themselves, they could only deal with one front of the Austrian Army; there would be no solution for another front.

Whether dispatching troops from their homeland or crossing over from the Kingdom of Bavaria, it was no issue for Austria.

Entering the Age of Hot Weapons, they couldn’t even take the risk. Once their logistics and supply lines were cut off, even the most powerful armies would become limp.

Beyond the military threat, the political issue was even more troublesome. The reaction of the Bavarian people also terrified the Prussian Government.

Even though Frederick William IV had confidence in the nation’s military, not believing they would declare neutrality without firing a shot as the Bavarian Army did, he lacked confidence in the public.

The military’s confidence stemmed from the fact that Prussia was a “state owned by the army,” a treatment not afforded by other nations.

The public was a different matter. Regardless of how later generations praised the Kingdom of Prussia, in reality, they were overextending themselves militarily.

The economic situation in the Kingdom of Prussia was poor. To maintain the huge military expenses, the government had to increase the burden on the public.

Along with the exploitation by the Junker aristocracy, the common people of Prussia in this era had a hard time. These hardships lasted historically until after the Prussia-France War, when they were relieved by the war indemnities from the French.

Suppressing his anger, Frederick William IV said, “What should we do now? Those Free Cities have long declared neutrality. Now Baden has declared neutrality, Hanover has declared neutrality, Württemberg has also declared neutrality, and Felix is about to visit Saxon. If nothing unexpected happens, Saxon will also be neutral soon.

The remaining small states are not worth mentioning. If we continue to organize intervention forces, I’m afraid it’ll be up to us alone.”

There are many states in the German region, but few with real strength. Aside from those with a bit more capability, if you combine all the smaller states, you wouldn’t even be able to put together an army of fifty thousand.

Without the state armies to serve as cannon fodder, Prussia wouldn’t dare to have a showdown with Austria; losing eighty to a hundred thousand soldiers would severely weaken them.

The Kingdom of Prussia maintained a large active-duty force specifically to ensure the quality of its soldiers because they couldn’t compete in numbers.

Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich advised, “Your Majesty, the current situation is unclear; we cannot rashly take the lead. Although Austria has decayed, their military strength has not declined.

From the intelligence we’ve collected, Austria has already mobilized a million reserves, along with their half a million active-duty forces. They now have the largest military in Europe.

“With our strength, we no longer have the ability to intervene in this war. It’s better to observe the situation for now and wait for the reactions of the European countries!”

Plans cannot keep up with changes. If Austria doesn’t go through a national mobilization, then the Kingdom of Prussia, along with the German Confederation organizing an Allied Force, still have the strength to interfere in this war.

The current situation is clear, the small states are either intimidated by public opinion or daunted by Austria’s strength, so they have backed down.

With no Allied Force materializing, to go up against Austria alone, Joseph von Radovich held no hope whatsoever with Prussia’s army of two hundred thousand.

Even with a national mobilization, the Kingdom of Prussia could not afford the attrition, a single defeat would spell disaster. Perhaps Austria lacked the strength to annex Prussia, but dismembering the Kingdom of Prussia was certainly possible.

After all, the Kingdom of Prussia was not invincible, and just from the actions of partitioning Poland three times, it gained 141,100 square kilometers, accounting for 47% of Prussian territory.

This means that there are still a large number of Polish within Prussia, and although these people have been almost assimilated and will soon be digested, that is under the condition of no external forces.

Once the Kingdom of Prussia loses the war, and Austria forcibly splits Prussia, then reunification will be difficult. The odds are too low, and the risks are too great, Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich does not want to take that gamble.

Foreign Minister Andrea suggested, “Your Majesty, Metternich will soon visit Berlin. Let’s hear what Austria has to say before making a decision. If the conditions are right, it is not bad to join forces with them.”

At the end of the day, international relations are about interests. Prussia’s opposition to Austria’s annexation of Bavaria is also due to interests. If the interests are right, selling Bavaria might not be out of the question.

Andrea supports the idea of a divided North and South Germany, and he doesn’t mind exchanging interests with Austria. Of course, this doesn’t mean that he doesn’t wish for Prussia’s unification of Germany.

Primarily because the Kingdom’s power is limited, everyone has ambitions for German unification, but they don’t think it can be achieved.

Before Bismarck came to power, the Prussian government was not mentally prepared for German unification.

Even after their victories in the three dynastic wars, everyone was skeptical about the unification of Germany.

If it were not for Bismarck’s strong insistence and savvy political maneuvers, which coaxed many states together for a nominal unification, the impressive German Empire of later times would not have been born.

After a moment’s hesitation, Frederick William IV finally had to apologize to the Kingdom of Bavaria, not because he was unwilling to help, but because he lacked the power to do so.

“In that case, let’s maintain our silence for now. The mobilization of troops in the country must not stop, and we must be vigilant against an Austrian surprise attack.

After Metternich’s visit, once we understand the Austrians’ terms, we will make a decision.

Before that, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs must stabilize the small states as much as possible. Without their vocal support, we will be very passive politically.”

You have to know when to bet on the fate of a nation, and you need at least a thirty to forty percent chance before you can place a wager, right? Frederick William IV is not a gambler, and certainly not one reckless enough to blindly go all-in.

After the high-level meeting ended, Frederick William IV immediately summoned the envoys of the four nations of Britain, France, Russia, and Spain, informing these major European powers of the situation and requesting their intervention with troops.

Unquestionably, the Kingdom of Spain at this time was already an empty shell, maintaining its status as a great power solely on its ancestral prestige, and being busy with internal strife, it was unenthusiastic about intervening in the affairs of the German region.

The real voices of authority were England, France, and Russia, or more precisely, the French-Russian. Although the British were influential, their army strength was limited, and they did not possess the capability to send troops to intervene in the German region.

But, at this time, England, France, and Russia were engrossed in a fierce rivalry, and neither side could easily stop. Both had invested so much that whoever balked would be in trouble.

The Russians could not let go of Constantinople, which was the will of all Russian citizens, and the Tsarist Government could not possibly back down at the last moment.

England and France could not back down either. The British made concessions, and regardless of the severe loss of interests, Downing Street was about to see a change.

As for the French, there’s even less to say. If Napoleon III dared to show weakness, his throne would become unstable, or rather, his throne has always been unstable, and this war was started to divert internal conflicts.

Besides the Spanish Envoy who explicitly refused to send troops, the envoys of the three countries did not provide an answer, needing to wait for decisions from their home countries.

London

The Cabinet George convened another meeting over the issue of the German Region.

Foreign Minister Thomas began, “Gentlemen, the situation in the German Region has changed. The Kingdom of Bavaria capitulated without any resistance, and during this war, the Bavarian people and the army chose to be onlookers.

“This time, it’s probably that fool Maximilian II and his idiot Cabinet fighting against Austria.”

As a result, most states in the German Region have opted for neutrality, as public opinion supports the unification of Germany, and those state governments dare not take risks.

“Last night, I received a message from our envoy in Berlin: the Prussian Government has also backed down.

“Our original plan was to use the power of the German regional states to restrain the Austrians, but now we cannot continue.

“If we do not take strong measures, the unification of the German Region will be inevitable. The Austrians are launching a political offensive, and it’s estimated that most German states will join the Shinra Empire under Austrian lead due to public pressure.”

Thomas scorned the actions of Maximilian II, and everyone agreed. Indeed, a king who behaves like this does require strength.

If only the Kingdom of Bavaria had put up even a little bit of a fight, even if it was just resisting the Austrian army for ten days to half a month, or even continually losing battles, it would have been acceptable.

This is a gap in strength, and no one would criticize them for being incompetent. It can be said that if only they had resisted, the German Confederation’s allied forces could have been organized.

Now that everyone has backed down, not only are they deterred by Austria’s military strength, but the actions of the Bavarian people have also left them fearful, daring not to go against public opinion.

George Hamilton-Gordon pondered and said, “It seems that we must join hands with Russia now. Relying solely on our strength and the French’s, we can no longer force Austria to let go.

“A unified German Empire is too strong, and surely Russia wouldn’t want to see this monster appear either. The Foreign Office should communicate with the Russians. To show our sincerity, we could temporarily suspend our offensive on the Crimea Peninsula.”

“Prime Minister, suspending the offensive at this time means giving up the advantage we’ve gained for nothing. As long as the Russians are unwilling to give up Constantinople, this war cannot end.

“Unless we want to engage with the Russians in a defense battle for India in the Indus River Basin, we also cannot afford to back down,” warned Minister of Army Stanley.

Backing down was out of the question. Whoever dared to compromise on this issue should be prepared to be nailed to the pillar of a traitor and spat upon by the public for life!

George Hamilton-Gordon said with a sneer, “This little loss is still within our capacity to bear. Even if we can’t compromise with the Russians on the Near East issue, we still have a common stance on preventing German unification.

“As long as the three of us remain united, the Austrians will have no choice but to give in. Once the Russians exert pressure on Austria, can their alliance continue?

“Once the Russian-Austrian relationship breaks down, the subsequent war will be easier to fight. For now, let’s just cheat the Russians into cutting off Germany’s path to unification.”

When it comes to diplomatic maneuvers, John Bull certainly isn’t timid. Even when planning to join forces with the Russians to intervene in the German unification war, they never forget to dig a big hole for the Russians first.

Chapter 102: Each with Their Own Plan

St. Petersburg

The Tsarist Government found itself in a difficult position; Austria’s expansion was happening too fast, and they had to find a way to contain it.

However, the Russian-Austrian Alliance could not be broken. Austria was the Tsarist Government’s only significant ally on the European Continent, and they absolutely could not afford to lose them.

Currently, Austria had not expanded beyond the stipulations of the treaty, so they couldn’t even find an excuse to intervene.

This had nothing to do with credibility; as long as it was in their interest, the Tsarist Government didn’t care about betraying an ally.

Clearly, the current interests were not sufficient for the Tsar to betray an ally. Even if England and France abandoned the Ottoman Empire, the Tsarist Government would not likely tear up the Russian-Austrian treaty.

The reason was very simple. The Near East wars had awakened the Tsarist Government to the realization that they were not as strong as they had imagined. Since they were not strong enough, they needed allies.

Looking all over the world, there were only a handful of countries qualified to be Russia’s allies, and after counting them up, Austria, the traditional ally, remained reliable.

Spain was unstable domestically, and Isabella II was still preoccupied with internal strife, incapable of intervening in European affairs. Such an ally would not be accepted by Nicholas I even if offered.

England and France had the strength, but weren’t they currently at war? Outright enemies, without a doubt, how could they possibly become allies?

Then, there was only the Kingdom of Prussia left as a quasi-great power. Putting aside the previous conflicts between the two, an alliance with Prussia was clearly a loss for the Russians.

When they needed help, the Prussians would be powerless; on the other hand, they would still have to support Prussia quite often.

Seeking an ally was for mutual benefit. If it could not be a give and take, forming an alliance was out of the question, which was also the reason for the collapse of the Nordic Three Courts system.

Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell said anxiously, “Your Majesty, the call for unification in the Germany Region is very strong. The nationalism of Bavaria is not even the most fervent, and they have supported Austria’s launched war of unification with real actions.

Other Sub-States are probably not much better. Aside from the Kingdom of Prussia, the Austrians could likely seduce the other Sub-States with political tactics.”

“Now, even the Prussians are scared and dare not send troops to intervene in this war. The German unification war we had foreseen has now turned into an armed parade for Austria.

If we don’t intervene, England and France probably won’t have the ability to stop Austria’s next moves.”

Allies also need to be guarded against. Austria’s rapid development was not good news for the Russians either.

Finance Minister Aristanderlode objected, “We cannot directly intervene in this German unification war. The Russian-Austrian secret pact has already delineated the spheres of influence of the two countries. Before Austria exceeds the previously agreed boundaries, we cannot violate the treaty.

“The enemies of the Russian Empire are England, France, and the Ottoman Empire. Hasty intervention in the war would only result in our enemies benefiting for nothing. Without Austria’s support, we wouldn’t be able to continue the Near East war at all.

“The threat from Austria is only potential, and that still rests on their unification of the Germany Region. Currently, their chances of unifying the Germany Region are still slim, at least the Kingdom of Prussia has not yet capitulated.

“Moreover, this threat is not only directed at us. The French should be most worried now. If Austria unifies the Germany Region, they will pose the greatest threat to France,” continued Aristanderlode.

Geopolitics determines the strategic threats to each country. The British Isles are separated from the European Continent, so the British can only be threatened from the sea. If the Germany Region unifies, the French would be the first ones in the firing line, followed by Russia.

“No, Mr. Aristanderlode, you’re mistaken. Intervening in this war does not conflict with honoring the alliance. As long as we support the Austrians in acquiring the territory previously agreed upon, it doesn’t count as a breach of the alliance,

“This matter could be left to England and France to play the villain. We don’t need to conflict directly with Austria,” explained Carl-Wassell.

Aristanderlode asked uncertainly, “Do you mean splitting the Germany Region and completely severing the route to German unification?”

Carl-Wassell answered affirmatively, “Exactly, facts have proven that once nationalism awakens, if the Germany Region isn’t split, unification will inevitably happen.

“It’s still possible to stop it now, but if we wait any longer and the Kingdom of Prussia is also swayed by public opinion, it would be difficult for us to prevent unification!”

“Do you have any specific plans?” asked Nicholas I with interest.

Carl-Wassell analyzed, “Your Majesty, this plan will also require the efforts of England and France, and it cannot be proposed by us—that would affect our relations with Austria.

“Based on the current situation, it’s not a problem for the Austrians to take the South German Region. If England and France are willing to stop them, they can play the villain.

“Prussia could gain certain expansion in the North German Region, and the Two Principalities Schleswig and Holstein could be given to Denmark. The Sub-States in the western region could be merged with Belgium and the Netherlands.

“Of course, the Sub-States in West Germany are none of our concern; let the United Kingdom worry about that. Whether they go to Prussia or to the little brothers, Belgium and the Netherlands, or even if they become independent, it doesn’t matter to us.

“As long as these economically developed regions aren’t swallowed by Austria, their power won’t surge. After Germany is split, the road to Austrian expansion will be blocked, and then they can only compete for Overseas Colonies.

“That will inevitably lead to conflict with England and France. With a common enemy, in the future, our relations with Austria can even be expected to improve further.”

To solve the problem once and for all indeed seemed like the best choice. As long as the Germany Region was completely divided, no country in the European Continent would be able to threaten the security of the Russian Empire.

At least for now, it was hard to see any country with the power to threaten Russia. Even France, the nation most dreaded by the Tsarist Government, was no longer as frightening as it was during the Napoleonic Era.

Paris

The situation changed too fast, and Napoleon III’s plan to watch the tigers fight had been nipped in the bud before it could even begin.

All the sub-states in the German Region had turned ostriches, as if the Bavarian Government was truly sinful and detestable, and Austria’s overthrow of their rule was the wish of the people.

Well, based on the intelligence from Bavaria, Napoleon III had to admit that Austria’s actions this time truly reflected the people’s will.

This meant that Austria’s annexation of Bavaria would be quite easy: from start to finish, it was nothing more than an armed parade, with the combined casualties of both sides not exceeding three digits. With such strong public support, ruling in the future would pose no problem at all.

Napoleon III cursed, “The news from the German Region is known to everyone.

The situation has completely spiraled out of control, and if we do not act now, it might not be long before Austria can reestablish that damned Shinra Empire.

If you do not wish to witness the revival of that monstrosity that has plagued France for hundreds of years, then find a way to strangle them now!”

Minister of Internal Affairs Pesini suggested, “Your Majesty, given the current situation, we must be prepared for armed intervention. Considering the state of affairs in the German Region, those sub-states will not become our allies.

Austria is not weak, and to be safe, it would be best to act in concert with England and Russia. Right now, the most important thing is to coordinate diplomatic relations and ensure a consistent stance among the great powers.”

Pesini was Napoleon III’s chief strategist, including the plan for restoration, which he had devised. He might not have been adept at governing the country, but he was definitely an expert at playing the game of power.

While he was actually advising Napoleon III not to rashly intervene in the war, when it passed through his lips, it became a matter of diplomatic necessity.

He subtly reminded Napoleon III that France’s main forces were still on the Near East Battlefield, and domestically there was a scarcity of troops; sending this small number of forces would only add to the enemy’s list of achievements.

There was no helping it; the era of universal conscription from Napoleon’s time was in the past. The French Empire now could not even mobilize as fast as Prussia.

Without enough troops at hand, rashly jumping out to intervene militarily would be a joke, wouldn’t it?

Napoleon III, concerned, asked, “How long will it take for us to have sufficient forces to intervene in this war?”

Army Minister Arno thought for a moment and said, “Your Majesty, due to the Near East War, we now have over eight hundred thousand in our standing army, and a large number of reserves have been called up.

Two hundred and eighty-thousand on the Crimea Peninsula, two hundred thousand in Istanbul, one hundred and fifty-four thousand in overseas colonies, with less than one hundred and seventy thousand troops at home.

We are now able to mobilize one hundred and fifty thousand young men each month. These recruits require at least three months of training before they can be deployed to the battlefield.

If we are to intervene in this war alone, it will take at least half a year to amass sufficient forces.”

Napoleon III utterly dismissed the idea of going it alone. This was all the doing of the July Monarchy. During the time of Louis-Philippe, France’s standing army typically numbered only about two hundred thousand, and the system of universal conscription had also fallen into disuse.

After Napoleon III came to power, the army had expanded to eight hundred thousand, leaving no room for so many reserves to be directly called up.

While eligible French youth were not lacking, these individuals could not be sent straight to battle upon picking up weapons; they required a certain amount of training.

A three-month basic training would essentially produce the lowest of the fodder, pitiful in combat strength. Napoleon III would not dare to take such unreliable forces into battle.

It’s not that the French mobilization capability was truly poor; in this era, almost everyone was in the same boat. Before Franz had reformed the military system, Austrian mobilization capabilities were about the same as the French.

In this era, countries in Europe capable of swiftly mobilizing eight hundred thousand troops only included Russia, France, and Austria. Of course, many countries could muster the numbers, but ensuring combat effectiveness was a different matter.

Seeing the turning leaf and knowing autumn, Napoleon III quickly concluded that this military intervention would likely be unfeasible.

Unless the Austrians really decided to unify Germany and pushed everyone to desperation, it would be impossible to proceed without England, France, and Russia drawing back their fighting troops; currently, none had sufficient forces on hand.

His judgment was correct; the British were the first to abandon plans for military intervention, precisely because the British Army could not field a force of significant size.

While all countries were making preparations, Franz was also busy at work as the Foreign Office became a hive of activity, opening up public relations across the entire European Continent.

Not even Switzerland, a sworn enemy of the Habsburg dynasty, was spared, for hatreds belonged to the past. Since the declaration of perpetual neutrality at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, relations between the two countries had normalized.

Of course, this wasn’t the focus of Austria’s public relations efforts, just a routine affair to show attitude to the Swiss Government.

Unless Switzerland was willing to give up its neutral stance, they could not possibly be involved in this war; in reality, they lacked the capability to do so.

In this era, Switzerland was not the developed nation it would be later; as a mountainous country, it inevitably struggled with poverty before completing industrialization.

Beyond convincing the sub-states of the German Region, the main objective of these public relations was actually the French. Russia couldn’t be counted, as agreements had been secured beforehand; now it was merely about maintaining communication.

Franz didn’t neglect the British because he didn’t want to work with them; the problem was that John Bull was too shrewd, and Austria had no benefits to bribe them with.

On the other hand, there was a common language with the French, and a certain price could be paid to win them over. Franz was loath to cut his own flesh, so he would have to be generous with someone else’s.

Chapter One Hundred and Three: Interference

On July 1, 1853, Prime Minister Felix paid another visit to the Grand Duchy of Baden and held a historic meeting with the regent, Prince Friedrich.

Prime Minister Felix continued to persuade, “Your Highness, German unification is the common aspiration of all German people. The Bavarian Government, which acts against this cause, has already been abandoned by the people.

History has entrusted us with a mission, to achieve national unity at this time. As nobility of the German Region, it is our responsibility to fulfill this duty.”

Confronted by the grand persuader Prime Minister Felix, Prince Friedrich was utterly vexed. The notion of “unification” was now politically correct in the Baden Duchy, and with the precedent of the Bavarian Government, he dared not make a mistake on this issue.

While persuading, Felix also accompanied his words with a military threat from Austria.

With the Kingdom of Bavaria dealt with, the Austrian army couldn’t help but shift towards the borders of the Grand Duchy of Baden—not too many, just about a hundred thousand soldiers.

This number already caused Prince Friedrich sleepless nights. In his view, not even ten thousand Austrian soldiers were needed for a severe threat; even a mere thousand was serious.

Fortunately, the Austrians knew to proceed with civility before force, leaving room for maneuvering. Even if it were to come to annexation, it had to be at a good price, right?

Prince Friedrich voiced his concerns, “Your Excellency, as a noble of the German Region, I am also willing to contribute to the unification of the German Region. The current issue is that other European countries do not wish to see Germany unified.

The United Kingdom, France, and Russia have all made their stance clear; if the German Region unifies, they will intervene militarily, and the Prussians are already colluding with them.

If we cannot handle this issue properly and rashly initiate the unification process, it could well escalate into a large-scale war.”

Nobility is not just a matter of privileges but also represents responsibility, and this is why European nobility is respected.

Prince Friedrich could not directly reject German unification, so he cleverly put the difficult question of unification before them, also taking the opportunity to criticize the Prussians.

If Austria cannot solve this problem, then there’s no point in talking about unification. In the worst case, letting Austria consume Bavaria would mark the end of it.

“One might as well perish than drag others down with them,” Prince Friedrich had no intention to feel sorry for the Bavarian Government. The Austrians were now mindful of appearances, openly promising territorial exchanges between the two royal families.

Although the specific locations were not disclosed, for the Bavarian Royal Family, this was already the best option. As a royal family abandoned by the people, continuing to stay in Bavaria would not allow them to maintain their throne; it would be better to move elsewhere to preserve their foundation.

Prime Minister Felix confidently said, “Your Highness can rest assured on this matter. If we cannot resolve the diplomatic issues, we would not dare to propose unification at this time.

Your Highness is surely aware of the current world situation. The United Kingdom, France, and Russia are engaged in fierce battles in the Near East, and even if they wish to interfere now, they are simply too stretched to do so.

As long as we all agree, unifying the German Region will not be an issue. The trouble now is the Kingdom of Prussia—they have always been ambitious, wanting to annex the entire German Region.

We will try our best to negotiate. If the Prussian Government opposes and colludes with the great powers, then this time we may just unify the South German Region first.

This is Austria’s bottom line, and anyone who dares obstruct us will meet us on the battlefield!”

Prince Friedrich realized that all the previous talk was routine, and the last sentence was Austria’s true intention.

After pondering, he saw that Austria’s plan seemed to have a very high chance of success. With the Kingdom of Bavaria out of the way, there was no longer any power in the South German Region to resist them.

If it were about unifying the entire German Region, the United Kingdom, France, and Russia definitely could not tolerate it. However, if it were a division between North and South Germany, the outcome would be different.

Austria might be overreaching, but just enough not to step over the line and pose a threat to everyone’s survival.

For the British, there was no need to worry about disruption to the balance of power in Europe; a strengthened Austria would only be on par with France, at most slightly stronger, still not as powerful as Russia.

In any case, Austria was surrounded by the United Kingdom, France, and Russia; by this point, they could no longer expand, and any increase in strength would still be within tolerable limits.

The Russians were even less of a concern, as the Russian-Austrian Alliance was a well-known fact. As long as the entire German Region wasn’t unified to pose a threat to Russia, they could accept the rest.

Prince Friedrich surmised that the Russian-Austrian Alliance must have already reached an agreement, otherwise the Austrians would not dare take action at this time.

A solitary France seemed unable to frighten Austria. If war were to break out, who would be scared? Unless Napoleon were to be reincarnated, Austria, set on unifying South Germany, would be undaunted.

Prince Friedrich could not help but subconsciously agree with the public support for unification. With this belief in mind, when calculating Austria’s military might, he also counted the forces of several sub-states from the South German Region.

This calculation was not wrong; when the French attacked, they would have no choice but to fight. When facing foreign invasion, who would dare cry neutrality?

Prince Friedrich thought and said, “Your Excellency, in principle, I agree with the unification of the German Region. The Grand Duchy of Baden will not hinder national unity, but we still need to discuss the specifics.”

There was no room for compromise in the struggle for interests. Now, Prince Friedrich naturally had to fight for the interests of the Grand Duchy of Baden, or rather, his own interests.

Felix showed a look of pleasure, having received an affirmative response. He knew that once the Grand Duchy of Baden was secured, what was there to fear about negotiating specific terms?

Keep in mind that there’s a legal document in the world called the “Constitution.” The Central Government can completely restrict the rights of local governments through laws.

In the new government, Austria would have the absolute leading role. What leverage would these small sub-states have?

Felix grandly assured, “No problem, considering that each sub-state in the German Region has its own system, we principally advocate for the autonomy of the sub-states.”

“Aside from adhering to the common ‘Constitution’, the central government usually does not interfere with the local governments’ administration,”

This was all based on one premise, though—that it was temporary.

Prince Friedrich was satisfied, as he had no choice but to be. Prime Minister Felix’s attitude was too firm, constantly threatening military force, leaving him unable to utter a word of refusal.

As for leaking the Austrians’ plans, Prince Friedrich was not that foolish—it was an ungrateful task.

Even if England and France found out, in the end, they could not change the result of the Baden Duchy being unified. The best option now was to sell the Baden Duchy at a good price.

If matters turned sour, one could take a look at the treatment of the Bavarian Royal Family. Exchanging territories sounded nice, but in reality, they suffered a huge loss as generations of achievement were gone, and they had to start over.

What if the Austrian Government shamelessly created trouble in ten or so years, finding an excuse to depose their throne?

In their new territories, they had no profound mass base; if the royal family was dethroned, that was the end of it—they couldn’t even muster a ripple of trouble.

After a week-long negotiation, on July 9, 1853, Prime Minister Felix, representing Austria, and Prince Friedrich, representing the Grand Duchy of Baden, jointly signed the ‘Declaration of German Unity.’

Simply put, from that moment on, the Grand Duchy of Baden and Austria were considered the same country, even though this nascent parallel import Holy Roman Empire had not yet been formally established.

Prior to this, the Kingdom of Saxon had already signed the treaty. The Austrian Government had thrown a combination of threats and inducements, and with the populace blindly making a fuss, it was hard for them not to capitulate!

Nationalism in the Germany Region had been detonated; the Bavarian Government impeding national unity was eliminated by Austria, and the Duchy of Saxony and the Baden Duchy had reached an agreement with Austria.

It seemed the day of unification for the Germany Region was not far off. When Prime Minister Felix arrived in Württemberg, the welcoming crowds had swelled to the point of spilling onto the streets, forcing negotiations to be held in a manor outside the city.

When Austria issued the declaration of war, everyone thought war was inevitable. However, the actions of the Bavarians successfully turned war into an armed parade, and once again, the prospect of peaceful unification appeared.

The negotiations had yet to begin, and the Württemberg Government was already under immense pressure. Before this, many had publicly expressed that if a war of unification broke out, they would not support the government in combat.

To avoid the repeat of the Bavarian Government’s old affairs, the Kingdom of Württemberg naturally succumbed. As long as Austria could deal with international pressure, they would all be part of the same family.

By July 11, 1853, the yet-to-be-established parallel import Holy Roman Empire already comprised five sub-states: Austria, Kingdom of Bavaria, Baden, Saxon, and Württemberg.

In the South German Region, unification was essentially achieved. As Felix traveled toward Hesse-Darmstadt, the Free City of Frankfurt had already announced its intention to join the Shinra Empire.

At this time, countries like England, France, and Russia prepared to intervene had already reached an agreement. On July 6, England, France, and Russia jointly issued a statement announcing a one-month cessation of hostilities in the Near East.

The following day, including England, France, and Russia, a joint communiqué was issued by twelve European countries, demanding Austria to stop its actions toward German unification.

Without any threatening language, this sole communiqué forced Austria to halt its steps towards unification. Fortunately, by then, Franz’s goal had been achieved.

The Germany Region, which had just begun to see the dawn of unification, immediately plunged into wails, as many helplessly found that unification was still a distant dream.

The Kingdom of Prussia also appeared among the intervening countries this time, and Franz felt there was nothing surprising about that. What was some infamy for the sake of interest?

Since their reputation was already tarnished, Frederick William IV didn’t mind being cursed a few more times as part of the fallout.

If the Kingdom of Prussia didn’t participate in this action, it could be certain that they would have no part in this division of the Germany Region.

Supporting Prussia to counter Austria? That kind of good fortune was only to be dreamt about.

The United Kingdom stated that Hanover was their protege and could not be given up—where else would the big brother’s dignity go? Weren’t the French and the Russians enough to contain Austria?

The French stated that they were not so foolish to have Austria as a competitor, let alone adding another one?

The Russians stated that they could offer moral support, but one must fight for practical interests on their own; Russia was not foolish.

There was only so much interest to be had in Europe, and if the Prussians got a larger share, it meant others would get less.

What idiot would want to hand over their own interests to foster a competitor?

Geographical position had already determined that once the Kingdom of Prussia rose, it would be everyone’s competitor. The problem was that there was no longer enough “meat” left for the Kingdom of Prussia; they could only rob and plunder.

Contain Austria? After the Germany Region was split up, the expansion of Austria was blocked.

On the west were the French, the east the Russians, the north the Prussians, and the south the Balkan Peninsula. Sardinia in the southwest was a protege of the British, and the other sub-states in the Italian Area were already Austria’s proteges; they really couldn’t compete.

What could Austria choose? Oh, there was also Switzerland, which didn’t have much to its name; only if the Vienna Government collectively lost their minds would they take an interest in the backbone of Europe.

Following the plan proposed by the Russians, Austria could either stay put or go out and snatch colonies!

Indeed, England and France wouldn’t budge on this; Austria really couldn’t compete with them overseas. Geographical position ensured Austria was naturally at a disadvantage in overseas colonization.

As long as Austria focused on developing colonies overseas, England and France would have them by the throat. Without fostering good relations with the major players, there would be no harvest to speak of.

Chapter 104: Trading

The sudden pause of the Near East War jolted many within the Austrian Government awake. There’s no surprise here, the great powers are no fools—they wouldn’t allow a unified German Empire to rise and compete for their spoils.

This was within Franz’s expectations, unlike the historical existence of the Empire, the present Austria seemed much more powerful.

While deterring the nations of Europe, it was also inevitable to attract their wariness. At this time, diplomatic means became extremely important; blindly using brute force is not the act of the wise.

Berlin

Metternich proposed the partition of the German Region to the Prussian Government, and without a doubt, the Prussians were not fools—the two sides found it very difficult to come to an agreement.

Austria could easily annex the South German Region, but for Prussia to annex the Northern Germany was very troublesome, a matter of soft power.

The militaristic Prussia, whose strength lay only in military might, could be looked down upon by most of the German sub-states in terms of culture.

This was also the reason why the Kingdom of Prussia was prone to attracting negativity, as they lacked a voice in the cultural sphere and were not recognized by everyone culturally.

Of course, they could also forge ahead with force like in history, coercing everyone to agree. However, the current government of Frederick William IV hesitated, not daring to take this step.

With the multi-national coalition calling a halt to German unification, Austria faced an unprecedented diplomatic dilemma. If Prussia stepped out at this moment, it would alleviate Austria’s pressure, but they themselves would be in a tight spot.

The situation in the North German Region was different from that of the South German Region, where most states were subordinates to Austria, influenced by them for a long time, which is why Franz advocated for political means to achieve unification.

In the Northern Germany, there was also the British hand at play; for Prussia to annex these areas, Hanover was an insurmountable hurdle.

After experiencing the Danish incident, the Berlin Government knew not to mess with the great powers—although the British might not come knocking with an army like the Russians, having their navy to blockade was equally formidable.

Metternich said calmly, “Your Majesty, the Northern Germany is the most prosperous region of Germany. Although it has a slightly smaller territorial area, its economic strength is not weak at all.”

The economic strength of the Northern Germany was indeed not weak, surpassing more than half of that of the Kingdom of Prussia, a place Frederick William IV longed for in his dreams.

Frederick William IV shook his head, saying, “Prime Minister, the Northern Germany’s economy is indeed good, but it still does not compare to the South German Region, whether in terms of population base or territorial area, the disparity is huge.

Considering the complex situation of the Northern Germany, it is very difficult for the Kingdom of Prussia to annex these sub-states, which is quite unfair—Prussia needs to obtain Saxon as compensation.”

Clearly, the Prussian Government had come to realize the importance of population at this period.

Metternich replied coldly, “Your Majesty, power determines influence. Once you cross this line, it means disaster!”

Fairness, how could that be possible? After paying such a high price, Austria would not let the Kingdom of Prussia gain the same benefits, does the Vienna Government look like fools?

…

The Prussian Government dared not provoke the British, yet hoped to receive compensation in the Central German Region, which was obviously unacceptable to Austria. The final negotiation between Prussia and Austria naturally ended in discord.

Metternich’s objective had been achieved; the Prussians were tempted. Wanting a piece of the pie during the split of the German Region meant that they could not possibly cooperate closely with England and France.

If, according to the proposals of England and France, the Germany Region were split into three parts and a new nation were formed by merging the sub-states outside of Prussia and Austria, what benefit would there be for the Prussians?

Prussia surely can’t be expected to lay down its arms to limit Austria, can it? Once this country is established, the Kingdom of Prussia would suffer major losses.

Without the South German Region, Austria would remain a power on the European continent; without the Northern Germany, the Kingdom of Prussia could not even maintain its current quasi-great power status.

The complete industrial system gone, the German Customs Union, crucial to Prussia’s economic lifeline, would cease to exist as well.

A Kingdom of Prussia with a population of thirteen or fourteen million people cannot support an independent economy, not even in the 19th century.

The Northern Germany region isn’t large in area, but it has a substantial population. Once annexed, the population of the Kingdom of Prussia would exceed twenty million, surpassing that of England, with an economic growth of sixty to seventy percent.

Having laid the bait, Metternich wouldn’t fear the Prussians being tempted. Whether the Prussians ended up gaining much or stirring up trouble in the end was no longer his concern.

Paris in 1853 still maintained some of its medieval character, with new forces stirring in the corners of the classical city and a large influx of immigrants arriving in Paris, holding on to their dreams of scraping by.

The soaring population brought about not only economic development but also mountains of trash and dung, as well as streets that became congested at any given time.

A wide ditch divided the road in two, also cutting off the paths on either side. A bit of rain and the streets would need shaky bridges erected over them.

The slaughterhouses located in the city center poured blood and water onto the streets like a stream, congealing under shoe soles and dying them crimson.

This was the Paris that Metternich saw, accustomed to the cleanliness of Vienna, he found it extremely hard to grow fond of the filthy and chaotic Paris.

What was most disturbing was the occasional discovery of infanticide in the sewage ditches, a cruel society driving its people to moral decay, forcing the lower classes to artificially control their birth rates… The large family homes full of children, typical of the peasant’s life, had all but vanished here.

This was a bustling international metropolis, a landmark city of Europe, and also an ocean of sin; this was Paris of the 19th century.

Palace of Versailles

Metternich and Napoleon III had conducted a secret meeting. Interests have always been the best catalyst for national relations. The honeymoon period in Franco-Austrian relations was before the Great Revolution.

After the Great Revolution, their relationship took a sharp downturn. With the accession of Napoleon III, Franco-Austrian relations briefly warmed up again, but with the outbreak of the Near East War, relations once more plummeted to a freezing point.

Now, the reason they could sit together and share a laugh was still because of interests; as continental nations, France and Austria had plenty in common to discuss.

There is nothing that interests can’t resolve, and if interests can’t resolve it, then the interests are simply not substantial enough.

Napoleon III wasn’t a saint without desires, so he had great expectations for Metternich’s visit, as it signified interests.

Metternich spoke openly, “Your Majesty, on the European continent, France and Austria can fully cooperate and meet each other’s needs.

‘A contest between the two countries’ is what the British need for their policy of continental balance, and this does not align with our interests.

“I’ve come to Paris this time to have an in-depth communication with your country and to solve the current disputes between our two nations,”

“What do you need us to do, and what can we gain from it?” asked Napoleon III succinctly.

In fact, the higher the level of negotiation, the simpler it often is. Everyone is very busy and doesn’t have much time for lengthy discussions.

Usually, high-level meetings are very short, and to achieve results in limited time, it’s easier to directly discuss interests and reach a consensus.

Metternich laid out the conditions directly, “Your Majesty, Austria wishes to gain your recognition of the new Holy Roman Empire. In return, Austria will support your expansion in the Kingdom of Sardinia and the Central European Region.”

Napoleon III thought for a moment and said, “It seems that unifying the Germany Region is just a pretense. Your actual goal is just to annex the South German Region, and now you’ve achieved your goal, haven’t you?”

Metternich solemnly replied, “Yes, Your Majesty! It’s too difficult to unify the Germany Region. No one wants us to succeed, and Austria has no plans to challenge the world yet.”

Napoleon III fell into deep thought. The calls for unification of the Germany Region were high, and Austria had already digested the South German Region, which was clearly not going to be easily relinquished.

From France’s standpoint, he naturally did not want Austria to continue to grow stronger, but it was very difficult to intervene at the moment.

Don’t be fooled by the temporary truce in the Near Eastern conflict. Napoleon III was very clear that the contradictions among England, France, and Russia had not eased, and as long as the Russians did not stop their aggression, they could not yield.

Expect diplomatic pressure to make Austria back down? Napoleon III could decisively say, stop dreaming. In this era, everyone talks based on strength, and Austria had already flexed its muscles. Without the power to overpower them, don’t expect them to compromise.

He had to admit, Austria had chosen a good opportunity. They took advantage of the war between England, France, and Russia to take down the South German Region and create a fait accompli.

Napoleon III said seriously, “Your country must cede the lands west of the Rhine River to France, and your country must also withdraw from the Italian Area.

The sphere of influence of the new Holy Roman Empire should be limited to its current member states, and it must not continue to expand into the Germany Region.

In the Near Eastern conflict, your country must not continue to support the Russians. If your country can do these things, we can recognize the legitimacy of the new Holy Roman Empire.”

To agree to Napoleon III’s demands, how could that be possible? To pay such a heavy price just for South Germany, Austria would have labored for nothing.

Metternich shook his head and said, “Your Majesty, your appetite is too big, and this has already gone beyond Austria’s bottom line.

Apart from not continuing to expand into the Germany Region with the new Holy Roman Empire, we cannot accept the other conditions.

Firstly, there is a covenant between Russian-Austrian, and we cannot betray our ally, so there is no need to discuss this issue.

Secondly, withdrawing from the Italian Area is impossible. At most, we can promise not to continue expanding in the Italian Area.

The German lands west of the Rhine River can be negotiated, but not now. We must consider the feelings of our people.

Actually, we don’t have much territory west of the Rhine River, and its value is not that high. It might be better for your country to compensate from other areas.”

After receiving direct confirmation from Metternich of the Russian-Austrian covenant, Napoleon III’s heart sank to the bottom, meaning that any intervention was now impossible.

Do not think that all the countries of Europe have come to join the excitement. In reality, most nations are only there to make their presence felt internationally; if asked to send troops, they would beat a hasty retreat one by one.

As long as the Russians support Austria, then the interventionist Allied Forces cannot be assembled. Unless the Near East war is immediately halted and the United Kingdom and France withdraw troops from the front lines, they do not possess the strength to intervene in Austria.

Whether the British are willing to get involved, Napoleon III does not know, but he himself certainly cannot. Having paid such a high price, and with the war having reached this point, a major victory is necessary for him to conclude affairs without one.

This concerns his own political life; Napoleon III could not possibly wager his throne to intervene in Austria—it is not worth it.

Since there is a deal between Russia and Austria and Metternich secretly appeared in Paris, what about London? If the Austrians have persuaded the British, then French recognition is of no consequence.

Thinking this over, Napoleon III begrudgingly recognizes that his options at this time are quite limited. Unless France intends not to expand in the future, exchanging interests now is the best choice.

France’s mineral resources are insufficient; the mineral resources of the German Rhine region have always been coveted by France, particularly the area’s rich coal resources.

Currently, these areas are mostly under the control of the Kingdom of Prussia, which is one of the provocations for the historical Franco-Prussian War. It was only after the Prussians failed to fulfill their earlier promise that Napoleon III initiated the war.

Maximizing interests is the nature of any politician, and Napoleon III is no exception. Now, he must secure some advantages in Austria to solidify his still-unstable realm.

After some haggling, on August 6, 1853, Metternich and Napoleon III signed the “France-Austrian Italian Issue Handling Outline,” the “Franco-Austrian Central Europe Power Division Treaty,” and the “France-Austrian Mutual Aid Secret Pact” at the Palace of Versailles.

The first two treaties were merely agreements on the delineation of the two nations’ spheres of influence, specifying many potentially disputed areas.

The secret pact was the core of this negotiation. According to the agreement: France would support the establishment of the New Holy Roman Empire, and Austria would support the French in obtaining territories west of the Rhine River and parts of Italy. (Including Belgium, Luxembourg, Rhineland, Kingdom of Sardinia, and Sicily)

When making generous offers at the expense of others, Franz was always very generous. If the French dared to ask, they could even add the Netherlands and Northern Germany to the deal, and Metternich would similarly not refuse.

After all, this promise of support was just verbal and did not require any actual benefit to be given up.

Is Napoleon III unaware? Obviously, that is impossible, but he has confidence in France’s power and believes that taking these regions would be no problem.

As long as the Austrians can honor their agreement and give verbal support without joining other countries in intervening, the likelihood of success is high.

One must always have dreams; what if they come true?

By making an agreement in advance, should action be needed in the future, one potential opponent is already ruled out.

Of course, Napoleon III is not foolish enough to truly trust the promises of the Austrian Government. With so many targets, even if they were to take action, it would not be achieved in one fell swoop.

The road must be travelled step by step, and the meat must be eaten one bite at a time. As long as there is no reckless ambition, these goals are quite attainable for the French.

In the end, everything depends on strength. As long as France is powerful enough, these modest goals can be achieved. Conversely, if they lack the strength, even if the Austrians do fulfill their promises, the French would not have the appetite to digest them.

Chapter 105: Come to Nothing

London

No matter what, the British Government was an obstacle that could not be circumvented. Since the process of German unification was halted by the joint opposition of the nations, Prime Minister Felix had turned his route to London.

Actually, the plan for joint intervention had been underway for a while, and the fact that it could be dragged out until an agreement was reached with the South German States was thanks to the Russians holding things back.

In this respect, the Tsarist Government was still very credible, of course, the public relations fees spread out by Austria had also played a role.

Otherwise, it was estimated that just as they were wrapping things up with the Kingdom of Saxon, this joint declaration would have appeared, and then it would have been very difficult for Austria to proceed with the rest of the plan.

Unable to establish a fait accompli, dealing with it at the negotiating table, achieving these goals was almost impossible.

The joint declaration had been published for so long, and the international conference hadn’t been called yet, that was leaving time for Austria’s PR work.

In other words, Austria got the advantage, and we are green with envy, if we can’t get enough compensation, we are going to make trouble.

This was Franz’s view, if the international conference were to be called immediately, Austria would have no time to maneuver. No, it should be said that there was no time to travel to London.

At the strong insistence of Napoleon III, the international conference was to be held in Paris, and the Paris Government, being so close at hand, clearly had an opportunity for public relations.

There’s no need to mention the Russians, without Mao Xiong’s support, Austria would not dare to make any rash moves, obviously, there was already a deal between the two. How could the shrewd John Bull tolerate such a thing happening?

The meeting was originally planned for July, but was dragged out to late August at the British’s request.

Faced with this situation, the Austrian Government naturally had no choice, and Prime Minister Felix had to personally make the trip to London.

Prime Minister Felix retorted, “Mr. Henry, the importance of the Lombardy-Venetia Kingdom to Austria must be clear to you. The economic value there is even above the South German Region.

Venice is Austria’s largest foreign trade port, and a majority of Austria’s naval ports are in the Veneto region. Do you think we can let go?”

The British Prime Minister George Hamilton-Gordon smiled and said, “Mr. Felix, your country does not lack ports. Rijeka and Trieste are both excellent ports, and in the Dalmatia Region, your country has many ports that can be developed.”

Felix shook his head and said, “Mr. Henry, theoretically, as long as it is seaside, it can be transformed into a quality port, but what about the development cost?

The Dalmatia Region is the poorest province in Austria; the local transportation is enough to render any port valueless.

So as for the proposal to give up the Lombardy-Venetia Kingdom, let’s not talk about it anymore, it’s impossible for us to agree.”

The British wanted to unite the Italian Area, at the same time counterbalancing Austria and France, balancing the powers in the Mediterranean.

However, on this issue, they faced opposition from Austria, France, and Spain simultaneously, making the unification of the Italian Area seem far off into the future.

The Lombardy-Venetia Kingdom was Austria’s compensation for giving up the Austrian Netherlands, with a territory of 46,991 square kilometers and a population of about 5.16 million, predominantly Italians, with some German People.

This was the most fertile land in the Italian Area, with Italy’s largest plain—the Po River Plain. More than half of Italy’s industry was concentrated here, as well as the busiest port in the Mediterranean—Venice. At one point, it accounted for 30% of Austria’s fiscal revenue.

With such enormous economic interests, the Vienna Government naturally could not give up easily. Even now, the British were recognizing the new Holy Roman Empire as a condition, and yet Prime Minister Felix flatly refused.

Unable to achieve this goal, Prime Minister George Hamilton-Gordon once again put forth a new condition, “Mr. Felix, your country cannot give up the Italian Area, but surely stopping support for the Russians is not an issue, right?

You surely do not want to watch the Russians swallow the Ottoman Empire, extend their tentacles deep into the Mediterranean, and break the balance of Europe?”

Having arrived in London, Felix already had a feeling that the real goal of the British was to dismantle the Russian-Austrian Alliance, and now it was plain to see.

“Mr. Henry, I think there’s been a misunderstanding on your part. In the Near East War, we will maintain neutrality; we have never supported the Russians.

From the outbreak of the war until now, the Austrian Government has always maintained neutrality and doing business with the Russians, that adheres to the principle of free trade.”

Free trade was initiated by the British, and it was one of the national policies of the British Government; naturally, Prime Minister George Hamilton-Gordon could not contradict his own policy.

George Hamilton-Gordon asked, “So has your country already decided to join the free trade system?”

Felix equivocated, “Mr. Henry, Austria’s situation is different from that of your country. Many people in our country worry that once we join the free trade system established by your country, there will be an economic impact.

After all, your country’s industrial strength is simply too strong; all the countries of the world combined might not match up to you.”

Indeed, the Great Britain Empire’s industrial strength was unmatched, no other country in the world could compare.

However, once all nations have completed industrialization, the small area and scarce resources of the British Isles will expose their weakness, and the outcome will be different.

Can’t the British see this problem? The answer is: no, they can’t.

The Great Britain Empire is so illustrious now that they overlook potential crises. Otherwise, they would start preparing now. If not to remain at the peak forever, at least to extend their time as the world’s hegemon.

Theoretically, the best option would be to shift the focus of development to Canada and compete with the Americans for America. It is not impossible for the Great Britain Empire to overpower the United States of this era.

Secondly, there is the development of Australia and the annexation of the Southeast Asia region. With such an area to support them, they can also sustain a superpower.

Thirdly, the development of the African Continent should be considered. In this era, the total population of Africa is at most twenty million, and due to the prevalence of the slave trade, the population of Africa is still declining.

The Americans can turn Indians into a minority; the more professional John Bull can also turn Uncle Blacks into protected animals.

Any of these three options would require a massive investment of manpower, material, and financial resources, impossible unless the British elite were all transmigrators.

Despite being a flattery, in this era, it was a compliment. George Hamilton-Gordon was very pleased to receive Felix’s praise, but that did not affect the following negotiations.

George Hamilton-Gordon was sure that as long as they relented on the issue of the Germany Region, the Austrian Government would not mind joining the free trade system immediately.

This was clearly not Austria’s bottom line. George Hamilton-Gordon continued to probe, “Mr. Felix, since your country remained neutral in the Near East conflict, do you plan to return the lands occupied from the Ottoman Empire after the war?”

Felix could only sigh, realizing that this master of continental balance of power had quickly considered the post-Near East conflict issues.

“We will have to discuss this issue with the Ottoman Government. If they can pay enough ransom, we do not mind returning the lands we now occupy.”

This “ransom” was obviously beyond what the Ottoman Empire could afford; it was merely a way to make the British concede on the issue of Austria re-establishing the Holy Roman Empire.

In terms of territory, the several states Austria has set its sights on together hardly amount to 140,000 square kilometers, less than half of the territory currently occupied by Austria in the Ottoman Empire.

Kingdom of Bavaria: 75,865 square kilometers

Württemberg Kingdom: 20,682 square kilometers

Grand Duchy of Baden: 15,070 square kilometers

Kingdom of Saxon: 14,993 square kilometers

Grand Duchy of Hesse-Darmstadt: about 10,000 square kilometers

Free City of Frankfurt: 248.31 square kilometers

But the accounting shouldn’t be done this way. Austria’s annexation of the South German Region is not for the sake of land, but rather for the population; the population on these German Sub-States exceeds ten million.

This population can effectively compensate for the weakness of the Austrian main ethnic group, making the seemingly powerful Austrian Empire into a truly great Empire.

As for the lands of the Balkan Peninsula, what would it matter to return them to the Ottoman Empire? Can the current Ottoman Empire keep it?

Take the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin as an example; as long as Austria insists on opposing their independence, the Ottoman Empire could only give them back, unless they want to be neighbors with the Tsarist Government.

If Russia had won or drawn in this Near East conflict, the Ottoman Empire would be in a difficult position, sandwiched between the Russians and Austria. Managing such an exclave is a joke, isn’t it?

Austria can give up the Balkan Peninsula, but only if England and France win the Near East conflict. Only then will Prime Minister Felix’s promise be fulfilled.

George Hamilton-Gordon quickly realized this issue. In such an inland area, the influence of the Great Britain Empire is too low.

Don’t be misled by Austria’s seemingly high regard for them; the real power of speech lies mainly with the Russians, followed by the French.

London Government’s recognition is good, but opposition likewise cannot change the final result. As long as one of the French-Russian supports Austria, rebuilding Shinra won’t be a problem.

In the end, no agreement was reached. With no significant benefits from Austria and no leverage to make the Austrian Government yield, John Bull naturally couldn’t give a clear answer.

They couldn’t intervene in the South German Region, yet they couldn’t give up Northern Germany either. It’s in the coastal regions where they could find the prestige of Britannia.

These issues would be a headache for the British. Felix wouldn’t worry for them; after all, he did bring Austria’s goodwill.

With an ambiguous answer, Prime Minister Felix set off on his return journey. As for the upcoming Paris Conference, let Metternich handle it; it must be admitted that in this area, he is the most professional.

Chapter 106: The Suffering Franz

Ever since the twelve-nation Intervention Alliance intervened in the German unification process, the entire Germany Region sank into a low ebb, as if the sky had collapsed. Even the most radical nationalists despaired of the unification of the Germany Region.

To pacify the public, the Austrian Government still posted placards in its controlled areas, explaining that the Vienna Government was making a final diplomatic effort to achieve the unification of the Germany Region to the greatest extent possible, and by the way, it cast another shadow on the Kingdom of Prussia’s disloyal behavior.

But this was to no avail, and aside from cursing the Prussian Government, all people could do was wait for the final verdict of the Paris talks.

Inside the University of Munich campus

A young student said with grief and indignation, “We can’t just wait like this; we must do something!”

A young man beside him quickly grabbed his right arm, comforting him, “Beyer, don’t be foolish. Now, we can only rely on the Vienna Government for diplomatic mediation. Prime Minister Felix has already gone to London, and Mr. Metternich to Paris.”

It’s said that His Majesty Franz has also visited St. Petersburg, and now the Austrian Government is making the utmost effort to achieve the unification of the Germany Region.

What can you do now? Besides causing trouble, can you make these countries change their stance?”

Beyer shook off his companion’s hand and said, “Schwar, I can’t stand it, even if we can’t do much, we can organize a protest march to show them our determination to achieve unity!”

“Humph!”

Schwar let out a cold snort and then said, “Don’t be silly, Beyer. Even if, as the newspapers say, all the people in the Germany Region protest together at this time, it won’t have any effect at all.

The London Government won’t see, the Paris Government won’t see, the St. Petersburg Government won’t see, and the governments of the European countries won’t see.

Our most important task now is to strive to make Germany strong, strong enough that they dare not interfere in our internal affairs, so that the Germany Region can achieve unification.

Now, even Austria, the strongest in the Germany Region, does not have the courage to fight a war in the face of interference from European countries!

A protest march, other than disrupting social order, cannot add a bit to national strength; aside from delaying our development process, it has no practical significance.”

They all share “hatred,” hating that the Germany Region is not strong enough, that even all the sub-states together cannot face the collective pressure of the great powers.

Beyer cursed angrily, “It’s all the fault of those Prussian barbarians; if they hadn’t played the traitor, the situation would never have been so passive.

The French-Russian War is ongoing, presenting the best opportunity for the unification of the Germany Region. Instead, those bastards sided with the French-Russian, betraying the interests of the Germany Region!”

Ever since Austria occupied this place, the Black Prussia Kingdom became a regular part of daily propaganda, especially after the Kingdom of Prussia appeared on the list of intervening countries, and they were beyond redemption.

At this time, people’s discontent naturally turned into cursing them, for traitors have always been more detestable than enemies since ancient times.

When making this decision, the Prussian Government should have been prepared to be cursed; after all, they were not eyeing South German, so it doesn’t make much difference whether they have public support or not.

There’s no need for explanations, because there’s no way to explain it. It can’t simply be stated: If the Kingdom of Prussia hadn’t joined the Intervention Alliance, the remaining North German State would have been merged into one country again, with not even a slight benefit for them.

As for joining forces with Austria to unify the Germany Region? Frederick William IV made it clear he was not foolish, for to play politics with the Habsburg Family would be to disgrace himself.

The Hohenzollern Dynasty has always excelled in military power, and Frederick William IV could proudly claim that, in terms of leading troops into battle, he was streets ahead of Franz.

Genetic heritage sometimes does play a role. The Hohenzollern Dynasty has produced many famous generals, and the Kings of Prussia have generally been quite capable in war.

Because they’re not very good at political struggle, Wilhelm II was quickly sidelined by his subordinates after the outbreak of World War I, whereas members of the Habsburg Family ended up bringing about their own demise.

Even the last Emperor, who was a poor choice, almost managed to save the Empire; it was only Wilson’s “Fourteen Points” that triggered nationalism to rise up and ended the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s life.

This can also be seen now; ever since the Kingdom of Prussia joined the row of intervening nations, nationalism within the country surged, and dissatisfaction with the Prussian Government reached its peak.

If it were Franz, he would rather have chosen to join forces with Austria to divide up the Germany Region and then put on a facade of merging with Austria, only to separate again under pressure from the great powers.

Seizing the opportunity to swallow the Northern Germany under the banner of unification and when offending the British, he could drag Austria into sharing the blame.

Since it was bound to happen eventually, if the Kingdom of Prussia intended to advance further, it would have to absorb the Northern Germany, and Hanover could not escape.

Yet Hanover was no ordinary case; in addition to its importance to British interests as the Queen’s homeland, it also concerned the pride of the Great Britain Empire. How could John Bull, now beginning to get high and mighty, tolerate being slapped in the face?

Therefore, it would be good to have someone share the pressure, and what a wonderful excuse the task of unifying Germany is?

By doing this, although external pressure would increase, internal support could be gained from the people, making the rule more stable. The pros and cons for the country are hard to determine, but for the King, this is the best choice.

Napoleon III was a master in this regard, willing to fight a battle with the Russians in the Near East to consolidate his throne.

From a national interest perspective, the French only needed to hold Constantinople; there was no need to continue fighting in the Crimea Peninsula, but the French sent troops nonetheless.

After a few victories in the Crimea historically, Napoleon III decisively entered into peace talks with the Russians once he had gained the political benefits he sought.

A gentle breeze caressed his face as Franz leaned out of the window, savoring the delightful moment.

He was currently on his way to St. Petersburg, ostensibly to seek diplomatic support from the Tsarist Government for the unification of the Germany Region.

In reality, his visit to Russia at this time had no direct connection to the negotiations; it was purely for political show.

Although he knew that unification of the Germany Region was impossible at this time, as the Emperor of Austria, Franz had to put forth his greatest effort, or at least appear to the public that he was trying.

In mid-July, Franz set out from Vienna, his carriage slowly making its way toward St. Petersburg. The transportation within Austria was barely acceptable, and Franz managed to travel by train for part of the journey.

Upon entering the Russian Empire, he refrained from complaining any further. If it weren’t for his robust constitution, he likely would have fallen apart on the way before even reaching St. Petersburg.

What Franz now longed for most was the era of airplanes and trains, when a later journey from Vienna to St. Petersburg would take at most two to three hours by plane or about a day by train.

But in this era, traversing the 1,583 kilometers was a matter of months.

Fortunately, after passing through Poland, he was able to take to the sea, saving a considerable amount of time. Otherwise, he would still be en route while the Paris negotiations were underway if he traveled solely by carriage.

In fact, it was also possible to travel to St. Petersburg from the Germany Region via a more direct route, either by boat through the Rhine River or by navigating the River Elbe to get to the North Sea.

Unfortunately, both these routes required passing through the Kingdom of Prussia, and given the political necessity for Austria to be at odds with Prussia, Franz had no choice but to go through the Polish Region.

It just so happened that the Vistula River was in the flood season, making navigation extremely dangerous. Concerned about his safety, Franz decided to proceed at a slower pace.

After all, this was a one-time ordeal. He would absolutely not visit St. Petersburg again before the railway network was completed. Such a long journey was practically murderous.

When would the rail link between St. Petersburg and Vienna become operational? That was a question for the Russians. Given the pace of development in Austria, the domestic railway network would likely be well established in twenty years.

As for the Russian Empire, completing the railway network coverage this century was impossible; perhaps it could be realized in the next century.

Although the road was a bit bumpy, the scenery along the way was splendid, completely natural, especially after entering Russia, where smog-belching factories were very rare.

Occasionally, when encountering exceptionally beautiful scenery, Franz would stop to enjoy and relax during the journey.

Now, Franz’s entourage was advancing at a speed of thirty kilometers per day, resting whenever it rained. Travelling through the rain was out of the question; he was a considerate emperor who minded the well-being of his subordinates, not wanting to unduly strain them.

In terms of hospitality, the Tsarist Government was very meticulous about etiquette, arranging for his treatment strictly according to the standards befitting an emperor, even though Franz was accompanied by a battalion of guards during his visit, the Russians did not frown upon it.

One day, Count Medvedev, the Russian delegate accompanying him, approached the carriage and asked, “Your Majesty, up ahead, the Vistula River is now navigable. Shall we switch to water travel?”

Change, of course, we must change. Whoever wishes to ride in this carriage, let them have it!

Franz made up some excuse on the spot: “Arrange it, we need to make haste!”

Franz soon regretted it, as it became clear that travel by water in this era was by no means enjoyable, especially since he was prone to sea sickness.

While sailing along the river was bearable, with frequent stops at ports, things were different upon reaching the sea. The sea swells and the conditions of inland waters were fundamentally dissimilar.

On the first day at sea, Franz withstood the ordeal with his robust health, but by the second day, he was looking a bit pale, and by the third, he began to vomit.

With this vomiting, the journey was delayed again, as the entourage hurriedly docked at the nearest port. By this time, the large party had already reached Estonia, and in reality, they were not far from St. Petersburg.

With no other option, considering the emperor’s precious life, no one dared to be careless. Even though the accompanying physicians knew full well that this was just a normal reaction to seasickness, they still stopped to rest for three days, waiting for Franz to recover before setting off again.

The remaining journey, naturally, had to be slower, docking at every port they came to, with Franz spending each night on land to rest.

By the time Franz finally arrived in St. Petersburg, he had lost a considerable amount of weight.

Chapter 107: Hidden Murderous Intent

Paris

On August 28, 1853, the much-anticipated negotiations commenced. Representatives from various countries—including the numerous small German states and the Free Cities—gathered together to participate in the conference.

The conference room was instantly flooded with over a hundred people, making it resemble a marketplace, buzzing with noise. After several days had passed, not a single agreement had been reached.

On September 2, Russian Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell proposed to the assembly, “Ladies and gentlemen, at this rate of clamor, we probably won’t reach any agreements by this time next year. Perhaps we should reduce the number of participants in the meeting!”

Clearly, public relations expenditures had made an impact. Carl-Wassell was still quite credible, adhering to the principle of getting paid to get things done. This proposal was bought with five hundred thousand rubles.

As the negotiations were at an impasse, Metternich watched with concern and urgency. If this dragged on, problems were bound to arise sooner or later, which would be extremely disadvantageous for Austria.

At this time, it wasn’t suitable for Austria to take the lead in disqualifying the participation of representatives from various countries. The only ones qualified to make such a suggestion were the representatives of England, France, and Russia.

The British needn’t be mentioned; they would be delighted to see Austria’s troubles. The French were also difficult to bribe, especially with Napoleon III watching, making it hard to engage in any trickery.

Carl-Wassell was the only one left who could be bought. After all, with the Russian-Austrian alliance in place, the Tsarist Government had long decided to support Austria at the conference.

Just how much backing Carl-Wassell had was now in his hands. To avoid protracted problems, Metternich naturally resorted to spending money on public relations.

Metternich said coldly, “Mr. Carl-Wassell has made a good proposal. Time is precious to us all. There is no need for irrelevant people to participate in the subsequent negotiations.”

He had no fondness for the opportunistic fence-sitters, who were now only adding chaos for Austria.

“Alright, the countries involved can participate in the subsequent meetings.”

After some thought, Foreign Minister Auvergne also expressed support. Continuing in this way was of no benefit to France.

Three against one, British Foreign Minister Thomas could only nod in agreement. His time was precious too. If he was to waste it here every day, what would happen back home?

Under the common will of the major powers, the number of countries participating in the conference was reduced to fifteen, including England, France, Russia, Austria, Prussia, Spain, Belgium, Switzerland, and the Netherlands, along with the South German States due to be merged.

It was just the beginning. Under Metternich’s manipulation, the scale of the conference was further reduced by September 5th, with the German Confederation losing its right to participate, and instructed to wait at home for the results.

By September 10th, as these smaller states were successively ousted from the game, only England, France, Russia, Austria, the West, and Prussia remained—reminiscent of the Paris Congress.

In this world, power still speaks the loudest. A multilateral negotiation ultimately became a private meeting of England, France, Russia, Austria, and Prussia.

The Spanish representative was only there to make up the numbers, but as a member of the European powers, they still obtained the right to participate in the conference, although their right to speak was practically non-existent.

The decisive outcomes would still be determined by the five nations of England, France, Russia, Austria, and Prussia. Finally, the conference could proceed normally.

In the Germany Region, as time went on, the idea of a divide between North and South Germany gained momentum. Many experts and scholars published articles in newspapers, arguing the feasibility of a “division between North and South Germanic” regions.

Even the most optimistic individuals no longer believed in the possibility of unification for the Germanic territories, hadn’t the Kingdom of Prussia openly declared their opposition?

In the Northern Germany, two more sub-state governments responded to the Prussians’ proposal, condemning Austria for disrupting the peace and stability of the region and seeking to expel them from the German areas.

These two foolish German Confederation governments soon paid a harsh price for their stance, facing a public backlash.

Had the Prussians not intervened militarily, they would have become republics. After this cautionary tale, the remaining German Confederation governments became more careful.

Germanic nationalism in the region was mostly limited to verbal rants, but they still had the power to subvert one or two small sub-states.

Without going into detail, they could topple a governing body with mere words.

The German states in the region comprised a total of 39 sub-states, along with a host of Free Cities. Apart from Austria and Prussia, the two large states, the remaining 37 sub-states and a multitude of Free Cities collectively held over two hundred thousand square kilometers of territory.

If Bavaria, Hanover, Württemberg, Saxon, Hesse, and Baden were set aside, the rest of the thirty-plus sub-states and Free Cities were squeezed into forty to fifty thousand square kilometers of territory.

Excluding the two principalities occupied by Denmark, on average, each sub-state and Free City occupied less than a thousand square kilometers, with an average population of less than one hundred and fifty thousand.

With the governments’ deterrent power naturally insufficient, a village-level rebellion could overthrow a government, making it impossible for the authorities to defy the will of the people.

As soon as news of the “division between North and South German” spread, public opinion exploded. There was both support and opposition, making the entire German Region abuzz with activity.

Inside the University of Munich

A young student exclaimed passionately, “It’s impossible, Beyer. Besides the division between North and South Germany, do we have a better option now?

With foreign intervention from European countries on one hand and the traitorous Kingdom of Prussia on the other, you still want to forcibly unify the Germany Region. Do you know the consequences of doing so?

You’re insane. If war breaks out, thousands of German People will be displaced, and our great German nation will sink into obscurity like the Polish.”

There is never a shortage of idealists in the world, and Beyer is one of them.

Beyer retorted, “Stein, stop yelling. The Intervention Alliance may look strong, but in reality, only England, France, and Russia have the capability to intervene in the unification of the Germany Region.

With the three countries deeply at odds, the likelihood of forming an Allied Force is virtually zero. If they act independently, we may not be powerless to fight.”

A person beside sneered, “Indeed, we have the power to fight one battle, but after that, the German people will become history, or we could learn from those barbaric Prussians and become traitors, kowtowing to the enemy.”

Not everyone likes war, even among German nationalists, most still hope for a peaceful unification.

Facing joint intervention by different nations, many are rational and know that the German Federation is powerless to resist the collective will of Europe; thus, compromise has become the only option.

The theory of governing North and South Germany separately is not so much a product of the Austrian Government working behind the scenes as it is a necessity for these rational factions.

In the absence of a greater unification, this has become the reluctantly chosen secondary plan.

In the South German Region, things are still acceptable; after the division between North and South, they merged with Austria and remained one of the world’s strongest nations, which most of the populace could accept.

However, in Northern Germany, it was different. No one liked traitors. Merging with the Kingdom of Prussia, many found this psychological barrier insurmountable.

Furthermore, even when combined, Northern Germany merely stepped into the ranks of the great powers and was still far from being a true major nation, which was not what they wanted.

Against this backdrop, the Kingdom of Hanover began to spread a new idea, which rapidly gained traction in Northern Germany and even found its way into Southern Germany.

“Expel Prussia and Austria, and let the remaining states of the German Confederation form a new nation.”

This proposition found a market in Northern Germany, as residents who were unwilling to merge with the Kingdom of Prussia preferred to join this new nation.

Though this nascent nation would only be a middle-power with an area of over two-hundred thousand square kilometers and a population of seventeen or eighteen million, far from the grand nation of everyone’s dreams.

Undoubtedly, there was a touch of the Great Britain Empire in this. Once the region of Germany established a tripartite balance, whether it was Austria, Prussia, or this newly born state, none would be able to unify the German region.

Under such a balance system, the European Continent would become more stable. It not merely served British interests, but also allayed the French’s concerns, while the Russians too were very enticed by this system.

This concept had existed before, with the Bavarian Government being a supporter of a tripartite balance. Unfortunately, this idea lacked support in the German region, even among the Bavarians themselves.

Now, the circumstances had changed. With unification of the German region determined to be impossible, and unwillingness to merge with the Kingdom of Prussia, the states of North Germany became proponents of this idea.

In far-off St. Petersburg, Franz was still unaware that John Bull had already made his move, and it was a deadly one at that.

A theory with public support is no longer just an idea; it has the potential to become reality.

The populace of the South German Region might not support this rhetoric, but the governments of these states felt differently. Their influence would inevitably be limited under Austrian rule.

Having a say means having benefits. If a group of small states came together to form a union, no single state could dominate, necessitating a federal system!

In a federal state, the power of a central government is bound to be limited, ensuring that everyone’s interests are well protected.

Driven by such interests, these small state governments could not help but promote this theory domestically, as undercurrents swirled through the German region.

Baden

Prince Friedrich was hesitating over whether to join the Federal Empire organized by the British. According to the British, joining this empire would maximize their benefits.

“Gentlemen, what do you make of the British proposal?”

After a moment of silence, Prime Minister Woltz replied, “Your Highness, if the British plan proceeds smoothly, joining the Federal Empire would indeed align with our interests.

The Kingdom of Bavaria is still under Austrian control, and it’s unlikely they will cede their position.

If the new Federal Empire is established, no single nation could dominate. We, along with Hanover, Württemberg, Saxon, Hesse, and others, would jointly dominate this country.

However, though the potential benefits are immense, the inherent risks are not small either.

The newborn Federal Empire is too weak. Whether compared with Austria or France, we are very fragile, and our potential for development may even be less than that of Prussia.

If the balance in Europe is broken, we will be in great trouble. Unless the British can force Austria to voluntarily give up the New Holy Roman Empire, we, having become traitors, will surely be held accountable in the future.”

And it’s not just about future retribution; retaliation is possible even now. Austria could simply lift a finger to crush the Baden Duchy, which is one reason for their hesitation.

Foreign Minister Nicholas thought for a moment and said, “The issue of Austrian retaliation can be managed. If it comes to it, we could just elevate a member of the Habsburg family to Emperor, which would be enough to quell their rage.

The problem now is whether the British can coerce Austria and Prussia. If they fail to do so, this newly formed Federal Empire will forever remain theoretical.”

Prince Friedrich nodded. He desired the benefits, but not the risks that came with them. Should the British plan fail, the probability of the Austrian Government abolishing the Baden royal family was all too high.

Unlike other kings, Ludwig II was deemed insane, with virtually no prestige among the common people; the majority of the population of Baden held no affection for the Grand Duke.

“Given that, let’s reply directly to the British that we agree with their plan, but until a final decision is made at the Paris Congress, we won’t express any opnions.

We should be cautious about domestic propaganda, not letting anyone catch us out; these ideas must be freely spread by the people and cannot be linked to the government in any way,” said Prince Friedrich.

Without a choice, the way of survival for a small country is to “be a wallflower.” They couldn’t afford to offend the British nor provoke the Austrians. Caught between two major powers, trying to gain benefits was like dancing on eggs.

Chapter 108: The Diplomatic Tactics of John Bull

Palace of Versailles

British Foreign Minister Thomas said to Napoleon III, “Your Majesty, the Russian-Austrian Alliance poses too great a threat to us. Since the outbreak of the Near East War, if it were not for Austria’s support, the Russians would have collapsed early on.

Now the opportunity has come. The Austrians want to unify the Germany Region, and the Russians will certainly oppose it.

Looking at the current situation, the Vienna Government has made concessions, agreeing to support the Russians in obtaining Constantinople, in exchange for Russian support of their annexation of the South German Region.

This seemingly mutually beneficial deal has encountered problems in implementation. The Russians were unable to take Constantinople, yet Austria has swallowed the South German Region whole.

There will definitely be many within the Tsarist Government who do not wish to see Austria’s plans realized, so their support for Austria will inevitably be limited.

Facing the diplomatic pressure united by the European countries, the Austrian Government naturally cannot withstand the pressure. They were already at a loss in this trade, and if they find out now that the Russians are dragging their feet, the Vienna Government will certainly be dissatisfied.

At this time, if we lure Austria to abandon the Russian-Austrian Alliance on the condition that we recognize their annexation of the South German Region, the likelihood of success is very high.”

The existence of the Russian-Austrian Alliance has already seriously threatened the core interests of England and France, involving the struggle for dominance over the European Continent.

Since the end of the anti-France war, the reason Russia, which has gained supremacy in Europe, has not been able to expand externally is not only due to the restraint of the Vienna System but more importantly, because of the inadequate diplomatic techniques of the Tsarist Government, which have been met with united opposition by everyone.

The situation is different now. Austria and Russia have come together, England and France might despise Russian diplomacy, but cannot ignore Austria’s diplomatic ability.

Metternich has even been acclaimed as the “European Chancellor” of this era, and the British have personally experienced his diplomatic prowess.

With the power ranking last among the four great powers, Austria has actually dominated European Continental politics for thirty years, relying on diplomatic means.

“Suppress France, drive out England, obstruct Russia,” this is the greatest achievement of the Vienna System, by exploiting the contradictions between nations, Metternich achieved strategic goals through the policy of the weaker controlling the strong.

If Russia and Austria continue to deepen their cooperation, once they achieve strategic complementarity, it will have a fatal impact on the core interests of both England and France.

Napoleon III shook his head and said, “Mr. Thomas, we are all aware of the threat of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, and I am very willing to dismantle this combination.

But everything you’ve said has too low a probability of success; that old fox Metternich is not easy to deceive, and I’m afraid he won’t be so easily tricked!”

Setting aside the France-Austria deal, if we want to dismantle the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the plan must also be reliable, right?

We can’t just speculate that the Russians will reduce their support for Austria out of envy and then rashly trip up Austria diplomatically.

We are all politicians here, and international relations must be treated in terms of interests. As long as the interests are right, suppressing personal sentiments isn’t difficult.

Thomas calmly said, “Your Majesty, the Russian-Austria Alliance is built on the basis of interests. Austria is unwilling to give up their alliance with the Russians simply because the benefits aren’t enough.

As long as Austria is willing to abandon their alliance with Russia, not only can we support their annexation of the South German Region, but we can also give them the Central German Region, and even the land they now occupy in Ottoman territory.”

If the Austrian Empire is unwilling to give up the Russian-Austrian Alliance, then we must prepare for the worst and take direct action to restrict Austria’s power.

We will deploy one hundred thousand troops, your country will deploy two hundred thousand, Belgium, the Netherlands, Portugal, Switzerland, Sardinia, and Spain will each deploy fifty thousand, and, in addition, the Kingdom of Prussia will deploy three hundred thousand to form an intervention force to pressure the Austrians to abandon this expansion.”

It must be said that the British are ruthless. The benefits that could be gained from the Russian-Austrian Alliance can be obtained by tearing it up, and even more so.

Napoleon III fell into deep thought. Strategically speaking, the threat of the Russian-Austrian Alliance was too great, not at all less than that of Austria uniting the Germany Region.

The British, for the sake of world hegemony, want to strike at their biggest competitor, and at this time, they are naturally willing to give anything.

After offending Russia anyway, Austria’s rear will be unstable, with the French holding them in check at the front, they simply don’t have the strength to dominate the European Continent.

But for the French, it’s different. Breaking up the Russian-Austrian Alliance is certainly very important, but suppressing the emergence of new opponents is equally important.

If, after a great effort, the Russians were suppressed only to let Austria rise to power, their efforts would have been in vain.

The British seek to balance in Europe, and as long as that balance can be maintained, it doesn’t matter who is strong and who is weak. In any case, Austria’s geographical position ensures that it cannot challenge naval power; the threat to them is the smallest among the great powers.

For France, it’s a different story. Napoleon III is also an emperor with aspirations to dominate the European Continent and naturally cannot tolerate the emergence of a behemoth in Southern Europe.

The gap in strength between Austria-France is not that large, and even now in the Austrian Empire, Napoleon III is not confident of being able to suppress them, let alone a strengthened Austria.

At this time, Napoleon III had pushed aside the France-Austria Secret Treaty; all he could think about was that Austria must not be allowed to grow stronger, and that effective measures must be taken to restrict their development.

After a long pause, Napoleon III shook his head and said, “Mr. Thomas, your plan is too unreliable. What if we recognize Austria’s expansion and then they turn their backs on us later?

The Russian-Austrian Alliance can be torn up, and likewise, it can be re-established. In the end, it all comes down to—interests.

Your country’s European balance plan has in fact already constrained the future development of Austria. In order to go even further, they will sooner or later join hands with the Russians again.

If I were Nicholas I, as long as I could annex the Ottoman Empire, even if it meant indulging Austria in unifying the Germany Region, I would accept it.

When Austria has unified the Germany Region, the first to be hit will be France; the Russians can completely provoke a Austria-France war and then sit back and reap the benefits as a fisherman.

Your country can also stand by coolly, waiting for the situation to change. Mr. Thomas, do you think I am easy to fool?”

Sensing the murderous intent in Napoleon III’s eyes, Thomas hastily remedied, “Your Majesty, you worry too much. Nicholas I is not as wise as you.

Moreover, we will not watch Austria grow stronger. None of the European countries want to see a behemoth emerge in Central Europe.

Austria has no chance of unifying the Germany Region, at least the Kingdom of Prussia will not be able to digest it.

Don’t be fooled by Austria’s current appearance of military strength—once war breaks out, as long as it’s not on their own territory, the logistics required for a million-strong army will be more than enough to drag them down.”

Napoleon III said with great certainty, “Mr. Thomas, no matter what you say, France can never allow the Austrian Empire to grow unchecked simply to dismantle the Russian-Austria Alliance!”

After he finished speaking, Napoleon III immediately realized something. The British weren’t trying to allow Austria to grow; they rather intended to contain Austrian development and had come to provoke him.

With this realization, the look Napoleon III gave Thomas was full of disgust.

Seeing the change in Napoleon III’s demeanor, Thomas spoke as if it were nothing, “Your Majesty, since Your country intends to restrict Austrian development, as allies, we naturally ought to support Your country’s actions.

The Austrians’ ambitious wars of aggression, aimed at annexing all sub-states in the German Region, are intolerable to all just individuals.

I suggest that our two countries join forces immediately to stop Austrian actions and to permanently divide the German Region outside of Prussia and Austria, forming an independent country to eradicate the source of war in Europe.”

Having seen through the intent, Napoleon III understood that this was the true objective of the British, but he now had trouble believing it.

John Bull was too impressive at diplomatic maneuvering. In the past, his uncle, Emperor Napoleon, was invincible across Europe, yet he still fell under the scheming of the British.

Austria’s leading role in establishing the Vienna System was only because the British were expanding their overseas colonies and didn’t have the resources to interfere with the European affairs, which is why they had propped up Austria to help maintain European stability.

But the moment they were free, they immediately came back to stir up trouble. The current wars in the Near East and interference in the unification process of the German Region were all initiated under British leadership.

Even now, although it was clearly the British who wanted to contain Austria’s growth, it had been made to look as if France wanted to contain Austrian development, successfully passing the unpopular task onto him.

Reject? Napoleon III deeply wanted to refuse, but he had no choice.

His reason told him that if France didn’t step in to limit Austrian development, the British would indeed allow Austria to grow for the sake of dismantling the Russian-Austria Alliance.

It was an overt scheme, and Napoleon III could not help but fall into the trap. Now, by France breaking the treaty and blocking Austria’s expansion, what would Austria do when it was their turn to expand? Need that even be said?

This one maneuver not only contained Austrian development but also caused both France and Austria to be mutually restrained, cutting off the alliance between the two countries while also forcing France to continue relying on them in international politics.

Napoleon III said with sarcasm, “Mr. Thomas, this must be your true goal, right?

But do you think Austria is some weakling you can easily push around? Where are the intervening Allied Forces?

Before the arrival of the Allied Forces, I do not believe that suggestive threats alone will make the Austrians yield to France.

However, since Mr. Thomas is so eloquent, why don’t you represent France yourself and go ensure Metternich bows down!”

Does he think it’s easy to organize the Allied Forces? Before the plan is exposed, fooling Prussia into participating is no problem, and pertaining to Portugal, Belgium, Netherlands, and the Kingdom of Sardinia, they always look up to the British, so convincing them to send troops is not difficult.

Why would Switzerland, a neutral nation, burden themselves and offend Austria right on their doorstep? The growth of Austria has nothing to do with Spain’s interests; why would they muddy the waters for nothing?

Napoleon III didn’t want France to end up as the sucker left holding the bag in the end. What if the Austrians don’t submit and war breaks out? Where will he go then to cry?

Fighting a war means people would die. Normally, Napoleon III wasn’t timid, but to wage war against Austria while already at war with Russia was madness.

Thomas confidently said, “Your Majesty, rest assured, we have already resolved the issue of the intervening Allied Forces.

Switzerland, Netherlands, and Belgium can receive parts of the German Region as rewards; Spain and Portugal can be compensated in their colonial enterprises.

So long as our two countries are united, they won’t dare refuse our benevolent offer.

Once Austria chooses war, the Royal Navy will blockade the Adriatic Sea, cutting off their overseas trade.

Considering the practical situation, I believe there’s a very high likelihood that the Austrian Government will capitulate as soon as we indicate any intent to form the Allied Forces.

Besides, we’re not talking about completely wiping them out; for instance, the Kingdom of Bavaria that the Austrians have already occupied could be allowed for their annexation.

The London Government only wishes to dismantle the Russian-Austria Alliance and does not desire a closer Russian-Austrian relationship. Therefore, military intervention is only the worst-case scenario.

If we demonstrate our readiness for military intervention, Your Majesty, what do you think the Russians will do?

Will they risk sending troops to join Austria in an attack on the Kingdom of Prussia, or will they confront us in the Near East and verbally support Austria?”

After hearing Thomas’s explanation, Napoleon III felt stunned; the British had too many schemes up their sleeves.

Nearly all European countries were caught in their net, except for Denmark and Sweden in Northern Europe, which were too close to Russia to be courted. The other countries were coerced into taking sides.

Even if the Russian-Austrian Alliance persisted, most European countries stood against them. That’s the power of naval supremacy.

When the world’s first and second naval powers unite, Portugal, Spain, and the Netherlands, with their colonial dependencies, really have no choice.

Belgium’s geography determined that they must align with France and Britain; the Kingdom of Sardinia sought revenge against Austria; Switzerland, with a longstanding grudge against the Habsburg dynasty, couldn’t afford to offend France and Britain either.

Napoleon III said coldly, “If so, then let’s propose this plan together.

As for Russia, Mr. Thomas, you can go yourself. As long as the Russians’ stance is not firm, this plan will succeed.”

Thomas impassively said, “Your Majesty, do not forget that it was the Russians who proposed the division of the German Region in the first place. I’m sure the Austrians will be very ‘delighted’ to learn of this plan.”

Napoleon III, unwilling to show weakness, said, “The prerequisite is that the Prussians do not find out about our subsequent plans; otherwise, they might choose to join Austria in partitioning the German Region.

If that happens, all these plans will come to nothing. Both Prussia and Austria will grow stronger, Your country’s interests in the German Region will not be safeguarded, and you’ll have an additional competitor in the future.”

Chapter 109: None of Them Are Simple

After sending Thomas away, Napoleon III immediately convened a meeting with his think tank, or rather, he convened a meeting with his ministers.

Anyway, it was pretty much the same thing; nepotism was Napoleon III’s consistent style of employment, where his think tank also served as ministers, with no separate Cabinet.

Finance Minister: Count Monier (speculative financier), Army Minister Arno (younger brother and enforcer who also served as an advisor), Minister of Police Mopa (advisor), Home Minister Persigny (chief strategist), Naval Minister Deco (supporter and major shipowner), and his nephew served as the Colonial Minister…

Don’t be fooled by this group of relations; in fact, they performed their tasks rather well, certainly much better than the July Monarchy and by a large margin better than the later Third Republic.

Aside from the defeat in the Prussia and France War, during Napoleon III’s reign, France’s economy developed rapidly and the living standards of the people significantly improved, and the second colonial empire in the world was mostly established during this period.

Army Minister Arno said warily, “Your Majesty, the British are using us as their pawns. Once their plan succeeds, Russia and Austria will both be our enemies, leaving us with very limited options in international politics.

Besides, intervening in Austria isn’t that simple; the multi-nation alliance is more of a nominal alliance in name than in practice.

The nations are scattered all over the world and coordinating relationships and organizing allied forces would be such a massive move that it would be impossible to keep it secret.

The Austrians aren’t fools either; once they get wind of it, all they need to do is one thing—beat the Prussians hard before the allied forces are fully assembled.

Without the Prussians to serve as cannon fodder, this intervention war, unless we commit fully, would fall apart sooner or later due to the disarray among the allied forces.”

Arno spoke from experience; on the battlefield of the Balkan Peninsula, even with just a four-nation alliance, the command system was in utter chaos, and now with a nine-nation alliance, who could lead such a divergent group of allies?

They had experience in betraying allies: in a nine-nation joint operation, not only did they have to guard against the enemy but also watch their eight partners in the alliance, which was simply lethal.

“Catch and beat the Prussians?”

“Arno, do you think the Austrians will catch and beat the Prussians at the earliest opportunity?” Napoleon III asked, interested.

Arno replied, “Yes, Your Majesty. If the nine-nation alliance is formed, even if Austria could defeat the alliance, to avoid isolation, they would still try to avoid war with the allied forces.

But the Austrian Government can’t just concede directly—how would they explain it to their people?

Franz Josef I is at an age filled with youthful vigor and surely cannot tolerate such humiliation; unable to trouble the British, it must feel reasonable for them to vent on the Prussians, right?

To shirk responsibility for this failed action, the Vienna Government will likely support the operation, perfectly directing the public’s anger towards the Prussians. By the time we get our allied forces organized, the Kingdom of Prussia would be nearly finished.

If the Russians also took the opportunity to plunder, then before the arrival of the allied forces, Russia and Austria might just have finished dividing up Prussia.”

As a former underling and enforcer, Arno typically acted rather rashly, and now when analyzing problems, he often maintained this mindset.

Napoleon III was struck by Arno’s analysis. To secure his throne, he would even fight against Russia; it was quite normal for the Vienna Government to beat the Prussians to evade responsibility.

Traitors are always more detestable than enemies; incapacitating or killing Prussia would release the public’s resentment, allowing the Government not only to smoothly overcome the crisis but also possibly gain some additional benefits.

As for the allied intervention forces, if Austria couldn’t prevent nations from sending troops, couldn’t they delay their deployment?

By the time the allied forces were ready, the Prussian Government would have already taken its last breath. As for avenging the Kingdom of Prussia, it was out of the question—who would act without interest?

At least Napoleon III didn’t believe anyone possessed that level of international spirit; at worst, the Austrian Government just toiled for nothing and withdrew from the newly occupied territories.

Persigny added, “Your Majesty, besides attacking the Kingdom of Prussia, Austria might also choose a first strike—to launch a surprise attack on Paris!

With our main force not in the country, the Austrian army has reached the border of Bavaria; they only need to cross Baden to enter our France, and taking advantage of numerical superiority plus the element of surprise, they could very well succeed.”

A surprise attack on Paris was a high-risk, high-reward scheme; if successful, France would fall into chaos, incapable of causing Austria trouble for at least three to five years.

The Russians could seize the opportunity to take Constantinople, deal with the Anglo-French forces on the Crimea Peninsula, forcing the British to retreat to the British Isles, where their navy could at best patrol sporadically, leaving the European Continent free for Russian-Austria Alliance to traverse.

Napoleon III scoffed, “So, from start to finish, the British have been giving us a rotten idea?”

Persigny analyzed, “Your Majesty, this plan aligns most with British interests. Austria’s chances of a successful assault on Paris are too slim; even if Marshal Radetzky himself commanded, the odds wouldn’t exceed twenty percent.

That is even if we’re unprepared. As long as we’re prepared and our front-line troops are on alert, the Austrians can only force their way through.

Our conflict with Austria hasn’t reached the point of life and death; the Vienna Government is unlikely to risk an all-out confrontation with us.

If they can’t seize Paris within a month, our front-line troops will have withdrawn. By then, it would be the Austrians’ turn to be in trouble.

In essence, the British plan’s primary aim is to intimidate; if they can scare the Austrians with the might of the nine-nation alliance, their goal will be achieved.

If they can successfully dismantle the Russian-Austrian Alliance, they would make an even bigger gain. Even if that fails, they’re ready to leave the Kingdom of Bavaria to Austria; in fact, they don’t want to push the Austrians into desperation.”

After hesitating for a moment, Napoleon III made his decision.

“Now that the British have set the stage, how can we not play along? When necessary, we can give the Austrians a hint to encourage them to attack Prussia.

We can each get what we want from this situation. The idea of France, Austria, and Russia dividing up Prussia is something we could accept.”

Of course, it was acceptable. The core regions of the Kingdom of Prussia were in the Rhineland region, right under the noses of the French. If Austria cripples Prussia, they would be the fisherman that reaps the greatest benefits.

Allies? Since when did France and Prussia become allies? If interests align, even allies can be betrayed.

Having left the Palace of Versailles, Thomas then went to visit the Prussian representative, Rothruff.

Aside from the French, the Kingdom of Prussia was also a key link. Without the formidable Prussian involvement, this interventionist alliance would be a joke.

In fact, Thomas was also anxious inside. The events in Bavaria were too terrifying. If the Prussian Army were to be influenced by nationalist ideas and either defect on the field or remain neutral, then the allied forces could only weep.

Luckily, the current plan did not actually intend to start a real fight and had left leeway for Austria; the likelihood of a battle was not great.

The two had no particular friendship and went straight to the point. After Thomas changed his argument and explained the reason for his visit, Rothruff fell into deep thought.

Using the opportunity of intervention by various countries to kick Austria out of the Germany Region was the national strategy of the Kingdom of Prussia.

Rothruff discontentedly said, “Mr. Thomas, why not make Austria spit out the Kingdom of Bavaria? Tolerating their actions, which disrupt European stability, will eventually bring disaster to the world.”

The proposal of the British was exactly what he wanted, except for the unfortunate aspect of Austria walking away with the Kingdom of Bavaria.

After Austria, who else could take on the responsibility of leading Germany if not the Kingdom of Prussia? This was poaching from their territory, and naturally, Rothruff had to oppose it.

Thomas cajolingly replied, “Mr. Rothruff, it’s not that we wish to condone Austria’s illegal actions, but we must consider the Russian-Austrian Alliance. Your country doesn’t wish for Russia and Austria to continue their close ties either!”

The greatest pressure from the Russian-Austria Alliance should be on the Kingdom of Prussia. Perhaps the Prussian Government’s response was somewhat sluggish, or perhaps their long-standing alliance with the Nordic Three Courts caused them to overlook this threat.

In any case, Thomas was full of admiration for the Prussian Government’s apparent nonchalance. If it were them, they would have been sleepless by now, yet the Prussian Government had not embarked on any significant actions.

It was not that they hadn’t taken any actions; they had planned to repair their diplomatic relations with Russia and Austria, but Austria’s sudden initiation of the unification war disrupted the Prussian Government’s plans.

Rothruff’s demeanor showed no change, but his heart pounded with unease. He always felt the British had ulterior motives, and without finding anything amiss, he decided to stall.

“Mr. Thomas, this matter is too complicated. I must report back to my country first and wait for Berlin Government’s decision.”

Although Rothruff was an amateur in diplomacy, being of military background, he believed that pie doesn’t just fall from the sky and that relying on military force was the most reliable course of action.

If he was unsure, then it was best to throw the issue back to the Berlin Government. After all, Wilhelm IV was also an amateur in diplomacy, but he was the king, wasn’t he?

Unable to secure a definitive response, Thomas could only depart, not believing that the Kingdom of Prussia would discover their plan, nor would the French likely leak it to the Prussians.

This was the long-standing impression that the Kingdom of Prussia had given to outsiders; it can be said that prior to Bismarck, the Kingdom of Prussia’s diplomatic methods were quite naive, an inevitable weakness of a military state.

Not wishing to delay any further, Thomas had many more tasks at hand, with numerous countries waiting for him to persuade them. This diplomatic war was destined to be challenging.

The activities of the British were bound to not stay secret. Not all nations were going to keep it confidential for them. Thomas’s frequent contact with various national representatives couldn’t have escaped the notice of Metternich!

Unlike the British offensive, Metternich’s approach was much simpler – spend money. If he could not buy the Foreign Ministers of various countries, could he not bribe their maids and attendants?

Most of the details about who Thomas saw and what he said were conveyed to Metternich’s ears. However, in the world of diplomacy, spreading false information or releasing smokescreens was all too normal—Metternich dared not assume the accuracy of his reports.

Thomas was a seasoned diplomat himself. The information Metternich gathered from different sources was all inconsistent. It meant that Thomas had said different things to different national representatives, some even contradictory, making Metternich’s task of discernment even harder.

Looking at the latest intelligence from the Swiss Delegation, Metternich let out a cold laugh. Encouraging Switzerland to intervene against the Austrian annexation of South Germany was a joke, wasn’t it?

As good neighbors to Austria, the People of Swiss had clashed with the Habsburg dynasty for hundreds of years, and it was only with difficulty that they achieved peace for a few decades. Would they now provoke Austria again on their own initiative?

In any case, Metternich would not believe it. No matter what the British promised, they lacked the capability to prevent Austria from settling scores later on, at least not when it came to Switzerland and Austria’s power over them.

Unable to discern the true intentions of the British, he could only continue to gather information. After all, they had people watching the internal reactions of each country. Should there be agreement to intervene, military mobilizations and strategic resource transportation were always unavoidable.

It was not about which country’s representatives sat in the seats of the intervening nations, but about the actual actions within their countries.

Metternich was not in a hurry. Given his understanding of the British, if they were not causing trouble, that would have been the real issue.

Now that Thomas had begun his actions, Metternich felt even more at ease. Overt conspiracies were always easier to deal with than those hidden in the shadows.

Chapter 110: Scheming

In a manor in Paris, a nobility banquet was taking place. In an inconspicuous corner, British Foreign Minister Thomas and Russian Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell gathered together.

If word of this got out, the front page headline of the Paris newspapers could be reserved in advance.

Carl-Wassell frowned and asked, “Mr. Thomas, you didn’t invite me over just to drink, did you?”

Originally, he was busy flirting with noble ladies at the party, enjoying himself thoroughly until Thomas, who had sought him out, interrupted the fun—unsurprisingly souring his mood.

In discussions, Carl-Wassell didn’t believe there was anything worth talking about with the English. Besides, the setting was all wrong; the attempted secrecy was like trying to hide an affair by covering one’s ears—a clear invitation for the Austrians to discover what was happening.

Thomas responded cheerfully, “Mr. Carl-Wassell, don’t you think Austria has become a bit too powerful after annexing the South German Region?”

Carl-Wassell’s expression changed; there were many within the Tsarist Government who felt Austria was too strong, and he was one of them. It was one thing to discuss such matters in private, quite another to have them exposed by an Englishman. He dared not admit it.

Who knew if there were Austrian spies nearby, and even if there weren’t, the British likely had ways to inform Austria about the content of the conversation.

Being politically astute, Carl-Wassell recognized the trap the British had laid and naturally didn’t follow the topic further.

Without any courtesy, he retorted, “Mr. Thomas, if you’re concerned about this matter, you need not trouble yourself. Our actions are not subject to your meddling.”

Ignoring Carl-Wassell’s brusqueness, Thomas continued with a smile, “Mr. Carl-Wassell, there are no eternal friends in this world, only eternal interests. Today you and Austria are allies; tomorrow you could become enemies.

Now, to preserve the alliance, you indulge Austria’s expansion in the German Region; tomorrow you might face a unified Central European Empire.

It’s always wise to prepare in advance to prevent rather than react.”

Without letting Thomas finish, Carl-Wassell excused himself and left; he already regretted his rash contact with the British.

The Russian-Austrian Alliance was Russia’s most important foreign policy—how could it be changed so easily? They could not abandon the pact merely because of a potential threat.

If he couldn’t see through such an obvious attempt at sowing discord, then there really was a problem.

To the discerning observer, what seemed like an unamicable meeting had actually undergone a substantive shift.

Carl-Wassell failed to notice these issues but had to admit the effectiveness of the British in sowing discord. Deep down, he was as wary of Austria as the Austrian Government was of the Russians—a need to be cautious, even with allies.

This was where Thomas excelled; once things were brought into the open, it became difficult to remain unaffected.

Whether or not to sabotage Austria now became the difficult question before Carl-Wassell, and considering the gravity of the situation, he hesitated.

After a sleepless night, the conference proceeded as scheduled the next day. When Thomas made things difficult, Carl-Wassell found himself speaking less involuntarily.

Originally, the British and Prussians were one group, Russia and Austria another, while the French meddled from the sidelines, and the Spanish representative presided over the meeting, coming forward to announce a recess when there was a deadlock.

Now the French had changed their stance, and Carl-Wassell’s support was insufficient. From the start, Metternich faced immense pressure.

However, negotiations weren’t about numbers; otherwise, if all the countries opposing Austrian expansion were pulled together, there would be even more opponents, and the need for explanations was unnecessary.

The battle-hardened Metternich wasn’t intimidated by the righteous rhetoric of the representatives from England, France and Prussia; he remained undisturbed.

Thomas threatened, “Mr. Metternich, if Your government refuses to give up on establishing the Holy Roman Empire, then the countries will have to sanction you.”

Unruffled, Metternich retorted, “Fine, we can make concessions. We won’t establish the Holy Roman Empire; what if we establish a New Holy Roman Empire instead?”

This was merely sidestepping the issue; after so much effort, it wasn’t just a matter of Austria changing its name, but rather giving up the gains it had acquired.

More direct threats and enticements wouldn’t be laid out at the conference by Thomas; those would need to be communicated privately. One couldn’t simply ask Austria to defect in front of the Russians, could they?

The Russians were not foolish; the moment even a hint was shown, they would react immediately and take measures.

Thomas’s series of actions were indeed meant to create a rift between Russia and Austria, in preparation to dismantle the Russian-Austrian Alliance.

A fly doesn’t sting an egg without a crack; if there were no gaps between Russia and Austria, the British had no opportunity to interfere!

Secondly, they aimed to suppress Austria, and Thomas was very clear on this strategy of primary and secondary objectives. It seemed to be working well; the Russians’ inaction undoubtedly became a thorn in Metternich’s heart.

After the meeting, without giving Metternich time to think, Thomas laid his cards on the table.

Either abandon the Russian-Austrian Alliance and Austria could fully swallow the gains made, or maintain the alliance and regurgitate the acquired gains, or face an intervention by the Nine-country alliance.

If he were an ordinary man, he would have been frightened; Metternich was equally unsettled inside, yet outwardly he showed no weakness.

He sarcastically replied, “Mr. Thomas, that joke isn’t funny. Are you sure you’re not jesting about the Nine Nations Alliance Army?

The Netherlands and Belgium have conflicts, Spain and Portugal’s relationship is hardly better, and if Your country could cooperate closely with the French, the Near East conflict would have ended long ago.

If you can manage to make this contradictory alliance close-knit, then I have nothing to say, for Austria lacks the strength to contend with the Nine Nations.”

If Thomas could accomplish that, he wouldn’t need to sit here talking; the moment the Allied Forces moved, the Austrian Government would capitulate without question.

Everyone was no fool; interfering with Austria depended on benefits. Without sufficient interests, even if the British forcibly brought them together, their efforts would be lackluster.

Perhaps, in the eyes of many, betraying Austria by using an ally as a pawn is more profitable than attacking it directly, as it allows one to kill an enemy with a borrowed knife and deplete the enemy’s strength.

This kind of betrayal among allies has been done many times by the British, who could be said to have lowered the moral baseline between allies. Now, everyone has started to follow suit, and the once close cooperation no longer exists.

When his vulnerability was exposed, Thomas calmly said, “Mr. Metternich, while all these problems exist, the strength advantage of the Nine Nations Alliance Army simply cannot be ignored, even with all its internal conflicts.

Even if just Prussia and France were to join forces, your country might not be able to withstand it.

Do not doubt our determination; if need be, we can pull back the Allied Forces stationed on the Crimea Peninsula. As long as we hold Constantinople, the initiative is in our hands.

If we make certain concessions and recognize the Russians’ occupation of Bulgaria and the Danube Basin, what do you think are the chances of the Russians compromising?

In the face of interests, will the Russians care about the Russian-Austrian Alliance? The credibility of the Tsarist Government is well known to all; do you really need to test it again?”

Unfazed, Metternich said, “Mr. Thomas, I admit that you make a very good point. Unfortunately, while you can make concessions to the Russians, the French cannot!

Mr. Thomas, I suggest you might want to take a walk on the streets of Paris and see for yourself the French public’s attitude towards the Near East war.”

There was no choice; the French public had been repressed for too long and had just burst forth.

Napoleon III did not wage war against Russia simply out of personal will, but due to the French public’s dissatisfaction with the defeat in the anti-French War, and their desire for revenge against the Russians.

In this ideological context, asking the Paris Government to make concessions is essentially asking Napoleon III to step down.

When it comes to their own interests, even the British, who are quite persuasive, cannot make Napoleon III compromise.

Threats in the future, that is a matter for the future. If concessions are made now, the French public does not have such foresight, and they would immediately demand he steps down.

At this point, Napoleon III might not be able to win the Near East war, but he certainly cannot afford to lose, no matter how great the losses of the French Army on the battlefield, he must end it with a significant victory.

It’s not like the Tsarist Government can put on an act and deliberately sustain a great loss, as military man Nicholas I would not do such a thing, no matter how great the interests at stake.

The Tsarist Government also cannot afford to lose; if they did, they would no longer be the master of the European Continent, and the suppressed domestic conflicts would immediately detonate, sacrificing oneself for others is not something they would do.

St. Petersburg

Franz was mingling with a group of Russian Aristocrats, living a life of daily indulgence and extreme luxury.

Public relations with other countries? Apart from exchanging views with Nicholas I on the future strategy of the two countries and further political communication, the rest was handled by his subordinates.

Regarding the unification of Germany, Franz only made a token mention, to which Nicholas I responded in a formulaic manner, stating everything would be done according to the treaty.

Most of the time, the man who would later be known as the illustrious Alexander II entertained him, as Nicholas was too busy with state affairs to have much time for leisure.

Franz enjoyed sightseeing at the famous places of St. Petersburg, attending noble banquets, and occasionally flirting with Noble Ladies, overall having a great time in St. Petersburg.

An adjutant whispered into Franz’s ear, “Your Majesty, a telegram from the Paris conference has been forwarded from Vienna, please review it.”

Thanks to the establishment of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, to improve communication between the two countries, a telegraph line from St. Petersburg to Vienna had finally been connected.

Franz was a responsible Emperor; even while away in St. Petersburg, he did not neglect matters at home, especially the Paris conference, which was a point of focus.

After briefly scanning the telegram, Franz felt a headache coming on; he hadn’t expected the British to make their move at the last moment.

An intervention by the Allied Forces was not a matter of whether or not they could win, but that they definitely could not!

This wasn’t just about a single battle. Once the war started, stopping it would no longer be under personal control.

Did he really want to bind himself with Russia to oppose the entire European Continent? This thought had just arisen when Franz cast it aside.

The Russians had a geographical advantage and could stand firm, but Austria was different; if war broke out, they would become the front line. A defeat would mean the end, a victory would still come with heavy losses, Franz would not engage in a losing deal.

Glancing at the map of Europe, Franz made a decision.

“Send a telegram back home, suggesting that the foreign ministry communicate with the French, and perhaps pull the Russians along as well, creating the impression that we are about to divide the Kingdom of Prussia. Let’s see how the British handle that.”

It was not about awaiting the British response, but about seeing how the Prussians would cope. The British could remain uninvolved, as long as no single state dominated the European Continent they could continue to play balance.

The situation was different for the Kingdom of Prussia; being partitioned by the French-Russian-Austrian alliance was essentially a death sentence for them. A one-on-one fight was already difficult, let alone a three-against-one battle.

The French would claim territories west of the Rhine River, the Russians would take Prussian Poland, and the Austrians would take the Berlin area. It all seemed perfect.

No one needed to worry about Austria growing too large since France and Russia were also expanding. With the goodwill earned from dividing the spoils, even the Near East war could be brought to a halt. Receiving the Rhineland, Napoleon III could also satisfy his people.

Franz was very interested in seeing Frederick William IV’s expression upon receiving this news. If South Germany couldn’t be taken, then compensating with the interests of the Kingdom of Prussia would seem an acceptable trade for Austria.

The only problem was that the Kingdom of Prussia was a tough nut to crack. It would be easiest for the Russians to take Prussian Poland and not too difficult for the French to seize the Rhineland region, but for Austria to move on the Berlin area would mean a life-and-death struggle with Prussia.

The most troublesome part would be that if the fight became too intense and both sides were covered in each other’s blood, post-war governance would become a hellish ordeal.

One could look to Switzerland as an example, which was originally Habsburg’s ancestral land. Because of the inaction of their forefathers in promptly suppressing a rebellion by Swiss nobility, the prolonged conflict resulted in too much bloodshed, turning into a blood feud.

Chapter 111: On the Necessity of Buffering

Berlin

Vienna had made its moves blatantly, with no intention of keeping them a secret, and the Prussian Government naturally received the news.

Frederick William IV was still hesitating about whether to join the interventionist coalition, but now there was no need to consider it any longer. Without figuring out a way to cope, Prussia would become history before the coalition could even be established.

Foreign Minister Andrea analyzed, “Your Majesty, Austria is intimidating us. The division of Prussia among Russia, France, and Austria would bring them no benefits. Once we’re finished, Austria, stuck between Russia and France, would be in an awkward position.

The benefits they could gain from dividing us would absolutely not outweigh those from annexing the South German Region, yet the cost they would pay is much greater.”

That was inevitable. In dividing Prussia, Russia and France could muster only limited forces. The Russians might send two hundred thousand troops, and at most, the French could gather tens of thousands of soldiers. The burden of the main assault would inevitably fall upon Austria.

The Kingdom of Prussia’s military strength was not weak; at this life-and-death juncture, raising an army of five or six hundred thousand was entirely possible.

If it came to a confrontation, even if they could not defeat the allied forces of three countries, dealing significant damage to Austria in a hard-fought battle would be no issue.

After incurring such a massive cost, most of the spoils of war would be divided up by Russia and France. A Prussia without Prussian Poland and the Rhineland region, valued far less than what Austria had already acquired in the South German Region.

Besides, managing the territory would be much more difficult. The Junker aristocracy would not capitulate to Austria, whereas the local populace of the South German Region was welcoming the Royal Army with open arms.

Full of sorrow and indignation, Frederick William IV said, “Theoretically you are correct, but such a threat still exists. If Austria dares to be so overt, it clearly believes we dare not take the risk.”

That wouldn’t be taking a risk, that would be suicide. If Austria attacked Prussia with full force, Russia and France would undoubtedly take advantage of the situation.

Would Austria really do this? No one knew the answer. But Frederick William IV was sure it was Austria’s simplest strategy for breaking the deadlock.

Joseph von Radovich pondered before saying, “Your Majesty, we can toss this dilemma to the British. If they cannot ensure our safety, then we won’t participate in the nine-nation intervention coalition.

The Austrians still need us to check the French. If we go down, they will have to directly face the French threat. As long as we withdraw now, they will back off.”

This choice was an easy one to make; the Prussian Government had joined the intervention force for the sake of interest and could likewise withdraw for interest’s sake.

The Nine Nations Alliance Army appeared mighty, but in reality, only France and Prussia were the main forces. The rest were just making up the numbers. If either Prussia or France balked, the British plan would fail.

Andrea shook his head and said, “Prime Minister, the British probably can’t handle this issue. They might persuade France but can’t sway Russia.

According to Austria’s plan, they’ll wage war on us even before the coalition is officially organized. The British don’t have the capability to rescue us.

The only ones strong enough to help us are the French, but for their own interests, they might prefer to see us fail and then annex our territories west of the Rhine River.”

At this time, we should not place our hopes on the British. History has already proven that their promises are unreliable most of the time.

If we can’t gain sufficient interest from the intervention forces, then allying with Austria to divide the German Region is also a decent choice.

We could simply join the Russian-Austrian Alliance and rebuild the Nordic Three Courts system to jointly rule the European Continent. Neither England and France has the power to stop it.”

Frederick William IV hesitated. Austria’s annexation of the South German Region had aroused everyone’s apprehension, but it hadn’t brought significant direct loss of interest to other major powers. The most affected would be Prussia, whose market had shrunk.

It would be a different story if Prussia annexed the Northern Germany region. Not only would it be a slap in the face to the British but, more problematically, it would cut off the British capitalists’ revenue streams.

In history, when Prussia annexed the Northern Germany region after joining the free trade system, its industry had already advanced significantly and feared no competition from the British.

Now the situation was different. If the Prussian Government dared join the free trade system at this time, the nation’s industry would be doomed before it could even develop.

There was no getting around it; during this era, the Kingdom of Prussia did not possess robust pillar industries and relied on imitating British industry, as indeed did the entire world.

The Prussian Government opposed Austria partly because it was concerned that after taking control of the South German Region, Austria would raise import tariffs on Prussian goods, using administrative means to squeeze them out of the market.

This was not just a possibility but a certainty. For the Kingdom of Prussia, which was industrializing, a lack of a sufficient market meant more than can be articulated.

On the issue of Northern Germany, the London Government simply couldn’t compromise as that would likely lead to Prime Minister George resigning early, potentially with a one-way ticket to heaven thrown in for good measure.

This was one of the reasons why the British wanted to divide Germany. The interests of domestic capitalists had motivated the actions of the London Government.

As for the claim that the British had many colonies and a large market, that was nonsense. At this time, most colonial markets were undeveloped, with the main market still situated on the European Continent.

The risk of overseas trade was much greater than local trade, and which capitalist would complain about making too much money?

By contrast, the South German Region was different. Bavaria was the textile hub of the German Region, and textiles were the largest British export products at this time. The London Government’s allowance for the Kingdom of Bavaria and Austria to leave was perhaps not without intent to eliminate competitors.

Mid-19th-century international politics was no longer solely about politics and military affairs; economic impact increasingly played a major role, especially for economically dominant countries like the United Kingdom.

Austria’s retaliation came as both anticipated and surprising to the British. Initially, the London Government believed Austria would coerce and entice the Prussian Government, but the Vienna government decided to go all out instead.

The effect of this bold move was naturally formidable, and the Prussian Government had already discreetly expressed an attitude—they didn’t dare to proceed with the game.

Reality taught the British that sometimes national interest couldn’t be the sole focus; the personal interests of government elites could also decisively shape national politics.

Once Napoleon III’s position was confirmed, Austria seized the gap within the coalition and launched an unbridled counterattack.

“The situation has changed, the Prussian Government has been intimidated by Austria and is preparing to back out. If we don’t find a way to stop this, I’m afraid it won’t be long before the Nordic Three Courts Alliance re-emerges in Europe,” said Prime Minister George Hamilton-Gordon, gravely.

The Russian-Austrian Alliance has not yet disbanded, and if it turns into a Russian-Austrian-Prussian Alliance, there’s no need to say anything more, they might as well retract their influence and return to The British Isles.

Minister of Internal Affairs Henry thought for a moment and said, “Prime Minister, the Prussians probably haven’t made up their minds yet, otherwise at this time they should have sent troops to annex the Northern Germany region, instead of communicating with us.

We can do nothing about Russia and Austria, but we still have ways to deal with the Prussians. The Royal Navy blocking the North Sea for a month will lead to an economic crisis within the Kingdom of Prussia, and they cannot ignore such consequences.

Even if the Prussians and Austrians join hands to partition the Germany Region, it does not mean that all of Northern Germany will fall to them. I fear many Sub-States will not give them the opportunity to act, they’ll simply go straight into the arms of Austria.

The Prussian Government must have considered this situation carefully, such expansion does not eliminate risk but merely postpones the crisis.

With Russia to the east, France to the west, and Austria to the south, and the remaining side bordered by the sea, the geographical position of the Kingdom of Prussia is simply terrible.

On this point, Austria and Prussia are quite similar, both being squeezed in the center by Russia and France. Austria, at least, can develop towards the Italian Area and the Balkan Peninsula, while the Prussians only have overseas colonization left.

This is probably the reason why Frederick William IV is hesitant to make a decision—without our acquiescence, they can only die in their own home, watching other countries continuously grow and strengthen.”

This is the core reason for the collapse of the Nordic Three Courts Alliance. The alliance cannot bring greater benefits to the Kingdom of Prussia. To industrialize, they cannot do without overseas markets, and they must manage their relationship with the British well.

After hesitating for a moment, George Hamilton-Gordon made a decision: “Tell Thomas, the probing plan has failed, activate the second set of plans.”

This is the most ideal plan, but it is not the only one. The London Government does not think everyone is a fool and naturally has emergency plans prepared.

The British adopted this unreliable plan for a very simple reason: it has low implementation costs and high profits!

If it succeeds, everyone will be happy. If it fails, they have nothing to lose, so why not give it a try?

Have they really failed now?

Obviously not!

The British have driven a wedge between the Russian-Austrian Alliance, further deteriorated Prussian-Austrian relations, irritated the French, and incited Austria’s relations with various European countries.

And what did the British sacrifice? Merely making their Foreign Minister work harder. By containing Austrian strategy, they have completed most of the task.

Due to the worsening of the diplomatic situation, Austria will need to repair international relations for a long time to come, since their annexation of the South German Region this time has touched everyone’s sensitive nerves.

Paris

Since the Prussian Government withdrew from the intervention forces, the British’s plans naturally changed too, and negotiations started up again.

Thomas proposed once more, “Gentlemen, considering the stability of the European Continent, it is essential for great powers to maintain a buffer. I suggest letting Baden, Hanover, Hamburg, Bremen… and other German Sub-States form a new nation.

Taking into account the actual situation, the Kingdom of Prussia can exchange territories with this new state, leaving sufficient buffer spaces between Prussia and France, and between France and Austria.”

The proposal in this meeting was much more reliable, at least that was what Metternich thought. Aside from the Baden Duchy, the British didn’t mention any other Sub-States of South Germany.

To maintain a buffer with the French and to gain everyone’s recognition, sacrificing the Baden Duchy was also a price worth considering in Metternich’s view.

As Metternich was contemplating, the French representative from Auvergne was the first to express support, “Mr. Thomas’ proposal is good; to maintain peace and stability on the European Continent, it is necessary to leave a buffer between great powers.”

The reason is that this is beneficial to everyone’s strategic security. The French do not currently possess the ambition to conquer the world, nor the strength to stand alone against many.

Since they cannot swallow everything, it becomes necessary to avoid conflicts with great powers as much as possible. A stable European Continent is in the interests of both England and France.

If the homeland is unstable, even if one is carving out colonies overseas, one would not feel at ease. Despite the British having repeatedly provoked conflicts among European nations, in reality, they most desire stability in Europe.

Of course, this stability must be built upon a situation where the powers are evenly matched. Clearly, at this time, with mutual restraint among European nations, and no one likely to dominate alone, stabilizing it becomes necessary.

Moreover, this new nation, largely orchestrated by the British, would politically gravitate towards them, increasing their influence on the European Continent.

At the same time, they would also retain their market in the Germany Region, the government could harvest gratitude from capitalists, truly killing several birds with one stone.

Carl-Wassell also seemed eager to try, but seeing Metternich had not made a statement and considering it involved Austrian interests and was explicitly stipulated in the covenant, he couldn’t rashly speak up in support.

It’s no surprise, as the Russians are now strategically focused on moving towards Constantinople, the European Continent being a lesser concern for the moment. A stable Europe is also in their interest.

Metternich gave it some thought and said, “This matter involves the Baden Duchy and the Palatinate province of the Kingdom of Bavaria; we must consider it carefully.”

Seeing that the Austrian representative wasn’t opposed, the Prussian delegate Rothruff couldn’t restrain himself, knowing that if they didn’t contend for their interests now, they’d suffer a huge loss.

“No, the Rhineland region is the Kingdom of Prussia’s most important industrial area, we cannot just give it up like this!”

Chapter 112: Dark Days

The unexpected developments at the Paris meeting reached Franz’s hands, and Metternich explained his own views, while the high-ranking officials of the Vienna Government also offered their suggestions.

In general, it meant seizing the opportunity when the situation was favorable. According to Austria’s original plans, they intended to annex the South Germany Region. Now, although they could not keep Baden, they had gained Saxony.

In terms of territorial area, both were more or less equal, but clearly the Saxon region was of greater importance to Austria. Setting aside industry, it had a population several hundred thousand more than the Baden Duchy did.

The plan to divide Germany into three parts was part of Austria’s unification plans and was first proposed by Metternich, with preparations beginning several years prior.

However, the original ideal plan was to integrate the small states of the Northern Germany Region into a new nation, blocking Prussia from unifying the Northern Germany Region.

Undoubtedly, if the plan had been proposed by Austria, it would have failed 100 percent. Without even thinking, the Prussian Government would likely have rolled up their sleeves and gotten to work.

Therefore, this grand task could only be entrusted to the British. Initially, the Austrian Government had to be sufficiently submissive to make the Prussian Government believe that under international pressure, Austria would admit defeat and retreat from the Germany Region.

Once Austria was out of the picture, there would be no suspense in the Kingdom of Prussia’s unification of the Germany Region. Under such temptation, Frederick William IV could not resist, missing the opportunity for a two-part Germany.

Franz did not have the ability to command the British, but he could make them believe that a three-part Germany was in their best interest, or more precisely, make the capitalists in London believe that a three-part Germany could protect their market.

To intervene in the London Government’s decision-making, Austria did not possess such capability; at best, they could only bribe some experts and scholars to manipulate public opinion.

It could not even be associated with Austria; from start to finish, it was all done by the Bavarian Government, with all the money and effort coming from Maximilian II.

The theory of a three-part Germany was first introduced to Maximilian II, and historically it was the Kingdom of Bavaria that proposed the concept of a three-part Germany, but it was not successful due to insufficient power.

On the surface, Austria’s Foreign Ministry seemed to have done nothing. In reality, Metternich had done a lot.

To convince the Bavarian Government that with the support of the major powers, a three-part Germany could be successful, the Austrian Government had to spend millions of shields on propaganda funds every year.

Austria controlled the beginning but could not control the end. The notion of manipulating the decisions of a nation’s government was unreliable from the start, and attempting to control the pace was simply a dream.

Without much hesitation, Franz made the decision, “Send a telegram to the Vienna Government, we can make concessions, but not too obviously, we still need to use the pressure from other countries to force the Prussian Government to give up the Rhineland region.”

Originally, the establishment of a new nation was to restrain the Kingdom of Prussia. Now, the British had come up with the outlandish idea of a strategic buffer, suggesting a land swap between the Kingdom of Prussia and this new state.

This must be supported. Throughout history, most famous diplomatic anecdotes began with outlandish ideas. If there’s nothing unexpected, how can it be considered a classic?

The Rhineland might not seem very well-known, but change the term to the Ruhr District or the Rhine-Ruhr, and it becomes clear to everyone.

It holds 80% of Germany’s hard coal, 90% of its coke, 60% of its steel, and is the most important center for machine manufacturing in the Germany Region, known as the “industrial heart of Germany”.

Without the Rhineland, was it possible for the Kingdom of Prussia to rise like it did historically?

Obviously not.

Of course, the importance of the Rhineland in this era wasn’t as great as in later times; the industrialization of the area had only just begun in the mid-19th century.

Otherwise, Napoleon III would have recklessly charged in when Austria annexed the South German Region.

Even if the proposal failed and the Kingdom of Prussia refused to exchange territories, it wouldn’t matter. When France ran short of coal in the future, Napoleon III would definitely provoke the Franco-Prussian War.

Even if he didn’t want to fight, French capitalists would find a way to start a war, and if that wasn’t enough, Austria could still add fuel to the flames.

If the Prussians won, Austria would share this nascent nation with them; if the French won, then even better for Austria—they could swallow the new nation in one gulp, perfectly balancing the French annexation of the Rhineland industrial region!

Berlin

Ever since the British proposal had been made, the Prussian Government had been in an uproar. Frederick William IV cursed out loud; no one was a fool, after all, the main reason they had mixed with the British was for profit, wasn’t it?

Now, great, Austria might have been kicked out, but they took away a large inheritance. The Kingdom of Prussia not only failed to gain any benefits, but was also kicked out of the German region.

The reason didn’t need to be speculated upon; he knew it—interests.

The nascent regime would surely lean towards England, and after Belgium, the London Government had driven another nail into the European Continent.

Cloaked in the name of strategic buffer, this buffer not only limited Austria, but also cut off the path to great power status for the Kingdom of Prussia.

Frederick William IV angrily asked, “What about Austria, what’s their reaction? Are they really tolerating the British doing as they please?”

Foreign Minister Andrea replied, “Your Majesty, Austria’s stance is very conflicted, seemingly indecisive. They don’t want to give up the Baden Duchy, but they also don’t want to cause negotiations to collapse because of this.

All the pressure has now fallen on us. Whether we agree to the land exchange or not, this new state is going to emerge.”

To put it simply, this state, which aligns with the interests of the great powers, will be born. However, the Kingdom of Prussia can refuse the land exchange proposal, as there is no coercion from the other states to agree.

“If we now join hands with Austria, what is the likelihood of successfully dividing the German region?” Frederick William IV asked with concern.

What England, not England, in front of interests, Frederick William IV still summoned the courage to take a risk.

“Your Majesty, the precondition is that the Austrians are willing to join hands with us. The situation has changed. This time, aside from the Baden Duchy, Austria has almost obtained everything they wanted.

What benefits are there for them to join us now? Unless we make significant concessions in the distribution of benefits!” Foreign Minister Andrea replied.

Frederick William IV fell silent. If concessions continued to the point where Austria annexed the central German region, the foundation of the Kingdom of Prussia would be too small.

A small territory, a low population, meant that the potential for development was limited. To dream of being a great power, one must first have suitable size!

According to Austria’s original proposal, the Kingdom of Prussia, which would have annexed the Northern Germany region, would have a population exceeding twenty million and a territory nearly 380,000 square kilometers, at the cost of offending England and France.

Starting a war now, which would similarly offend England and France, would yield much less benefit; naturally, Frederick William IV was not content.

“Your Majesty, the opportunity has already passed; it would be better to wait for the next one,” Joseph von Radovich pondered. “Europe cannot maintain balance forever. War is inevitable as soon as there is an imbalance of power between England, Russia, France, and Austria.”

Friedrich Wilhelm IV paced back and forth before speaking, “What about the issue of exchanging territories, then? Should we refuse?”

“Your Majesty,” the Prime Minister responded, “from a strategic standpoint, if we exchange the Rhineland region, our territory will become more centralized, ensuring greater national security and avoiding a border with the French.

But the resources of the Rhineland region are also very important to us. Even if we acquired the economically developed Hamburg area, we would be at a loss,” answered Joseph von Radovich.

It was a dilemma. Joseph von Radovich suspected that the United Kingdom’s proposal was not well-intentioned. Of course, the main target may not necessarily be the Kingdom of Prussia but more likely to incite conflict between France and Austria.

Once the Rhineland fell into the hands of this new nation, Austria would certainly not accept France’s ambitions there, and with a push from the British, the two would end up fighting.

If the Prussian Government refused the land exchange, then the situation could change. It might not be Austria on the front line but the Kingdom of Prussia instead.

This was just his intuition; his rationality told him this was not reliable. Thanks to the reputation of Emperor Napoleon, any expansion by the French would provoke a strong reaction from everyone, and Napoleon III would not be so foolish.

While the Prussians were hesitating, Metternich also had a headache. The many states of the German region were all waiting for Austria’s response.

Theoretically, the German Federation had not been dissolved yet, and the governments of the states were waiting for Austria to decide whether to dissolve the Federal Assembly or not.

The British proposal to divide Germany into three parts was not kept secret; by now, almost everyone knew. For these state governments, forming a new nation would naturally secure their interests even more.

However, they were all seasoned politicians and would not show any signs of excitement at this time. On the contrary, everyone’s face was clouded with gloom, as if they were all opposing the dissolution of the German Federation.

Facing a bunch of actors, all Metternich felt was a headache. Knowing full well they were putting on a show, he was obliged to play along.

Without playing the part to completion, how would he explain it to the domestic public? The unification of Germany had failed, but we did our best; look, we’re lobbying, no, visiting foreign dignitaries every day, even though nobody sees us.

Others might avoid these individuals, but Metternich could not escape. He could only grit his teeth and meet with them as they all lamented the difficulties of unifying Germany and then harshly criticized the interfering countries before returning to their homes.

In any case, everyone here was a supporter of the unification of the German region; nobody was selfish, or at least that was the appearance.

In such circumstances, Metternich had to visit the representatives of the different states every day, striving to gain their support.

As of now, Austria had obtained the understanding and support of Naples, the Papal State, Tuscany, and others.

Even Switzerland, Spain, Portugal, Netherlands, and other countries’ attitudes had shifted. Taking religious beliefs into account, they recognized the merger of Austria with the states of the South German region.

As the saying goes, “strike while the iron is hot,” as enthusiasm wanes on second efforts and fades on the third. The interfering Allied Forces, yet to form, had been weakened and disintegrated unnoticed.

On October 1, 1853, the Paris conference, which had lasted for more than a month, came to an end. With Metternich’s persistence, Austria successfully annexed areas such as Bavaria, Saxon, Württemberg, Frankfurt, and Hesse-Darmstadt.

(The Kingdom of Bavaria has lost a detached territory, the Palatinate.)

It acquired approximately 114,000 square kilometers, increasing the population by about nine and a half million, taking the first step on the road to German unification.

Under the principle of consensus among the major powers, the remaining German regional states, with the exception of the Kingdom of Prussia, were merged into the German Federation Empire, restoring the ancient elective monarchy tradition.

The territorial exchange between the Kingdom of Prussia and the German Federation Empire is currently at a stalemate; the Prussian Government’s appetites are large, facing resistance from numerous Sub-States, especially the governments of the territories in question, which strongly oppose it.

If it were only the governments opposing, the matter might still be suppressible, but the public’s reaction has been even more volatile. Most of the Kingdom of Prussia’s embassies in the Germany Region have been besieged by citizens.

This intense reaction has directly shaken the Prussian Government’s resolve to exchange territories. Frederick William IV has no desire to rule over a mob; the lesson of the Berlin revolution has not been forgotten.

Compared to stable governance, national strategy can take a back seat, moreover, the potential for development in the Rhineland region is indeed significant, and the Prussian Government is truly reluctant to let it go.

If the benefits were indeed significant, then an exchange might not be out of the question, but clearly, that is not possible now; the German Federal Government only agrees to an equal area exchange, which, of course, the Prussian Government does not accept.

If it wasn’t for the fact that everyone needed to save face for the great powers, perhaps negotiations would have ended by now.

Having received the final resolutions from the Paris Conference, Franz heaved a deep sigh of relief, but naturally, he did not show his joy.

In the eyes of the outside world, Emperor Franz is now seething with rage. To protest the unfair treatment by the Paris Conference, he even wrote a very pretentious essay, “The Day of Dimness”.

“Today is the dimmest day of my life, the Germany Region has been forcibly divided by a band of shameless robbers and a national traitor.

Even God frowned, and the sunlight, which fell on the ground, was reduced to a few weak and frail beams.

A roaring wind is approaching and a storm is coming. Is great Germany ready?

Ready to face this wind and rain, ready for this moment of darkness.

This is a world for the strong, my subjects, you must be resilient. The howling wind cannot topple us, the torrential rain cannot suppress us.

The only thing that can defeat us is ourselves! Only by growing strong and bravely facing everything can we move beyond the days of dimness, for after the storm, one can always see a rainbow.

Before he returned to Vienna, Franz’s article had already made its way to the Germany Region, and even though telegraph fees at that time were exorbitant, he did not skimp.

Propaganda naturally needed to seize the initiative, and in this regard, Franz had plenty of experience. Right now, it’s likely that not many people in the Germany Region are in good spirits, so Franz naturally has to stand with the people.

As part of his plans for the future, he must now call for everyone to hold on, never to submit to reality. The division is only temporary, and the unification of the Germany Region is merely a matter of time.

Cheating one person at a time, as long as the flag of unity stands, it effectively opens a backdoor for Austria’s future expansion.

Influenced by Franz, the Vienna Government also cancelled its originally planned celebrations, as if the entire government were mourning the division of the Germany Region.

113. The Birth of the Comedic Empire

The Paris conference concluded, and Franz bid farewell to Nicholas I and left. The life of intoxicating luxury always makes it easy for people to sink, and Franz didn’t want to test his own willpower.

As the saying goes, “a single leaf can herald the coming of autumn,” from the corrupt life of the upper echelons of the Tsarist Government, Franz knew that the Russian Empire was already sick.

Many were so engrossed in the glory of bygone days that they couldn’t extricate themselves, not even the dire situation of the Near East war could awaken them.

“Skin rashes are not worth worrying about.”

Since that’s what the Tsarist Government thought, Franz naturally had no obligation to remind them. An ally obsessed with past glories was a good ally indeed.

On the return trip, Franz had transformed into a literary youth and embarked on the road of literary creation. The profoundly influential “Emperor’s Anthology” and “Emperor’s Essays” were created during this time.

In this regard, Franz was quite principled, at least he didn’t use a ghostwriter. Naturally, his output was not high. From St. Petersburg to Vienna, he managed to produce only two frivolous poems, which he was truly embarrassed to show to others.

Nations are unlucky, poets are lucky.

Under the influence of the Paris conference and the forced splitting of the Germany Region, this period saw a flowering of literary creation.

Many writers and scholars emerged during this time, such as Arthur Schopenhauer, Geibel, Paul Heise, Freiligrath, Heilweg, Virt, Fontana, F. Grier Pazhe, Franz Grier Pazhe, Adalbert Stewart…

It could be said that in the second half of 1853, in just a few short months, the Germany Region produced more literary works than in the past five years combined.

Critical realism became the mainstream in this period’s literary creation, with the newborn German Federation Empire bathed in scathing criticism—of course, the Prussian Government also couldn’t escape the writers’ ink, and even the Austrian Government was not spared.

It’s proven that posturing is effective. Compared to the first two, the Austrian Government faced less criticism—after all, it was the hope for Germany’s unification, and everyone showed some restraint in their writing.

The newborn German Federation Empire was truly tragic. No one acknowledged it as an empire, the main reason for its imperial designation being that it included kingdoms among its sub-states.

The Central Government couldn’t be on the same level as local governments, so it was artificially elevated to an empire by the Paris conference, and clearly this “necessary empire” was unwelcome.

Bremen

An upset middle-aged man exclaimed, “Kolbe, look at the newspaper. The world’s greatest comedic empire is about to be born, and we are about to become a part of it.

God, when did we agree to join this empire? I had no idea. This is just too awful!

I can’t imagine telling someone which country I’m from in the future and saying: I’m from the Comedic Empire. The consequence is just too horrible!”

The birth of the German Federation Empire was originally a farce, derided as the “Comedic Empire” by Virt, and then everyone started calling it that.

A “great empire” with fewer than ten million people and an area smaller than one hundred thousand square kilometers, how could it not be a comedy?

Although the Comedic Empire was indeed comedic, its overall national power was not weak, ranking just below the major European powers, economically on par with the Kingdom of Prussia.

But this was not enough to make it a real empire. If it had become a Kingdom of the German Federation, probably no one would have objected.

The bearded middle-aged man glanced over the newspaper and then said unperturbed, “Petra, is such a trivial matter really worth all this fuss?

The Paris conference, the unanimous decision of the European countries—did you actually expect the government to dare to refuse it?

What’s there to fear from ridicule? Even if the Germany Region is split into three parts, we still have two empires and a kingdom, a uniqueness unmatched by any nation in the world!”

It was apparent that Kolbe’s expression betrayed his heart; he wasn’t as relaxed as he claimed, only forcefully suppressing his anger from erupting.

In terms of overall strength, a unified Germany Region would top the world, even the British would pale in comparison.

This, of course, was impossible. None of the European countries were fools—who could tolerate the emergence of a Central European behemoth?

Once the results of the Paris conference were disclosed, nationalists in the Germany Region fell silent. The blow dealt by reality to them was unimaginable.

Although everyone knew Europe would oppose Germany’s unification, such a concerted pressure from many countries exceeded their expectations.

There’s no greater sorrow than the death of the heart. Many despaired, became apathetic towards politics; Kolbe was one of them.

However, this indifference was only superficial. When he learned that the German Federation Empire had indeed been established, he couldn’t help but mock it a bit.

Petra shot Kolbe a sharp look and scoffed, “Enough, you coward, shut your mouth. As long as there’s a single German alive, the Germany Region will one day be unified.”

Both of them were past the age of adolescence. After the fragmentation of the Germany Region, they did not go out to march and protest like the young students.

As the newspapers said, even if the entire population of the Germany Region came out to demonstrate, the enemy wouldn’t see it; they could only rant in their lairs.

Oh, this might be what the capitalists said since it affected their business dealings.

Since the countries jointly intervened in Germany’s unification process, the business community has been in lament. The South German Region was still okay, with Austria’s market being substantial, in addition to the Italian Area and Russia.

The capitalists in the north deeply felt the malice, suffering from the loss of the South German Region’s market and bracing for future competition with British goods. It was like they were being driven towards a dead end.

The Prussian business community, too, had a similar feeling. Since Austria accelerated its industrialization, they lost a large portion of their market, and their days were not so good.

Now it was worse, with the northern market threatened by British goods and trade barriers in the south.

Affected by the market, from the time of the reforms in the Kingdom of Prussia in 1848 until now, Prussia’s economy had not improved significantly and was showing signs of further deterioration.

This was not due to a lack of effort by the capitalists, but a harsh reality they were forced into. At the same time as the Kingdom of Prussia’s reforms, they also cut military expenses, keeping the military budget under 25%, and invested these funds into national construction.

Now, due to the influence of the international situation and the need to guard against Russia and Austria, Prussia’s military expenditure has risen instead of fallen. Under such circumstances, it would be a relief if the government did not resort to oppressive levies and extortion.

Facing an increasingly severe economic situation, Frederick William IV was plagued with headaches. Unfortunately, he was not the type to develop the economy; he might have had more to say if it were about developing the military.

Looking at an entirely military-dominated cabinet, economic development — difficult. “Reform” once again surfaced in the mind of Frederick William IV.

Vienna

Franz, who had just returned to the country, had to face three dilemmas.

The first, the issue of settling the Bavarian royal family;

The second, the issue of the nation’s name;

The third, the governance of new territories.

Since his return to Vienna Palace, Empress Sophie continually hovered around him, often bringing up the issue of marriage.

Although she didn’t directly mention the Bavarian royal family’s affairs, the implication was clear: after all, an explanation was due, wasn’t it?

How could it be right to keep them virtually under house arrest like this, compromising the Empress Mother’s dignity?

Even the two little girls often clung to him, as if to say, if you won’t provide an explanation, we’ll cry for you to see.

Alright, Franz had acted dishonorably on this matter; despite the promise to provide them with another throne, he had continually dragged it out without finalizing this issue.

To escape the days of harassment, during the state affairs meeting, Franz said helplessly, “Gentlemen, other issues can wait, let’s first find a suitable place for the Bavarian royal family?”

Prime Minister Felix thought for a moment and said, “Your Majesty, the Kingdom of Bavaria still has the Palatinate province, which was also handed over to the German Federation. It would be easier to restore the Grand Duchy of Palatinate for the Bavarian royal family to continue as Grand Dukes.”

Metternich objected, “That’s inappropriate. We promised to ensure the Bavarian royal family’s throne, and now we need to soothe the public sentiment. An abrupt retraction could easily provoke unrest.”

Prime Minister Felix shook his head and said, “I don’t want to go back on my word either, but the problem is, the Bavarian royal family won’t accept the Serb throne.

Maximilian II is now arrogance embodied, expecting to continue as king on a prosperous land; how is that possible?”

Metternich retorted, “Serbia is a wilderness, even less to be desired than the Kingdom of Greece. Considering the Bavarian royal family’s investments in the Greek throne, they’ve not recouped it over many years; how could they possibly accept Serbia’s throne?”

Presently, Serbia is no good place, its population having plummeted to fewer than seven hundred thousand due to the war, consisting mainly of the old, weak, and disabled, with young men between 16 and 40 years of age all conscripted by the Ottomans.

Economically relying entirely on agricultural production, this nominal kingdom is in fact inferior to a province of Bavaria.

If one were to become the King of Serbia, it is estimated that for a long time to come, the fiscal revenue here would be non-existent.

The aspirations of Maximilian II have been completely eroded; he is not willing to endure this hardship anymore.

Watching the disputing individuals, Franz proposed, “What if we split the Lombardy-Venetia Kingdom, restoring the Kingdom of Lombardy so Maximilian II could take the throne there?”

Finance Minister Carl opposed, “Your Majesty, the Lombardy region is economically developed, accounting for nearly one-tenth of our fiscal revenue. If we let it be independent, our losses would be considerable.”

Franz shook his head, “It’s not about making it independent. Let’s first coax Maximilian II to take the throne and provide an explanation to the Bavarian people.

Then, through constitutional means, the Central Government can take control of local appointments and financial power, and just let him accept his pension quietly.”

Independence? Dream on! As an outsider, without Austria’s support, what on earth enables Maximilian II to rule over the locals?

Expecting Italians to support him as their king, Franz doesn’t believe Maximilian II has that charismatic allure, or else he wouldn’t have fallen into such a pitiable state.

Finance Minister Carl thought for a moment and said, “If we don’t let the Lombardy region be independent, only maintaining Maximilian II, then it’s not a big issue.”

The matter of a hundred and eighty thousand shields indeed warrants no further mention. For the long-term peace and stability of the Bavarian Region, this expense is necessary.

Metternich voiced his concerns, “Your Majesty, if Maximilian II becomes the Lombard King, England and France may instigate local independence in the future.”

Independence? Frankly speaking, Franz has never cared if the Italian Area might become independent. The region couldn’t possibly become the core of Austria in terms of developmental potential.

The Austrian Empire now has over six million Italians, which is already a very high population proportion. Nationalism in the Italian Area has awakened, so long-term rulership over these people is also a formidable challenge.

The Austrian Government does not give up on Lombardy-Venetia now mainly because of — benefits. That’s why they’ve spent heavily on assimilation there.

If the cost of ruling exceeds the returns, Franz would probably have let them become independent long ago. After all, the area is resource-poor, and its industrial products are gradually losing competitive strength.

Before the westward strategy kicked off, the Austrian Government had already made the worst-case scenario plans to give up the Lombardy-Venetia Kingdom in exchange for recognition of Austria’s annexation of the South German Region.

Unexpectedly, England and France launched the Crimean Campaign, which left them temporarily unable to send troops to intervene, so those regions were preserved.

Franz shook his head, “Even without this king, our enemies have not forgotten to plot local independence.

According to our plan, switching from wheat to mulberry trees, in no time, the region’s food will be completely dependent on Austria.

As time goes by, when the local textile industry thrives, if they leave Austria, where will they find a market?”

If the Italian Area is to achieve long-lasting stability, the Austrian Government has studied this, and the answer is: control over food and economic dependency.

Chapter 114: New Holy Roman Empire

Vienna Palace

Upon learning that Franz had traded the Lombard King’s throne with the House of Wittelsbach, Empress Sophie breathed a sigh of relief; this outcome was acceptable to most of the family members.

The relationships among European nobility are complex and interconnected. If the Austrian Government had stubbornly tried to push a Serbian royal crown onto the House of Wittelsbach, Empress Sophie would have been too ashamed to face her family.

It must be remembered that when war broke out, Franz had made a promise to the Bavarian Royal Family, and Empress Sophie had been brought out as a guarantor.

Munich could be taken through negotiations partly because they truly couldn’t win in battle, and partly because everyone’s interests were secured, so naturally, no one was willing to fight Austria to the death.

If it hadn’t been for the royal family’s choice to give up, the House of Wittelsbach, with its centuries of governance, wouldn’t have failed to even muster a defense for Munich.

The Duke of the Electorate of the Palatinate was only a figurehead; this territory was originally ruled by the Bavarian Royal Family. Even without Austrian support, they would likely have retained their titles in the end.

The major Nobility’s foundation was preserved. Politically, Lombardy certainly couldn’t compare with Bavaria, but economically, the Bavarian Royal Family didn’t lose out.

Even if the most important rights were taken away by the Central Government, it was impossible for the King to become merely a rubber stamp, at least not under the Austrian system.

Being overshadowed was only temporary. As long as the King had some ability, he could reclaim most of the rights, and as emperor, Franz could not tolerate civil servants’ insolence.

Otherwise, if they can sideline a king today, they might dare to sideline the Emperor tomorrow.

Suspicion is an emperor’s instinct; actions that breach taboos must be repressed decisively, no opportunities can be left for the civil servants.

In Munich Palace, the Bavarian Royal Family had already begun to move out; they were no longer welcome here. Whether it be the public or the civil servants, no one wanted them to stay any longer.

In everyone’s opinion, the Bavarian Royal Family’s trade of thrones with Austria was the best choice, only then could everyone get along happily.

Those who declared neutrality during the war no longer had to worry about being held to account afterward. With a good place for the royal family to go, they too could now wholeheartedly swear allegiance to the Habsburg dynasty.

Looking at the slowly closing Palace gates, Maximilian II sighed. The rule of the House of Wittelsbach over the Kingdom of Bavaria had ended just like that, and it would not be long before he became Maximilian I of the Kingdom of Lombardy.

Like a curse, the House of Wittelsbach had ruled over not a few territories, but they seldom lasted long. The Kingdom of Bavaria was just one among them.

The House of Wittelsbach still had some foundations, even after their departure, they were still followed by many. A contingent numbering thousands quickly gathered, marching toward the capital city of Milan in the Kingdom of Lombardy under the royal guard’s escort.

That was also a reason the Austrian Government didn’t want to use force; well-entrenched royal households are not so easily confronted. Look at them now, leaving of their own accord.

If things had escalated, the disruption they could cause might keep Bavaria unrestful for three to five years.

Paris

Napoleon III, in a rage, had smashed who knows how many vases for a very simple reason: his marriage plans had hit a snag, with most of the European royal families looking down upon this nouveau riche.

Not long ago, he planned an alliance with Princess Carola of the deposed Swedish royal family but was rejected; now his proposal to Princess Adelheid of Hohenlohe-Langenburg faced another rejection.

It wasn’t just him either; the famed Napoleon had also agonized over this issue. The great nobility despised these upstarts, but the European Continent was a world that looked to pedigree.

If one’s blood was not noble enough, the legitimacy of one’s rule was called into question. If one’s own bloodlines were not noble, then alliances through marriage had to fill that gap.

Napoleon III knew this all too well; he was just Napoleon’s nephew, and domestically he was not well-regarded, in desperate need of a political alliance to cement his position.

Since 1851, he had been tormented by this issue. Until now, there had been no success; the great nobility despised him, and he disdained the lesser nobility.

No wonder he was angry; after all, he was the Emperor of France. Even if he couldn’t marry a princess of direct lineage, at least he should be able to marry one of collateral lineage, right? Instead, he found that not even deposed royal princesses would consider him.

To be rejected over and over, nobody would tolerate such an insult.

Perhaps after venting, Napoleon III coldly asked, “Are there any other candidates?”

The court official spoke in a low voice, “Your Majesty, the status of the remaining candidates is somewhat low and does not match your stature!”

Napoleon III glared fiercely at him; was that not rubbing salt in the wound? The eligible ones he couldn’t marry, and those he could wed, he refused!

In this context, Eugénie de Montijo, a Marshal of Spain with Scottish blood, appeared at the French court.

Tired of the ongoing struggle, Napoleon III decided to marry someone he liked if he couldn’t have an equal match.

On December 1, 1853, Napoleon III announced to all the senior officials his imminent marriage, making it clear that this union shall not be constrained by neither the French people nor by foreign royalty:

“I prefer a woman whom I love and respect, more than a stranger whose alliance would offer advantages and drawbacks.”

A pioneer of love marriage had emerged, and one could say that Napoleon III had set a good precedent; many later followed his example.

This marriage, a topic of amusement amongst the nobility, soon reached Vienna, catching the attention of the Vienna Court. A direct consequence was that the days of Franz’s bachelorhood were about to end.

Metternich reminded him, “Your Majesty, are we really not preparing for the ceremony? This will invite ridicule!”

The new Empire was about to be established, and Franz was set to have another crown placed upon his head. Naturally, a grand ceremony was indispensable.

Yet now, Franz had ordered for there to be no prior preparations and that a simple ceremony would suffice, which, to many, seemed like child’s play.

With a wry smile, Franz said, “There’s no helping it, although several months have passed, the public still harbors hard feelings about the division of the Germany Region.

If we make too grand a show of it at this time, it’s likely to provoke dissatisfaction among everyone. It’s better to keep it simple, as a protest against the outcomes of the Paris Conference.”

His public image must not collapse; in the eyes of the outside world, he is an impassioned, compassionate Emperor, so showing dissatisfaction with the Paris Conference was the role he needed to play.

Whether delivering speeches that criticized the conference or directly writing articles to show off, it all revolved around maintaining this image.

A young and vigorous Emperor making such a decision in a fit of anger was completely reasonable, and perfectly positioned to win the approval of the public, avoiding unwarranted disasters.

Cambrian I, who had just ascended from being King of Hanover to Emperor of the German Federation Empire, was one such unfortunate soul; he had done nothing from start to finish, yet was cursed to the bone by the literati of the Germany Region.

With the country itself being a Comedic Empire, the Emperor was of course a comedic one as well. This moniker was likely to follow him throughout his life and be passed down through history.

Of course, his rise to kingship was quite comedic in itself. Before 1837, Hanover and the United Kingdom shared the same monarch. That year, following the death of Wilhelm IV, Victoria ascended to the throne, and due to a misapplied interpretation of the Salic law, the crown landed on his head.

The reason it was considered comedic is that everyone had overlooked the “Pragmatic Sanction” of Charles VI, Emperor of Holy Rome, which could have justified female succession to the throne—this was precisely how the legal succession of Empress Maria Theresia came to be.

By the time someone pointed this out, the kingship had already been decided. Those who were discontent with Cambrian I often brought up this issue, and now he had been further upgraded to a comedic emperor.

Regrettably, his authority as Emperor was limited; he was unable to control the opinions in the various Sub-States. When the public mood soured, they vented their frustrations by cursing the Emperor.

In fact, Cambrian I was very well-behaved, rarely stirring up trouble, and even his attainment of the crown was the result of a balance of power amongst various factions.

Austria naturally advocated for Franz to take on the role of Emperor of the German Federation Empire, citing his high public support as the reason.

Clearly, this was unacceptable to all parties. If Franz became Emperor, it was likely that the Germany Region would be unified in a few decades.

The Habsburg Family had abundant experience in this matter—the Austrian Empire had come together in just this way. Letting Franz also serve as Emperor would be no different from reviving Holy Rome, right?

The British put forth the House of Hanover. The newly established Federal Empire was to be centered around Hanover, which was competitive. The downside was that the King of Hanover lacked sufficient prestige within the Germany Region.

If Franz had put forward a brother to compete for the throne, given the prestige of the Habsburg Family plus the unwillingness of the Sub-State governments to see Hanover grow powerful, the likelihood of election was almost certain.

Obviously, this was impossible. Austria still aimed to unify the Germany Region—wouldn’t it be problematic for themselves if one of their brothers became Emperor of the German Federation Empire?

With the Habsburg Family out of the running, what remained was a competition amongst various Sub-State royal families. Naturally, with the support of the British, the House of Hanover defeated many competitors and plucked the fruit of victory.

Insisting on his principles, Franz was crowned the “New Holy Roman Empire Emperor” on December 22, 1853, at the Vienna Palace.

The coronation was almost laughably simple, with no guests invited to attend; it was an internal affair of the “New Holy Roman Empire.” Following the swearing of allegiance by a few Sub-States, the matter was considered concluded.

From beginning to end, all faces remained somber with no hint of joy to be seen.

After the conclusion of the ceremony, Franz gave a self-deprecating speech in the National Assembly:

“Today, another crown has been added to my head, and the burden on my shoulders has increased a bit more.

To be honest, I don’t feel happy. Instead of the New Holy Roman Empire, perhaps the name Southern Holy Roman Empire would be more fitting.

No matter what, the Holy Roman Empire has finally been reestablished, albeit a laughingstock to the world, still better than none at all.

The road ahead is long, and we must continue to walk. Today we have moved one step further than yesterday, so will we be able to take another step forward tomorrow?

Since the historic mission has fallen upon us, we must endeavor to complete it.

Some have asked me when the Germany Region might unify. My answer is this: consider that question when we become the world’s foremost power!

We are close to this goal because only two nations stand before us that we need to surpass; yet we are far, given the vast difference in national power.

The path lies ahead—are you afraid?

Fortunately, Franz had self-control, knowing that some words must not be spoken lightly; otherwise, phrases like “neither holy, nor Roman, nor an empire” almost slipped out.

The current New Holy Roman Empire, though lacking in holiness and anything Roman, was at least barely an empire. As for the first two qualities, unfortunately, they would forever be unattainable.

Franz was not God; whence came the “holiness”?

“Rome,” aside from its reputation, what use was it?

It seemed Franz’s self-deprecation resonated with many, or perhaps the Austrian Government took care in guiding public opinion, for the New Holy Roman Empire did not become the mockery of the masses.

Chapter 115: Prepare for a Rainy Day

The Holy Roman Empire was reestablished, and there was a mess of things to deal with. The restructuring of government administrative organizations, as well as the distribution of rights and obligations between the state governments and the Central Government, all required Franz’s personal involvement.

The restructuring of government administrative organizations essentially transformed the Austrian Central Government into the Central Government of the New Holy Roman Empire, which had direct jurisdiction over the Austrian Empire and the Kingdom of Bavaria.

Taking into consideration the issue of domestic stability, Franz exercised considerable restraint in the allocation of power. Aside from taking command of the military and foreign diplomatic rights, he refrained from seizing any other powers.

Of course, this didn’t mean the Central Government was unable to intervene in local affairs; it’s just that under normal circumstances, the Central Government would not interfere with the internal affairs of the sub-states.

Should a sub-state encounter problems, such as local rebellions or coups, significant upheavals would naturally warrant intervention from the Central Government.

Beyond these issues, the most troublesome was the allocation of financial income. Local governments were definitely expected to hand over a portion of their financial revenues to the Central Government, and the specific ratio became a contentious point.

The state governments naturally hoped to contribute just a few percentage points to the Central Government’s finances and freely allocate the remainder; whereas the Central Government desired a larger proportion, determining the allocation to local governments based on actual needs.

The struggle over finances was, in essence, a struggle for power, which made the issue more complex and difficult to unravel in a short period.

The specifics would have to wait until the constitution was drafted, at which point things could finally be clarified. Franz advocated for legal governance and would not act without a legal basis.

Even in the power struggle between the Central Government and the state governments, any action had to be lawful. Franz would absolutely not allow any breach of the rules to occur.

Belvedere Palace

Prime Minister Felix reported, “Your Majesty, the reserve forces have been fully mobilized; the wartime economic system has been lifted, and the domestic economy is resuming normal operations.

Overall, the western advance strategy has come to a successful conclusion. However, numerous problems have been exposed, and it’s fortunate there was no outbreak of a major war, or else our troubles would have been much greater.

The main issue was the lack of organizational experience and the weak coordination capabilities of the various departments.

By the conclusion of the Paris meeting, we had mobilized a total of 1.247 million reservists, along with 542,000 active troops, making a combined force of 1.789 million people.

The logistics of supporting a mobilization of this scale were far more challenging than the departments had estimated. It’s a good thing that war did not break out in the end; with so many troops in combat, our preparations could have only lasted three or four months at most.

This is the final statistical report, please review it.”

Having finished, Prime Minister Felix still seemed somewhat shaken. The sudden demonstration of power by the Austrian Empire to other nations was not as glorious as it appeared on the surface.

For such a large force, calculating 15,000 bullets per ton, if each person fired just one bullet, that would be 119 tons of ammunition gone.

Not to mention fighting in a war, even just the monthly routine training would consume thousands of tons of ammunition, and that doesn’t even include the artillery.

Indeed, after the Austrian mobilization of so many troops, there was a severe lack of artillery. While it was easy to establish reserve infantry, technical services like the artillery were not so simple to stockpile.

Being able to operate artillery didn’t automatically make one an artillerist; missing the target was equivalent to wasted effort. Qualified artillerists, in addition to having certain knowledge, had to be trained with sufficient ammunition.

Franz nodded and thought to himself: The current consumption is considered small. A few years from now, when weapons undergo updates and upgrades, the consumption of weaponry and ammunition could increase by several times, and that would present a much bigger problem.

Having taken the report, Franz glanced over it briefly and understood why Prime Minister Felix was so emotional; the expenditure was indeed astronomical.

A single armed parade and demonstration cost an astounding 137 million shields, and if one included the cost of mobilizing the reserve forces and consuming various materials domestically, the total expenditure reached 211 million shields.

Seeing this figure, Franz suddenly realized why, after the Crimean War, the countries of Europe were all trying to avoid war as much as possible.

This was without even engaging in battle; if actual combat had ensued, the final cost of military expenditure was unfathomable.

Of course, the 211 million shields on the report wasn’t entirely in cash expenses; most were accounted for in material costs, only they were directly converted for ease of calculation.

Franz, concerned, asked, “Has the Cabinet considered the practicalities of enfeoffing a group of meritorious individuals to the Balkan Peninsula?”

The absence of a war didn’t mean there were no persons of merit. Such a large-scale military movement would naturally produce some distinguished individuals, just not as many as an outright war would.

Rewards must be given for merit, and while Franz, a great noble, would not bestow titles on himself, he was not stingy when it came to ennobling the small landowning knights; this was, after all, the main goal for the majority who enlisted.

Prime Minister Felix answered, “Your Majesty, in this westward strategy, since war did not break out, everyone’s military exploits are quite limited.

It is almost impossible to obtain titles and lands within the Empire. The Cabinet suggests granting fiefs in the Balkan Peninsula and relaxing the conditions accordingly.

Also, we are preparing to encourage domestic nobility to exchange their fiefs for lands in the Balkan Peninsula to strengthen our control over the area.”

Would any nobles be willing to exchange? The answer is no!

No one is a fool; why would anyone give up well-developed land to start anew somewhere else?

However, there is a type of person who is willing to go: the emerging near-nobility, whose military merits have just fallen short of crossing the threshold into nobility, unable to overcome this hurdle.

In this era, becoming a noble is extremely difficult. For example, in this war, the number of soldiers and officers who could cross the nobility threshold wouldn’t exceed double figures. Spread across so many armies, perhaps not even one per division.

Since Franz’s military reform, there have been no shortage of individuals stuck in this situation; even some who have qualified to become generals based on their military merits still have not been granted noble titles.

Title signifies social status, and the Balkan Peninsula is right next to Austria. Whether it’s the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin or Serbia, they boast fertile plains that merely lack effective development.

Those with vision and ambition naturally wouldn’t pass up this chance. Once these people moved, Austria’s foundation of rule in the region would be established.

For their own benefit, they would spontaneously maintain Austrian rule and suppress the remnants of the Ottomans.

As for whether Austria could attain sovereignty over these lands, this question could be disregarded. Even without sovereignty, it wouldn’t affect everyone’s actual status, as the Ottoman Empire had no capability to reclaim these territories.

To foster independence and support a puppet regime, one must have individuals to support. Didn’t the Austrian army undertake any measures in the region? The first to be brought down were the original ruling class.

The Ottoman Empire’s nobles were captured, Ottoman officials were captured, Ottoman merchants were captured, and those who supported the Ottoman Empire were also captured…

In short, anyone with connections to the Ottoman Empire, threatening or potentially threatening Austrian rule, were all sitting in prison.

Put another way, the upper echelons of society were swept away, leaving only serfs and commoners, individuals who could write their own names were considered intellectuals.

To incite them to agitate for independence, we must first let them understand what the word “independence” means, which is not something that can be accomplished in a short time.

Franz was certain that if Austria ended its military control over the region now, social order would immediately collapse.

As liberators, the old establishment had been overthrown; naturally, a new system had to be established, and it was far more reliable to do so with our own people than with foreigners.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Let’s do it this way, establish a ruling foundation locally as soon as possible.

If England and France were defeated in the Near East War, so be it; if they won, or perhaps fought to a standstill, then our troubles would begin.

They would not stand idly by and watch us swallow such a big piece of the pie. If the Russians couldn’t get Constantinople, they would likewise covet our gains.

In the face of interests, the reliability of alliances is not guaranteed, and it wouldn’t be surprising if the British stirred up the Tsarist Government to make a foolish move.”

This was not Franz’s mistrust without cause; the nasty reputation of Mao Xiong was not unfounded but built on countless facts, making vigilance necessary.

The British betray their allies, the French betray their allies; at least they have some semblance of decency, not going too far—at least it’s passable on the surface. When Mao Xiong betrays an ally, it’s earth-shattering.

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Prime Minister Felix replied.

Balkan Peninsula

Since the Paris conference concluded, the British had the resources to teach the insubordinate Greeks a lesson.

Thinking you can escape punishment by not flying a government flag, but rather the flag of a civilian militia? Dream on! Don’t you know who is the master of trickery in this regard?

Since the Greek people were resorting to tricks, the British decided to explain the situation to them properly, of course, this time with their fists.

By October, the British reinforcements had arrived, three infantry divisions plus a division formed from the remnants of the defeated forces on the Balkan Peninsula, totaling 51,000 British troops.

Together with 16,000 Sardinian troops and 12,000 Ottoman troops, the three-nation Allied Forces set out to look for trouble with the Greeks.

The result was, of course, self-evident; the Greek “civilian militia”, which couldn’t even defeat the Ottoman Army, naturally collapsed instantly.

The Kingdom of Greek was too poor; after foolishly playing at having a navy, there was naturally no money left to update the land forces’ equipment. After blindly expanding their ranks, they couldn’t even provide a rifle for every soldier.

At first, the Ottomans were unprepared, and their forces were engaged at the front; the Greeks naturally advanced like a hot knife through butter. Once the Ottoman Empire reacted and diverted some forces from the front, their offensive was halted.

The British, now taking their turn to cut them down, did so not only to punish the ne’er-do-wells but also because they were an easy target.

John Bull also cared about face; after fighting for so long, they knew Mao Xiong was no easy foe, and fighting a splendid war was too difficult. They let the French deal with tough adversaries, as the British Army was limited in size and could not afford to stake everything on it.

In order to recover from the loss of reputation caused by the Sofia campaign, the British Army Department ordered Major General Oliver to redeem himself by restoring their public image against the Greeks.

Once the British were determined, the Greeks could not withstand the pressure; they were first driven out of Thessaloniki, and now they have retreated to Veria, and before long, it wouldn’t take much time for them to be pushed back into their own country.

Otto I was in a frenzy, the troops could not, under any circumstances, be recalled back to the country. This was not just about a military defeat, but more importantly, the loss of their “neutral status” would mean the flames of war reaching the Greek Peninsula.

On the chessboard of great power games, the Kingdom of Greek was just a mere pawn, now on the verge of becoming a sacrificed piece.

With concern, Otto I asked, “How is it, General Menshikov, would you consider deploying troops?”

The Russians bore a grudge, as at the critical moment of the second Battle of Bulgaria, the Greek people only cared about seizing territory for themselves, failing to attack the vulnerable Constantinople as requested, which could have ended the Near East war much earlier.

No matter how many reasons the Greek people had, in the eyes of the Russians, this was a betrayal, and it was impossible for them not to hold a grudge.

Moreover, the Russians were busy too, attacking Constantinople on one hand, and on the other, locked in fierce battle with the English and French navies on the Crimea Peninsula. Whether they had the capacity to assist Greece was itself a question.

The Foreign Minister answered, “Your Majesty, the Russians have put forth a condition: unless we declare war on England, France, and other countries by openly joining the alliance, they will not deploy troops to our aid.”

Seeking help from allies presumes that you are allies in the first place, right? The Kingdom of Greek had only an agreement with Austria and Russia, a gentleman’s agreement that even they had not fully adhered to. Could they really expect the Russians to take it seriously?

Otto I’s expression darkened, and he said angrily, “Did you not explain our difficulties to the Russians? Greece’s geographical position dictates that we cannot afford to be enemies with the English and French, or else we will face immediate ruin.”

As he said this, there was a lack of confidence in Otto I. What comes around goes around; initially, the Greek were wary of offending England and France while trying to seize territories, neglecting the bigger picture. Now, they needed others to consider the bigger picture for them.

“Your Majesty, the Russians are quite clear in their stance; they believe that since we have entered the war, we have already positioned ourselves against England and France,” the Foreign Minister explained.

Menshikov said, “If we still consider them allies, then we should formally join the alliance.”

This was the truth; by sending troops to attack the Ottoman Empire, not only did Greece tie up Ottoman forces, but it also interrupted their ability to gather resources in the area.

All these gaps had to be filled by the English and French. Although Greece had not declared war on them directly, their actions had already caused losses.

Otherwise, the British would not have come to fight them directly. The fact that they were not attacking Greek territory was not because the British dared not, but rather due to political necessity.

Rashly attacking a sovereign nation might draw criticism from public opinion. The British also cared for their reputation; considering how weak Greece was, the British Army needed to bolster their record of military accomplishments with them, and it was not worth breaking their guise.

Otto I was troubled; if Greece joined the alliance, their mainland would soon receive the attention of the English and French navies, and it was uncertain how many port cities would be destroyed in the fires of war.

Yet, if they refused to join the alliance, the Russians would not deploy troops to rescue them.

Considering the current situation, it wouldn’t take long for the frontline Greek forces to be defeated and retreat back to Greek soil, and for the enemy to follow suit and invade.

At that time, Greece would still be dragged into the war; he couldn’t possibly abandon the frontline troops, preventing them from returning to their homeland, could he?

If that happened, he guessed that the citizens would probably rise up against him immediately.

In a stroke of whimsy, Otto I asked, “If we demilitarize the troops returning to our homeland as a neutral country, is it possible that the British might halt their advance?”

Chapter 116: Marriage Alliance

Otto I’s fantasy did not last long before it was shattered; he did not need anyone to remind him of its impossibility.

Leaving domestic public sentiment aside, their surprise attack on the Ottoman Empire had undeniably contributed to the defeat of the Allied Forces in the Second Bulgarian Battle.

The British Army suffered substantial losses in this battle, and Downing Street even saw a change in leadership. If they were to let them off the hook, what would become of British honor?

Not defeating the Russians was something the London Government could accept since the British had always had low expectations for their army, so a defeat at the hands of the Russians wasn’t too disgraceful.

But having participated in a war, the British couldn’t just watch France show its prowess and become mere spectators, could they?

Anyway, the British Army desperately needed a victory they could be proud of to prove their strength. Unfortunately, Greece was the soft target they had chosen.

If this were not the case, the Greece Government would not have left London empty-handed after such prolonged lobbying efforts.

Otto I, out of options, said, “Can’t our army fight at all? Even if we only achieve a draw, we would have some capital to negotiate with!”

The War Minister answered indirectly, “Your Majesty, ever since our failure against the British, all morale has been lost, with desertions happening every day. If not for military law, no one knows how many soldiers would still be at the front.”

There was no other way; this army had been hastily cobbled together, sustained solely by nationalist patriotic sentiments. Once this drive was deflated, their true inadequacies were laid bare.

Expecting this rabble to defeat the enemy was nothing but a pipe dream.

“Deserters?”

A spark of an idea seemed to light up Otto I’s eyes, but he could not quite grasp it, repeatedly muttering to himself: “Deserters,” “Deserters”…

Seeing their king engulfed in his own thoughts, everyone tacitly chose to remain silent.

After a long while, Otto I spoke in a low voice, “What if we were to break up the army into smaller units and scatter, breaking through the encirclement? As long as the British do not capture any evidence, they won’t be able to do anything to us!”

It had to be said, Otto I was still a clever man, not foolishly allying with the Russians outright.

Greece’s geographic position dictated its strategic choices; even if the Russians won this war, they could not escape the influence of England and France.

If they threw themselves into the Russians’ arms now, they probably wouldn’t last until the end of the war before meeting their demise.

The Prime Minister reminded, “Your Majesty, such an action would result in considerable losses. Once these soldiers fall into the hands of the Ottomans, it’s feared that few will survive.”

Since they were civilian militias, their military discipline could not be relied upon. With scores to settle and grievances to air, seeds of hatred had already taken root and sprouted on both sides of the conflict.

At this point, the so-called scattering and breakout were in fact an admission of defeat, a signal for everyone to run for their lives! And they couldn’t directly flee back to the Kingdom of Greece, lest the enemy would follow and kill them. They had to scatter and take detours back to their homeland through other regions.

Given the state of the Greek Army, an orderly retreat was out of the question. It’s likely that the moment orders were given, it would turn into a rout, and not many could be expected to survive the trek back.

The Kingdom of Greece did not have deep pockets, and this army comprised a significant portion of their young and able-bodied men. Suffering heavy casualties would inevitably lead to a situation where “every household mourns, everyone weeps”.

“Do we have a choice? We can’t win on the battlefield, and the Russians are unwilling to send reinforcements. Surely we can’t expect the Montenegro Duchy next door to come to our rescue?” countered Otto I.

They could not afford to bring this war to the negotiating table; the British retributions would be more than they could handle. Nationalistic sentiments within the country were also not to be trifled with. These people not only refused to accept defeat until they saw the coffin, but they were also the sort to never concede to a loss.

Since they were destined for defeat anyway, Otto I naturally sought a way out for himself.

If the front lines couldn’t win, everyone would scatter and break out, regardless of the losses. Officially, it would have nothing to do with the king, sparing him at least from bearing the political responsibility for the failure.

Vienna

Empress Sophie issued an ultimatum to Franz. No matter what, the marriage had to be arranged immediately; even if it was not with her niece, he still had to find someone of equal status.

This was not just her personal will, but it also represented the will of the Habsburg Family and the Empire’s populace. They could no longer tolerate the Emperor continuing his bachelorhood.

Free love? Franz regretfully stated that he hadn’t even had the chance to experience love.

Given the circumstances, he might as well become engaged to someone he was familiar with. That was better than marrying a completely unknown woman, with the risk of being cuckolded, right?

On the day after Christmas in 1853, Franz became engaged to Princess Helen of the Wittelsbach Dynasty. Empress Sophie had arranged everything single-handedly, and Franz had simply gone through the motions.

Given the buy-one-get-one situation, Franz was still quite pleased, considering beauty as justice.

How promiscuous were the European nobility? That was a question difficult to answer. Aside from keeping the bloodline pure, a slew of messy affairs and a lax attitude toward chastity were the terrifying norm.

This marriage alliance may not be an equal match, but they were childhood sweethearts, and Franz’s fiancée entered the Vienna Palace early to ensure she was, indeed, untainted.

After the engagement, Franz and Princess Helen were restricted by Empress Sophie from being too intimate, absolutely no chance of premarital pregnancy was permitted.

Faced with a crisis of trust, Franz felt extremely helpless; he repeatedly assured them that he was not one to disregard propriety.

Alas, Empress Sophie did not trust his character and bluntly pointed out his past deeds, which he had thought were secret, making it clear that in this palace very few things could be hidden from this mistress.

Previously, in order to cheat Franz into engagement with his niece, she did not mind these small matters. Now that the bigger picture had been secured, it was imperative to be vigilant and avoid any blunders.

Franz even began to suspect that his mother had schemed against him, but after repeated confirmations, he had to admit that it was his own lack of willpower that had made him susceptible to temptation.

He was certain this was not his own fault but rather a side effect of his visit to St. Petersburg, having been led astray by the Russian Aristocracy and thus weakened in resolve.

These were minor issues; Franz took full responsibility without flinching. Even if he had not been responsible, he would not have been timid, as a son’s status was always higher than that of a niece.

Against the grand backdrop of the two families’ union, all disharmonious elements had to be nipped in the bud. Franz had no worries about any chaos ensuing.

This union was of much greater importance to the Wittelsbach Dynasty than to the Habsburg dynasty. Maximilian II, who had just arrived in Milan City to consolidate his throne, could not do so without the support of the Habsburg Family.

Franz agreed to this marriage not only because of his good relationship with Princess Helen but also due to political considerations.

The annexation of the Kingdom of Bavaria had caused some worry among the newly joined Saxon, Hesse, and Württemberg royal houses. Even with the Wittelsbach Dynasty’s ascent to the throne of Lombardy, it was not enough to put them at ease.

If these royal houses hadn’t lacked age-appropriate princesses, perhaps the bride chosen for this marriage alliance would have been different. Don’t doubt Franz’s integrity; one is often helpless in the face of politics.

Being unable to win them over through marriage, an alliance with the Wittelsbach Dynasty also served a purpose. The political influence of the Kingdom of Lombardy might have decreased, but nominally, it was still a level transfer.

Negotiations had largely resolved this issue; there were no feuds between the Habsburg Family and the Wittelsbach Dynasty, and smoothing over the unpleasantness through marriage was naturally feasible.

United by common interests, once more they became allies. This also reassured the Saxon, Hesse, and Württemberg royal houses that the Habsburg Family had eating manners—they wouldn’t gobble them up in one mouthful.

Franz could confidently say that they were overthinking it. Not annexing these Sub-States was not only about reducing the difficulty of unification but also because military unification would lead to indigestion.

National unification, unlike external expansion, could not deploy many extreme measures. If the government could not win over the hearts of the people without a major purge, local stability would be unattainable for the next ten or twenty years.

The overthrown royal family and interest groups would want to restore their rule. If unable to do so, they could transform into the Revolutionary Party, flipping the table over, leaving everyone in a poor state.

The French February Revolution is a specific reference. The fact that Napoleon III could be elected president shows the role the Bonaparte party played in this uprising.

The so-called usurpation of the fruits of revolution is not entirely accurate. The Bonapartes had been leaders of the revolution from the start, merely orchestrating from behind the scenes, emerging only at the final moment. How else could Napoleon III have seized power so easily?

As an Emperor, Franz did not wish to leave hidden dangers in his rule. The primary concern had to be stability.

History bears out that Bismarck’s policy for the Second Empire to leave so many Sub-States was not just due to insufficient strength to swallow them but for long-term peace and security.

This approach proved highly effective. No matter how many contradictions existed between local governments and the Central Government, they fell within the rules, and there were never reports of any Sub-State rebelling.

The greatest benefit of annexing these German Confederation states was not resources, strategic advantage, or political gain, but population—specifically, high-quality population.

According to the census two years ago, the population of the Austrian Empire had surpassed thirty-seven million, second only to the Russians on the European Continent, yet the main ethnic group numbered just over eight million seven hundred thousand.

To make the statistics appear better, under Franz’s directive, the Austrian Government deliberately classified some mixed individuals of German descent as German.

Then the size of the main ethnic group inflated rapidly to over ten million three hundred thousand, raising its portion from 23.5% to 27.8%.

Well, that was rather far-fetched. Many individuals with as little as a quarter or an eighth of German blood became classified as German. Franz was not so rigid; a little flexibility made the data look much better.

This issue had finally reached a satisfactory resolution. The proportion of the main ethnic group had at last breached forty percent.

With economic development and the acceleration of population mobility, such cross-ethnic marriages were set to greatly increase in the future.

One must admit, this oldest method of ethnic integration is actually the most effective and least problematic way of achieving it.

The current social backdrop, especially the imbalance in the gender ratio within the Germany Region, with more men than women, creates a pressing social reality. This situation persisted until after WWII before it started to reverse.

The Hungarian Region, on the other hand, had the opposite situation, with more women than men. Aside from the civil war contributing to the reduced number of young males, geographical factors also played a role.

Of course, the situation was even more severe in Serbia and the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin, where, due to war, the number of able-bodied men had drastically decreased.

If nothing was done, Franz was sure these areas would experience negative population growth over the next twenty years, especially in the Serbia region.

All these social conditions created favorable circumstances for ethnic integration. How could Franz possibly pass up such an opportunity?

The current issue was how to get everyone involved in these matrimonial unions, a headache-inducing problem. In this regard, Franz had no successful experience to draw upon.

Chapter 117: Good Idea = Bad Idea

The Crimea Peninsula was ablaze with conflict between the United Kingdom, France, and Russia, more precisely, an offensive by the British and French while Russia was desperately defending.

Their disadvantage in weaponry and equipment was a critical issue, unlike the Russian Army in the Balkan Peninsula, which had completely upgraded to Austrian equipment, achieving parity with the British and French.

The Russian forces on the Crimea Peninsula, however, were not so lucky. Originally consisting of second-line troops and hurriedly thrown into battle, coupled with the bureaucratic corruption within the Tsarist Government, multiple factors contributed to their tragedy.

By this time, Nicholas I had already decided to fully upgrade to Austrian military equipment. However, due to the domestic introduction of production lines, bureaucrats who were out of touch gave the orders to local military enterprises.

Production lines take time to adjust, retraining workers takes time too, which wouldn’t be a problem in peacetime. But now it was wartime, and the Russian forces in the field couldn’t afford to wait!

Up until now, the Russians hadn’t been able to ramp up to full production capacity. According to their pace, it would take at least a couple of years before the Russian Army on the Crimea Peninsula could be fully re-equipped.

General Fitzroy Somerset, who had just been appointed as the commander-in-chief of the Crimea Peninsula, was furious. During the conflicts in the Balkans, whatever was lacking could be simply purchased from Austria.

Only here did he realize just how dreadful Russian logistics were, not only with the tardiness in upgrading to new weapons, but even basic logistical supplies often went awry.

Fortunately, the Allied Forces facing him weren’t as strong as those in the Balkans. The siege of Constantinople was still meaningful, as it at least tied down the elite forces of the French.

Fitzroy Somerset thought for a moment and said, “Send a telegram to St. Petersburg explaining our situation, demanding an immediate replenishment of our supplies.

If logistical supply cannot be ensured, we can only abandon the Crimea Peninsula and withdraw to the Ukraine Coastal Region.”

Lack of medicine was one thing—after all, gray horses weren’t valuable, and he wouldn’t grieve their loss. But lack of guns and cannons? That was intolerable. What kind of battle could he fight without the necessary tools?

As for the consequences of offending someone, Fitzroy Somerset couldn’t care less at this point. If he lost the battle, his career was over, and the consequences couldn’t be more severe than that.

As a high-ranking officer of the Russian Army, winning this war meant he could handle the pressure, even if he offended domestic interest groups.

The main mode of transport for the Russian Army in Crimea was ox carts, which was actually quite adequate for the time. The Russians were relatively well-prepared, having stockpiled supplies in coastal areas, with plenty on the Crimea Peninsula itself.

Even if bureaucrats skimmed off the top, those profiting from these resources had no use for them. Eventually, they still had to resell them to the Tsarist Government, so Fitzroy Somerset didn’t have to worry about food supplies.

As for weapons and equipment, that was out of his hands. Since the Tsarist Government had decided on an upgrade, who knew where the old junk was discarded.

The same weapons and equipment, when produced by Russian factories, inevitably ended up slightly heavier and with a slightly higher failure rate, but were definitely durable.

Fitzroy Somerset wasn’t picky, he just needed something to work with. Now, by pressuring the St. Petersburg Government, he aimed to expedite the supply process. If domestic production couldn’t keep up, they should hurry up and buy what was needed!

At any rate, the Russians couldn’t afford to give up the Crimea Peninsula. If the British and French solidified their position there, the Black Sea would have nothing to do with them.

To undermine their greatest competitor, the British wouldn’t mind underwriting the annual military expenses. By blocking the Crimea Peninsula, Russia wouldn’t just lose its Near East strategic position, but half of its trade would also fall into their hands.

It didn’t need to last too long, perhaps just three to five years, and the hegemony of the Russian Empire in Europe would collapse. Then, with Poland’s independence incited, the British strategy would succeed.

Of course, such a windfall was not so easy to come by, certainly not for Franz, who was now preparing to cause some trouble for the British.

Russia couldn’t fall, at least not before the New Holy Roman Empire completed its internal consolidation, otherwise, they’d be forced to act with their tails between their legs.

Concerned, Franz asked, “Marshal, is there any way for the Russians to take Constantinople?”

From Franz’s perspective, the easiest breakthrough in the Near East battlefield was Constantinople. If the Russians captured it, the war would grind to a halt.

The Bosphorus Strait, at its narrowest, measures only 750 meters, and at its widest, approximately 3.7 kilometers. Providing the Russians with a batch of coastal guns to set up along the shore would cut off the maritime channel between the Black Sea and the outside world.

Without maritime routes, the Ottoman Empire’s transport capacity was on par with the Russians. If the Allies in Crimea were forced to transport supplies by land across the Asia Minor Peninsula, logistical supply for the Anglo-French forces would inevitably face issues, and retreat would be their only option.

Marshal Radetzky analyzed, “Your Majesty, Constantinople is a fortress city that’s easy to defend but hard to attack, and it’s guarded by the elite forces of the French Army, with naval fire support as well.

To take it by frontal assault, one must rely on strength and attrition. Only by pushing the French to their limits could the city possibly be taken.

The most sensible move for the Russians now would be to assemble a large number of cannons and mercilessly bombard Constantinople. Even the sturdiest fortress has limits.

The Ottoman Empire has long been in decay. Constantinople hasn’t been threatened for a century and they’ve eased off on upgrading and refurbishing its fortifications.

On the outbreak of the Near East war, the Ottoman Government only managed some hasty repairs and reinforcements, which still didn’t allow enough time. That is Russia’s opportunity.

The majority of these defensive constructions are incapable of withstanding heavy artillery attacks. If the Russians are willing to invest, procure a few hundred heavy cannons, and pound away, even that turtle shell can be cracked.”

This method was crude and simply relied on brute force, but it was the only viable option at the moment.

The problem is that England and France can also bring in a large number of cannons, and it will end up being a bombardment duel with the Russians. Unless there are tens of thousands of casualties, Constantinople is unlikely to fall.

In this era, the accuracy of cannons was very low. The Russian Army only needed to disperse the artillery positions and bombard the city of Constantinople. With such a large target, they could always manage to get the shells inside. It would be difficult for England and France to destroy the Russian artillery positions.

Franz felt that casualties wouldn’t deter the Russians; perhaps the military expenditure would bankrupt them first. Just for several hundred heavy cannons, it would cost tens of millions of rubles, and a full volley would use tens of tons of ammunition.

Since they aim for a devastating bombardment, firing thousands of tons of ammunition a day is just standard procedure. To flatten Constantinople, heaven knows how much ammunition will ultimately be consumed.

But without such a bombardment, given the current Russian method of attack, with a casualty exchange ratio of four to one, even if grey livestock are of little value, they couldn’t withstand such a drain, could they?

Given the current situation, Franz could assert that if they persist for at most another year or so, the Tsarist Government would be forced to give up due to excessive casualties.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Have the staff prepare a plan and transfer it to the Tsarist Government, whether they use it or not, it’s up to them!”

He didn’t believe there were no wise men in the Russian Government who could see that mindlessly sacrificing lives to fill the massive hole that is Constantinople was a suicidal act, without artillery superiority.

According to the intelligence received by Franz, since the outbreak of the Battle of Constantinople, the casualties of the Russian Army had already approached the total of the two Bulgarian battles.

St. Petersburg was preparing to replace Menshikov; under this “genius” commander’s leadership, Russian casualties have always been high.

This plan was not for the St. Petersburg Government, but for General Menshikov, the overall commander of the Russian forces in the Balkans. If he didn’t want to return to St. Petersburg in disgrace, he would surely consider Austria’s suggestions.

As a high-ranking general of the Russian Army, no one could resist the temptation of capturing Constantinople. Completing this great achievement would secure a place in Russian history as a “national hero” of Russia.

It’s not just Russians who are interested; in fact, Franz also wanted to complete this great achievement. The Habsburg dynasty and the Ottoman Empire were also arch enemies, and capturing Constantinople could bring them a great deal of political prestige as well.

Most European countries have a special attachment to this city. Now with the French defending Constantinople on behalf of the Ottomans, Franz was sure that if an opportunity arose, Napoleon III wouldn’t mind taking the city.

Accomplishing this great achievement would bring no less prestige than defeating the Russians. If the Crimea Peninsula campaign failed, Napoleon III would likely swallow Constantinople directly to salvage the political disaster caused by the failure of the war.

The London Government would most likely condone all of this as having Constantinople in French hands is better than in Russian hands. A bitter struggle between the French and the Russians would definitely be welcomed by the British.

If possible, Franz wouldn’t mind giving a push to deepen the hatred between France and Russia.

Unfortunately, the Russians were not competitive; the bureaucracy of the Tsarist Government was dragging its feet, making the hope of Russian victory in Crimea extremely slim.

He couldn’t achieve that, so Franz could only hope that the Russians would launch an attack on Constantinople, driving up England and France’s hatred to the maximum.

Marshal Radetzky’s method, while undoubtedly the most effective from the standpoint of the Vienna Government, was a bad idea for the Russians from start to finish.

The reason is straightforward: the war was too costly and not suitable for a predominantly agrarian country like Russia.

This approach could easily surpass the limits of what the Russian Empire could endure. Even if they captured Constantinople, they would be unable to follow through with the next strategic step due to financial exhaustion.

After all, there’s the Dardanelles Strait. Just securing the Bosphorus Strait is not enough for the Russians to control the Black Sea Strait, and even if they took Constantinople, they would only have control over half of the Bosphorus Strait.

Strategically speaking, now they could divide their forces and take the Gallipoli Peninsula to blockade the Dardanelles Strait, which would also end the war.

Not every place has a Constantinople; defending the Gallipoli Peninsula is far more challenging than defending Constantinople.

Even if they couldn’t take it, dividing their forces to attack would force England and France to station significant troops to defend, reducing the pressure on the Russian forces in Crimea.

It can only be said that the allure of Constantinople is too great, and the Russians are unable to resist this temptation, choosing instead to rashly charge forward.

Naturally, Franz wouldn’t remind the Russians that an early end to the Near East war, without maximizing the depletion of England, France, and Russia’s strength, is against the interests of the New Holy Roman Empire.

Moreover, even the best strategy needs people to execute it and Franz didn’t think the Russians were capable of it, at least General Menshikov wasn’t.

Given Russian efficiency, the idea of staging a surprise attack on England and France is nothing but a fantasy. Now the Gallipoli Peninsula could be easily breached by just a few Ottoman garrison battalions.

Once England and France react, the Allied Forces attacking Greece could immediately reinforce the Gallipoli Peninsula, leading to a major battle.

England and France have robust national strength, and even if another front is opened, they can hold out by gritting their teeth. Not so with the Russians; their domestic organizational capabilities are already stretched thin.

If they open another front, the Russians might feel what it’s like to be understaffed. Of course, this isn’t to say they lack soldiers, but that they can’t deploy troops to the frontlines quickly enough.

As for logistics, there’s no need to mention; even if they could get supplies from Austria, by the time they’re transported to the frontlines, the opportunity has passed.

A mishandled operation might do more harm than good. If logistical support fails and the Russians lose the war, Franz will only have to weep alongside Nicholas I.

Chapter 118: Balkan Peninsula Development Plan

In a quaint castle in Prague, an elder over fifty years old solemnly asked, “Holst, are you really prepared?”

“Once you accept the government’s deployment, you’ll have a hard life for a long time to come, and it’ll be too late to regret it then.”

Holst seriously replied, “Father, the Vics family has already declined. In the last struggle for power, we suffered heavy losses in our network of relations within the government.

To seek a position in the government, one can only pass the civil service examination. There are too many competitors on this path, and our family has always developed within the military, where we do not have an advantage, and I’m not confident about making a name for myself.

The situation in the European continent is stabilizing, and for a long time to come, Austria will not be at war, eliminating the chance for a stroke of fortune on the battlefield.

This is an opportunity now. With military merits accumulated on the battlefield, staying in the country would at most make me a Glory Knight.

The family could contribute some money to exchange for an estate from the government, but going to the Balkan Peninsula now would allow me to jump to becoming a Succession of Knights, instantly owning an estate that is double the size.

Under normal circumstances, even struggling for twenty years in the country might not guarantee success. In that case, why not take a risk?”

In order to strengthen control over the Balkan Peninsula, the Vienna Government mobilized within the country. Just as Prime Minister Felix had predicted, the lower-layer nobility with aspirations to advance couldn’t resist such a temptation.

Compared to starting colonies overseas, the Balkan Peninsula is after all at our doorstep, and even though we’re a bit strapped for cash now, the future development is still something to look forward to.

As one of the strongholds of conservatism, Austria still maintains the old tradition where the firstborn inherits the family estate, while the second son goes out to make his way.

The great nobles still have the capacity to provide sufficient titles for their direct descendants, whereas the collateral branches and smaller nobility have to struggle on their own.

To limit the number of domestic nobility and ensure the quality of nobility, the Vienna Government is also considering enacting an “Aristocratic Law.”

Once this law is enacted, noble successions must go through the Noble Assembly for evaluation, and it would be difficult for a prodigal to inherit a title.

Besides the eldest child inheriting titles, even the noble offspring who received non-military titles will lose the capability to pass them on through succession.

Since it has such a significant impact, it is still being discussed in the Noble Assembly. After all, this law is too unfriendly to the declining nobility, making it too difficult for them to pass the assessment.

Franz is preparing to enact this law when colonizing the new lands, letting these declining nobles gamble their fortunes in the colonies.

The domestic pie is only so big, clearly not enough to go around, and even with the addition of the territories in the Balkan region, the cake is still not big enough.

The collapse of the British and French colonies is largely due to the unequal distribution of interests. The capitalists got too many benefits, yet expecting others to risk their lives for them, how could that be possible?

Since ancient times, the feudal system has been a sharp tool for expansion. Counties directly managed by the central dynasty often get lost, but seldom does the land split again once it is granted as a fief. Even if it becomes independent, it cannot be free from the influence of the native culture.

Of course, this is only one aspect; the bigger reason is the solidification of social classes. Either make a bigger cake to leave upward mobility for everyone, or else revolution is inevitable. This multiple-choice question is easy to answer.

After pondering for a while, the elder said, “Alright, I respect your choice, child. Our family can’t provide much support for you right now, but we can recruit a group of people from the estate to leave, which would help alleviate the population pressure.

These people have lived dependently on the family for generations, their loyalty is not an issue. With their help, I believe you can quickly make a breakthrough.”

In this era, the influence of the nobility is significant, not only because of their status but also because they have a group of vassals under them.

Even though serfdom has been abolished, this kind of influence hasn’t dissipated.

The Austrian Government is now encouraging these nobles to develop in the Balkan Peninsula, not just the nobles themselves. If they try to survive alone in an unfamiliar place, who ends up ruling whom is anyone’s guess.

Moreover, at present, everyone’s initial industries are land-based; surely the nobles can’t be expected to do the farming themselves?

It’s much easier for these people to organize emigration than for the Austrian Government to do so.

The densely populated Germany Region, in the era of agrarian states, had already reached the limit of its population capacity, and redirecting a fraction of the people now is a good way to ease internal conflicts.

In any case, industrialization does not have a large demand for labor at this time, and Austria is still the second most populous country in Europe. Adding the population of the territories in the Balkan region, it’s getting close to the significant figure of 50 million.

Right now, the most important thing is to promote national integration. With uniform language and writing as a backdrop, and the next generation seeing a lot of mixed-race children, who can still make waves with nationalism?

It can be said that the New Holy Roman Empire, as long as Franz doesn’t act rashly, has a promising future.

Developing the Balkan Peninsula also has an unexpected benefit: the number of emigrants to the United States has decreased.

After all, crossing the ocean in this age carries its risks. Compared to the unknown America, the risk is much lower in the Balkan Peninsula, right at our doorstep, and with the Danube River providing easy transportation, one could return in ten days to half a month.

Especially for those with families, emigrating to the Balkan Peninsula means they can bring their loved ones along. If they go to America, it is a farewell of life and death.

Since the great revolution, the Germany Region has seen a surge in emigration. On average, sixty to seventy thousand people leave each year, and the Austria Region also sees roughly twenty to thirty thousand people leave each year.

These emigrants have caused the population in the United States to explode. In 1850 the United States accepted 310,000 immigrants, in 1851 it accepted 379,000, while in 1850 the whole country had only 23,192,000 people, by 1860 the population had grown to 31,443,000, literally skyrocketing.

The emigrants of this era were all young and strong; the old, weak, sick and disabled could not endure the turmoil at sea, they were all quality labor supplies.

Every time he considered this, Franz could only sigh at how the countries of South America fell short, seemingly unaware that they could compete with the United States for immigrants, despite their favorable conditions.

It wasn’t as if they needed to act together; if even a few nations prioritized attracting immigrants, diverting some of the United States’ population, the Americans could not have developed so rapidly.

In this situation, Franz was also powerless. The nations of Europe had yet to recognize the threat posed by the United States and had taken no measures to curtail their burgeoning power.

Of course, he wasn’t entirely inactive — at least he occasionally took to the newspapers to smear the nouveau riche Americans, an entertainment popular and well-received among the European public.

No matter what, if the migration to America could be reduced by tens of thousands, that was tens of thousands; these numbers added up over time and could be considered a weakening of a rival’s strength.

It was known that thanks to these immigrants, the Germans later came to form the largest ethnic group in America — it would not be overstated to say that German people played an enormous role in the rise of the United States.

Vienna

Franz was carefully reading the “Plan for the Development of the Balkan Peninsula” submitted by the Cabinet.

The strength of a nation did not merely lie in its large territory, ample population, or abundant resources. These were only one of the necessary conditions; more so, it depended on the extent to which territory was developed.

The Russian Empire was big enough, even larger than the two Europes put together. Just considering the land area, resources, and population, their power should be sweeping across the universe like mighty Qin, gobbling up the world.

Yet in reality, the Russian Empire, with all its advantages, not only failed to swallow Europe, but any united front from two major powers could give them a tough time.

The main issue was the low level of domestic development. If the Russian Empire had already industrialized, there is no doubt that dominating the European continent would not be a dream.

The New Holy Roman Empire didn’t have the Russians’ boldness; even with a loose management system, it was still able to leap to become one of the top superpowers.

In Franz’s view, if the acquired territory couldn’t be developed effectively, then this territory, unable to be converted into national power, would become a heavy burden.

It was already difficult to continue expanding on the European continent. Intensive development of the existing lands was the proper approach.

Previously, the Vienna Government had already formulated many development plans. Except for a few Sub-States with a high degree of autonomy, the remaining areas had entered the government’s planning agenda, and many places had already begun organization and implementation.

The current Balkan Peninsula development plan was just a preliminary conception, and there was still a long way to go before actual implementation.

After some thought, Franz said, “Prime Minister, according to this development outline, the Two principalities of the Danube Basin will become the Empire’s second granary in the future.

But we must consider an issue: if Russo-Austrian relations deteriorate, the exports from these regions could only be sold along the Danube River to the Germany Region or transported overland to the sea.

Moreover, the supporting industries look more like services custom-designed for the Russians. I have to doubt whether Russians have that much purchasing power?

They are still a serfdom empire, and even if they undergo social reforms in the future, I think the purchasing power of their common citizens will, at best, reach only half that of Austrian citizens.

If the industries targeted at the Russian market, it would be best to take two approaches: either sell high-end products to their nobility or take a low-end route, selling to the common folk with the prices of these goods needing to be cheap enough.”

Due to geographical reasons, the economies of the Two principalities of the Danube Basin would inevitably be influenced by both Austria and Russia – internally by the Austrian domestic market, and externally by the Russian market.

Economic development must also target these two markets as its core, with other European nations considered only after these.

Prime Minister Felix explained, “Your Majesty, the future of Russian-Austrian relations is unclear to anyone. However, even if the relations deteriorate, the likelihood they will blockade us is very low.

Even if the Tsarist Government wanted to, their domestic interest groups would not agree, and given the Tsarist Government’s enforcement capabilities, they simply could not execute such a blockade.

This can be seen from the current situation; the Russians have cut off trade with England and France due to the war, yet only Ukraine and central parts of Russia have truly stopped trading.

The main reason for the cessation was not the Tsarist blockade but because the war interrupted the Black Sea transportation routes, and these regions have had their markets overtaken by our goods.

Goods from England and France have never stopped entering Russia through the Baltic Sea. The main reason they haven’t reached the southern and central parts is the high transportation costs, which have resulted in a loss of competitiveness.”

As for the issue of industry, these are just preliminary considerations. Ultimately, the choice lies in the hands of capitalists, whose market sensitivity is undoubtedly superior to ours.

The Government will merely formulate corresponding policies and will not directly invest in these light industries. I trust that the capitalists will perform even better.”

Franz nodded. He never harbored illusions about the Tsarist Government’s executing capabilities, and the possibility of a blockade indeed seemed unlikely.

In history, even when Russo-Austrian relations had broken down, the Russians never blockaded the Danube, and clearly, the Tsarist Government would not dare to make such a rash move that could provoke war.

As for the industrial issue, that was even less of a concern. Since the Cabinet Government was not prepared to invest directly, let the capitalists take on the venture, bearing the outcomes of profit or loss themselves — this was not something for the Emperor to fret over.

From a developmental perspective, Russia and Austria might become economic competitors in the future, with food exports being the mainstay industry for both nations.

Austria exports finely processed agricultural products, whereas Russia exports raw agricultural goods directly; still, competition between them does exist.

If this issue is unresolved, the conflict of interests will almost inevitably affect the relations of the two countries.

In this respect, Franz could only be grateful that the Tsarist Government was a dictatorship, which meant that such contradictions would not erupt in the short term.

Chapter 119: Reluctant Choice

After more than two months of hard fighting, the Allied Forces finally defeated the Greek “civilian armed forces” and secured the British Army’s first major victory since the outbreak of the Near East War.

Major General Oliver’s hanging heart also fell to the ground, and he finally had commendable battle achievements. With fewer than five thousand casualties on his side, he had killed 18,000 enemy troops and captured another 14,000; any way you looked at it, it was a resounding success.

The fact that the enemy forces were a ragtag bunch had been decisively ignored by him; as long as he continued to defeat the Montenegro Army, he would have completed all his combat missions.

A young officer reported, “General, we’ve received military orders from home: we are instructed to continue pursuing the enemy. If the Kingdom of Greek harbors these enemy forces, we are authorized to take necessary measures.”

Necessary measures? In essence, that meant finding an excuse to enter the Kingdom of Greek and to teach the Greece Government a lesson. Clearly, the London Government had become very dissatisfied with the Otto I Government and wanted to make an example of them.

“Understood,” replied Major General Oliver calmly.

He had no fondness for the Greek people; if it hadn’t been for their surprise attack, forcing the Ottomans to divert their front-line troops, they wouldn’t have lost the Battle of Sofia.

Although he shifted the blame onto others, Major General Oliver was clear in his mind that he could not shirk his responsibility for that defeat, which would follow him for the rest of his life as an indelible stain.

Now that he had the opportunity to settle scores with the Greek people, he naturally wouldn’t let this chance slip by.

There would always be an excuse, even if Otto I acted submissively. The London Government, wishing to give a lesson to this unruly junior, would still take action.

It was clearly impossible to bluff one’s way through. Since the Greece Government did not acknowledge this military expedition, the British, publicly, could not use this as a reason to do anything to them.

All of Europe was watching, and if they went too far, others would still intervene. John Bull could not yet cover the sky with one hand.

Even within the United Kingdom, there was no belief that Greece’s attack on the Ottomans posed any major problem; it was only the timing of their choice that was seen as wrong.

The Greece Government had a change of heart at the last moment and did not join the Russians’ camp, leaving room for maneuver. Clearly, Otto I’s political sense was still up to par.

At the Russian Army headquarters outside Constantinople, General Menshikov once again received a letter of reprimand from Nicholas I.

After such a long offensive and the loss of hundreds of thousands of casualties, Constantinople was still in enemy hands with no sign of falling imminently, and the St. Petersburg Government was naturally anxious.

The pressure on Menshikov greatly increased. If he could not come up with a solution, the St. Petersburg Government would replace him, and the glory of capturing Constantinople would slip through his fingers — an outcome Menshikov could not tolerate.

A middle-aged officer suggested, “Commander, you might consider the Austrians’ proposal. As long as we can capture Constantinople, the rest will be easy.”

Menshikov shook his head and said, “The Austrians’ proposal is too costly. They don’t want to capture Constantinople, but to bomb it flat with heavy artillery.

The heavy artillery they recommended, beyond being used for sieges, would afterwards only serve as coastal batteries. If we followed their suggestion and brought in a few hundred heavy guns, we’d consume thousands of tons of ammunition daily.

Let alone our inability to afford it, even if the Austrians produced at full capacity, they might not be able to meet our demand.

Spending millions of rubles worth of ammunition each day, the capture of Constantinople would require the expenditure of several hundred million, even upwards of a billion rubles. Do you think we can afford that?”

And that wasn’t the worst of it. The real problem was that even after spending all that money, Constantinople might still not fall.

The huge guns recommended by Austria were very difficult to move on the battlefield, and if the enemy managed to destroy the artillery positions, the situation would be even more dismal.

The middle-aged officer reminded him, “But, Commander, this seems to be the only somewhat viable method for breaching Constantinople.

The enemy is exceedingly stubborn, defending with the aid of fortifications. Our six-pound cannons are nothing but an itch to them, and even twelve-pound cannons can only deal with ordinary fortifications.

Without destroying these fortifications, what will we use to capture Constantinople? If we miss this opportunity, we’ll be Russia’s national sinners.”

That was precisely the most compelling argument. No matter how unreliable the method might be, it was the only one that seemed to have a chance of success.

The Tsarist Government wouldn’t consider the consequences, and neither would the public care. With the troops at the foot of Constantinople, if they failed to take the city, how could they face their ancestors?

After inspecting the camp and seeing the rapidly declining morale and hearing the agonized cries, even Menshikov, with his heart of stone, couldn’t help but waver.

He knew that things couldn’t go on like this. If they continued to fight in this manner, he estimated that the Russian Army would mutiny even before Constantinople was conquered.

Even the greyest of beasts were human, and when casualties reached a certain level, they too would collapse — a consequence Menshikov simply could not afford to bear.

In a corner of the camp, a few soldiers were conspiring in secret.

A young soldier with a grimy face said in a low tone, “Joey, is the route clear? If this continues, it won’t be long before we all fall on the battlefield.

Did you know? Just yesterday Losby was wounded by an explosion in his left leg. To avoid infection, it had to be amputated. Unable to bear the shock, he took his own life that night.”

The middle-aged soldier next to him warned, “Fukesi, don’t be like this. Leaving the route must be well planned, or else if there’s a mishap, we’ll be hanging at the main camp’s entrance!”

To kill one as a warning to a hundred and deter deserters, the Russian Army resorted to extremely cruel methods, hanging people from a pole, letting them die a slow death from exposure, thirst, and hunger…

Seeing everyone’s hopeful faces, Joey sighed and pulled out a map, pointing and explaining, “I’ve found a route, but it’s a tough one.

From here, there are guards along the way; you must avoid them and only once you enter the Balkan Mountains are you temporarily safe.

This is only the first stage of the escape; afterward, you still need to cross the Balkan Mountains to enter the Austrian-occupied area.

During this period, you won’t be able to get any supplies from the outside; you’ll have to find food in the mountains and forests. Besides being wary of venomous insects and ferocious animals, you’ll also have to worry about losing your way.

Reaching the Austrian-occupied area doesn’t mean safety either. They are our allies, but if you wander in by mistake, they won’t disarm you; most likely, you will be sent back here.

To slip through, you’ll have to pretend to be war refugees. Language is a big issue. Russian and Bulgarian are very similar, but there are still differences, and nobody knows what will happen if you’re found out.”

The middle-aged man said seriously, “We have no choice. You might not know, being in the logistics unit, but these days the casualties at the front have been disastrous; familiar faces leave here every day.

Half of our regiment is made of successive reinforcements; if we continue to stay, it won’t be long before we all die here.

Joey, whether we can escape or not, thank you.

You can rest assured we’ve already scoped out the situation. We’ll play dead during an attack and sneak away when it gets dark.

Even if we’re discovered, we can say we were knocked out by a bomb blast and got confused.”

A premeditated escape started; they were not the first group, and they wouldn’t be the last, as the grim casualties had already caused them to break down mentally.

Everyone would rather take a risk and flee, trying for an unknown life, than continue to stay here.

After all, their entire families were serfs, belonging to the property of noblemen; even if they were found out, there was no need to worry about implicating their families.

The middle-aged man asked in a low voice, “Hurry up, where’s Wallace? Why don’t I see the lad?”

Fukesi answered, “Uncle Mal, we didn’t see him follow, I’m afraid something has happened. Should we go back and look for him?”

The middle-aged man thought for a moment and said, “Never mind him. On the battlefield, life and death are fated. In this pitch darkness, where would we even start looking?

Now let’s move quickly; it’s not safe here. If we can’t make it through swiftly, none of us will escape by dawn.”

They were lucky, having been given a map of the route; they did not go the wrong way and safely made it through the first day of escape.

But not everyone was so fortunate; shortly after they left, another group of deserters were unlucky enough to encounter a patrol and, of course, were caught.

The military judge asked, “Your Excellency, Commander, seven more deserters were caught last night. Shall we proceed as usual?”

“Hmm!”

Though Menshikov seemed to casually say just one word, his heart was not at rest.

The number of deserters was growing, and as a high-ranking officer who was not a fool, he knew what this meant—the troops were reaching their breaking point.

Faced with reality, Menshikov quickly compromised. He was not ready to become a traitor to his country, so the war had to go on.

As for the money issue, he would let the Tsarist Government worry about that; right now, no one could back down.

Menshikov said, “Someone, use the Austrian telegraph network and send this telegram to the St. Petersburg Government!”

Since Austria took over the Two Principalities of the Danube, the telegraph lines were quickly laid out, and by the end of 1853, they had connected with the domestic network.

At this time, for messages that the Russians didn’t need to keep especially confidential, they often used the Austrian telegraph network, which could get the job done in two to three days.

To use their own communication network, they first had to travel to big cities in Poland or Ukraine to send a telegram. Without ten days to half a month, it was impossible to get the message back to St. Petersburg.

Clearly, Menshikov did not think this battle plan needed to be kept secret from the Austrians. And even if he wanted to, it was impossible—the canons still had to be purchased from them.

Menshikov was not prepared to rely on domestic military enterprises for supplies. By the time they produced the cannons and delivered them to the front, who knew if it would be a year or two years later?

In the matter of attacking Constantinople, Nicholas I fully supported his work. Anyone causing trouble here was opposing His Majesty the Tsarist.

Without the Tsar’s support, Menshikov would not have been able to change the logistical transport system of the Russian Army in the Balkan Peninsula. If it had not been changed, life would not have been so easy for the Russian forces at the front.

The ball was now in St. Petersburg’s court. Menshikov had explained all the situations in detail—how to choose was now up to Nicholas I to decide.

Chapter 120: The Constantinople Demolition Team

St. Petersburg

Having received an urgent telegram from Menshikov, Nicholas I developed a headache, especially when he saw the estimated ammunition consumption noted at the end; his heart bled at the thought of the cost—this was all money!

For this war, the Tsarist Government had already spent three to four hundred million rubles, and if the economic losses caused by the war were included, this figure could be doubled.

Where was victory? No one could answer this question. Judging from the situation on the battlefield, a decisive outcome between the two sides seemed very far off.

If he had known in advance that the war would turn out like this, Nicholas I was certain he would never have initiated it.

Losses in personnel were bearable—Russia was large and could withstand it—but the cost of the war completely exceeded his expectations.

Before England and France joined the war, the Tsarist Government planned a multi-pronged assault to take Constantinople directly, targeting to capture Constantinople within three months and to wipe out the Ottoman Empire within a year.

After England and France entered the war, the Tsarist Government believed that after the battle of Bulgaria, taking Constantinople would be a piece of cake and after seizing Constantinople, everyone would negotiate to resolve the issues.

Unexpectedly, they had arrived at the gates of Constantinople only to encounter the French blocking the way.

Two hundred thousand French troops defending a fortress city—this result was enough to make anyone despair. But there was no choice; under domestic pressure, they had to proceed with determination.

Even for the headstrong Russians, this was a dizzying challenge. Having exhausted all strategies, the conclusion was still that they needed to bombard with artillery.

Nicholas I asked, “What do you think about General Menshikov’s suggestion?”

Army Minister Ivanovich replied, “Your Majesty, from a military perspective, General Menshikov’s suggestion is sound.

Constantinople is one of the world’s most formidable fortresses, and the enemy has deployed heavy troops to defend it. There are no shortcuts to its capture; we must proceed fortress by fortress.

Fortunately, the Ottoman Empire has become corrupt and neglected the construction of its city defenses, allowing us to advance with our artillery.”

This answer was somewhat exasperating. Had the Ottomans not neglected the upgrade of city defense works, the artillery might not even have been effective.

This was the reality—the Russians could bring heavy artillery, but wouldn’t the enemy have the same capabilities? If necessitated by war, even thousands of cannon could easily be provided by England and France.

As per General Minshkov’s proposal, it would suffice to construct artillery positions a few kilometers out and bombard Constantinople—after all, the target was so large that while people could find places to hide, buildings had no place to escape.

With two hundred thousand French troops scattered throughout the city, there certainly would not be enough bunkers for artillery, and indiscriminate bombardment could cause heavy losses to the French, as long as there were enough cannons and enough ammunition.

Civilian casualties were never a concern for the Tsarist Government. Those who knew war was coming and did not flee only had themselves to blame; after all, guns and cannons are blind.

Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes said with a frown, “Your Majesty, the amount of artillery that General Menshikov is requesting, as well as the ammunition consumption, is simply terrifying. Can’t they be more economical in their use?

You have to realize that this heavy artillery and ammunition are not cheap— even if the Austrians aren’t exploiting the situation, this still amounts to a staggering sum!”

He wasn’t opposing the plan but simply lamenting over the expense. Capturing Constantinople was essential, otherwise, there would be no way to account to the domestic front—this consensus was clear to everyone.

At least Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes had an understanding of the bigger picture. The problem was that the Tsarist Government was indeed facing financial difficulties; it was very tough to come up with several hundred million rubles all at once.

The Austrians hadn’t exploited the situation, and one of the reasons for this was the Tsarist Government’s support for Austria during the Paris Conference, and not being duped by England and France.

Nicholas I was a man of his word. As long as demands did not cross his limits, he usually fulfilled his promises.

And if they did cross his limits, well, he was still the Tsar after all—just consider the approaches of his ancestors to get an idea. This was a talent inherited within the family.

“Mr. Aristander Rhodes, conquering Constantinople is the priority now. Once this objective is achieved, I can then negotiate a ceasefire with England and France.

If the war continues, the costs of military expenses could even surpass what we’re spending now,” Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell advised.

They were all in the same boat—if it capsized, they would all be in trouble.

The river was already rising, with towering waves that could overturn the boat at any moment; the only solution was to reach the harbor and dock as soon as possible to avoid the storm.

To dock, it was imperative to conquer Constantinople. With Constantinople in hand, they could reassure the domestic fronts and have leverage in negotiating with the enemies.

Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes, dissatisfied, said, “Earl Carl, do you take me for someone who overlooks the bigger picture?

The real issue here is that the Treasury simply doesn’t have enough funds to cover these war expenses.

According to General Minshkov’s plan, it would be impossible to accomplish without two to three hundred million rubles, and this is based on everything proceeding smoothly.

In actual combat, there will undoubtedly be unforeseen circumstances which may lead to an increase in costs.”

The Caucasus War Field and the Crimea Peninsula War Field are both engaged in battle; the frontline commanders are all demanding new equipment—an urgent matter that still requires money.

“The Russian Empire’s annual fiscal revenue is just so much, and because of the war, our tax revenue will continue to slide this year. Where can I possibly find so much money?”

Having no money is a big problem. It’s manageable during peacetime, but once war breaks out, the weaknesses of the Tsarist Government’s feudal rule are exposed, and they are far inferior to capitalist countries in raising funds.

To put it bluntly, countries like England, France, and Austria, when they truly run out of money, still have the option to print more currency—though it may lead to inflation, it’s a viable emergency solution.

Can the Russian Empire do the same? They’ve always used Rubles backed by gold and silver. Paper money might be issued by other European nations, but when issued by the Tsarist Government, it’s not recognized on the international capital market.

Even domestically, not many are fond of the Paper Ruble. Mainly due to a history of issues, Russians likewise harbor doubts about the Tsarist Government’s credibility.

“How big is the funding shortfall?” Nicholas I asked with concern.

The shortage of money was expected; the key is how much was lacking. If the amount wasn’t too large, they would still have ways to solve it.

Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes analyzed, “Your Majesty, if General Menshikov’s plan is implemented, we estimate that our military expenditure for 1854 might exceed 400 million rubles, more than the total for the past one and a half years.

We’ve raised 65 million rubles through bond issuance, and the government can provide 80 million rubles in tax revenue; we’ve collected 58 million rubles from domestic banks.

With Constantinople now within reach, we can levy a war tax one more time, which we estimate can bring in 120 million rubles.

The final funding gap is 77 million rubles, and this is under ideal conditions. If anything changes, this number might even increase.”

Nicholas I fell silent; the gap was too large. Domestic tax revenue had reached its limit, and increasing it further could cause serious problems.

Army Minister Ivanovich asked, “Is there a possibility of obtaining loans from abroad, say, from the Austrians?”

Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes shook his head, “That’s impossible. We’ve exhausted all available overseas fundraising channels.

If the Austrians had not launched a unification war last year, perhaps they could have provided us with this loan. Not anymore.

Don’t be fooled by their near bloodless conquest of Bavaria. To deter England and France, they mobilized nearly 1.8 million troops, which significantly drained their government’s finances.”

There was no solution; Austria’s fiscal situation was slightly better than Russia’s. However, the Vienna Government was accelerating the industrialization process, and a large amount of finance was invested in domestic infrastructure.

Considering last year’s war expenses, from a professional standpoint, Aristander Rhodes judged that the Vienna Government couldn’t spare this money anymore.

After hesitating for a while, Nicholas I slowly asked, “How much military expenditure can we save if we temporarily halt the war in the Caucasus region?”

Now engaged in a three-front war, for the Tsarist Government, the most important objective was capturing Constantinople, followed by the Crimea Peninsula—both of which were crucial and could not be abandoned.

As for the Caucasus War Field, the Russian Army held an absolute advantage, always maintaining initiative. If they stopped the offensive, the crippled Ottoman Empire would only be relieved and wouldn’t initiate hostilities.

After some calculations, Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes answered, “Approximately 40 to 50 million rubles can be spared. If we negotiate a ceasefire with the Ottoman Empire and withdraw most of our troops to reinforce the other two war fields, we could save another 10 million rubles.”

That was tantamount to reducing the number of troops. Since the Caucasus region’s forces were coming down, their gap in troop strength no longer existed, and the domestic mobilization wouldn’t need to be as extensive.

When the cannons fire, they consume thousands of taels of gold.

This was not an exaggeration at all; in fact, it was a significant understatement. During this period, warfare consumed vast funds—at the very least in the millions of taels of gold.

Nicholas I said without hesitation, “Alright, we’ll proceed like this. Let the Ottomans be for now. In the Caucasus region, we will switch from offense to defense and redeploy the troops to reinforce the other two battlefields. After we take Constantinople, we can revisit the issue!

The remaining financial shortfall must be solved by the Ministry of Finance. Right now is a critical moment, and we cannot allow a lack of funds to lead to defeat in the war.”

“Yes, Your Majesty!” replied Aristander Rhodes, with a sense of resignation.

This was a tough problem; while it seemed like most of the funding gap had been resolved, the remaining shortfall still represented an astronomical figure.

Especially now that all means of raising funds had been exhausted, solving this problem was by no means simple.

Nevertheless, being in his position, Aristander Rhodes had no choice but to grit his teeth and find a solution.

The funding issue was tentatively addressed, and with unanimous decision, the official Constantinople Demolition Team led by General Menshikov was formed, vowing to raze Constantinople to the ground.

The matter of protecting ancient buildings was something the Tsarist Government could not afford to consider at the moment; the priority was to capture Constantinople. If necessary, they could rebuild after the war.

Moreover, they could lay the blame on the French. As long as the Holy Land was reclaimed, no one would care about such minor imperfections. In order to capture Constantinople, the Russians were truly throwing caution to the wind.

Chapter 121: International Politics and Diplomacy

At a critical moment, the bureaucrats of the Tsarist Government proved unusually efficient.

They were all intelligent individuals who understood the gravity of the situation; lacking such insight, they would have been eliminated in the internal struggles of the bureaucracy long ago.

The demand for weapons and ammunition was so great that they couldn’t be made available immediately; orders had to be placed for production. Even if Franz was prepared, he couldn’t possibly have stockpiled hundreds of heavy guns and tens of thousands of tons of shells to just sit there.

Who could he sell such armaments to if the Russians decided not to buy?

The Austrian Army had no use for these unwieldy heavyweights, and the Navy, being penniless, simply didn’t have the funds to procure so many cannons; moreover, coastal defenses didn’t require such an arsenal.

Once the decision was made, the Tsarist Government immediately sent people to place orders with Austria, but sadly the heavy gun production capacity was inadequate.

Because in normal times, the Austrian Army only purchased 6-pound and 12-pound cannons, which were the most commonly used active service equipment, and there were very few equipped with 24-pound field cannons. In this era, most Navy cruisers were equipped with 24-pound guns, and the main battleships only had 48-pound guns.

Now attacking the fortifications of Constantinople, the power of these cannons was clearly insufficient. The Russians needed heavy cannons of 68 pounds and above, which were generally used as coastal batteries and had a very limited actual demand.

(Note: During this era, there were significant caliber discrepancies in cannons, with a few millimeters of error being common among cannons of the same model and batch; cannons of the same model produced by different armament factories could have caliber discrepancies of up to a dozen millimeters or so. Using caliber to gauge the size of cannons became impractical.)

These heavy cannons were not only siege weapons but also posed a lethal threat to British and French warships. Clearly, the Russians intended to change the current dire situation of being passively bombarded.

With little market demand, the armament industries had fewer production lines. Many armament factories only had the capacity to produce large cannons, and they would only open the production lines after receiving an order, which took time.

Insufficient production capacity? No problem, weren’t Russia and Austria allies? Franz was indeed a helpful man; even active service equipment could be sold, as long as the Austrian Army had it, they were free to choose.

The era of breech-loading guns was fast approaching, and these cannons would soon become obsolete. Consider this an early re-equipment.

Old guns? You don’t have to buy them; new ones will be available after a few months.

Obviously, the Tsarist Government couldn’t wait, and the frontline Russian Army was even more anxious. It didn’t matter whether the guns were old as long as they could be used properly; at worst, they could just ask the Austrians to provide after-sales service.

Even the cannons ordered by the Austrian Navy were intercepted by the Russians – the Navy wouldn’t be engaged in combat anytime soon, and out of priority for Russo-Austrian friendship, they opted to satisfy the ally first!

As it turned out, any plan is ideal only in theory. After a delay of more than two months, Austria managed to scrape together just over 150 heavy cannons; the rest had to be made up with 24-pound and 48-pound cannons.

Having the cannons in hand did not mean they could attack right away. Transporting them from Austria via the Danube to Bulgaria was easy, but moving them to the frontline afterward was extremely troublesome.

Moving these heavyweights weighing dozens or even hundreds of tons was a considerable hassle. Initially, these cannons were intended for coastal defense, and as long as their firepower was sufficient, their weight and size were irrelevant. Now, the transport naturally became a problem.

Without the cannons in position, Menshikov slowed down the frontline offense. He had no wish for Russian soldiers to die in vain; grey mounts might be cheap, but a high death toll still tugged at the heartstrings.

Athens

The Army Minister said anxiously, “Your Majesty, claiming to be pursuing the enemy, the British have crossed the border and entered our territory. This is a document from the frontline, asking for instructions on what to do.”

Otto I casually swatted away the document. What to do? Wasn’t the answer to that simple question obvious? Do nothing, of course.

Blocking the British was beyond their power, and helping the British to chase down the fleeing soldiers was even less likely. No matter the circumstances, the Greece Government could not stoop so low.

“Have the local governments find a way to hide the soldiers who have returned. If not, send them further back. We must act cautiously and not give the British any leverage,” ordered Otto I.

By now, it would cost them to avoid the situation politically. The British’s actions had essentially offered him a chance to disentangle himself.

The Great Britain Empire was the master of the seas and a top-tier power; the public would find it more acceptable to lose to them rather than to the Ottomans.

It wasn’t that the government hadn’t tried; the enemy was just too strong.

If Otto I were slightly less honorable, he could boast about their initial, seemingly unstoppable campaign against the Ottoman Empire and claim that they had been underhandedly ambushed by the British, resulting in an undeserved defeat.

As for whether this would spark an anti-British wave among the public, that was no longer a concern. Since the last Anglo-Greek conflict, relations between the two countries had never been good, and one more grievance would probably not matter.

The Foreign Minister reminded, “Your Majesty, judging from the current situation, the outcome of this Near East war is no longer related to us.

The British Army has entered the Greek Peninsula, and we have now lost the right to choose; we must start thinking about the aftermath.”

Despite their confidence in the Russians, the British had arrived. If they didn’t take action, they might end up as an exiled government even before the Russians triumphed.

Thinking of this, Otto I felt a headache coming on. His main family had just been expelled from the Kingdom of Bavaria, and if not for Austria’s careful consideration in trading the throne of the Kingdom of Lombardy, they would already be in exile.

With the family’s resources now invested in the Kingdom of Lombardy, they had no energy to support him. After years of pure investment with no returns, many family members were discontented.

In history, after Otto I abdicated, the Bavarian Royal Family sent a member to take over the throne, but none of Otto’s brothers or nephews were willing to take on such a mess; that’s why it fell to George I.

Without external support, he faced even more troubles than historically, and one false step could lead to his removal by the British.

Pacing for a few moments, Otto I spoke up, “Have the Foreign Ministry initiate secret negotiations with the British; under current conditions, we can only mitigate the losses.

At the same time, reach out to the Russians, French, and Austrians; surely they also don’t want to see the British gaining too much ground. We now need their diplomatic support.”

“Yes, Your Majesty!” the Foreign Minister replied.

In an era of great powers, escaping this crisis without the support of the powers would be as difficult as reaching for the heavens.

As it turned out, Otto I’s judgment was accurate. Although the Kingdom of Greek was weak, underdeveloped economically, and not rich in resources, their geographical location was advantageous.

The Russians could not tolerate the British dominating this area, blocking their route into the Mediterranean; the French also did not want to see the British expanding their influence in the Near East, affecting their interests.

Not to mention Austria, with Greece just beyond the Adriatic Sea, allowing the British to grow strong here would also threaten Austria’s maritime security.

Vienna

After receiving a plea for help from the Greece Government, Franz decided to intervene in the British actions in Greece, but how to intervene became the question.

Military intervention was out of the question unless he sent the Austrian Army there, and as for the navy, the Austrian Navy was not up to par.

Metternich suggested, “Your Majesty, this time we can join hands with the French. Napoleon III would also not want to see the British seizing their interests.

In the Mediterranean Region, as long as both of our countries reach an agreement, the British would no longer possibly ignore it.”

True, even combined the France-Austrian Navy could not contend with the British, but with many colonies, the British Navy was stretched across various regions.

By contrast, the Austrian Navy was all nested in the Mediterranean and was second only to England and France in naval power there. Together, the naval forces of France and Austria in the Mediterranean surpassed the British.

Strength is speaking power, and even as sovereigns of the seas, the British could not ignore the united will of Austria-France.

Historically, the Kingdom of Greek survived by exploiting the contradictions between other countries, and now Otto I had made the same choice.

International politics are such that in the morning on one issue, we are allies, and by the afternoon on another issue, we become enemies.

Allies without conflicting interests nearly do not exist in this era. What essentially determines alliances are whether mutual interests outweigh the contradictions.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Let’s talk to France first, see what they want. The interests within Greece are not worth mentioning; we don’t need to demand anything; we just need to prevent the British from completely controlling Greece.”

Without desires or demands, that was Franz’s stance on Greece. The reason was very simple, historically, all investments in Greece resulted in losses.

If nothing unexpected happened, the Kingdom of Greek would soon face financial difficulties in paying back loans to various countries, and then those countries would manage Greece’s finance for a period.

And it was not just once or twice that had happened—whomever took Greece under their wing would then need to provide loans for them to sustain.

For financial-dominant countries like England and France, they could still do this kind of business. Capitalists could use various means to raise funds and profit from it, and even if the loans or bonds failed, it was just the general public who suffered, while they had already gained enough benefits.

Austria, however, could not play this game. It didn’t have enough idle funds domestically to engage in such speculative activities. If financial groups dared to behave like that, the Vienna Government would be the first to disapprove.

Those funds would be far better spent developing the country than trying to buy off the Greek people. Under the philosophy of developing its own, Austrian financial capital appeared very low-key on the international capital market.

Being low-key was indeed a necessity. Compared to the British and French Consortia, domestic Austrian financial groups were much weaker financially. If too active, they might fall into a trap and be swallowed whole.

Since the end of the westward strategy, the Vienna Government had been easing relations with various European countries.

Without conflicting interests, diplomatic relations naturally recovered quickly. Especially with smaller nations, as soon as the Vienna Government extended an olive branch, their mutual relations eased immediately.

If you hold grudges in international diplomacy, congratulations, soon the whole world will be your enemy.

Even the issue of leadership over the German Federation Empire was, in reality, the result of a compromise between Anglo-Austria. If the two countries continued to dispute, it would not have been possible to elect an Emperor so swiftly.

Now, repairing Austria-France relations has become a priority for Austria’s Foreign Ministry, and it is likely that the Paris Government will make a similar decision. Nothing but interests!

Just because Napoleon III has consistently pursued a pro-British policy does not mean that England and France are allies. In reality, they are allies only when facing the Russians.

Most of the time, England and France are on opposite sides. The British are the world’s premier naval power; the French are second, and the gap between their powers was not as wide back then as it became in later years, with the French Navy having about six or seven-tenths the strength of the Royal Navy.

This ratio alone is enough for the leader to suppress the runner-up, and with conflicts over their overseas colonies, the contradictions between England and France are significant. It’s just that the Russians’ ability to draw hatred was so strong that it overshadowed the England-France contradictions.

Against this backdrop, once they had gained the advantage on the Crimea War Field, Napoleon III promptly negotiated with the Russians, showing no consideration for his British ally’s feelings, precisely because France needed Russia to contain John Bull.

Complex international relations gave Franz headaches. Until Austria ventured out to establish overseas colonies, it had little conflict of interest with other countries.

Once it took that step, the situation quickly changed. Clashes with colonial countries were inevitable, and how to manage these relationships became the greatest challenge for Austria’s Foreign Ministry.

From one standpoint, the British did a favor. Although their goal was to prevent the outbreak of a European Continent war and to not miss the opportunity to contain the Russians, the establishment of the German Federation Empire also avoided direct conflict between France and Austria.

No matter the strength of the buffer, its existence meant that the governments of France and Austria did not have to face each other’s military pressure directly.

Franz had his reservations about the French, just as Napoleon III was wary of Austria. On the surface, the two great powers were evenly matched, creating a balance between Western Europe and Southern Europe.

Balance signifies stability, and without sufficient interests coming into play, neither Paris nor Vienna would rashly break this equilibrium.

As the French sought to expand their overseas colonies, they inevitably had to increase naval spending. For their own homeland’s security, improving relations with Austria was a natural decision.

Similarly, as the Vienna Government wished to join this banquet, for its own safety, it too must seek to ease the tension between the two countries.

Under these circumstances, warming relations between France and Austria became inevitable. And jointly mediating the Greece issue further created an opportunity for improving their relations.

Chapter 122: Terrible Disease

Palace of Versailles

Foreign Minister Auvergne said, “Your Majesty, the Envoy of the New Holy Roman Empire in Paris has sent us a diplomatic note, proposing a joint action between our two countries on the Greek issue.

It seems that the Vienna Government is worried that the British will take the opportunity to annex the Kingdom of Greek and threaten their interests.”

In this era, the population of Greek people had just exceeded one million, and after this war, there was a severe loss of young and able-bodied people in Greece.

If the British are intent on turning the Kingdom of Greek into one of their colonies, the difficulty is not very great.

Such concerns are clearly not superfluous; annexing Greece could bring the British a great deal of strategic benefits, not only blocking the Russians from entering the Mediterranean but also increasing their say in the Near East.

This is something the Paris Government is also very worried about. The pie in the Near East is only so big; if the British take more, they are bound to squeeze out their interests in the region.

Napoleon III thought for a moment and said, “The British annexing the Kingdom of Greek would be very detrimental to our Near East strategy. Send someone to talk with the Austrians; as long as our interests do not clash severely, we will take joint action with them.”

When it comes to confronting the British alone, Napoleon III is rather timid, but with Austria joining in, he has nothing to fear. In this era, the disparity in strength among the four nations of England, France, Russia, and Austria had not yet widened, and even with the British advantage, it was not possible to fight against two.

Common interests are always the basis for cooperation. France and the New Holy Roman Empire are in contention for supremacy on the European Continent; logically, the two should be full of contradictions.

However, the dominant power on the European Continent is still Russia. Before the “Mao Xiong” collapses, both countries are just substitutes and it’s not yet time to turn against each other.

Under the influence of the anti-French wars, every move of France on the European Continent is closely watched by everyone.

Against this backdrop, any external expansion action by France on the European Continent could be misinterpreted and met with joint resistance from the outside world, and the Paris Government has to act low-key at this time.

The New Holy Roman Empire is also biding its time. Although Austria has developed for over four years under Franz’s rule, this development has only kept Austria up with the times and has not given it an advantage over other countries.

After annexing the South German Region, the newly established New Holy Roman Empire entered a period of internal integration and did not have the energy to create trouble in the short term; Franz did not yet have a plan to compete for continental supremacy.

Both parties were quite compliant, so conflicts between France and Austria naturally hadn’t reached the point of ignition, which undoubtedly created favorable conditions for the subsequent cooperation.

Minister of Internal Affairs Pesini analyzed, “Your Majesty, the Austrians’ motives are probably not so simple.

According to what we have learned, since the failure of the unification in the Germany Region, there has been a rising call within the Vienna Government to open up Overseas Colonies.

Now that the situation on the European Continent has stabilized and the Austrian path to German unification has been cut off, it is likely that Russia and Austria have already reached an agreement over the Balkan Peninsula.

No matter what the outcome of the Near East war, Austria’s expansion on the European Continent has reached its limit. Even the interests they gain in the Balkans are questionable as to whether they can really secure them.

Against this backdrop, it is very likely that the Austrians will abandon Metternich Era’s national policy and restart their overseas colonization strategy.

We need to be prepared in advance; another new competitor will soon enter the arena.”

Just recently, the Paris Government had confirmed the following national policy—temporarily giving up expansion on the European Continent and focusing on developing Overseas Colonies.

Now with Austria joining the overseas colonization activities, the French naturally have to be vigilant.

It is still the Age of Sail; there has yet to be a revolutionary gap in the naval technology of nations, and for the Great European Nations with a solid foundation, trying to build a navy is not an insurmountable difficulty.

Of course, this does not mean that with Austria joining overseas colonization, the French are frightened. On the contrary, the French hold an absolute advantage over Austria in overseas colonization.

However, competitors in overseas colonization are not limited to Austria alone. There are many rivals, and usually, the competition for colonies is exercised with restraint.

As long as it’s not a core interest dispute, it’s generally just a rivalry for influence in a certain area, and there is rarely an all-out effort for acquisition.

If it comes to blows at the drop of a hat, then it’s a winner-takes-all scenario. Obviously, this is not feasible. With so many competitors, suppressing one will only lead to another rising.

If this carries on, being busy suppressing competitors will leave no energy for establishing colonies. There are limits to colonial expansion, and blind expansion could lead to devastating losses.

Not all lands have colonial value; even the same region under the rule of different nations may yield different benefits.

Colonies with general economic value and no strategic significance are typically claimed by whoever gets there first; for colonies with high strategic value and rich benefits, a fierce struggle is naturally inevitable.

After the mid-19th century, nations had disputes over overseas colonies, but conflicts over colonies that led to wars between Colonial Empires were very rare.

The reason is that the most fertile lands had already been divided, leaving lands not worth waging war over. After all, everyone is in it for profit, and no one does business at a loss.

After pondering for a moment, Napoleon III confidently said, “For us, this should be good news. The Austrians beginning overseas colonization will inevitably have to increase their naval development efforts.

As a result, the military pressure we face at home will be greatly reduced. Compared with the Austrians at sea, we have a much greater advantage than on land.”

Due to geographical reasons, Austria is at a natural strategic disadvantage in the competition for overseas colonies.

Unless it is simply developing towards the African Continent across the Mediterranean, getting to other regions requires passing under our watch, as well as under the watch of the British.

The more they invest overseas, the less daring they will be in facing us in diplomacy in the future, because we can choke them anytime.”

Having said that, Napoleon III’s expression darkened. Austria’s situation was indeed as he described; by opening up colonies overseas, they exposed their weaknesses to them.

Yet, didn’t the British people, who control the Strait of Gibraltar, also hold a chokehold on them? Should war break out between the two nations, the British could split the French Navy in two, leaving them unable to fend both front and rear.

Why did the Vienna Government give up opening overseas colonies? Could it be that they really were not interested in the profits that colonies could bring?

It was clearly impossible. Everyone understood that overseas colonization could bring substantial profits. However, due to Austria’s geographical location, they were disadvantaged in the process of overseas colonization.

If they had not developed and grown stronger, relying on Austria’s strength, they could still retain colonies with average strategic and economic value. But once they encountered a juicy opportunity, they definitely couldn’t outcompete England and France.

For a few colonies with neither high strategic nor economic value, it seemed disproportionate to the Vienna Government to invest a large amount of financial resources into naval development.

But times were changing. With the development of industrialization, the overseas colonies that once seemed useless were revealing their value again.

Franz was well aware that Austria’s geographical disadvantages would become increasingly minor with the advancement of naval technology.

In the Age of Sail, Austrian overseas colonies were thousands of miles further than those of England and France, which was extremely fatal as it meant a double increase in cost and risk.

However, with the arrival of the Ironclad ship era and the application of steam engines on warships, the difficult issue of distance was gradually being resolved.

Especially after the opening of the Suez Canal, Austria’s route out of the Mediterranean into the Indian Ocean, Pacific Ocean, and Atlantic Ocean would be significantly reduced, and safety would be greatly improved.

This was one of the reasons why the Vienna Government eased its relations with France. Franz had proposed the idea of digging a canal connecting the Mediterranean and the Red Sea.

This required cooperation with the French, as Austria’s influence in Egypt was still too weak. Even after Franz acceded to the throne and strengthened penetration into the region, catching up wasn’t going to happen overnight.

In Crimea Peninsula, England, France, and Russia engaged in a fierce battle. The casualties on the battlefield were within the tolerance of all parties.

But the humid climate, a multitude of small insects, and the vicious blood flukes brought about the spread of diseases, causing a large number of non-combatant casualties, which proved intolerable.

By the spring of 1854, the allied forces’ non-combatant casualties for the first time exceeded the battlefield wounded. Of course, the Russians did not escape either, but they were better adapted to the local climate, so their number of non-combatant casualties was relatively fewer.

The Russian Army Commander, Fitzroy Somerset, couldn’t have dreamed that it was not the arrival of new equipment that evened out the casualties between the two sides, but rather diseases that lent a big helping hand.

Of course, he didn’t have the luxury of paying attention to this just yet. Right now, Fitzroy Somerset was equally troubled by a large number of soldiers falling ill in the Russian Army, and the harsh reality of insufficient medical supplies left him powerless.

If he knew the dire situation of the allied forces, Fitzroy Somerset’s mood would probably be much better. If possible, he wouldn’t mind having the Russians on the island join the enemy in mutual destruction.

This war was now a matter of the fate of the Russian Empire. With the war reaching this point, more than three hundred thousand Russian soldiers had fallen. Just in Crimea Peninsula, the Russian casualties exceeded seventy thousand.

A middle-aged officer reported back, “Your Excellency the Commander, the enemy has recently slowed down their offensive. According to the prisoners we’ve captured, a large number of their soldiers have fallen ill, reportedly with colds, dysentery, and even syphilis.”

“Syphilis?” Fitzroy Somerset asked doubtfully

“Yes, Your Excellency the Commander, it is indeed syphilis!” the middle-aged officer affirmed.

Upon receiving this answer, Fitzroy Somerset didn’t know whether to cry or laugh. Besides war, there were very few recreational activities on the Crimea Peninsula.

Gambling, tobacco, alcohol, and women were the soldiers’ favorites.

Apart from smoking and drinking, the Russian soldiers seldom participated in the remaining activities—the reason being, who but paupers were the Russian soldiers? With no money, naturally, they couldn’t afford such entertainments. Playing less meant a lower chance of contracting diseases.

The situation for the Allied Forces of England and France was much better; they had military pay. With market demand, naturally, there would be a market, and the service industry within the Allied Forces thrived.

All were slogging it out on the battlefield, having survived today, with no guarantee of a tomorrow, they naturally sought immediate pleasure!

Due to a lack of personal hygiene, some unfortunate soul contracted syphilis, and then it quickly spread throughout the entire army via the service industry.

(Note: In history, the Crimean War saw over ten thousand deaths due to syphilis infections)

In that era, there was no effective treatment for syphilis. The most reliable method was to take antibiotics as soon as one got infected, but sadly, penicillin was still lying in Franz’s laboratory, and commercialization was far in the future.

Since there were no medications available, they were left to leave it to fate and endure it directly! Anyway, the normal mortality rate from syphilis was only about twenty percent. Those who were lucky could mostly fight it off.

Considering the deplorable conditions in the military camp and the soldiers’ disregard for personal hygiene, that mortality rate was probably going to rise.

These were minor issues, however, as cold and dysentery could likewise be lethal, with death rates not much lower. In the end, death is death, and what difference does the disease make?

It wasn’t just the Russians who were short of doctors and medicine; the situation was much the same for the Allied Forces. Among them, the British Army’s situation was even worse; the chaotic logistical system meant most soldiers had no idea where the field hospitals were.

Reaching a hospital didn’t necessarily mean anything—the number of doctors was too few to meet the needs of everyone. Unless one was an officer, ordinary soldiers had little chance of receiving proper treatment without a bribe.

Many of the medicinal supplies required soldiers to bribe the quartermasters in order to access them; otherwise, they wouldn’t even know where the supplies were placed.

If you found out that the supplies and hospital were miles apart, do not be surprised, do not panic, that’s just standard procedure; even if they were tens of kilometers apart, it wouldn’t be unusual.

The mechanical bureaucrats operated entirely by the book; often, the field hospital moved with the troop, but the drug warehouses were left behind. They had to complete all the procedures before they could move.

Here’s a joke: A transport ship named the “Pioneer” delivered over 150 tons of vegetables to Balaklava, but the quartermaster’s department suddenly realized it lacked the proper paperwork and strictly banned the unloading of its cargo.

As per regulations, it had to return to London to complete the paperwork before the materials could be registered in the warehouse. In the end, the paperwork was completed, but those 150 tons of vegetables had rotted away.

Logically, they should have been discarded, right? But the mechanical bureaucrats simply took the supplies and stored them in the warehouse, then distributed them to the troops.

One can imagine the consequences. According to post-war statistics, the losses caused by the British logistics department to the expeditionary force far exceeded those inflicted by the Russians.

Chapter 123: Cruelty

Despite the British bureaucrats’ best efforts to conceal it, the tragedy unfolding on the Crimea Peninsula still made it onto the London newspapers.

Public outcry ensued, and numerous soldiers’ family members took to the streets to demonstrate and protest. It was all to no avail; the bureaucrats in the Department of Army Supply were simply following procedures, fully compliant with British law, and thus bore no responsibility.

The bureaucrats were fearless, but the British Cabinet faced tremendous pressure. If they couldn’t resolve this issue, the results of the next election would be quite poignant.

Prime Minister Stanley didn’t need to wait for the election to feel the pressure.

“Prime Minister,” said Minister of Army Stanley, “public opinion is severely against us, and the media’s exaggeration is causing significant issues with our recruitment efforts.”

The dismal logistics system saw over a third of British soldiers fall ill, unable to receive effective treatment, with a mortality rate of forty-two percent for common injuries—a brutal reality that would make anyone hesitate.

With the media’s artistic embellishment, the Crimea Peninsula had naturally turned into a hell on earth, so it was no wonder that the public resisted conscription.

One could say that if the Russians had been a bit more financially robust and dragged the war out for three to five more years, England and France would have had no choice but to leave in disgrace.

This had nothing to do with the war itself; the Alliance of England and France could be brought down by disease alone, without any military force being able to withstand the devastation of epidemics.

After some thought, George Hamilton-Gordon said, “The opposition party stirred up public opinion, which is out of our control. What we can do now is find a way to change the current situation.

The situation at the front is indeed dire, and the bureaucrats from the Army Supply Department should be sent to the gallows. If this condition doesn’t change, we might lose this war not to the Russians but to our own bureaucrats.”

Clearly, he intended to take action against the bureaucrats of the Army Supply Department. These people were essentially the Russians’ best allies; had they not been acting as a drag, the Russians would have already won the war—it’s just that the Tsarist Government’s bureaucrats were, in the same manner, the allies of the British.

Both sides were on the same level, holding their respective armies back, which kept the war at a stalemate.

Minister of Internal Affairs Henry cautioned, “Prime Minister, the bureaucrats of the logistics department do indeed deserve the gallows, but we are powerless against them.

Their actions are all carried out according to regulations, and they bear no responsibility. There are too many interests involved here, and acting rashly would cause significant trouble.”

Why is the bureaucratic system so mechanical? The answer is simple—interests.

Being strict to regulations allows those who set the policies to exploit loopholes for their benefit without bearing any legal responsibility.

After consideration, George Hamilton-Gordon reluctantly said, “If we can’t touch them, then we can at least order them to change the current situation, right?”

Compromise was inevitable; the real masters of the Great Britain Empire were the vast bureaucratic cohort, who had long since formed their own interest groups. If relations were to sour, the Cabinet might not necessarily be a match for them.

At least the coalition Cabinet established by George Hamilton-Gordon was helpless against the bureaucratic cohort. Even if the British Army Supply Department had only 178 people and those responsible for the Crimea Peninsula numbered just 44, they dared not make a rash move.

Minister of Internal Affairs Henry replied, “Of course, that’s within our rights.”

A single order for rectification meant glossing over everything that had happened before. And so the deaths of tens of thousands of British soldiers were all in vain.

In response to public pressure, the London Government decided to improve the medical conditions for the expeditionary force and started recruiting medical staff nationwide. Against this backdrop, Nightingale’s medical rescue team stepped onto the stage of history.

The historic city of Constantinople, now shrouded in gunsmoke, appeared elusive. Awaiting Russian artillery finally arrived, and Menshikov hesitated no longer before ordering an assault.

Constantinople was large yet small. The suburban areas of the outer city had already been lost, with the French Army now defending based on fortress bunkers. Sadly, these fortifications were a bit too ancient. Despite their reinforcements, they could not withstand the bombardment.

The 6-pound guns could not overcome these fortifications, nor could the 12-pounders. But when they switched to 24-pound, 48-pound, and even 100-pound guns, those ancient city defenses simply could not hold.

A single projectile from a massive cannon could destroy a building, causing significant casualties amongst the French Army, who never knew when a cannonball from the sky would claim their lives.

It was no longer safe within the city; the French Army headquarters had already moved into bomb shelters, as Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier’s original headquarters had been destroyed.

A middle-aged officer defending the city said with a lingering fear, “Commander, the enemy’s firepower is too fierce; our city defenses simply cannot withstand the ordnance. We have suffered heavy casualties among the soldiers.”

An officer tasked with maintaining order in the city said bitterly, “Commander, the situation inside the city is even worse. The enemy’s projectiles could come flying in at any moment, causing widespread casualties. The city’s order has already collapsed.

Just yesterday afternoon, the Ottoman Government building collapsed under enemy fire, and the Sultan Government official Mustafa Pasha, who had stayed behind to work with us, died on the spot.”

The reality was even grimmer than what they described. Had it not been for the Russians’ inaccurate artillery fire, their losses would have been even greater.

Originally, residents left inside the city were there to serve the French Army, allowing the soldiers to enjoy normal life in their downtime from combat.

That was an excuse. The real reason was that the Sultan Government lacked the capacity to evacuate so many people from the city. Those who had the means to leave had already done so, while the remaining civilians, wanting to flee, did not know where to go.

Now the trouble had intensified; in the bustling city of Constantinople, Russian projectiles could land anywhere and cause massive losses.

The sudden intensity of the artillery strikes had immediately collapsed the city’s order. The Sultan Government had long since fled, relocating the capital, and the officials left to maintain order were now gone.

After a moment of contemplation, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier furrowed his brow and resolutely said, “Order the troops to maintain order within the city, and drive out those scattered crowds. Allow the soldiers to shoot those who do not heed the warning.”

This order was extremely cruel. There were hardly any who spoke French in Constantinople, and even if they wanted to listen to the advice, they could not understand it!

Driving people out of the city was essentially pushing them to a dead end. Don’t think that leaving the city would ensure safety, as both sides were exchanging fire, weren’t they? Just imagine the consequences should a group of people suddenly appear between the two armies.

Did they really expect the Russians to cease fire out of consideration for them, allowing them free passage before resuming their assault?

What a joke, a multitude of destitute people turning up in the Russian-occupied area, just think about what would happen.

The Russian Army’s logistical support was barely sufficient for themselves, let alone adding hundreds of thousands of refugees—it would be surprising if it didn’t break them.

The Russian Army was here to fight, not to engage in charity. If they were to delay their offensive on Constantinople for the sake of rescuing refugees, the Tsarist Government would likely have their heads.

Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier was, of course, fully aware of all these matters.

Originally, with a sea route connecting Constantinople, supplying logistics was not a concern, and even with a large population of civilians inside the city, it was bearable, so leaving them there would not have been an issue.

But now it was different. Under the barrage of Russian artillery, the city’s order had collapsed, and the Ottoman Government’s dreadful execution capability simply lacked the strength to maintain order.

To restore normal order in a short period of time, suppression was indispensable.

In order to leave no opportunities for the enemy to exploit, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier had no choice but to make this ruthless decision.

“Yes, Commander!” the middle-aged officer replied solemnly.

Constantinople was too important for the French Army. Losing this place would mean losing the majority of the Near East war. Everyone present knew that no one could hope for good days ahead.

The French Army general Anthony proposed, “Commander, we must organize a counterattack. Continuing to take hits without striking back will inevitably lead to the fall of Constantinople.”

Clearly, he was advocating for naval firepower support. At the start of the war, the Anglo-French navies had provided them with firepower support, but the accuracy was simply moving.

Due to the distance, the English and French navies could not even see the Russian forces, instead bombarding the direction they believed the Russians were in.

It appeared very imposing, but the actual impact was extremely minimal since it was impossible to aim properly without even finding a target.

Of course, even if there was a target, it wouldn’t matter, with Constantinople itself in the way.

With artillery from over ten kilometers away, most of the navy’s guns couldn’t reach the Russian positions but instead caused numerous accidental falls within the city.

The young officer Tadzic objected, “No, looking at the firepower, the enemy’s guns are all heavy artillery, which we typically can only use as coastal artillery, and even the navy’s firepower falls far short of theirs.

Moreover, we must take into account the risk of friendly fire. The naval firepower support provided earlier caused us more losses than the Russians.”

We are still in the age of sail, where naval guns emphasized quantity over power. After all, a 48-pound cannon could sink an enemy ship, and swapping for hundred-pound guns would have the same effect.

Considering the navy’s pitifully low hit rate, rather than increasing the power of the guns, it was better to mount a few more guns and rely on numbers to improve accuracy.

The ships, each with over a hundred guns, naturally couldn’t be fitted with large-caliber armament. If they were to mount hundred-and-eighty-ton behemoth guns, they would probably reach their limit after installing just a few.

That could have perhaps been overlooked, but the massive recoil of large-caliber guns was too much for wooden ships to withstand.

Whether they could hit the enemy was uncertain, but after a few rounds, their own ships would likely be sinking first—a dreadful consequence no one dared to test.

For the English and French navies’ artillery support to be effective, Constantinople would first have to lose much of its territory, otherwise unavoidable collateral damage would occur due to extreme range limitations.

To give up most of Constantinople, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier was not insane. Don’t forget that most of the city’s defensive fortifications were on that side.

To let the Russians come in and fight, the twenty-thousand-strong French Army would be confined to an even smaller area, having lost most of the city’s fortifications. Wouldn’t that be courting death?

Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier ordered, “I have already requested reinforcements from the homeland. It won’t take long before we have more artillery than the enemy. Everyone must hold their positions tightly and not give them any chance to exploit us.”

Using artillery to counter artillery was the most effective measure. Yet, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier was not at ease, as this would take time.

Before the homeland’s artillery could reach the front lines, they had a hard time ahead of them. If they failed to hold the line during this period and let the Russians breach their defenses, compressing the French Army’s maneuver space,
then even if they were to receive the artillery later, it would be a significant problem whether they had enough space to deploy it.

Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier was no military novice; he knew that simply concentrating artillery use didn’t necessarily mean greater power.

If the area was too constricted, artillery positions would be forced together, potentially becoming an easy target for the enemy.

Chapter 124: The Age of the Great Powers

While the battle of Constantinople was in full swing, the conference that would determine the fate of the Kingdom of Greek had also begun.

The location was still in Paris, for in order to enhance the international status of France, Napoleon III had been very enthusiastic about hosting such events since his accession to the throne.

On this minor issue, no one was inclined to contend with them; regardless of the location of negotiations, the final result would be the same.

Neither the London Government nor the Austrian Government lacked such prestige. It wasn’t a belligerent nation involved, so there was no need to fight over face to win or lose.

The people of this era were not lacking in internationalism, and the Greek Government’s activities managed to draw many countries into participation; of course, apart from a few major powers, most countries had no right to speak.

England and France were at war with Russia, and the Greek issue was also related to this war. England and France unceremoniously excluded the Russians from the conference, which was also a blow to the Kingdom of Greek.

Originally, Otto I had wanted to hold the meeting in Athens, invite the representatives of all nations as a neutral country, and use international pressure to force the British to withdraw their troops.

Clearly, the Greek Government did not have that much say. The French proposed the meeting in Paris, the Vienna Government was indifferent, and the British did not want to dispute with the French over this minor issue, so the matter was settled.

The Greek Foreign Minister Skibata said angrily, “Allied soldiers have entered our territory without permission, grossly violating our sovereignty.

As a neutral nation, we protest severely against such arbitrary infringement of our sovereignty and demand that the Allied Forces stop this act of violation and withdraw from the Greek Peninsula immediately.”

Without the issue of compensation, Skibata lacked confidence; he just hoped for the withdrawal of the Allied Forces, bearing the losses on their own.

The troops that entered the Kingdom of Greek included the British Army, the Sardinian Army, and the Ottoman Empire army. Due to the alliance of France with these three countries on the Near East battlefield, it fell to the New Holy Roman Empire to mediate this incident.

No problem there; the war between the Austrian Empire and the Ottoman Empire had not yet ended, but the New Holy Roman Empire was a neutral country.

Such peculiar affairs occurred too frequently during the era of the Shinra Empire. A certain marquess country could be at war with a foreign nation, and the Holy Roman Empire could still maintain neutrality.

This was a historical legacy, recognized by all European nations, so having another occurrence now was not a big deal.

After all, it was not England and France at war with Austria. They certainly wouldn’t care if the Ottoman Empire felt humiliated. At this point in the war, the Ottoman Empire had already started to play a minor role, and its status in the alliance was inevitably slipping.

Naturally, the Sultan Government was not going to protest over such a trifle, as they too had a ceasefire treaty with Austria. With thicker skin, one could even claim that the war between the two countries had already ended.

This war had thoroughly exasperated the Sultan Government, bringing them to the sobering realization of their own lack of strength, and it became very important for them to embark on reforms to strengthen themselves, as well as to maintain good relations with the major powers.

The Russians could be considered the sole exception; they were the sworn enemy of the Ottoman Empire, with no possibility of compromise between them, still locked in combat.

The British Foreign Minister Thomas said dismissively, “Mr. Skibata, how can you say that the Allied Forces entered your country’s territory unprovoked?

The main reason the Allied Forces entered your country’s borders was to pursue the enemy, which was done in consideration of your country’s security.

We previously notified you, and only upon your implied consent did the Allied Forces enter your country’s territory.”

If protests were of any use, what would be the need for an army?

With the Kingdom of Greek playing dumb, the British also acted shamelessly. Without armed resistance, it’s as good as consent—that is a correct understanding.

The British categorically denied that the Allied Forces had forcibly entered Greek territory, insisting that the Greeks had consented by not obstructing them.

Now, by asking the Greeks to hand over the rebel army, they were essentially setting a trap. Officially, the Greek Government could not possibly acknowledge a connection between themselves and these troops; the British directly viewed these people as rebels of the Ottoman Empire.

Since they are rebels, this is a domestic issue of the Ottoman Empire; hence, it does not apply to the neutral country’s disarmament and repatriation clause after war.

The British’s demand for the handover of the rebel army thus appeared justified, and if the Greek Government lacked the capacity to deliver the rebel army, that would imply sheltering or supporting the rebels. The military action of the Allied Forces to cross borders and strike was thereby excusable.

Skibata was deflated in an instant; when it came to playing hardball, they really were no match for the British, and quickly found themselves in an awkward position.

They could never admit to the attack on the Ottoman Empire; both England and France were allies of the Ottoman Empire, and such an admission would spell disaster.

Yet, they were unable to fulfill the current British proposal, hand over the “rebel army”? That was a joke—if they dared do so, it’s likely they wouldn’t even need to wait for the British to act, as their own people would probably rebel first.

Nobody voiced support for them on this matter. With the truth laid bare for all to see, attempting to feign ignorance and muddle through was out of the question; did they really think John Bull was a fool?

Even though France and Austria did not want the British to annex Greece, they couldn’t possibly act as ignorant as the Greeks on this matter. People still cared about reputation, especially when it involved the British; the dignity of the Great Britain Empire was not to be trampled upon.

The Greek representative walked right into a trap at the start of the negotiations, so as the mediator, the representative from the New Holy Roman Empire, Menternede, naturally couldn’t allow him to continue stumbling into the pit.

“All present are well aware of the causes and consequences of the matter; let’s not beat around the bush any further. Let’s get straight to the point and discuss the most pragmatic issues at hand!”

Menternede’s intention was clear; the British were not to be trifled with by the Greeks, and when a mistake has been made, a price must be paid. There’s no point in harboring illusions in the face of facts.

The powers that be did not need evidence; if they believed it to be true, that was sufficient. Not exposing the truth was merely an unspoken mutual understanding; in the end, what had to be done still needed to be done.

French Foreign Minister Auvergne lightly steered the conversation away from the sensitive issue, saying, “Considering the conduct of the Greek Government in this war, we must impose certain sanctions.”

His intention was clear, to use sanctions to silence the British from proposing to turn the Kingdom of Greek into a colony.

Was the London Government determined to annex the Kingdom of Greek at this time? The answer was no.

The London Government was being tormented by public opinion and was still trying to solve the logistical problems of the expeditionary force; they hardly had any spare energy to cause trouble elsewhere.

Now, the voices in the London Government that advocated the colonization of the Kingdom of Greek had just emerged and were far from becoming mainstream.

If no country objected, then they would have just swallowed it up. John Bull still had an appetite for the Kingdom of Greek.

However, once the French proposed holding the Paris Conference, and the Austrians deluded themselves, bearing the banner of the New Holy Roman Empire as mediators, Thomas knew that the annexation of the Kingdom of Greek was impossible.

Although the strategic value of the Kingdom of Greek was high, its own benefits were not substantial and did not warrant the British falling out with France and Austria over it.

Testing the waters, Thomas proposed, “Given that the Kingdom of Greek sent troops against our ally, the Ottoman Empire, without a declaration of war, I propose we abolish the Greece Government and King, with our government taking charge of Greek affairs.”

Menternede objected, “Mr. Thomas, this probably goes too far.

The Greece Government is directly responsible for this incident, and their dismissal is warranted, but to abolish the King would be an overstep.

A monarch’s dignity is inviolable. The Greece Government led this incident, and His Majesty Otto I has nothing to do with it; he should not be held responsible.

After the dismissal of the Greece Government, there will inevitably be some chaos. It would be somewhat difficult for your country to manage Greek affairs alone; it would be better for us to co-manage.”

There was nothing wrong, as on the European Continent, there were generally just a few scenarios in which a king might be deposed—coming to power illegitimately or being expelled by the people, neither of which applied to Otto I.

As a member of a monarchy, upholding the dignity of a king was a compulsory course for everyone.

Thomas was merely probing. Insisting on deposing Otto I would not serve his personal political future well; the real interest lay in the provisional management of the Kingdom of Greek.

“Indeed, the affairs that occurred in the Kingdom of Greek belong to an international issue, and it should not be left to your government to bear all the pressure alone. As a responsible major country, France is willing to contribute to this cause,” declared Auvergne, the French Foreign Minister.

No matter how nicely he phrased it, ultimately it all came down to interests. Clearly, the French were not prepared to concede their interests in the Near East.

Soon, the conference stepped into a state of contention among England, France, and Austria, leaving the Greek representatives sidelined.

Naples, Tuscany, the Papal State, and the Kingdom of Sardinia—these four stakeholder countries—had not spoken a word from beginning to end.

Being able to attend this conference was already a matter of prestige granted by the great powers.

Although the Greek issue affected their interests, they were smart enough to know that mortals suffer when gods clash, that it was better to keep out of the way and avoid being the fish in the proverbial pond that suffered.

The representatives of the other European countries needed not even be mentioned; those who were not Mediterranean countries were not involved in their own interests, and naturally, they didn’t concern themselves and kept out of it entirely.

Why engage in the games of the three great powers if one could not see any distinct benefits?

In this era, the rulers of small countries that had survived on the European Continent were smart people; none would act so recklessly.

After more than half a month of fierce debate, the three countries finally reached a consensus, and all nations signed the “Resolution on the Greek Kingdom.”

The throne of Otto I was preserved, the Greece Cabinet Government was held responsible for the incident, and had to resign and bear the consequences.

An international oversight committee formed by England, France, and Austria would guide the Kingdom of Greek in forming a new government.

In name, the three countries managed Greece, but in reality, regarding benefits distribution, it was the British who got the lion’s share, followed by the French, with the New Holy Roman Empire contributing the least and reaping the smallest rewards.

This was considered a situation where each party got what they needed; the British secured the greatest interests in Greece, France and Austria prevented the British from annexing the Kingdom of Greek, and Otto I successfully maintained his throne.

The interests of the Ottoman Empire were sacrificed, as they did not receive the war reparations they longed for. The Kingdom of Greek was so poor that it couldn’t afford to pay anything.

With the Greek Government now under the control of the three countries, one couldn’t expect them to dig into their own pockets to pay the reparations, could they?

For a long time to come, Greece’s finances would go towards repaying debts to England and France, as due to the war, the Greece Government had several loans that were overdue.

Of course, this provisional management was only temporary. The new government would receive the authority after it was established, as the three countries, mutually restraining each other, could not dominate indefinitely.

The financial management might last a bit longer, as the Kingdom of Greek must be able to repay its debts on time in order to reclaim its fiscal autonomy.

The Greece Government opened its markets and ports fully to the three countries, their ships were granted free navigation and stationing rights in the Kingdom of Greek, and all customs, coinage rights, salt and tobacco taxes, and road building rights fell into the hands of the three nations.

Clearly, apart from the division of profits, the agreement was also aimed at the Russians. With the Aegean Sea’s numerous islands, the English and French navies could blockade the Russians at any time beyond the Two Straits.

This could only be considered a show of force, as the Russians hadn’t even managed to take Constantinople, and without control over the first Bosphorus Strait, the Aegean Sea was too far from them.

The signing of the “Resolution on the Greek Kingdom” marked the full advent of the era of the great powers.

In this era, as long as the great powers reached a consensus, they could decide the fate of a nation. The brutal nature of a world where the strong prey on the weak was fully displayed.

125th Chapter: Ironclad Ship

When the Near Eastern War broke out, other regions of the world were also in turmoil. England, France, and Russia started fighting, which made the Americans across the ocean feel like an opportunity had arrived.

First, there was trouble in Cuba, which received a slap from the Spaniards, suffered a rebuff, and then faced warnings from England and France, forcing it to shrink back and lie low.

However, the Americans were not disheartened. In July 1853, they created the Black Ships incident in Japan, using force to intimidate and coerce the Shogunate government into accepting their terms and signing the Japan-US Kanagawa Treaty.

According to the nature of great powers, naturally, they wouldn’t just watch the United States swallow Japanese interests alone. So, they all joined in one after the other, with countries like England, France, and the Netherlands taking the lead in forcing the Shogunate to sign similar treaties.

The news reached Vienna, and the Austrian colonial faction saw an opportunity, wanting to join in. The Vienna Government was discussing whether to take advantage of the situation to loot amidst the chaos.

Prime Minister Felix spoke, “Your Majesty, Japan is too far away for us to reach, and besides, our interests there are not substantial. It is not necessary to expend too much effort.

Our focus should still be on domestic development, especially tidying up the South German Region. Rather than taking action in the East Asian region, it is more in line with our interests to infiltrate the German Federation Empire.

Minister of the Navy Filkos disagreed, “Prime Minister, taking action in the Near Eastern region wouldn’t cost us much, and if the Dutch can force the Japanese Government to make concessions, it would not be difficult for us to obtain similar interests.

The Japanese Government is already a scared bird, and they dare not refuse our proposals at all.

Even if diplomatic measures fail, we have agreements with the Dutch, Spaniards, and Portuguese to receive supplies from their colonies. Sending a fleet to Asia to intimidate Japan would not be difficult.”

In the quest for overseas colonies, Austria had not done nothing. Signing supply treaties for overseas ports with declining colonial empires was one of the measures, at the cost of Austria not scheming for other countries’ overseas colonies.

In the short term, it was a mere promissory note. Austria had no overseas colonies, but no one doubted Austria’s capability to establish them.

As usual, when a new empire entered the scene, it was bound to encroach on the spheres of influence of established empires. The Vienna Government expressed goodwill for peaceful coexistence, and naturally, no one opposed it.

Metternich analyzed, “There are many countries coveting Japan, and now that they have opened their doors, I fear everyone will rush in.

Actually, the Russians had long planned to colonize Japan. If it weren’t for the outbreak of the Near Eastern War, the Americans might not have gotten the opportunity to jump in first.

Under the current international situation, it is not a big problem for us to join in and get a share. But if we want to gain more substantial benefits, we must deploy a naval fleet.”

Austria’s navy was not that impressive, even after Franz ascended and carried out some expansion.

However, weaknesses are always relative. Compared to the naval powerhouses of England and France, theirs was not worth mentioning; intimidating Japan at this time would be pressure-free.

However, this was not a reason for Austria to send a naval fleet to the Far Eastern region; the key was still the interests involved.

After hesitating for a moment, Franz made a decision, “The Far Eastern region is not the focus of our expansion. Even if we proceed with overseas colonization, we must avoid conflicts with the European countries as much as possible.

For now, let’s set our sights on no man’s land, even if it is a bit barren, as a start and to accumulate experience.

What we should do now is send out more exploration teams to survey lands not yet occupied by other countries. As long as the area is easy to rule, we can take it to practice. There’s no need to chase after immediate benefits excessively.

On the issue of Japan, we’ll just follow in the footsteps of the other countries, satisfied with securing a portion of the interests for ourselves, without pursuing further expansion.”

Franz’s words may have sounded casual on the surface, but deep down, his heart was bleeding. It was not easy to catch the last train of the Colonial Empire, but because of the navy’s strength, they could only pick up the scraps left by England and France.

If they blindly tried to snatch the fattest pieces, not to mention England and France, old colonial empires like Spain and the Netherlands could make Austria bite off more than it could chew.

Overseas colonization wasn’t just about strength; it was also about the methods of rule. As a newcomer, the old empires didn’t even need to use force to intervene; they could simply set a trap that would leave you bankrupt.

Even the Americans, who had seemingly emerged victorious by taking over the Philippine Islands, knew their own suffering. The land, once flowing with wealth under the Spaniards, turned into a money-losing venture in their hands.

And that was with the wealthy Philippine Islands; if it had been a poor and remote area, the loss would likely have been even worse.

Colonial rule also depended on cost. Without experience in managing colonies, blindly joining the colonial forces meant preparing to lose disastrously!

In comparison, Franz would rather plant the flag on uninhabited islands and claim sovereignty just by stationing a few soldiers there, without worrying about anyone trying to snatch it away.

Of course, these islands were either geologically harsh or too small to expect any significant benefits; at best, they could only serve as reserve areas for resources.

Navy Minister Filkos suggested, “Your Majesty, we have been developing on the European Continent without making our voice heard in the world, which is very disadvantageous for us to open up overseas colonies in the future.

Why not organize a global naval cruise to visit various countries, and take the opportunity to claim some ownerless lands as our first step out of Europe?”

Almost every rise of a naval power has been inseparable from a large-scale naval battle. Clearly, Austria didn’t have such an opportunity and couldn’t find a stepping stone like that.

They couldn’t beat England and France, and even with twenty years of development, they still couldn’t win. Franz had no intention of courting death or challenging the maritime hegemons.

Setting their sights lower, it’s regrettable that the remaining countries weren’t worth Austria’s challenge. A look at the map showed that they were out of reach and didn’t have sufficient conflicts of interest.

Unless they attacked the Ottoman Empire, which historically ranked fifth in naval strength, barely qualifying as a worthy opponent.

But according to the current situation, Franz seriously doubted whether the Ottoman Government still had the finances to build such a fleet.

Without a suitable rival, they had to take another path. After all, Austria was an old empire and didn’t need to solidify its status as a great power through war—it was already part of the game, so why bother fighting for a ticket in?

As a civilized person, Franz hated war. In his eyes, war meant risk. Any fool who recklessly started a war without sufficient benefits wouldn’t survive in this era.

The current proposal from the Minister of the Navy was actually based on the international political environment. Since Austria adopted a conservative colonization strategy, a show of military might was very important.

Even if they couldn’t intimidate England and France, they at least needed to display their strength to deter other countries, to avoid unnecessary trouble when colonizing overseas.

Historically, at the beginning of the 20th century, the Americans had established their status as a naval power through an intimidating global voyage.

The idea was feasible, but the precondition was that the Austrian Navy needed to have the strength for it. Franz had serious doubts about this. A transoceanic voyage was not so simple, and circumnavigating the world at that time was still challenging.

If something went wrong along the way, showing off could backfire, and the resulting spectacle would be enormous. The Austrian Navy had no experience with global voyages; whether the warships could endure it was a question in itself.

If a ship malfunctioned en route, where would they repair it? How would they secure logistical support for long ocean voyages? How could naval officers and sailors withstand the prolonged maritime life? All these issues had to be considered.

Franz directly asked, “Filkos, are you certain that our navy can accomplish this without becoming an international laughingstock?”

This matter being of great importance, Filkos naturally did not dare to make a guarantee. Not to mention the Austrian Navy, even the English and French navies wouldn’t dare guarantee a circumnavigation without any issues.

Filkos encouraged, “Your Majesty, this is a mid-term strategic concept, which definitely cannot be realized at the outset. We can first select a long-distance sailing route to accumulate experience, and when the time is ripe, we can then undertake a global circumnavigation.

Furthermore, our Ministry of the Navy is not unprepared. In order to narrow the gap with the strong naval powers of England and France, the technology for our self-developed ironclad ships has matured.

We have already placed orders, and it is expected that within two years, the first ironclad ship will be able to enter service with the navy.

This epoch-making warship will rewrite the history of naval warships, rendering obsolete all the current naval ships of other nations.”

As a pursuer aiming to gain an advantage in naval power, the best method is to promote technological innovation, to phase out old-fashioned warships, and to bring everyone back to the same starting line.

In history, the explosion of the German Navy was due to the advent of the era of dreadnoughts, which gave them the opportunity to catch up with the British.

The Austrian Navy is no exception. If they were to develop sailing warships to catch up with England and France, no one has the confidence to do so; the gap is simply too large.

Ever since Franz proposed the concept of ironclad ships three years ago, it has garnered significant attention from the Austrian Navy. After careful study by shipyard engineers, they found that theoretically, ironclad ships are feasible.

Since it’s feasible, it is natural to proceed with research and development. The increased military spending of the Austrian Navy over the past few years has mostly been invested in warship research and development, and it is finally about to bear fruit.

No matter how many sailing warships the British and French possess, once the ironclad ship is launched, these warships will have to be phased out.

To blockade technology is impossible, in this era all the navies are just one conceptual breakthrough away from ironclad ships, and there are no significant technical problems.

During this period, the French navy also embarked on the development of ironclad ships. After obtaining information on the French ironclad ships, the British also had similar plans as of 1856.

Of course, from research and development to final commissioning, it will definitely take time. The adoption of new technology cannot be smooth sailing, and even if research and development had started a few years earlier, Franz was not certain who would be the first to build an ironclad ship.

What he demanded was the construction of ironclad ships, not iron-hulled ships encased with a layer of iron. If it were just to add a layer of iron, this would have emerged centuries ago and wouldn’t require research and development.

Prince Windischgrätz questioned, “Ironclad ships? Mr. Filkos, are you sure that an all-iron warship won’t sink after being equipped with cannons and can still be operational?”

This was the opinion of most people, with many’s first impression being that it would sink. Ironclad ships are definitely much heavier than wooden warships, and when you add cannons, ammunition, personnel, and so on, whether they can get moving is a question.

Filkos, dissatisfied, said, “Your Highness, please do not question my professionalism. If it’s the same tonnage, an ironclad ship certainly can’t compete with wooden warships in terms of load capacity due to its own weight.

But wooden warships are limited by raw materials, and with the current technology, the largest warship that nations can build is just over four thousand tons displacement, while ironclad ships do not have this limitation.

If we just increase the tonnage of the warships, we can compensate for this small issue.

The armor of the ironclad ships can withstand enemy gunfire, and even a 48-pound cannon at most would only cause a minor nuisance.

Moreover, because the ironclad ship’s hull is more robust, we can also equip explosive cannons. Against sailing warships, as long as we strike the vital points, one shot can take out the enemy.”

Ironclad ships employ steam engine power, and there is no need to worry about speed; they can be referenced to steamships.

On the battlefield, a single ironclad ship could easily destroy more than a dozen sailing warships.

These are the advantages of ironclad ships; the downside is, naturally, a surge in costs, which Fieldcoth would not mention.

Anyway, as long as Austria wants to undertake colonial expansion, seeing the power of ironclad ships, the Cabinet would not abandon the idea.

Prince Windischgrätz continued, “I apologize, Fieldcoth, I’m not questioning your expertise. I’m just puzzled, if ironclad ships have so many advantages, why haven’t other countries built them? Could it be that our shipbuilding technology has become the best in the world?”

Fieldcoth said confidently, “Your Highness, that statement isn’t quite accurate; we’re not the only ones interested in ironclad ships.

To my knowledge, the French also have similar designs, but they haven’t started implementing them.

Both England and France have a large number of sailing warships, and once the era of ironclad ships arrives, all these warships will become obsolete.

It’s not just an economic loss, what’s more significant is that their naval superiority would be lost to a great extent, and everyone would have to start from the same starting line and work hard again.

Therefore, even if they have plans in this regard, they must weigh the pros and cons. Rashly pushing for innovation in shipbuilding technology, would bring not just benefits but can also result in disaster.

As latecomers, we do not have this kind of pressure. Because we don’t have overseas colonies, our navy’s scale falls far behind theirs.

Even if we start from scratch, it’s we who would benefit. In fact, right now, just two ironclad ships would be equivalent to the total tonnage of the Austrian Navy.”

Finance Minister Karl exclaimed, “What, the displacement of an ironclad ship actually exceeds ten thousand tons; how much would that cost?”

There’s nothing surprising about it; in this era, naval warships are not large, and the total tonnage of the Austrian Navy is just so little.

The Finance Minister was surprised not by the size of the warships, but by a professional reflex, wondering how much it would cost to build such a ship.

Fieldcoth said calmly, “It’s not that much; I exaggerated a bit, the displacement of ironclad ships is around eight to nine thousand tons.

The specific data will be known once they are built; as you all know, the effect of new technology is full of uncertainties, and a little margin of error in the final displacement is acceptable.

The cost is indeed a bit higher than ordinary warships, but the excellent performance of the ironclad ships makes it worth the price. Including the weapons equipment, it’s roughly three to four million shields, and it won’t exceed five million.

This is the first ironclad ship; many technologies need experimentation, and the cost will decrease once we start building more.”

A warship, including weapons and equipment, takes up one-third of the navy’s annual budget. Franz knew the era of costly navies had arrived.

With this amount of money, one could build five or six first-rate flagships for sailing warships, which would inevitably bring about an even greater financial pressure on the colonial empire.

Everyone fell into deep thought, weighing the pros and cons, wondering whether to trigger a new round of naval arms race.

Chapter 126: No Choice

The future naval development strategy, Franz did not immediately decide; this would have to wait until after the Near East War ended.

However, the funding for the construction of the ironclad ships was readily approved. After all, the political gains alone from spending millions of shields to obtain the honor of having the world’s first ironclad ship would be enough to break even.

The New Holy Roman Empire had just been established, and the government needed good news to boost morale. Spending a few million shields on warships to buy a wave of national pride was far better than wasteful vanity projects.

Global cruising was not something that could be carried out in the short term—it would require at least a fleet of ironclad ships to have a truly awe-inspiring effect.

Franz was not one to squander wealth; he would not mass-produce a bunch of ships before the superiority of the first ironclad was proven.

Once the first generation of ironclads were built and the shipyard had gained experience, it would be easier to proceed with technical upgrades.

As for the performance issues of early ironclads, Franz was not worried at all. If it came to it, they could eventually be upgraded and sold to the Americans during the Civil War era.

It wasn’t just the Americans who were major international clients; the Russians were also potential big customers, despite being a bit poor.

However, Franz was not concerned; he could simply coax the Russians in the future to collaborate on naval R&D as a way to save on expenses.

The French did this before World War I, dragging the Russians into the pit with them. While everybody else was rolling out dreadnoughts, these two countries failed to catch on, building an entire fleet that could have been retired without ever having served.

Therefore, competing for the honor of “the first ironclad ship” was even more important, as brand effects are the foundation for fetching good prices.

Always being half a step ahead in each technological innovation would naturally leave the impression of superior technology to the outside world.

One shouldn’t think politicians are that knowledgeable; in reality, most of them could make decisions at the drop of a hat. The first things they weigh are interests, then impressions.

Just like with ordinary goods, branded products always sell for higher prices, while unbranded goods can only fetch market stall prices.

Military products obviously cannot be sold at market stall prices; doing so would be a huge loss.

Currently, the weapons Austria sells to the Russians are priced just as they were on the international market before the war, yet the net profit is no less than thirty percent, illustrating the exorbitant profits typical in the arms market.

In the Balkan Peninsula, ever since the countries of England, France, and Austria reached an agreement on the Greek issue at the Paris Conference, the Allied Forces naturally withdrew from the Kingdom of Greek.

Next door was the Montenegro Duchy which they needed to deal with; Major General Oliver did not have the time to continue playing with the Greek people. Under the consensus of the great powers, the Greeks had no choice left.

Accepting the terms meant becoming a semi-colonial, semi-capitalist state; under the mutual check of the great powers, the Kingdom of Greek could maintain its territory without worrying about national survival. If they refused the demands of the countries, they would soon become history.

Having subdued the Greek people, the morale of the Allied Forces finally began to recover. Neither the British Army nor the Sardinian Army took the Montenegro Duchy seriously—only the Ottoman Army, who often clashed with Montenegro, knew it was a tough nut to crack.

Major General Oliver, now promoted to Lieutenant General after winning a battle, was not very pleased with the Ottomans’ dawdling. He had just secured the position of Commander of the Expeditionary Force.

One couldn’t help but acknowledge the importance of having strong support; compared to other British officers, Oliver was not even forty years old when he reached the position of Lieutenant General, which could make many feel ashamed.

Liaison Officer Amedeo Biavati said with dissatisfaction, “Your Excellency Commander, the Ottomans have refused our joint military request, citing the need to reclaim lost lands and clear the rebellion.”

In his view, everyone was helping the Ottomans in war, and while their allies had not failed, the Ottoman Army was the first to back down.

However, he couldn’t blame the Ottoman Government because in the previous battle, the armies of England and France had directly caused the main force of the Ottoman Army to be decimated.

To placate the Ottomans, the two governments promised that they could sit out the rest of the battles.

Oliver thought for a moment and then said, “Forget it, the Montenegro Duchy is not even worth mentioning. Whether the Ottomans participate in the upcoming battle doesn’t matter.”

Oliver was quite confident in saying this; the British Army suffered no significant losses in the attack on Greece, and together with the troops from the Kingdom of Sardinia, they now had sixty-five thousand men.

How many troops did the enemy have? Even if the Montenegro Duchy crazily conscripted in the newly occupied territories, it was to no avail, as the Ottomans had already plundered the area first, leaving few able-bodied men.

Even if they incorporated their kinsmen from the captives, the Montenegro Duchy barely managed to piece together forty thousand troops, and their combat effectiveness remained questionable.

Oliver was brimming with confidence; believing that this ragtag group hastily assembled could withstand the siege of their heavy forces was pure fantasy.

Having one fewer Ottoman cannon fodder did not bother Oliver. As a senior officer, Lieutenant General Oliver was politically savvy.

The London Government now hoped that the Ottoman Empire could maintain a certain level of strength after the war to continue guarding the Portal of the Black Sea.

The British had already seen the strength of the Russians and did not want another Near East War, having lost confidence that they could completely defeat Russia.

Even winning in the Balkan Peninsula and on the Crimea Peninsula was not enough to doom the Russians. Continuing to attack towards Russian territory itself was a loss they could not bear.

In this context, it naturally leads to the idea of utilizing diplomatic means. Although the Ottoman Empire is in a state of decay, it is precisely because of this decay that the London Government feels reassured in allowing them to guard the Golden Waterway.

The Sultan Government needs to quickly restore its strength, which is obviously not an easy task. A single Eastern War has left the entire Balkan Peninsula battered and broken.

Since the Ottomans are unwilling to participate in the subsequent battles, Major General Oliver cannot force them, didn’t you see the French guarding Constantinople alone?

Now that the losses are so severe, there is no complaint about asking for allies’ help. Of course, this does not rule out the French fearing being cheated by their allies.

Great powers still need credibility. Having made promises, they must be fulfilled. If they breach the contract time and again, nobody would want to engage with you, not even the Great Britain Empire.

Without any hesitation, Major General Oliver led the British-Sardinian Allied Forces majestically towards the Albania region, with the great battle imminent.

Facing the menacing approach of the Allied Forces, the Montenegro Duchy panicked. Unlike with the Ottomans whom they faced often, losing their reverence, they were still very wary of the British.

Though small, the sparrow has all the vital organs.

The various departments of the Montenegro government were well-established, fully proving that they were a nation, not just a mountain stronghold.

Danilo I solemnly stated, “Gentlemen, the Eastern War has progressed to now, and the battlefield’s development has completely exceeded our control.

After a hard-fought battle, we have successfully taken Shkodër Fortress and conquered half of Albania, securing the port we have long dreamed of.

Behind these glorious victories, we have also paid a heavy price, with nearly four thousand warriors falling on the battlefield, the war has emptied our national treasury, and now we are still in massive debt to Austria.

Strategically speaking, we have gained everything we wanted; the Montenegro Duchy is tired and lacks the strength to continue the fight.

Now everyone needs to think about how to consolidate control over the territories we have occupied.”

Clearly, the desire to fight had been drained from Danilo I, who wanted to secure his gains.

There was no help for it; Montenegro’s capital was too small after all. They had occupied territory several times larger than their homeland, which was already beyond their limit.

What might be just a number to other nations, the loss of four thousand men was a devastating blow for Montenegro, nearly to the point where every family would be in mourning.

Given that they knew the enemy was on the move, they had no choice but to adopt a defensive stance. They went too far in the early stages, investing a lot of their capital, and now Danilo I didn’t dare to play on.

Prime Minister and acting Foreign Minister Claude Derelict analyzed, “Grand Duke, to assimilate the territories we have occupied, it’s only possible if the Russians can win this war.

However, judging by the current situation, the outcome of the war remains unclear.

The British and French have the upper hand on the Crimea Peninsula but cannot defeat Russia in the short term; the Russians have the advantage on the Balkan Peninsula but have been unable to take Constantinople.

If the Russians lose the war, that will spell big trouble for us, as we would undoubtedly face retaliation from the enemy afterwards.”

“Relying on our own strength, we are unlikely to withstand the enemy’s counterattack.”

The Montenegro Chief of General Staff and Army Minister Mirko remarked, “There’s no need to wait for later, according to the intelligence we received, the enemy is already on their way, and within a week the great battle will erupt.

The worthless Greeks talked big about dividing Albania with us before, unwarily they turned out to be so feeble that they can’t even deplete the enemy’s strength.

We are about to face an assault by 65,000 British-Sardinian Allied Forces. The disparity in strength is too great; this war is going to be a tough fight.”

Despite the complaints, when Mirko spoke those words, there was still a hint of eagerness to try. They had their deference for the British, but they were not intimidated.

In order to secure a port and change the dire state of the Montenegro Duchy, they had fought for generations. It was natural that they would not easily give up the gains now in their hands simply because they were wary of the enemy’s superiority.

Danilo I asked, “Is there any possibility of resolving the issue through diplomatic means?”

As a pacifist, he genuinely did not want to fight any longer. The Montenegro Duchy could not continue fighting, as a small country they could only take one bold step, and now that they had finished this one gambit, it was naturally time to rest.

“Your Majesty, I’m afraid that’s not possible. Although England and France have approached us, they have not shown much sincerity.

Not only do they require us to join the Allied Forces and declare war on Russia, but after the war, we will also have to give up most of our gains,” responded Prime Minister and acting Foreign Minister Claude Derelict.

One must have strength to set terms. No matter how impressive the Montenegrin Army’s performance was on the battlefield, it cannot mask their lack of power. Without strength, England and France naturally would not offer a high price.

Moreover, switching sides comes with a price. The Russians are not an easy target either; the current situation on the battlefield is at a deadlock without a clear victor. If one were to choose the wrong side, it would be truly disastrous.

Chapter 127: Refugee Crisis Erupts

The British and the Montenegro Duchy’s battle drew no attention; the disparity between their strengths was too great to be bridged merely by fervor. The outcome had been predetermined from the start.

Even Franz held little hope for the Montenegro Duchy; their foundation was too weak to withstand attrition. Even if they repelled the United Kingdom and Sardinia’s Allied Forces’ offensive, they were still the losers.

This was the sorrow of a small nation; there were only so many people. No matter the fighting capability, warfare always resulted in casualties, and Montenegro could not afford the loss.

The Near East war had raged on until now, with the Balkan Peninsula’s loss of population already surpassing a million, and perhaps even two or three million, especially with a considerable loss among the young and strong.

The Ottomans conscripted strong men for the war, and the Mao Xiong didn’t hesitate either. Including the current Siege of Constantinople, the Russians had taken many young men to the front lines as cannon fodder.

Even if gray livestock was cheap, they were still the Tsar’s soldiers, belonging to their own people, and surely more valuable than these cannon fodder.

Every day, the Siege of Constantinople resulted in the loss of thousands. Even with Mao Xiong’s vast resources, they couldn’t bear such losses!

If they used cannon fodder, Menshikov would be under no pressure. Dead is dead; the Austrian Government was extremely cooperative.

Before obtaining Austrian citizenship, the Austrian Government had no obligation to ensure their safety, and the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin had suffered greatly from the Russians’ havoc lately.

Those who initially resisted learning German are now crying too late. There’s no choice; failing the language assessment and the political ideology review meant no citizenship.

The two Danube principalities are currently still nominally under the Ottoman Empire’s control, and the Austrians are only occupying them temporarily, with no obligation to ensure their safety.

The Russian Army’s atrocities only garnered expressions of regret from Franz. To protest, one must go to St. Petersburg—the Russian Army was out of his control, and he was powerless regarding the current situation.

Conscripting strong men wasn’t all; those who understood Russians knew that these gray livestock usually didn’t receive military pay, their only income being loot from the battlefield.

According to messages from the front, at least half of the local population had been robbed by the Russian Army, except in areas where the Austrian Army was stationed, which were relatively safe, leaving other areas at the mercy of the Russians.

Because of the westward strategic movement, Austria had withdrawn a large number of troops, naturally unable to cover all areas, thus only regions with successful Austrianization had Austrian soldiers stationed, offering the Russians their chance.

Franz dared to guarantee that Austria absolutely did not collude with the Russians on this issue; these atrocities were all organized by the Russian soldiers spontaneously.

Everyone was quite pleasant in cooperation; that was after the Russians complete their looting and needed to sell off the stolen goods, and the Austrian-controlled safety zones made for the best trading places.

Almost every time the Russian Army passed through, it left chaos in its wake. Good luck meant only robbery, bad luck spelled ruin and loss of life.

The world is this cruel. When the news reached Franz’s hands, everything had already happened, what’s done was done. How many people died locally, was an unknown number that could only be tallied slowly after the war.

Not only the Russians and Ottomans brought disaster to the Balkan Peninsula, but the Allied Forces of England, France, and Sardinia were no saints either. To improve their diet, everyone started to fend for themselves abundantly.

With so many armies taking turns causing harm, the wealthy had long since fled, including the nobility of the Ottoman Empire.

All of these were smart people, who knew that it was impossible to reason with the rank-and-file soldiers. In times of war and chaos, human life was the cheapest of all.

Those who could flee had done so, leaving behind a crowd of paupers. They were either the lowest of the freedmen or serfs, with no place to flee even if they wanted to.

Marshal Radetzky, with a furrowed brow, said, “Your Majesty, an urgent telegram from the front lines—the Serbia region is overwhelmed by refugee surges which the military has suppressed.

The atmosphere is very tense right now, and I fear it won’t be long before chaos erupts again. The newly-formed 9th Division stationed at the front has requested domestic support.”

There was no helping it; any war inevitably produces a vast number of refugees who, due to the war, have lost their livelihoods and have no choice but to venture out in search of sustenance.

Franz asked with concern, “At the border, how many refugees are gathered?”

After thinking for a moment, Marshal Radetzky answered, “At least several hundred thousand, maybe even a million. The scene is too chaotic for an effective count.

In the early stages, we received tens of thousands of refugees, but later, as their numbers grew too large and threatened to disturb the local order, the Austrian General Staff issued orders to intercept them.

This was an oversight by our General Staff. In recent times, we’ve been preoccupied with the strategy of advancing westward and neglected the refugee issue.

Now the number of refugees at the borders we control is increasing, and the forces at the front are unable to hold them back. Only after they sent telegrams for reinforcements did we take notice.”

Because of the war, the Serbia region, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the two Danube principalities are all under military control. Moreover, since the Austrian Government has not gained sovereignty over these areas, no local governments have been established.

Since these areas are under military control, it naturally falls to the General Staff to address these issues. As expected, it is not reasonable to expect a group of military officers to be highly capable of administering local affairs and maintaining stability; it all relies on military force.

Including Marshal Radetzky, the Austrian General Staff was all neglectful of the refugee issue and had not reported it to Franz. It wasn’t until the situation exploded that they began to take it seriously.

Frankly, the handling by the General Staff was not wrong. If so many refugees were allowed through, it would have immediately become a humanitarian disaster.

The order that Austria had painstakingly established in those areas would likely collapse at once.

If maintaining social order could be achieved by increasing the number of troops, then the problem of feeding them becomes truly insurmountable.

In this era, to solve the problem of feeding hundreds of thousands or even millions of people without prior preparation, where could Franz find so many resources in such a short time?

It’s not that there were no resources, but there wasn’t enough time to mobilize so many supplies. Keep in mind that in order to aid the refugees, the Austrian Government had already sent a large amount of food supplies.

However, these supplies were barely enough to aid the refugees in the Austrian-occupied areas. As for the additional influx of external refugees, there was simply no capacity to help.

Franz asked with confusion, “That’s not right. With so many refugees, they should have overwhelmed our blockades long ago. Why is it only after such a large accumulation that this problem has arisen?”

Marshal Radetzky answered, “Your Majesty, most of these refugees are the elderly, the weak, women, and children, lacking able-bodied young adults. So, at first, when they encountered military blockades, many chose to retreat.

Now that a number of deserters have joined the refugees and someone has taken the lead, they have begun to assault our blockades.”

Franz nodded, and with the end of the second Bulgarian battle, a large number of defeated soldiers emerged on the Balkan Peninsula, wreaking havoc and creating a vast number of refugees.

By now, they probably can’t find anywhere left to plunder, and as a result, these people have started appearing among the ranks of refugees.

If there is no leader, a crowd of the old, weak, women, and children wouldn’t dare to storm the border line, no matter their numbers. After all, this era doesn’t concern itself with human rights; soldiers would shoot as soon as anyone dares to breach the blockade.

Having grasped the situation, Franz also felt a headache. He knew all too well what kind of tragedy that must be, the image of people resorting to cannibalism already playing in his mind.

But letting them in was even more impossible, without enough food, these people, once in disarray, would only create more refugees.

It wasn’t the 21st century, where the government could dispatch massive amounts of materials at any time. Given the current transportation dependent on ox-carts, what could Franz do to provide them with a vast amount of supplies?

People are capable of anything when they’re starving, and Franz dared not test the good and evil in human nature. Even in later times, this would remain a dilemma for all nations.

It’s fair to say it’s a thankless task that only yields complaints. Thinking of this, Franz couldn’t help but feel resentful; if you’re going to ignore them, then ignore them completely, he thought. If only he could act like a British bureaucrat, following the rules without knowledge of the issue, he wouldn’t have to worry about it.

Now that the matter was out in the open, it couldn’t just be left unaddressed, could it?

Franz asked, “Prime Minister, how do you think we should handle this issue?”

He was passing the buck. After all, Franz couldn’t think of a perfect solution, so he had to let the Cabinet figure it out. If they had a solution, great, if not, the Cabinet would have to bear the brunt of the blame.

Prime Minister Felix spoke hesitantly, “Your Majesty, first, we should send more troops to reinforce the front, by any means necessary to prevent more people from becoming refugees. Then we can start arranging supplies from within the country for relief efforts.”

Franz understood what he meant. That was to hold the blockade line to the end. Once the supplies had been transported, they would then provide relief; by then, many of the refugees would probably be dead, and the food would suffice.

Marshal Radetzky thought for a moment and said, “Your Majesty, other regions can be secured, but I fear the Bosnia and Herzegovina region will be difficult, the numerous mountains there will likely make it impossible to stop the flood of refugees.”

Finance Minister Karl asked with confusion, “Aren’t we the only ones facing this problem? How are the Kingdom of Greek, Montenegro Duchy, Ottomans, and Russians dealing with it?”

Metternich answered, “The situation in the Kingdom of Greek has been reported by the officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. That fool Otto I, seeing the refugees, thought it was an opportunity to increase the population and ordered the government to provide relief.

As a result, due to the vast number of refugees pouring in, exceeding their limit of endurance, and with the British Army entering and disrupting local order, the place has descended into chaos. The new Greek government is suppressing refugee uprisings.

The situation is still not optimistic, and it won’t be long before they will ask for help from the great powers. I suspect that the British agreed so readily at the Paris conference only after seeing this chaos.”

There’s no need to mention the other countries; we’re all aware of the situations there. The Ottoman Empire’s controlled areas are definitely in disarray, the Sultan Government is incapable of providing relief to refugees, and England and France are not philanthropists, unwilling to help without reason.

Montenegro Duchy is incredibly poor, still fighting with the Allied Forces, and only fools would flee there. And if any fools did, they wouldn’t expect a good end.

At this moment, Franz began to envy the bad reputation of the Russians. Due to the atrocities of the Russian Army, the refugees avoided them at all costs; why would they ever get close?

Thanks to this, even the two Danube principalities under Austrian control were spared the impact of this Balkan Peninsula refugee crisis because the Russians were blocking the way.

Typical of those who bully the weak but fear the strong, Austria, with a reputation not vile enough and methods not ruthless enough, and yet appearing relatively prosperous, became the unlucky one.

“Expect Franz not to tarnish his reputation by slaughtering refugees? That’s impossible! If it were the Tsarist Government, they might indeed issue such an order.”

Franz made up his mind and said, “If we can’t hold Bosnia and Herzegovina, then there’s no need to bother defending it. Tell the refugees to head to the coast; only when they reach the sea can we gather enough food to rescue them.”

This was the hard truth, as transportation in inland areas was too difficult. Even with the Danube River, the river’s capacity wasn’t unlimited, and priority had to be given to supplying the troops and the Russians’ consumption.

To reach the port from Serbia, there were still hundreds of kilometers to cover, and mountains to cross; not many would make it alive.

Don’t call it cruelty; having some hope is always better than none. Most of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s region is mountainous, and Austria had only just taken control; the local assimilation work was not progressing well, so Franz wouldn’t be heartbroken to abandon it.

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Marshal Radetzky answered softly.

He knew that the Emperor was very displeased with the situation, but there was nothing they could do. The General Staff had not anticipated this, and they missed the best timing to deal with it.

With so many people gathered, even the local tree bark and grass roots were likely stripped clean. It was inevitable for people, driven by extreme hunger, to assault the blockade lines, and since Marshal Radetzky couldn’t bring himself to massacre the refugees, it was left to Franz to handle.

Prime Minister Felix frowned and said, “Your Majesty, rescuing these refugees now poses the question of how to settle them in the future. If we allow them to stay on the Balkan Peninsula, they might become a hidden danger.”

He opposed this kind of relief effort; it not only consumed a large amount of financial and material resources, but in the end, they would not even receive a word of gratitude.

Those who could survive in such conditions were mostly morally degenerate, and those who weren’t ruthless enough wouldn’t last until the end.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Of course, they should all be repatriated to the Ottoman Empire. Once there, immediately put them on ships and send them off, and package the people from the Bosnia and Herzegovina region and send them along as well.

If the Ottoman Empire refuses to accept them, then ship them all to the African Continent to serve as the first batch of immigrants for our colonization of Africa.

The navy should immediately select suitable landing spots on the African Continent and occupy a few strongholds; the colonial era of Austria has begun ahead of schedule.

Organize the vessels quickly; transporting so many people will definitely not be easy, so everyone should be prepared mentally in advance.”

If it were just simple refugees, settling them on the Balkan Peninsula wouldn’t be a problem; at worst, they could just be slowly assimilated. Unfortunately, a large number of deserters had infiltrated the masses, instantly becoming a scourge.

Given that, they just had to find them a new place to live. Devalued by leaving their homeland and dispersed in their resettlement, Franz was not worried these people would dare to cause trouble on the African Continent.

This was an excellent opportunity to resolve the hidden dangers in the Bosnia and Herzegovina region at once. The Austrian Government had exerted so much effort and spent so much money; they couldn’t just be busy for nothing.

This labor force was perfect for the resourceful development of the African Continent. With a few years of slow transformation abroad, time could dilute everything; more priests could be sent to enlighten them.

Let them repent their sins and gradually return to a normal life, eventually integrating into the Austrian system. With this thought, Franz’s ideas became clear.

Chapter 128: The Path of Colonization

The refugee crisis in the Balkan Peninsula went unnoticed by the outside world, even though many media outlets reported on it, it was merely a brief mention.

People tend to ignore issues that do not concern them directly. This is universal, and in this era, the Ottomans did not have a good reputation among Europeans.

Ottomans were almost seen as synonymous with barbarism, and being non-Christians, they were regarded as having no human rights.

Of course, no one could pay much attention, as people were struggling to feed themselves; who would have the inclination to worry about the fate of the Ottomans?

Franz was happy with the lack of external interest. The sort of hypocritical leftists who preach without understanding, akin to those of later times, were still in their infancy and lacked influence.

Everyone’s eyes were on Constantinople and the Crimea Peninsula. The Near Eastern War had reached a stage where speed was of the essence for both sides.

If the Russians captured Constantinople first, they would gain a strategic advantage, enabling them to cut off the Bosphorus Strait. England and France would be left with no choice but to compromise or continue to grapple with them in the Balkans.

Conversely, if the British and French captured Crimea first, they would gain the strategic upper hand and could proceed to destroy the Russian shipbuilding industry in the Black Sea, making the battle for Constantinople unnecessary.

Do not assume that since the Black Sea Fleet was destroyed, the Russians had no countermeasures. In this era, the construction of sailing warships was not particularly challenging, and the Russians’ shipyards in the Sea of Azov were in full operation.

After suffering a setback, the Russians inspected and repaired their coastal artillery along the Black Sea coast. Even the incompetent bureaucrats of the Tsarist Government knew they could not stay passive and simply take hits.

The key military ports were re-armed with coastal artillery. Neither the English and French navies were foolish enough to exchange fire with those batteries.

According to St. Petersburg’s plans, should Constantinople fall, the British and French fleets entering the Black Sea would become vulnerable, and could slowly be worn down.

The fortress of Sevastopol began to totter, and half of Constantinople had already fallen. The decisive moment for both sides had arrived.

History had taken a different turn. With Austria’s support, the Russians demonstrated significantly greater combat power. Under the personal intervention of Nicholas I, following the execution of several logistics officers, the Russian Army in Crimea finally managed to re-equip.

However, logistics became more difficult. The more modern the weaponry, the greater the logistical burden, presenting a substantial challenge to the Russians, who relied on horse-drawn transport.

Vienna

Franz was studying a map of Africa. Colonies could not be established haphazardly. Lands with clear ownership must not be touched, especially now when Austria was not in a position to provoke major conflicts with established colonial empires.

Secondly, Franz had no intention of touching impoverished areas devoid of resources with no potential for development. Colonization also came at a cost; ventures that continually operate at a loss are doomed to fail.

Last, powerful indigenes must not be provoked. Any failure could lead to an embarrassing defeat.

After ruling out these three concerns, the remaining options were few.

The closest targets were the Ottoman territories; Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt were the nearest choices. After some thought, Franz decisively marked these three options off the list.

The timing was wrong. Taking action against the Ottomans, who were still allies of England and France, could provoke intervention from the latter. Austria would then end up doing the hard work for them and gain nothing in the end.

The most valuable region, South Africa, had its coastal areas already in British hands, Algeria was French territory, and Morocco was under the scrutiny of England, France, and Spain.

Franz found, to his dismay, that all the desirable locations were owned by others. Though Morocco had not yet been partitioned, it held potential, assuming an appropriate entry point was found.

In this era, a land not eyed by the powers hardly existed anymore. Being eyed was not the issue; as long as the land wasn’t already claimed, each power could vie for it by their means.

The list of alternatives appeared at once: Guinea, Ivory Coast, Nigeria, Benin, Togo, Gabon, Congo, Namibia, Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, Zanzibar, Madagascar…

Inland territories were not within consideration, nor were regions beyond Africa, as Franz seriously doubted the Austrian Navy’s ocean-going capabilities.

Franz asked, “Plans cannot keep up with rapid changes. The refugee crisis in the Balkans is a problem, but also an opportunity that we cannot afford to waste.

It’s extremely difficult to relocate people from our own country to the African Continent, as witnessed by England and France. Citizens prefer to go to America on the far side of the Atlantic rather than the nearby African Continent.

The quality of the refugees from the Balkans may be subpar, but they are still better than the indigenes. If we have the initial population for developing a colony, then we must start our colonization plan earlier.

This is a map of the African Continent, and the unmarked areas are ownerless. Let us all think, where is the best place to start?”

Mineral resources and such were unknown factors in this era, and European colonists did not have the capability for exploration, thus their judgment methods were primitive.

They simply looked at the level of development, whether the region was affluent enough, and if colonizing could be profitable. The Austrian Government also had an additional concern to consider: suitability for agriculture and the ability to sustain the settlers.

Prime Minister Felix analyzed, “Your Majesty, Guinea is worth considering. The coastal plains are easy to control, with abundant water resources suitable for developing agriculture, making it an excellent spot to establish an initial colonial foothold.

From a distance perspective, it’s also the closest. Currently, there aren’t many competitors here, just the French who have cheated a few chieftains into signing treaties, and their influence in the area is not significant.

Nigeria is also a good choice, with superior natural conditions and relatively high economic value. However, the local indigenous power is strong, and the British have also deeply penetrated the area.

Then there’s the Congo region, with waterways that penetrate deep inland, making it easier to control. The resources inside are not bad either; colonizing here is unlikely to incur losses.

At the moment, these three locations are the most suitable. We can’t guarantee how much profit we will make, but at the very least, within five years, all three places can achieve a balanced budget.

With the addition of the migrants I will send from the Balkans, after about a decade of management, we could form a small market there, which would also benefit our domestic industry.”

Other regions are naturally put off for now, as colonization must consider costs; naturally, we must choose areas with the most suitable benefits.

Strategic position and future development are not within everyone’s consideration for now. Any colony that can make money now is considered a good colony.

As for the future issues, we can talk about those when the time comes. Everyone is a pragmatist; colonies are not homeland, so do not expect everyone to have far-reaching considerations.

Colonial activity is also a long-term investment; being able to quickly recoup costs and realize profits is what colonists strive for.

Of course, there are unprofitable colonies, but for a country, you cannot simply calculate administrative cost-profit margins.

If the colonial market can promote the development of domestic industry and commerce or compensate for some of the resources missing domestically, it is acceptable to sustain certain losses.

In this regard, the German people in history are a negative example. They occupied no small area of colonies, but unfortunately, the development was limited. By the year 1914, Germany had only just over 20,000 immigrants in Africa.

The German colonial operations were consistently in a state of loss; the vast colonies did not contribute much to the development of domestic industry and commerce, with the colonial market contributing only 0.5% to foreign trade.

Franz naturally had to learn from these lessons, starting with controlling the costs of colonization; the domestic management model was clearly not applicable.

Metternich suggested, “Your Majesty, as we’re just starting overseas colonization, we can only afford success; we cannot take risks at this moment.

Let us start in Guinea and the Congo region, where the competitors are not strong. As long as we move quickly and establish a fait accompli, that should suffice.”

Colonies are different from the mainland; the targets Austria is eyeing are those with some value, but not highly valued.

The Near East war is at a critical moment, and everyone’s attention is drawn there—this is an excellent opportunity to act.

Colonizing Africa in this era is a mixture of risks and opportunities; England and France will not make a big fuss over two small and insignificant colonies.

Indeed, they are insignificant colonies. England and France have too many areas suitable for agricultural production. Austria’s targets currently do not have any particular distinction.

What’s more important is that these two places lack a unified major power; the once powerful Congo Kingdom has long declined, without the strength to block Austria.

Compared to this, Nigeria is not easy prey—it has some apparent strength. The fact that the Fulani Empire, ruling there, can still afford to wage a holy war shows as much.

That’s not to say Austria couldn’t take it, but it’s a matter of cost versus benefit. However strong the Fulani Empire might be, it cannot change the fact that they are just an agrarian nation with a few million people.

The future most populous country in Africa is currently not even casting a shadow. The whole African continent only has a population of about twenty million scattered over thirty million square kilometers of land, so sparsely populated it’s despairing.

This is another reason why Metternich is against acting rashly; religious beliefs are fanatical, and once riled up, they could prove to be quite a handful for Austria.

Not to mention the sparseness of the population; if these religious zealots were to start wreaking havoc, it would indeed be a headache. Though suicide bombers don’t yet exist, suicide attacks have already occurred.

It’s not viable for Austria to send out hundreds of thousands of troops to exterminate these small fry just to maintain colonial rule, right? Controlling costs is the core of establishing a colonial empire; without it, collapse isn’t far off.

Without much hesitation, Franz made his decision, “Let’s take these two, as the first step of our overseas colonization!

Have the General Staff start military deployments immediately; this time, both the army and navy must act in collaboration, to avoid any embarrassments that would make us look bad later on.”

Marshal Radetzky responded, “Yes, Your Majesty!”

Clearly, Franz’s words also carried a warning; the Balkan refugee crisis hadn’t passed, and the General Staff’s responsibility had not been pursued, but that was for the sake of government stability and did not mean it would be overlooked.

If this operation goes well, the past could be forgiven and glossed over; if problems arise, even Marshal Radetzky would not escape looking disheveled.

Chapter 129: Nobility

Austria’s colonial strategy had not just begun; for several years now, the Vienna Government had already been funding expeditions to explore the African Continent.

Setting aside the inland areas, at least there was a basic understanding of the coastal regions, so starting action now would not be completely blind.

Not only regarding the African Continent, but the Austrian Government had also gathered intelligence on many regions of the world, with some of it collected by their own people and some bought from middlemen.

In this era, exploration was also a business, with many civilian exploration teams selling the intelligence they gathered to the colonial government for a generous reward.

Selling it once was a sale, selling it twice was naturally also a sale. As long as the price was right, everything was negotiable. Adventuring at the risk of one’s life, naturally, one would want to be sufficiently compensated.

For safety, this time Franz prepared three infantry divisions, which would be enough just to take over the coastal areas without penetrating inland.

Guinea was not large in area and would soon be consumed by Austria, but the Congo Region was another matter entirely, as in this era, Congo included both the later-known Congo-Kinshasa and Congo-Brazzaville.

The area was extraordinarily vast, several times the size of Austria itself, and obviously could not be occupied by merely that few men.

Like all colonial countries, the focus was on the coastal areas first; the African interior was not yet ripe for development.

For now, sending over this group of refugees was the priority; with immigrants, it would be possible to establish port cities and then gradually develop these lands.

As for how to colonize and rule these areas, taking them first was the priority; Franz decided to grant the bureaucrats the utmost autonomy in how to govern for the greatest profit.

Towards evening, in a small tavern in Trieste, a group of drinkers was conversing energetically, occasionally someone whistled at a few flamboyantly dressed women by the bar, only to be met with disdainful glares.

Many of these people made their living at sea, and their behavior was unavoidably indulgent; everyone was accustomed to it.

The women appearing here were naturally not proper ladies; they were experienced veterans of pleasure quarters, with plenty of social savvy.

In any case, as long as the money was sufficient, taking them home for the night was possible. Mere sweet talk wouldn’t scare them; harlots are heartless and actors are unprincipled, Today’s patrons become tomorrow’s strangers.

Teasing remained verbal, which implied the men were out of money; otherwise, they would have long since acted.

After all, those who make their living at sea are accustomed to being straightforward, and the women in this line of work naturally wouldn’t mind: with money, you are the boss, even immediate justice was not unheard of.

Alcohol is the courage of heroes, when drunk, any words can come spilling out. Brawls over a few words were not uncommon.

The tavern’s experienced owner, upon such occurrences, would merely watch quietly and wait until the fight was over before demanding compensation.

It was usually demanded double, as the local boss had no problem suppressing a few sailors; of course, if a tougher character was encountered, then it was simply bad luck.

A drunken middle-aged man spoke off the cuff, “Valen, with so many troops gathering here, are we going to war?”

Just as dizzy, Valen retorted, “Nonsense, Tagore when have you ever seen our navy in battle, who could they beat? No, is it the navy and army together going to war?”

Their voices were already verging on the incomparable; normally, they wouldn’t dare be so unrestrained, for if they encountered a few drinking navy soldiers, they might well end up beaten.

Despite being neglected and lacking notable achievements, the Austrian Navy was still not something they could look down on.

Geographic location and national policy had rendered the Austrian Navy ineffectual, always only serving as the army’s backdrop, but that didn’t mean the navy personnel were without temper.

Soldiers always crave military honors, and the Austrian Navy had rested for so many years, mostly irrelevant to Austria’s wars; the navy personnel could only lament their ill fortune.

But after Franz assumed power, he conducted a significant overhaul of the naval and army forces, forcibly retired a bunch of time-serving officers, and then everyone knew that the Vienna Government’s national policy had changed.

Under normal circumstances, the Vienna Government wouldn’t act on the navy. Without war, to strengthen naval training and increase naval spending was highly unusual.

The higher-ups also leaked news about opening overseas colonies, making many believe their chance had come, yet this wait lasted over four years. Apart from increased training and more warships, there was no further development.

In such a situation, it was inevitable for the youth to grow impatient; a simple spark could ignite them, and fighting and brawling occurred from time to time.

Of course, it felt great to fight, but afterward came the tragedy. If the military police did not catch them, it was still fine; if caught, they would face a grim future for a long time.

At this time, several navy soldiers were also in the tavern, but they had no time to concern themselves with the ramblings of a few drunks.

A joint naval and army exercise, which required the deployment of most of the navy along with three infantry divisions—was that for an exercise?

This command left everyone guessing: who would they go to war against this time? Thinking it over, no one could figure out the opponent.

England and France, they were impossible to defeat; even if the navy were doubled in size, it wouldn’t be a match, and that could be immediately ruled out. The Vienna Government would not issue such a foolish order.

An attack on the Ottoman Empire? There was no need to think about it, as everyone knew the army had already completed its tasks, and Austria had obtained everything it desired. The Sultan Government had already relocated to Ankara, and further provocation would require considering England and France’s reactions.

A young man said in a low voice, “Those in the game are blind; spectators see it clearly. You don’t need to guess wildly; why not listen to what those drunks have to say?”

The debaters paused.

“Valen, you’re really clueless! You make your living at sea, don’t you know that there are indigenous people in this world?

Our navy may not be able to compete with England and France, and even facing Spain is tough, but bullying the natives presents no problem at all.

The troops gathered here now could wipe out several small countries overseas.” The man Tagore spoke disdainfully.

Valen retorted unwilling to concede defeat, “Nonsense, Tagore you idiot, don’t you know the Viennese lords always disdain overseas affairs? Or do you think you can change their minds?”

“Can’t they just have a sudden change of heart? We, Austria, no, the New Holy Roman Empire, are one of the strongest powers in Europe. What’s wrong with grabbing a few colonies?”

“In this day and age, without a few colonies, you’d be embarrassed to step outside. Maybe the old boys in Vienna got a kick out of it and had an epiphany all at once,” Tagore argued.

Before long, the two drunks were at each other’s throats, wanting to resolve their dispute with force. Unfortunately for them, in their dazed state, they weren’t given a chance to fight. Two men in the tavern ousted them.

A young man unsurely asked, “Could what they’re saying actually be possible?”

The young man leading the group replied, “That’s more reasonable than anything we’ve guessed. Haven’t you heard of conflicts occurring with anyone? They can’t just beat people up for no reason, right?”

An impatient man in gray said excitedly, “If we’re really going to establish colonies, doesn’t that mean our chance to make a fortune has arrived?”

For many, the era symbolized colonies as wealth. To those yearning to make a fortune, this was no doubt an opportunity.

The young leader scolded, “Shut up, Solin! Stop talking nonsense. This is an opportunity to achieve glory and success, not just to make money!”

Solin hastily responded, “Yes, Captain!”

Clearly, the Captain, of noble birth, looked down on those who spoke only of making money. He was supposed to have served in the army, but to his surprise, fate sent him instead to the naval officer academy.

When he heard the news, he nearly collapsed. In that era, the Austrian Navy offered hardly any chance for distinction, and was nearly a refuge for the unlearned to idle away their days.

Luckily, his luck turned when the Austrian state policy changed. Now, all he wanted was to quickly achieve military exploits and receive a noble title.

After all, his family’s title was not hereditary. It had only risen with his father’s generation, a nouveau riche. He could still call himself a nobleman, but the next generation couldn’t continue this pretension.

It was tough to secure a title in Austria, especially a hereditary one. After Franz ascended the throne, he ennobled over a hundred nobles, most of them for military achievements.

There were also a few scientists, a handful of engineers, and a minority of government officials. Aside from military nobility, the rest held life peerages.

It wasn’t Franz’s caprice, but established custom. The Emperor could freely bestow life peerages, but hereditary titles for military nobility required proven merits.

This rule was established by Franz two years earlier, approved by the Austrian Aristocratic Council, and even received widespread acceptance from the military.

Differential treatment was necessary to reflect their status. Many nobles in the Germany Region were of military nobility, and they were very concerned about maintaining their standing.

In exchange for their support, Franz retracted the right of the domestic grand nobility to confer titles. Sub-states were the same; their kings had to report to the Emperor for approval to legally confirm any title they granted.

Franz controlled the number of nobles. The eldest sons of nobles had no problem inheriting titles, while younger sons had to struggle anew, else they’d be commoners in the next generation.

This was more so for life peers who, following the tradition of the European Continent, would have no title to pass on to their progeny if they didn’t work hard.

Ambitious individuals were not content with anonymity. When opportunity knocked, they were ready to seize it.

Franz’s aristocratic law, though not yet implemented, was no secret; its content had long been disclosed.

After all, colonies were not like the homeland. Direct Central Government rule would be costly. If governance was granted to meritorious subjects, the Central Government could control just a few core areas, significantly reducing administrative stresses.

The main reason for non-implementation was the uncertainty of successful colonization. If it yielded profits, naturally, nobles would be willing to go.

Conversely, if colonial lands proved unprofitable, even if offered for free, nobles would deride the gesture.

This unique national situation of the New Holy Roman Empire was defined by having already three sub-state kings domestically. Franz didn’t mind the addition of a few more overseas.

At least corruption could be effectively curtailed. Franz didn’t plan to levy heavy taxes in the colonies; a nominal amount would suffice, mainly to expand markets for Austria’s industrial and commercial sectors. They couldn’t very well swallow their own capital, could they?

The collapse of the colonial system of the Great Britain Empire was not only due to pressures from the U.S. and Soviet, but also because bureaucratic costs were too high.

To reduce governing costs, they introduced self-governing dominions. This measure both succeeded and failed.

It successfully lowered administrative expenses and expanded markets for domestic industry and commerce; but once rights were granted, retrieving them proved impossible, laying the groundwork for the collapse of the colonial empire.

Self-governing administrations were controlled by local capitalists, and since capital has no borders, such outcomes were hardly surprising.

To prevent similar incidents, Franz couldn’t guarantee success, but he could delay the collapse and increase affinity.

Leaving immigration organization to the government bureaucrats – looking at the German people heading for the United States – Franz doubted Austrian bureaucrats could do much better.

It was better to let the nobles organize it themselves. If they succeeded, they would share the spoils; failure was inconsequential. By ennobling several houses, success was inevitable.

Franz didn’t look down on African countries. Supporting any vassal could lead it to become one of the strongest powers on the African Continent, provided they did not deviate.

The future stakes in Africa were embedded, with cultural traditions and economic interests forming natural bonds, linking the colonies and the homeland.

As long as the public’s loyalty to the mother country didn’t wane, independence would come only if they were ready to abandon their legal heritage.

So long as the ruling elites remained sane, they wouldn’t dare to engage in such folly that would destroy their own foundations.

Dependent on the Holy Roman Empire and becoming a highly autonomous sub-state, their interests would not diminish. The Imperial Government would still be the source of power to uphold their status.

In turn, these sub-state kings would become pillars for consolidating the Emperor’s power. Even as monarchical power declined in the future, to prevent the empire from fragmenting, none would dare dispute the Emperor’s supremacy.

Chapter 130: Economic Development

Colonizing overseas has never been an easy matter, especially for an emerging colonial empire like Austria, which had much to learn.

The African continent in this era was far from a hospitable place; the most formidable enemy was not the native tribes, but rather the harsh natural environment.

Poisonous insects, fierce beasts, and rampant diseases were the core factors that constrained the colonization of Africa by various nations. Otherwise, the nearby African continent would have long been completely carved up by everybody.

Frankly speaking, if the production technology of quinine had not made a breakthrough and the major problem of malaria had not been preliminarily solved, Franz would not have dared to recklessly set foot on the African continent.

For safety’s sake, all Austrian soldiers were receiving education in hygiene practices, including personal and camp sanitation, all of which had to be rigorously according to standards.

Even to avoid infection with local diseases, Franz distributed face masks, and soldiers were warned not to come into contact with natives at whim, and were strictly forbidden from sexual relations with locals, not to mention intermarriage was out of the question.

Franz had to take these issues seriously, as people with exotic tastes have always existed, regardless of the era, and were especially common in military camps. Fortunately, this batch of immigrants was expected to have a considerable number of young women, which should help resolve this issue.

After more than three months of preparations, on April 28, 1854, the first Austrian colonial vanguard departed from the port of Trieste.

With two second-class battleships as the core, accompanied by five cruisers and over a dozen auxiliary vessels, they took the first step in colonization with the strength of an infantry regiment, setting their sights on Guinea.

This time the adversary was native tribes; the navy was just equivalent to a training exercise, possibly even having to fight enemies akin to canoes, the main force would still be the army.

Originally, Franz had planned to establish a marine corps but was met with collective opposition from both the army and the navy. The army did not wish to diminish their say in colonial affairs, and the navy simply couldn’t afford it.

This was no joke; Austria’s navy truly wasn’t sufficient. To secure increased funds, prove your value first.

Politics is often that pragmatic; you get as much budget as your value dictates.

If the overseas colonies could bring substantial profits to the empire, then the navy could transform from a stepchild to a favored son.

Franz had no objections; this was the most rational approach. Without enough interests at stake, rashly expanding the navy would have been simply a waste of resources.

Rather than doing that, it was better to invest the precious funds into domestic economic construction. Even though the domestic economic boom hadn’t subsided, with several main railway lines opening, their stock prices were soaring sky-high.

Were it not for Franz’s insistence on prohibiting redundant railway construction, Austria would have already been emulating Anglo-American policies by now.

Of course, because a single railway line was authorized to only one company, it garnered capital enthusiasm. In this age, what was the most profitable? Clearly, it was monopolistic operations.

Under these favorable circumstances, the government managed to add several less popular routes to the valuable ones, making everyone more accepting.

To attract foreign investment, even the charges for railway transportation were determined by the market itself. Franz wasn’t worried about prices skyrocketing.

In a market economy environment, it’s the market that ultimately decides. Overall price levels in society are determined by supply and demand relationships, and the height of railway freight rates would certainly be based on the maximization of profits.

Capitalists naturally understood how to balance priorities. Now that railways were newly competing with traditional modes of transportation, without a price advantage, how would they attract customers?

To be able to save costs and time compared to traditional transportation meant progress. Qualms about high shipping fees potentially affecting the flow of goods would have to wait until the railway construction was completed!

Currently, all Austrian railway companies were in a state of pure investment; even the few main lines that were operational and profitable were still a drop in the bucket.

These profits were reinvested by the railway companies into the construction of new lines. Franz was well aware that ever since their inception, the Austrian railway companies had never once declared a dividend.

If they had never reaped any profits, could they be expected to lower their prices? If they did, the hotly pursued railways would suddenly become deserted.

At this time, the Vienna Government certainly wouldn’t hold them back. The promise of ten years of tax exemption had already been fulfilled; the government collecting no fees was an encouragement for everyone to keep building the railways.

“Time is life, time is money.”

This slogan had become the motto of all high-level executives in the Austrian railway companies. Starting operations and opening one day earlier meant reaping benefits one day sooner.

Up to this point, all the routes that Austria had opened had not let everyone down. Under the vast backdrop of free pricing, there were no loss-making routes, which vastly stimulated the nerves of certain individuals.

It’s unknown how many English and French capitalists wished to control the Austrian railway network to engage in monopolistic operations. They then fell into the delightful illusion woven by Franz and shattered it themselves in ecstasy.

Profits indeed lead to delusion; everyone was frenziedly building railway lines. To many, the time was ripe for claiming territory; owning one more railway line meant securing a stable future income.

There was no such thing as a railway bubble at the moment, not to mention monopoly operations. Nobody believed there would be losses.

Against this backdrop, Franz, who monopolized the supply of sand and stone raw materials, naturally made a fortune. It was projected that by the end of that year, Austria’s total railway mileage would surpass ten thousand kilometers.

At the beginning of Franz’s reign, the entire country of Austria didn’t even have three thousand kilometers of railway. On average, over fourteen hundred kilometers were completed each year.

In this era, only the Americans across the ocean could compare. Just like Austria, the United States also experienced a railway investment boom, only a little less frenzied due to Austria divesting a portion of the capital.

The total railway mileage for the entire New Holy Roman Empire exceeded twelve thousand kilometers. Indeed, even the railway mileage of those few small Teutonic sub-states surpassed two thousand kilometers.

It wouldn’t be right to call it madness, as the most active period of railway construction in history was in the Germany Region. By 1850, the total railway mileage in the Germany Region reached 5,856 kilometers, more than twice that of Austria.

If Franz hadn’t promoted Austrian Railway construction, the Germany Region would now be the fastest in European railway construction, and only the French could match them.

Of course, this refers to France during the era of Napoleon III. In 1854, the Germany Region had over three thousand more kilometers of railway than France.

Starting in 1854, French railways began to grow rapidly; by the time of the Prussia and France war, the total railway mileage of the two countries differed by only a few hundred kilometers.

Among the major European powers, the Russians were the slowest in railway construction; due to the Near East war, their railway construction projects had almost come to a halt until they reached 1,626 kilometers in 1860.

It was a disgrace amongst the powers; even Belgium and Spain had more. The same period saw England and France surpass the ten thousand mark, which was not even comparable in scale.

As the national territory expanded, the plans for the railway network naturally grew as well. There was no need for government promotion—private railway companies had already taken the initiative to stake their claims.

The tendering process for Austrian Railway lines was very interesting, as the faster the start and the earlier the completion, the more likely they were to win contracts.

Since the railway lines were authorized for free, the railway companies had to start and complete construction within the promised deadlines. Exceeding these deadlines would incur fines, and in severe cases, the government had the right to take back the construction rights. There were also rewards for early completion.

It all tested everyone’s capital chains. Franz didn’t engage in any underhanded tricks; as long as the railway company’s operations were good and they could complete on schedule, there would be no problem.

But if the capital chain broke, that would be a disaster. If construction hadn’t started yet, that was still fine—they could just pay a fine and return the unbuilt railway line.

If construction had already started, or even if the project was more than halfway complete but there was no financial support for the remaining construction, then the losses would be substantial.

All the investment would be wasted, with the government taking over unfinished projects for completion. Whether the railway company went bankrupt and restructured or just died off was not within Franz’s consideration anymore.

After all, it was a transparent strategy, laid out plainly for everyone to see. The government wasn’t deliberately setting traps—the tender notifications spelled everything out very clearly.

All these risks, under the temptation of monopoly, still led everyone to dive in headfirst. English and French capital came in, and so did Austrian domestic capital. Speculators vied with each other to get a piece of the action.

Because the government provided free labor, the cost of Austrian Railway construction in this era was artificially lowered, making the financial statements of various railway companies look attractive.

It can be said that Franz had taken great pains for the construction of Austria’s railways. Not speeding up was not an option, because a new economic crisis was not far off.

If Austria couldn’t take advantage of the economic boom to push domestic railway construction with foreign capital, then, when the economic crisis erupted and the railway bubble burst, the Austrian Government would be left to deal with all the unfinished projects.

How severe was the economic bubble in Austria? No one had an answer for Franz. However, one thing that could be observed was the rate of economic growth.

If goods worth One Hundred Shields were speculated to One Thousand Shields, wealth would have invisibly increased by Nine Hundred Shields. As long as the market could bear it, that was fine, but once the market could not, and prices fell back to the original One Hundred Shields, the Nine Hundred Shields added during the bubble would evaporate.

This is why so much wealth could disappear overnight during an economic crisis—the bubble had been burst, forcing the market back to rationality. But because of supply and demand, the price of goods often falls below their actual value.

Austria’s economic growth rate was very rapid at the moment. Even if all industries in Austria came to a standstill, just relying on the stock market bubble, the economy would have to grow by at least one percentage point every year.

This era was different from later times when government administrative measures intervened in the market economy to avoid major economic crises.

The economy was now left to develop naturally, with minor economic crises every seven to eight years and major crises every few decades.

Each time a crisis broke out, industrial output often fell by twenty to thirty percentage points, and sometimes even by as much as forty to fifty percent.

In any case, the larger the bubble, the steeper the subsequent fall, and the more vigorous the initial economic growth, somewhat like a roller coaster.

In 1854, the total railway mileage under construction in the New Holy Roman Empire reached 23,000 kilometers, and the blind investment in railways had become extremely severe.

However, Franz had no intention of stopping it. On the contrary, he was preparing to give it another push to heat up the market even more.

The explosive economic development model was always irresistible. Every industry in Austria was growing explosively. Since the outbreak of the Near East war, the average annual growth rate of industry exceeded fifteen percent, and the economic growth rate also surpassed ten percent.

If it weren’t for the western expansion strategy midway, these figures might have been one or two points higher. Rationality was long gone, the market had gone mad, and it was nearly at the point where any investment would pay off.

The Russians’ contribution was immense. Since the outbreak of the Near East war, Austria had entered an era of trade surplus. Before this, Austria was almost always in a long-term trade deficit.

Clearly, the factor that created the illusion in the capital market that “whatever you invest in earns money” was this sudden Near East war.

Because of the war, a large amount of cash flowed into Austria from Russia, stimulating the economic market. Many capitalists were blindly expanding production, hoping to make a big profit before the war ended.

The early colonization of overseas territories was also a means to divert domestic economic crises. However, African colonies were just in their beginnings and played a negligible role in the imminent economic crisis.

Chapter 131: Disaster Strikes

The Constantinople campaign has been raging for so long that the number of corpses in the city’s corners is unknown; they started to rot before they could be dealt with.

Both warring parties only cleared the bodies in front of them, while those in the corners of the city and inside residents’ houses were neglected.

With the arrival of the scorching summer heat, Constantinople in August was shrouded in a stench so oppressive that it was terrifying.

Artillery fire still roared, leaving only ruins and remnants to speak of the past. To conquer this city, the Russians had already paid too high a price.

Daily casualty reports? Menshikov had long since stopped looking. The toll of thousands of casualties each day had numbed him over the course of several months.

“The Constantinople meat grinder” had become known worldwide; wherever there were Europeans, the brutality of the war spread.

If someone were to tally the losses, they would find that the Russian Army’s casualties here had surpassed the total from two battles in Bulgaria, yet the Russians remained undaunted.

Only because the outer defenses of Constantinople had been breached, or rather, shattered—after tens of thousands of tons of ammunition had been spent, these fortress works had become ruins.

Urban warfare had begun, and now both sides had entered a stage of pure human sacrifice. The exchange rate had gradually decreased from the initial five to one down to four to one, to three to one… and now it was already at 1.3:1.

A middle-aged officer spoke in a solemn voice, “Commander, our cannon fodder army has nearly been wiped out, and the conscripted Bulgarian Guerrilla Team has also suffered heavy losses.

There are not many able-bodied men left on the Balkan Peninsula. It’s now very difficult to replenish our forces.”

Of course there were few left; the locals had sustained the heaviest losses in this war.

The Ottomans conscripted strong men for war, the Russians did the same, and the English and French didn’t have to conscript because the Ottomans did it for them.

With just over ten million people in the whole Balkan Peninsula, how many were able-bodied men? It was unsustainable.

Before attacking Constantinople, Russian conscription was typically for hard labor. Techniques like using civilians to attack cities were rarely employed by the Russians.

But once they reached this city, the situation changed. The devastating casualties forced the Russians to rely heavily on cannon fodder.

Menshikov answered with a chilling voice, “Understood. We’ll make do with what we have. When the cannon fodder is gone, it’ll be our own men’s turn.

The enemy is about to give in. Just conquer this last district and we win the war!

Order the military tribunal to strictly enforce military law. Kill those who hesitate in battle, kill those who speak of retreat lightly, and kill anyone who disturbs military morale!”

It was inevitable; this war was tied not only to Russia’s fate but to Menshikov’s own as well.

If Constantinople could not be taken, he might as well die on the battlefield, for many would want to rip him apart otherwise.

From a military standpoint, Menshikov was a fool, engaged in senseless warfare, completely disregarding the loss of troops.

In order to sustain the war, the Russian Army relied on strict military law. To establish his authority, Menshikov made a grand act by executing nobility officers who violated military regulations!

The nobility officers who died by his hand were not one or two; in total, dozens had been executed.

If Constantinople were to be captured, all would be well. He would be Russia’s national hero, and those executed nobility would be synonymous with cowards, along with their disgraced families.

If Constantinople were not taken, the situation would be different. Nicholas I himself couldn’t withstand the repercussions of losing the Crimean War—let alone Menshikov.

Menshikov wasn’t ready to die in disgrace, so he desperately fought on. It didn’t matter who, or how influential they were; anyone who dared to violate military law was to be executed.

“Yes, Commander!” the middle-aged officer sternly replied.

It was not just Menshikov; the fate of the high-ranking officers of the expeditionary force was tied together. The battle of Constantinople was extraordinary—if they lost here, none would expect to see better days.

On the Crimea Peninsula, before the Anglo-French forces, overwhelmingly dominant, had time to celebrate, a bolt from the blue struck: cholera broke out in the French camp in July 1854.

Hot weather, coupled with unsanitary conditions, and before the Allied Forces could react, the epidemic erupted, spreading from the French camp to the British camp.

The flies and mosquitoes of the Crimea became excellent vectors for the disease, and a large number of Allied soldiers began vomiting and suffering from diarrhea, dying in their tents.

The public places of the Allied camp were filled with filth, and sanitation was a mere notion. The number of sick swelled rapidly, and the epidemic reached uncontrollable levels.

By early August, in the Varna region alone, 500 British soldiers had died of the disease. The number of deaths within the French camp was soaring to over sixty per day.

And this was just the beginning; the sudden epidemic initially went unnoticed and spread to other areas with the movement of people.

Istanbul

In a clearing not far from the docks, more than a dozen French soldiers were resting when suddenly one of them began to vomit, drawing everyone’s attention.

A young man asked with concern, “Alphonse, what’s wrong with you?”

The vomiting soldier weakly replied, “I don’t know, I just suddenly felt a bit nauseous and wanted to throw up.”

A man resembling an officer said, “You might have a cold. Just take care of yourself and if you’re not better by tomorrow, go see the medic.”

Clearly, he just thought that Alphonse had caught a cold, an ailment that usually people relied on their bodies to fight off, with only the serious cases seeking medical help.

Despite the French Army’s better logistics compared to the British, medical resources were still extremely scarce, and ordinary soldiers, unless they were higher-ranking officers, found it difficult to obtain effective treatment.

Then another man said, “I can’t take it anymore, I need to relieve myself.”

After saying that, he ran off without looking back to take care of his business not far away.

Such a minor incident clearly would not attract everyone’s attention. They were reinforcements who had just arrived a few days ago, and were now acclimating to the climate of Constantinople.

Because of the unfamiliar environment resulting in some adverse reactions, this was common. Usually, it would be fine after a while; if not, the only option was repatriation.

However, most people were reluctant to be sent back, even though the casualty rate on the Constantinople Battlefield remained high.

Because the body could not adapt to the climate, leading to adverse reactions, it usually meant an inability to return home safely, with the majority dying on the way.

In this era, the sea was not to be trifled with, and the conditions on a ship were quite horrendous. Without sufficient medical aid, once someone fell ill, they were practically stepping through the gates of hell.

Seeing the increasingly large number of sick people, Commander Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier finally realized something was amiss, but by then it was too late.

Too many had died in Constantinople; in defending this fortress city, the death toll of the French Soldiers alone had exceeded one hundred thousand. The Russians had even more casualties, and civilian deaths were incalculable.

Because of the war, the French Army simply had no way to clear the bodies from the city. In fact, many corpses were buried under collapsed buildings, making them impossible to remove.

This created a favorable environment for rats and flies to thrive. That summer, the number of rats and flies in Constantinople broke all historical records, as if they were the true masters of the city.

Pelissier ordered the Guard, “Please bring Dr. Ambroise over and hand these materials to him.”

Despite his suspicions, Pelissier still did not dare to confirm that a plague had erupted. Up to that moment, he had not been informed of the outbreak of pestilence on the Crimea Peninsula.

Busy with the defense of Constantinople, Pelissier had no time to pay attention to rumors, and even if he wanted to, he might not have taken them seriously.

The Allied Forces had been plagued by illness since the start of their campaign on the Crimea Peninsula; it was no longer news. People had grown accustomed to it over time.

Besides, the time when the Allied Forces confirmed the outbreak of the plague on the Crimea Peninsula was only a few days earlier than Pelissier had realized, and the virus had entered the city before that.

Bigger to the war, with large numbers of people dying every day, people’s spirits became numb to death over time. What did it matter if a few died from disease?

Ambroise spoke gravely, “Commander, I have just visited the hospital and, combined with this data, we can preliminarily conclude that the plague has arrived!”

Pelissier’s face darkened, as the worst-case scenario had unfolded. Constantinople was connected to the sea and reinforcements or supplies could be sent continuously as long as casualties were acceptable, he was confident he could hold out indefinitely.

There was, however, one exception—the plague. Humans are vulnerable in the face of disease; Pelissier could defeat the Russians, but he was helpless against the pestilence.

“Can it be contained?” Pelissier asked with concern.

He was merely asking about containment; cure was something he no longer expected. In this era, contracting the plague meant leaving one’s fate to the heavens, with no cure-all available.

After some thought, Ambroise said, “Sorry, Commander, I cannot answer that question.

It depends on the transmissibility of the plague and how many people are already infected; only then can we draw conclusions.

But now, during wartime, the army moves too frequently, we have far too few doctors, and it’s impossible to spread them out to diagnose and treat the troops. We can’t determine which cases are common colds and which are plagues.

Actually, from the symptoms alone, it’s possible that common colds could develop these symptoms. If it weren’t for the high mortality rate, I’d suspect we were just dealing with a highly contagious influenza outbreak.”

The plague is feared precisely because of its swift spread and high mortality rate.

Pelissier continued, “Can you determine the characteristics of this plague?”

Plagues are categorized, and different types result in varying levels of lethality.

Ambroise shook his head, “Currently, we have too little information to determine the origin of this plague and its transmission route. We cannot rule out the possibility of it being bubonic plague.

Professionally speaking, I personally believe that Constantinople is no longer suitable for habitation.

The city has too many dead, and at times, we can smell the stench of rotting corpses in the open sewers. War is inherently a breeding ground for plagues.”

Pelissier gave a wry smile, “Alright then, Dr. Ambroise, I leave the investigation and management of this plague in your hands.

As to whether Constantinople is fit for habitation, I cannot answer you. This is not merely a military issue, but also involves politics.”

Pelissier understood the logic that it was unsuitable to stay in Constantinople during a plague outbreak.

However, the consequences of abandoning Constantinople were too severe, and as Commander of the expeditionary force, he was not in a position to cover for it; he did not even have a say in the matter.

Ambroise replied, “Very well, Commander. I can only say I’ll do my best, but I can’t guarantee the outcome!”

Chapter 132: Boiling Oil with Fierce Fire

After confirming the outbreak of the plague in Constantinople, Pelissier did not dare to delay, and immediately reported to the Paris Government.

Palace of Versailles

Napoleon III was in a foul mood; the news of the plague outbreak in the Crimea Peninsula had just come back, and Constantinople had followed suit.

Where the virus came from was of no interest to Napoleon III, what troubled him now was what to do next.

The Crimea Peninsula was manageable, with its vast territory allowing for the isolation of affected areas and the control of the spread of the epidemic.

Constantinople was now just a palm-sized place with high population density, and they still had to engage in street fighting with the Russians, how could the epidemic be controlled?

Army Minister Arno spoke up, “Your Majesty, the outbreak of the plague in Constantinople could make things worse at the front.

Reinforcing troops at this time is like pushing our young men into a pit of fire. The brave French Soldiers can defeat the Russians, but the plague, only God can resolve that.”

Since the outbreak of the battle of Constantinople, the French Army had been reinforcing almost every month, not so much reinforcing as replenishing the front-line troop losses, and incidentally replacing some crippled units.

In this regard, Napoleon III had done quite well by not pushing any unit to death. Even when purging dissidents, he mostly sought excuses to transfer them rather than engaging in a slaughter.

The war had come to this point, and the Paris Government had long wanted to stop, but due to political factors, Napoleon III could not compromise.

Now Arno was subtly reminding Napoleon III to either find an excuse to give up Constantinople or organize more troops to have a decisive battle with the Russians. In any case, they could not continue with the fueling tactics.

Highly politically sensitive, Napoleon III immediately woke up to this and even thought of more, saying eagerly,

“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs must immediately negotiate with the Ottoman Empire, asking them to give up Constantinople, and we will guarantee their interests in other regions as a return.

Joint pressure with the British is possible. At this time, I believe the London Government will make a wise choice.

Release news of the negotiations, saying we wish to reclaim this holy city for Christendom; reach out to the Catholic Church to help build momentum.

Order Pelissier at the front, I do not care by what means, but he must also ensure the Russians are infected with the plague!”

In this era, when science had not yet deeply penetrated people’s hearts, if no action was taken, and the Russians seized the opportunity to launch a political offensive, the consequences would be uncontrollable.

If the plague only broke out amongst the Allied Forces while the Russians remained unscathed, there would be no need to fight the subsequent war, as political maneuvers alone could doom the governments of England and France.

A single declaration that “God will punish the traitors who assist the infidels” could instantaneously collapse the morale at the front. Whether they were Protestants or Catholics, they were all believers in God.

Constantinople, the holy land of Christendom, endowed the city with a deep religious significance. From a religious sentiment perspective, no one liked to help the Ottoman Empire.

If the domestic public found out that the government had been punished by God for helping infidels, would there even be a need to consider the consequences?

Napoleon III did not dare to test the devoutness of the French people and their faith, as compared to that terrible outcome, the importance of the Ottoman Empire as an ally was unworthy of mention.

“Though death befalls friends, it shall not befall me,” in order to survive the potential political storm, the interests of the Ottoman Empire could only be sacrificed.

In fact, Napoleon III’s concerns were entirely unnecessary, as the epidemic was not a curse from God, given it was indiscriminate in its attack, and the Russians were not spared from its clutches either.

Perhaps due to the robust physiques of the Russians, the epidemic did not bring as severe casualties to them as it did to the Allied Forces; an inability to adjust to the local environment was also an important reason.

Along with the epidemic, dysentery had also arrived, but its symptoms looked similar, and the Allied Forces had not yet discovered the difference between the two diseases.

In the Russian Army Command of the Balkan Peninsula, the top echelons of the expeditionary force gathered together, all with pale faces.

Menshikov asked with great concern, “Are we certain it’s the plague?”

A middle-aged military doctor answered solemnly, “Commander sir, the news has been confirmed. Up to now, we have had over five thousand soldiers with symptoms of vomiting and diarrhea, which exceeds the scope of a normal flu outbreak.”

“Commander sir, based on what the prisoners we’ve captured have confessed, a large number of the French soldiers within the city have also fallen ill,” a middle-aged military officer added before Menshikov could speak.

Without much hesitation, Menshikov made a decision, “Order the troops to implement preventive measures against the epidemic. The assault must not stop. Our situation is dire, and the French Army inside must be worse off.

Regarding the epidemic, I will seek assistance from St. Petersburg and have many medical personnel sent over from home. This epidemic is also an opportunity. I don’t believe the French can hold out!”

Though Menshikov appeared tense on the surface, deep down he breathed a sigh of relief. Since the epidemic had broken out, the days of well-being for the French were over.

The logic was very simple: the higher the population density, the more conducive it was for the epidemic to spread. Under such circumstances, those inside the city would certainly suffer greater losses than those outside.

At this point in the war, how many had died within the city of Constantinople— a hundred thousand, two hundred thousand? Or perhaps three hundred thousand, four hundred thousand, or even more?

Were these bodies processed on time? Perhaps the French dealt with the vast majority of them, but if even one percent were overlooked, that would still amount to thousands of unattended corpses. Haven’t you seen how the rats within the city have grown fatter?

With the decay of bodies and the proliferation of insects, it was the perfect aid for the transmission of viruses. It’s not even necessary for an external virus; Constantinople itself possessed the potential for an outbreak of the epidemic.

Vienna

Upon receiving the news of the outbreak of the epidemic in Constantinople, Franz immediately convened a meeting and instructed the Health Department to oversee the preventive measures.

Although historically this epidemic did not have a wide reach, mainly erupting in the Crimea Peninsula, Austria was only slightly affected.

The current situation was clearly different. Now that the epidemic had broken out in Constantinople, could the Balkan Peninsula still remain unscathed? If disaster struck the Balkans, could Austria remain unaffected?

After deploying the preventive measures, Franz then continued to consider the impact of the epidemic.

“With the outbreak of the plague, the French won’t be able to hold Constantinople. What are your views on how the international situation will develop next?”

Metternich warned, “Your Majesty, given the current situation, the mortality rate of this plague isn’t too high. If the epidemic is controlled, the French still have the capability to hold Constantinople.”

Franz laughed heartily and then asked, “Marshal, how long have the Russians cut off the water supply to Constantinople?”

Marshal Radetzky answered, “Your Majesty, it’s been almost sixteen months. However, Constantinople is connected to ports; they still have sufficient fresh water replenishments, and currently, the city doesn’t lack water.”

Due to geological reasons, Constantinople has no underground water, and despite having water storage facilities within the city, it can’t supply such a large consumption.

Franz shook his head and said, “There are so many people inside the city of Constantinople; their daily water usage isn’t a small figure.

With the Russian cut off the water supply for such a long time, we can boldly surmise that the city’s reserve water sources have been exhausted.

Now, they rely entirely on ships to transport fresh water to meet the demands of several hundred thousand city residents.

With so many people, the daily fresh water consumption is no small figure either; this would require a large number of ships for transport.

How many transport ships are active in Constantinople? After completing the transportation of various materials, how much fresh water can they supply?

The bureaucrats from England and France can at most ensure the basic survival water for these people; living water is probably rationed.

If it were an ordinary period, the insufficiency of fresh water supply could be endured somehow; at worst, people might skip bathing, washing their faces, or washing their hands for a while.

But the situation is different now. Without adequate fresh water supply, how will the French Army conduct epidemic prevention? If basic hygiene conditions cannot be improved, how will the spread of the virus be contained?”

Due to the epidemic prevention meeting, everyone had brushed up on their epidemic prevention knowledge. Some were proposed by officials from the Austrian Health Ministry, and some were supplemented by Franz from memory.

Now everyone understood the importance of hygiene. At this critical moment of plague outbreak, the French Army inside the city, due to the lack of enough fresh water, who else would the virus target but them?

Even if the Russians outside are similarly negligent in hygiene, they are not short of water and can have a bath occasionally, right?

The French Soldiers inside the city, who knows how long they have to wait for such an opportunity, or rather, they may not have the chance at all.

This problem, whether the French noticed it or not, they were powerless to address.

The gap was not a small one; merely meeting survival needs, a small basin of water per day sufficed. But if the hygiene conditions were to be improved, the consumption would multiple several times over.

In the short term, where would they find so many water transport ships?

Tens of thousands of tons of fresh water are consumed every day, and only by transferring all the ships of England and France in the Mediterranean could it be possible to meet their logistical supplies.

Felix pondered and said, “Your Majesty, if the French can’t solve the epidemic problem, we can start preparing to mediate this war.

Once the Russians take Constantinople, this war can no longer be continued.

The Russian financial crisis is already apparent, and if it weren’t for the special political status of Constantinople, they would probably have compromised by now.

Now that the Russians have occupied the Bulgarian region, letting them occupy Constantinople will become even more difficult to control in the future, we’d better contain them a bit.”

Metternich opposed, “Prime Minister, it’s too late now to think about containing the Russians, unless we can tear up the Russian-Austrian treaty. Otherwise, in future negotiations, we must support them.

With our diplomatic support, as long as Constantinople falls into Russian hands, I don’t believe England and France have the power to force the Tsarist Government to give it back.

Don’t forget, at this time, maintaining the Russian-Austrian Alliance is far more important to us than containing the Russians. We cannot possibly oppose the Russians annexing Constantinople.

If we can’t contain them, then why still play the villain?

It would be better to simply give them a push and let the Russians continue to draw the fire of England and France at the forefront, to deepen the contradictions between them.”

“Give them a push,” was a suggestion that greatly intrigued Franz. To control the Black Sea Strait, it was not enough to merely have Constantinople; it required control of both the Balkan Peninsula and the Asia Minor Peninsula.

Did the Russians still have the capacity to fight on? Clearly not, even if the Tsarist Government went all out, they would have to stop at Constantinople.

If England and France were driven to desperation, they could even potentially be pushed back, as the transport restrictions of the Russian Empire constrained their strength deployment.

On the Balkan Peninsula, even with Austria’s support, the Russians could at most bring to bear seven or eight tenths of their national strength; how could they compete with England and France?

Currently, the Russians have the upper hand, only because England and France haven’t reacted yet, sabotaging each other on the battlefield.

Once the pressure from the Russians becomes too great for them and causes the two to set aside their contradictions and cooperate sincerely, another scenario will emerge on the battlefield.

It doesn’t matter if the Russians can’t take it; Franz doesn’t hope the Tsarist Government can truly control the Black Sea Strait.

The Mediterranean is really too small; the four countries of England, France, Spain, and Austria are not enough to divide it, and there is no spare interest for the Russians.

But that doesn’t prevent the Russians from harboring ambitions; after all, they’ve come one step closer to the Mediterranean by capturing Constantinople.

As long as the Russians have ambitions, they cannot reach a compromise with England and France. With England, France, and Russia mutually antagonistic, Austria would then be safe.

In history, this was Bismarck’s design, but Wilhelm II botched the diplomacy, allowing France and Russia to forge an alliance. As the sandwiched party, of course, it ended in tragedy.

“The Russian-Austrian Alliance must not be broken, let England and France do the job of containing the Russians. As an ally, we absolutely must not betray or desert them!”

Franz stated his position clearly. He had no wish to send out the wrong political signal, leading the government elites to mistakenly believe that Austria had already obtained the benefits it wanted and could, therefore, abandon the Russians.

From the perspective of national interest, such a betrayal is very normal. Closer ties to England and France at this point are advantageous for Austria’s overseas colonies and seem to be more in line with the nation’s interests.

But considering strategic security, the situation is different. Compared to the unstable French government and the ambitious Kingdom of Prussia yearning for a comeback, Franz felt that an alliance with Russia was more reliable.

Chapter 133: To Each Their Own Needs

“Someone has died over here!”

“Quick, remove the body and arrange for cremation as soon as possible!”

In the midst of shouting, there was also a sense of numbness and despair. With large numbers of people dying every day, everyone had grown numb to the constant deaths.

Unlike previous casualties among the injured, this time it was an epidemic, one that even medical personnel were not spared from, to the extent that a French brigadier general also entered the crematorium.

Safety protections? Unfortunately, the protective measures of this era were extremely primitive; they couldn’t even accomplish basic disinfection.

In a corner of the quarantine area, the moans of the sick could be heard from time to time. This place had become a land feared by everyone, where medical staff hurriedly distributed medicine each day before quickly leaving.

Check on the condition of patients? That was out of the question. How many doctors did the French Army even have?

Moreover, there was simply no cure for the plague. The medications currently in use provided more psychological comfort to patients than actual therapeutic effect.

The soldiers responsible for distributing provisions were even more reluctant to come here, leaving the food at the entrance, shouting a notice, and then quickly departing.

“Adolf, can you hold on?”

“No problem, thank you Alfonso, I feel much better, I should be able to pull through this time.”

“Rest well, if you pull through, everything will be fine.”

Alfonso said such words many times each day. As one of the earliest to catch the epidemic, Alfonso was lucky to have survived.

By tradition, having survived a wave of the epidemic, God would not call on him again anytime soon; and then, he had no choice but to stay and act as a nurse.

According to the doctors, he still needed to remain in the hospital for continued observation and treatment, to ensure his safety before discharge.

In reality, he was kept there to do the hard labor, such as taking care of patients, distributing food, and dealing with bodies. Jobs that everyone dreaded fell upon his shoulders.

Considering the extra wages, Alfonso readily took on this dreadfully avoided task.

Alfonso was a veteran, one of the first French troops to enter the Balkan Peninsula. Half of those who came with him had already fallen.

For a battle-hardened veteran, death was nothing to fear. The numbers who died on the battlefield every day were countless and sights of blood and gore were all too common.

In his view, helping out here was much easier than fighting on the battlefield. He only needed to look after thirty or so patients each day, and then he was free to do as he pleased.

Having stayed here for some time, Alfonso realized that this place was nowhere near as terrible as the outside world imagined. Having been here for over a month, only five had died while seven had recovered.

At the Istanbul French Military Headquarters, Ambroise brought bad news.

“Commander, the Russian offensive has caused our epidemic prevention efforts to fail. The spread of the plague is now inevitable!”

This message did not come as a surprise to the French commander, Pelissier. With the outbreak of the plague, the Russians certainly would not miss this opportunity.

Apart from the French Army, there were still civilians who remained in Istanbul. The Ottoman Empire was their ally, and Pelissier could not possibly drive all the citizens of Istanbul out of the city.

The more densely populated the area, the more difficult it was to control the epidemic. Coupled with the Russian assault, it was adding insult to injury.

Pelissier calmly asked, “Tell me about the epidemic situation in the city.”

Ambroise said somberly, “The epidemic may have originated from the cholera that appeared in London recently. The Crimea Peninsula also suffered an outbreak of the plague, with symptoms similar to ours.

Strangely enough, the epidemic that broke out in Istanbul is highly communicable, much more so than in other regions. Our preliminary judgement is that it is transmitted by mosquitoes, flies, and such insects.

The mortality rate is average for a plague; most of the able-bodied can withstand it, with mortality not exceeding 15%, while it is much higher among the old and weak.

The most severe cases are among the wounded. Once infected with the plague, they are almost certain to die.”

Pelissier could only inwardly curse the British for their luck. The cholera outbreak in London was not severe and was swiftly brought under control, not spreading widely, whereas they were the ones truly suffering.

London

Foreign Minister Thomas said gravely, “Prime Minister, I have just received news that the French forces in Istanbul have not been able to contain the plague, and it has now begun to spread.

Last night, Napoleon III received the Austrian envoy to France at the Palace of Versailles, where they held a secret talk for more than two hours.

The Foreign Office analysis suggests that this secret discussion might relate to the Near East war. The turn of events in Istanbul has caused the French to lose faith in this war.

It is possible that the Paris Government might unilaterally bring an end to this war with the Russians, and now they are using the Austrians to signal their willingness to negotiate with the Russians.

According to our intelligence, the Austrian Envoy in London has also been very active recently, making frequent contact with the leaders of the Peace Party at home, and the Vienna Government seems intent on mediating this war.”

After a moment’s thought, George Hamilton-Gordon asked, “It’s no surprise that the French want to end this war.

What’s the Foreign Office’s reasoning behind the Austrians’ desire to mediate this conflict? From a profit standpoint, the longer this war drags on, the more beneficial it is for Austria.”

International political interests are always decisive factors; the continuation of the Near East war would not only drain the strength of England, France, and Russia, but Austria could also profit greatly from the war.

From a profit-based perspective, the Vienna Government has no reason to encourage an early end to the war between the three powers.

Thomas replied confidently, “The Austrians do not wish for us to genuinely emerge victorious or defeated. Though the Vienna System has collapsed, the Austrian Government has not given up on the European balance of power strategy.”

Whether the Russians won or we did, Austria’s detached position no longer exists, and a new round of international struggle is sure to break out.

The ongoing Near East War does align with Austria’s interests, but the eventual outcome is beyond control.

In this Near East War, Austria has already reaped too many benefits and now urgently needs to integrate them. Metternich is consistently cautious, so it’s normal for him to cut and run while he’s ahead.”

Prime Minister George nodded, believing that compared to national strategy, minor economic advantages are not worth mentioning. Caught between France and Russia, the Austrian Government had no choice but to implement a European balance of power policy.

“What plans do you have?” Prime Minister Henry asked.

Thomas replied, “Prime Minister, at this point in the Near East War, our plan to contain the Russians has failed.”

Continuing the fight would merely increase casualties and serve no practical purpose.

Our advantage lies at sea; only the imbeciles who came before us would go onto land and fight the Russians to the death.

“In the future, our strategy should still be to stir up conflicts between Russia and France, Russia and Austria, Russia and Prussia, using the strength of European nations to restrain the Russians while we simply blockade them at sea.”

War always provides lessons, and the Near East War has led the London Government to conclude that engaging in land warfare with the Russians is foolish.

Attacking the enemy where they’re strong with our weaknesses is not a mistake we intend to commit a second time.

Vienna

Staring at the map of the Balkan Peninsula, Franz was lost in thought.

It seems we’ve overplayed our hand this time; if the Russians were to swallow these territories, not only would England and France have a headache, but Austria would face troubles too.

Despite Franz repeatedly emphasizing the importance of the Russian-Austrian Alliance during government meetings out of political necessity, he did not shy away from secretly tripping them up.

Just like now, Franz was contemplating how to limit the Russians. Attracting the attention of England and France, the Russians currently occupying Constantinople were adequate for the task.

The Istanbul area is also incredibly wealthy, gathering more than half of the Ottoman Empire’s industry, besides Constantinople itself.

Even though the war inflicted heavy losses, as long as the foundation remains, it won’t take long to recover.

If all of this falls into Russian hands, then after Tsar Alexander II completes the serf reform, the strength of the Russians would be overwhelming.

The maid whispered, “Your Majesty, Mr. Metternich has arrived.”

Franz responded indifferently, “Let him in.”

Metternich cautioned, “Your Majesty, the Ottoman Empire lacks the ability to block Russian expansion. Given the current situation, it won’t be long after the war before the Russians can swallow the Balkan Peninsula.

In such a case, there’s no need for us to forcibly resist the Russians. The more territory they annex, the more they will alarm the nations of Europe, potentially becoming the common enemy of Europe. If the Tsarist Government cannot handle all this, Emperor Napoleon serves as a lesson from history, and we need not worry excessively.”

Franz, pointing to the map of the Balkan Peninsula, said, “Look, this is the current control range of each country. According to the Russian-Austrian treaty, we have already obtained the territories that were due to us.

As for the remaining areas, aside from Bulgaria being under Russian control, the Montenegro Duchy has been driven back to their homeland by the allied forces, with other regions remaining in allied hands.

If things go as expected after the war, these areas will be governed by the Ottoman Empire, but we all understand that if Constantinople falls, the Sultan Government won’t have the strength to control these regions.

The Russians could annex these areas effortlessly. Due to the alliance commitment, we can’t intervene.

If we let the Russians control these territories, our pressure in the Balkan Peninsula will increase. But if we change the master of these lands to someone who can block the Russians, might the outcome be better?”

Astonished, Metternich asked, “Your Majesty, are you suggesting that we hand over these territories to the French?”

Franz explained, “It’s not that I want to give these areas to the French, but Napoleon III needs to take these territories to explain himself to his people.

After two or three years of war, hundreds of thousands dead, and a great deal of military expense, the proud French people won’t stand for gaining nothing. Right now, as long as they hold onto Constantinople, it won’t be easy for the Russians to take it.

The Tsarist Government also wishes to cease hostilities; they just need to occupy Constantinople to give their people a sense of victory.

If both parties could secretly negotiate and reach an agreement, satisfying the needs of France and Russia, wouldn’t that be more in our favor?”

After pondering for a moment, Metternich spoke, “Your Majesty, I cannot answer that question. If we push for it, there’s indeed a high probability that France and Russia could secretly reach such a deal.

But where does our interest lie in this? After this war, the Russians won’t likely provoke another conflict in the Balkan Peninsula for at least a decade.

Bringing the French in to balance the Russians is just an ideal scenario; a greater likelihood is that the relationship between France and Russia could ease, or they might even forge a closer alliance.”

Franz nodded and said, “Indeed, theoretically there are no fundamental conflicts of interest between France and Russia, and as long as they have a common enemy, an alliance between them is highly likely.

Yet in the current international situation, who is qualified to be the common enemy of France and Russia?

The answer is clear to everyone; other than the United Kingdom, there would be no alternative. The London Government will not stand idly by as this unfolds.

If the London Government were to blunder, worst case scenario, we could just join the alliance.”

134, Stable

On September 1, 1854, amid a solemn silence, Constantinople fell, and the Russians fulfilled a century-old aspiration, setting the Russian Empire abuzz while the European Continent collectively fell silent.

The day after the Battle of Constantinople ended, the New Holy Roman Empire issued a diplomatic note to the warring parties, declaring loudly its intention to mediate this war.

This responsible international attitude was immediately met with unanimous praise from both the French and the Russians, bringing a glimmer of hope for peace after more than two years of the Near East War.

The world turned its gaze towards—London. The Ottoman Empire and Montenegro Duchy had been ignored by everyone; it is indeed better for a weak country without diplomacy to stay out of trouble.

At 10 Downing Street, Prime Minister George furiously threw down his glass; Constantinople had been lost just like that, could they be any more obvious with their betrayal?

A week earlier, the Russians had halted their offensive, and the French Army began evacuating the wounded and sick from the city, halting their attack presumably due to an outbreak of plague, which seemed unobjectionable.

Just two days ago, the French Ambassador had assertively assured him that they would defend Constantinople to the death, that the one hundred and twenty thousand French soldiers were sufficient to stop any Russian offense.

Then, the previous night, he received news of the fall of Constantinople, where the one hundred and twenty thousand French soldiers miraculously broke through in the event of its fall and even took Takeilda, which was heavily guarded by the Russian Army, all in one day.

Prime Minister George wanted to say: Don’t make cheating so obvious; your actions really put me in a difficult position!

Foreign Minister Thomas, pale-faced, said, “Gentlemen, the French have unilaterally ended this war, we must act immediately, or else we will be at a disadvantage!”

It was not a matter of being about to be at a disadvantage, but they already were. Whatever agreement the French-Russian had reached, it was very unfavourable for the Great Britain Empire.

If the two countries were to form an alliance, the British painstakingly crafted balance strategy for the European continent would collapse. In this era, there was no formidable ally in existence.

Minister of Army Stanley stated solemnly, “The French have already withdrawn, even selling Constantinople to the Russians; we can no longer fight this war.”

The London Government had long since lost the desire to fight, but withdrawing from the war was not so simple; one misstep could be exploited by political opponents, and that would cause quite a stir.

Stanley was the most concerned; in case the French were to betray their allies more thoroughly, it was possible that the British Army at the front might be swallowed by the Russians before peace negotiations even began.

Considering the longstanding grudge between England and France, such a scenario was possible. If it were to happen, it’s likely that the rest of Europe would be pleased to see it.

After a moment of hesitation, Prime Minister George made a decision, “The situation is unclear now; we can only adapt as things progress. For now, let’s accept the Austrians’ mediation, and handle the rest through diplomatic means.

The focus of the Foreign Office will now be to find ways to isolate the Russians; we absolutely cannot allow a French-Russian alliance to form, as that would lead to a complete loss of control.”

A loss? In international politics, who hasn’t suffered a loss? Those who can only think of taking advantage and cannot afford to lose are not suited for the game of politics.

Suffering a loss today means looking for ways to make up for it tomorrow. The ability to be flexible is a basic quality for a politician, and a temporary setback naturally cannot frighten the British.

Following the stance of the London Government, the Vienna Peace Conference was scheduled, and, after negotiation, it was finally decided to officially convene on September 21.

History had changed; the Russians had not suffered a defeat on the battlefield, but rather had gained the upper hand, so naturally, the conference could not take place in Paris, as the Tsarist Government also had its pride.

Conakry port, Guinea, the future largest port in West Africa, was now a Savage Land.

Owing to its natural harbor, it had the good fortune to become one of Austria’s strongholds in colonizing Africa, entering the civilized world ahead of time.

The place now was practically a large construction site; according to the Vienna Government’s plan, the first step to colonize Africa was to build a town.

No, not a town, more precisely, it was to be a small town. According to the plan, this place would settle eight thousand immigrants, along with the stationing of an Austrian infantry battalion.

Then, using the small town as a core, they would gradually expand outwards until the entire coastal plains region was occupied.

The port of Conakry was no longer called Conakry, but instead had been given a distinctly Austrian name—New Brook.

This was just the beginning; if the colonization plan went smoothly, many Austrian city names would appear here in the future.

Colonel Stephen, the town’s governor and acting commander of the garrison, looking at the report in his hands, shook his head in resignation; New Brook lacked everything since it was just starting.

Especially people, the plan was to settle eight thousand immigrants. Up to now, only one thousand two hundred had arrived, and within less than two months, 56 had died from various causes, with 37 more lying sick in bed.

This mortality rate was only slightly lower than that of an epidemic. If this continued, the average lifespan of new immigrants would probably not exceed 35 years.

Colonel Stephen concernedly asked, “When can the next batch of immigrants arrive?”

Assistant Gold replied crisply, “I don’t know!”

African colonies are different from the homeland; here, communication can only rely on the ships coming and going. If it weren’t for the monthly supplies being delivered, they would have thought they were abandoned.

Of course, to maintain contact between the colonies, Colonel Stephen still had a few small boats that could communicate with other strongholds.

Within the more than three hundred kilometers of coastline in Guinea, the Austrian Government had established three colonial settlements, and the first batch of colonists were dispersed here.

Learning from the successful experiences of other nations’ colonies, the Austrian colonization force only remained in the coastal areas; venturing deeper inland was a matter for the future.

A few native tribes in the plains had been cleared out for safety reasons, and even captives had been handed over to the Portuguese.

In this era, the slave trade was still rampant, with the United States being the world’s largest slave buyer. In recent years, nearly half of the population growth in the United States came from the purchase of slaves.

The slave market was still in a state of demand exceeding supply. After all, the African Continent during this age was not a pleasant place, with venomous insects and fierce beasts lurking.

Just look at the mortality rate of the immigrants to know, now they were only staying at strongholds to build their homes. If they were to venture into the interior, this mortality rate would considerably increase.

Colonel Stephen casually remarked, “Don’t know, aren’t you going to ask?”

As soon as he finished speaking, Colonel Stephen realized he had made a foolish mistake. This place was a colony, not the homeland; it would take several more decades to have direct contact with the homeland!

Even in the homeland, wired telegraphs were only popular in cities, and not even covered in rural towns, let alone the African Continent.

Technology for laying undersea cables had already appeared; however, considering the high costs, it was clearly not worth the investment for the African colonies by the Austrian Government at present.

“Ignore what I said!” Colonel Stephen quickly added.

Gold said seriously, “Colonel, I think we can’t keep waiting like this. If you don’t want to be overtaken by other outposts, we must take more proactive measures now.

Since we lack labor, let’s go and capture some. It’s been over two months, and we are still marking time. There are no colonizers in the world more compliant than us.

Do we really have to wait for the enemy to attack before we can passively counterattack? We should learn from our Portuguese counterparts. Even if we haven’t found precious minerals, we must find a way to break even.

If we continue at the current pace, I seriously doubt we can recoup the colonization costs within a hundred years. By then, it won’t be about gaining a title for our achievements; our graves will be overgrown with weeds.”

Unlike Stephen, who was from a military background, Gold, who had volunteered for the colonization effort, was by no means a contented man.

He had come to the colony to make his fortune, but now he was toiling daily on constructing the outpost. While the small town had begun to take shape, he hadn’t caught even a glimpse of the wealth he sought.

The plains in the coastal areas were indeed very good. If this were Austria, people would be scrambling for them. Unfortunately, this was the African Continent, where land was the least valuable asset.

According to Austrian colonial regulations, any Austrian citizen had the right to cultivate these lands. Whoever developed the farms would own them, on the condition that once property rights were confirmed, abandonment was forbidden.

Getting rich through farming was already fraught with difficulties back home, and Gold did not believe that one could get rich by farming here. The land was mainly for settling immigrants.

The best way to get rich in the colonies was to find mines, especially gold and silver mines, which were the simplest ways to wealth.

As part of the first batch of colonizers, those who reported the discovery of minerals to the colonial government could obtain a share of the profits from mineral exploitation or sell them directly to the government for a substantial sum of money.

Colonel Stephen shook his head and said, “Be patient, Gold. The mood among the immigrants is still unstable; they need us to keep an eye on them.

When the first harvest of crops is bountiful, the situation will change, and that’s when it’s our turn to expand.

If you have the time now, you can organize the young and strong among the immigrants for simple training. These people are no good; using them as cannon fodder couldn’t be more appropriate.

Here’s a piece of advice Africa is no paradise, and the dangers of the interior far exceed those of the coastal areas.

There are plenty of opportunities to make a fortune in the colonies, but there’s only one condition: you must be alive to spend it.”

One word stability. From the beginning of the colonization plan, the Austrian Government never expected to see a return within the first year; that was highly unrealistic.

The South African colony opened up by the British was not yet profitable, so how could Guinea expect to recoup its costs in the short term?

If making a fortune in the colonies was so easy, they would be overcrowded by now. Never underestimate the passion of the European populace for getting rich in this era.

Chapter 135: Persuasion

Following the successful establishment of the Guinea Colony, Austria’s colonizing efforts did not cease, and instead, attention was turned towards the Congo Region.

After all, at that time, there were plenty of unclaimed lands everywhere, and whoever occupied them would own them, so Franz naturally did not hesitate.

By October 1854, Austria had already developed thirteen colonial outposts on the African Continent and had sent more than forty thousand emigrants to the colonies.

Franz asked with confusion, “Prime Minister, why have we halted the emigration to the colonies?”

You should know, according to Austria’s original plan, the goal was to send all the refugees there, yet we have completed less than a tenth of that.

Prime Minister Felix explained, “Your Majesty, the plague in the Balkan Peninsula has spread, and if we were to urgently transport emigrants now, we would likely bring the plague to the colonies.

Although we have made efforts to recruit doctors, the medical facilities in the colonies are still not optimistic, and the consequences would be unimaginable should the plague spread.”

Franz shook his head and said, “Prime Minister, you worry too much. There are so few people in the colonies that even if an epidemic were to break out, it would be very easy to isolate and quarantine.

Moreover, winter is approaching, and this epidemic should also be drawing to a close. Even if it were carried to the African Continent, the situation would not be too severe.

Based on the intelligence we’ve collected, the mortality rate of Russian Army soldiers infected with the plague is merely seven or eight percent, which is still lower than the natural mortality rate of colonists in Africa.

The war in the Balkan Peninsula is about to end, and at that time, the majority of these refugees will choose to return home. In the future, it will be more difficult for us to find emigrants.”

This is not an exaggeration, the mortality rate for those emigrating to the African Continent was abnormally high at that time; a significant number would perish en route.

Is the mortality rate for the refugees who stay on the Balkan Peninsula any lower? The answer is no!

In fact, their mortality rate would only be higher if they stayed on the Balkan Peninsula.

Without sufficient benefits, the Austrian Government would not spend substantial resources to aid the refugees, and the Ottoman Empire would be even less likely to do so. Could we possibly expect the French to act like saints?

In that era, everyone was struggling to feed themselves. Providing relief to millions of refugees on the Balkan Peninsula would consume vast amounts of financial and material resources. Without sufficient benefits, who would bother?

Without adequate aid, these refugees would turn into bandits and then go on to inflict harm upon more regions, turning even more people into refugees.

Before the 20th century, with limited human productivity, there were only two methods to deal with refugee crises: relief or killing.

Most of the time, the solution was killing, as feudal empires simply could not provide relief. There was no good or evil, right or wrong; it was all about survival. If there wasn’t enough food, it was a case of the survival of the fittest.

Austria was very cautious with its African colonization effort, typically sending between five to eight thousand emigrants each time and then distributing them across over a dozen settlements. It wasn’t that Franz lacked the population, but rather, he worried about the possibility of accidents occurring and the logistics at the colonial outposts being cut off.

With fewer numbers, they could afford to take risks and obtain enough food to survive from the local environment, but this was not feasible with larger populations.

Prime Minister Felix continued explaining, “Your Majesty, our pace of emigration has been very fast. In terms of the number of emigrants, aside from the French, even the British do not have as many emigrants on the African Continent.

There is not enough local output to support the emigrants, and there is no immediate return. If we cannot find valuable mineral resources, these regions will bring a heavy financial burden in the future.”

If Franz had not been aware of the local resource situation, he would naturally have been concerned about this issue. However, this reason was obviously not applicable.

Being obstinate was even less of an option; without the cooperation of high-level government officials, it would end up as the Emperor’s solitary colonization, and the result would clearly be tragic.

Franz said calmly, “Then, let’s find a way to solve this problem. All our colonial outposts are on the coast. Send them a batch of fishing boats and teach the immigrants to fish.

With so much fertile land around, they can grow a bit of anything and that should be enough to sustain themselves. Once they get through the initial period, the food problem can be gradually solved.

The colonies do not support the idle. If they don’t want to do anything, then organize them to serve as cannon fodder, whether it’s being sent to fight against local native tribes or being used to explore the inland areas.

Once the food issue is resolved, there will be less pressure. After the colonies stabilize, we can start mining in the area. As long as one or two outposts strike something, we will be able to recoup the costs.

These colonial outposts can also provide logistical support to overseas merchant ships, earning some fees to offset administrative expenses.

If we can’t find minerals, then go for logging. I don’t believe the area lacks even timber resources; whether it’s planting crops, cash crops, or raising livestock, it should be sufficient to maintain the operation of the colonies.”

This was not just Franz boasting. Depending on agriculture or animal husbandry will not make one rich, but self-sufficiency is achievable.

This industrial operation won’t make much money, but it will definitely not lose any. Historically, the main reason colonies lost money was the lack of sufficient immigrants.

Without enough immigrants, local natural resources can’t be effectively exploited, basic industries can’t be developed, and colonial governments can’t collect enough taxes. Running deficits then is only to be expected.

Prime Minister Felix reminded him, “Your Majesty, all this requires substantial investment. We have already spent over one million shields on colonial affairs. To balance the budgets in these areas, the investment will exceed ten million shields.”

Franz replied cheerfully, “Of course, I am well aware of what we are doing. Once this ten million shields is invested, Guinea and the Congo Region will be completely under our control.

On such vast land, by planting coffee, palm, cotton, cocoa, rubber, tobacco, and tea, we could make several million shields in profit every year.

This hasn’t even taken into account the mineral resources. Surely, with our luck, we won’t come up completely empty-handed?

This calculation is simple. Other major colonial powers like England and France haven’t done this, not because they don’t want to, but because they don’t have enough immigrants at their disposal.

There are still four or five hundred thousand refugees in the Dalmatia Region, waiting to be settled.

We can first implement work-for-relief, keeping them there to improve local transportation, and then gradually relocate them to the African colonies.

Everything is difficult at the beginning. Once we complete the first phase of investment, it will be time to reap the rewards. If government funds are insufficient, we can raise capital from the public.

Colonies are different from the homeland; the government doesn’t need to be directly involved in management. We can entrust these operations to private companies just the same.

I am even considering allowing individuals to participate in the colonial enterprise, encouraging nobility to go overseas to open up colonies.”

Prime Minister Felix was convinced. The colonial enterprise, unlike others, is profitable for the government as long as costs can be recovered.

In the administration of the colonies, we might not make a large profit, but it can provide sufficient industrial raw materials for domestic industry, and the newly opened markets can stimulate the development of domestic industry and commerce.

Another advantage of colonies is to stem the outflow of the homeland population. Although this is not obvious now, it will become more serious after industrialization is completed.

Especially after an economic crisis, when people can’t find work at home and are compelled to emigrate overseas for a living, the role of the colonies becomes evident.

As long as the development is satisfactory, with a little guidance from the government, we can attract a large number of immigrants to move there, avoiding population outflow.

The number of emigrants leaving the Germany Region right now is not small. We don’t need much—just one third or even one fifth—if cheated into moving to Austria’s colonies, we wouldn’t fear any enemies challenging us on the African Continent.

To retain these immigrants, the development of local economies is also necessary. Without sustainable development of basic industries, it is obviously impossible to attract settlers.

There’s strength in numbers. As long as the population of the Austro-African colonies is large enough, Austria will have an advantage in the next round of the scramble for Africa.

This advantage will directly promote the economic development of the homeland in the future, driving the progress of domestic industry and commerce.

Chapter 136: Vienna Peace Conference

Time flew, and the much-anticipated Vienna Peace Conference began. The main actors were, naturally, England, France, and Russia, the three principal nations involved, while there was an abundance of supporting roles—the representatives from various European nations had all arrived.

It was unclear when it started, but whenever a major event occurred on the European Continent, regardless of its relevance to their interests, everyone loved to flock to the scene.

Under the guise of “concern for international politics,” Franz believed this was merely a way to maintain presence and gain the attention of the great powers.

One should not assume that these smaller countries, with little say, had unimportant stances. On the contrary, when the great powers reached a stalemate, the positions of these nations could determine the final outcome.

There were no superpowers in Europe; the disparity in strength among the major powers was not vast, and no nation could truly take on two others, let alone overpower all.

It’s not that the stronger could do what they wanted to the weaker; in reality, the outbreak of war would most likely result in mutual destruction.

The Crimean War taught everyone that modern warfare came with high costs and that the end gain often did not justify the expense.

In the face of harsh reality, attitudes had shifted, and governments strove to avoid conflict with the great powers as much as possible.

Within this context, all parties attended the Vienna conference with sincerity.

The British wanted to quickly extricate themselves from the Near Eastern conflict to re-engage in colonial expansion, as the war had delayed their pace of colonization.

The French were no exception; influenced by the British colonial movement, Napoleon III was very interested in establishing overseas colonies.

The Near Eastern conflict, aside from curtailing Russian expansion, inherently brought no benefits to France. At this point, the struggle for world supremacy was between Britain and Russia; there was no need for France to continue the confrontation.

The Russians were the most eager to end the war; having obtained Constantinople, albeit through underhand deals, Nicholas I didn’t care.

With both political and religious gains secured, the continuation of the war would only further deteriorate the Russian Empire’s finances without any additional benefits.

The current state of the Russian Empire was powerful in appearance but weak internally, rife with contradictions, and the Tsarist Government was in dire need of recuperation.

Not to mention the Ottoman Empire, whose Sultan Government was teetering on the brink; continuation of the war only exacerbated the domestic national uprisings they were facing.

The Montenegro Duchy had no say; even though they fought valiantly and caused significant casualties for the British, that did not grant them any speaking rights.

Inside St. Stephen’s Cathedral in Vienna, the conference moderator Metternich spoke solemnly, “Welcome to Vienna. Today’s meeting is convened for the sake of world peace.

Looking at human history, too many wars have erupted, often leading to disaster. In fact, many of these wars were preventable, if only there was more communication and understanding to eliminate many misunderstandings.

Metternich was a pacifist, a fact recognized throughout Europe, and advocating for peace was a habit of the “European Chancellor.”

Politicians knew how to put on a show; representatives of various nations began to postulate, and at this moment, it seemed as if everyone was a pacifist.

Once the posturing had been completed and the reporters were asked to leave, the real negotiations began, and the harmonious atmosphere vanished without a trace.

Representing the Ottoman Empire, Fuad took the lead in condemning Russian atrocities:

“This war was wholly instigated by the Russian Empire, and they should bear full responsibility for this conflict…”

Carl-Wassell, Russian Foreign Minister, interrupted Fuad mid-sentence, countering fiercely, “Sir, please mind your words; we are merely reclaiming what was lost.

Constantinople is a sacred site in Christendom; just because you have invaded it for hundreds of years does not entitle you to ownership.

From start to finish, you have been the invaders. We have simply completed the mission the Crusades failed to achieve; do not tarnish this holy and just war.”

By invoking religion, the Ottoman Empire was at a disadvantage. On this issue, England and France did not dare deny that Constantinople was a sacred site in Christendom, nor could they admit to its belonging to the Ottoman Empire.

Even though it had long been recognized by all, during formal negotiations with written records, no one dared to speak it aloud.

Seeing the Ottoman representative trapped from the start, Thomas quickly diverted the topic, “Duke Carl, these historical issues are not something we can clarify with a few words.

“There’s no need now to accuse anyone for the war; what’s imperative is to discuss how to end it!”

“No problem,” Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell of Russia replied coldly.

Thomas spoke earnestly, “For world peace and for the stability of the European Continent, I propose that all warring parties revert to the pre-war status and end this needless war!”

With his own interests at stake, Carl-Wassell immediately objected, “Impossible, we absolutely cannot tolerate Constantinople falling into the hands of infidels.”

Unflinchingly, Thomas said, “Please rest assured, Duke Carl, we too will not let Constantinople fall into the hands of infidels.

As a holy site of Christendom, Constantinople should be shared by all Christians. I suggest an international joint administration of Constantinople.”

Clearly, this was something the Russians could not accept. How could they easily give up Constantinople after paying such a heavy price to capture it?

Representatives from Britain and Russia began to argue vehemently, and after more than an hour of debate, they still had no results. Surprisingly, the French were merely spectating.

Thomas, who had already sensed something was amiss, acted nonchalant. It wasn’t that he was thick-skinned and feigning ignorance; in reality, he was testing just how far the French-Russian relationship had evolved.

Metternich said with a chuckle, “Gentlemen, it’s time for lunch. How about we continue in the afternoon?”

The negotiations were not going to be so easily resolved. The current dispute was only between Britain and Russia. There were still the conflicts of interest between France and Russia, Britain and France, Austria and the Ottoman Empire…

In addition to mediating the current Near East war, the Vienna Conference had the purpose of establishing a new international order, and many issues were still at hand.

Since the collapse of the Vienna System, the European Continent had experienced a series of upheavals in just a few short years: the Ausa War, the Prussia-Denmark War, the German Unification War, the Near East War.

England, France, Russia, Austria, and Prussia were all drawn in, along with the Kingdom of Sardinia, the Kingdom of Denmark, the Kingdom of Bavaria, Montenegro Duchy, the Ottoman Empire, and the Kingdom of Greek; most of Europe was embroiled in war.

If matters continued as they were, a new European continental war would soon erupt, something nobody wanted.

Fighting each other to death on the European Continent would yield very limited benefits. With nations restraining each other, no one could easily consume the spoils of war.

At this moment, everyone realized the significance of the Vienna System. The call to rebuild it naturally grew louder.

Especially for the many small states in Europe that felt even less secure, they urgently needed a stable order to protect their interests.

Under a common interest in security, Metternich, who had led the establishment of the first Vienna System, was once again pushed to the forefront.

Could the Vienna System be rebuilt? No one could answer that question, but for now, everyone needed a stable international system.

Russia needed to conduct internal social reforms, the United Kingdom, France, and Austria needed to expand their overseas colonies, and the many small states of Europe needed an international order to secure their safety; all required a stable European Continent.

In the evening, the results from the first day of negotiations reached Franz. Unsurprisingly, the British were at a disadvantage in these talks.

What could not be obtained on the battlefield, how could it be simply regained at the negotiating table?

Mao Xiong was not one to be easily bullied, and the French beginning to sidestep facilitated little of the British’s threatening tactics.

Their biggest bargaining chip was now their naval superiority. Should negotiations fail, the Russians’ foreign trade, especially grain exports, would be incapable of proceeding normally.

Grain exports were Russia’s largest source of foreign exchange. Due to the Near East war, grain export trade was disrupted.

To buy strategic materials, the Tsarist Government had to produce large amounts of gold and silver for trade, greatly accelerating the outflow of precious metals and putting severe pressure on their finances.

Although the Russian Empire had long been in a trade deficit, an annual trade deficit of several million rubles was completely different from one of hundreds of millions of rubles.

Russia had mineral wealth; gold and silver were in no short supply, and a deficit of several million rubles was not as much as they mined in a year.

But hundreds of millions of rubles were different. Such an outflow of gold and silver affected the Russian financial market. Mining gold and silver takes time, and it was impossible to cover the loss in the short term.

However, now that the war was over and there was no need to import arms and ammunition from abroad, this kind of trade deficit would quickly decrease. The British threat was not enough to make the Russians yield.

Chapter 137: The New Vienna System

The Vienna Conference began, with delegations from various countries forming alliances and displaying their talents.

Russia and France attempted to partition the remaining land of the Balkan Peninsula, and naturally, the excluded John Bull was not willing to be left out, pulling the Ottoman Empire into a posture ready for war.

The British threats did not frighten the Russians. After all, they held Constantinople and could blockade the Bosphorus Strait. Should both sides fall out, the British Naval Fleet in the Black Sea would be trapped like fish in a barrel.

With hostages in hand, the mighty bear was full of confidence. As a land power, offending the British was the extent of it. The vast and resource-rich bear could afford such a break, even if it came down to a complete split.

The French government hesitated first, not because Napoleon III was afraid of fighting the British. In fact, for such a trifle, it was practically impossible for a war to erupt between them.

If there were to be a fight, the French Navy was not without the strength for one battle. Perhaps they could not beat the Royal Navy, but they could still inflict serious damage.

Such high-risk gambling was not something the London Government would wager on rashly. In the Age of Sail, navies were too easily destroyed. A bloodbath between two great powers would leave no victor.

The main issue was still one of interest. Anyone sharing borders with the bear had to be wary. Napoleon III wanted the benefits without the risks.

France alone absorbing regions such as Macedonia, Albania, Thessaloniki, and Epirus seemed profitable, but after the great war, the Balkan’s economy had already collapsed.

War destruction, waves of refugees, plague—so many problems combined, the population of the Balkan Peninsula was reduced by a third, with even fewer able-bodied laborers.

What used to be a piece of fat meat, the Balkan Peninsula, was now lean. Restoring social order would inevitably require a great deal of resources.

Simply put, these gains were no longer sufficient to tempt the French to take risks. Were it not for political needs, Napoleon III would not be interested in the territories of the Balkan Peninsula.

“Gentlemen, arguing like this is no solution. Why not each demarcate our sphere of influence, and then we can discuss?” suggested Metternich.

Having said this, he first marked Austria’s controlled area on the map before passing it to the Russian representative, Carl-Wassell.

With nothing to hesitate about, Carl-Wassell circled his desired targets on the map. Russia and Austria had an agreement, and their spheres of influence did not overlap.

The French followed suit, marking their area of influence. When it was the British turn, Thomas was stunned.

My oh my, with the three countries dividing up the map, the Balkan Peninsula was entirely partitioned. Even if there were islands left unclaimed, they remained in the hands of the Ottoman Empire—and the British were not one to bully an ally in such a way.

With a flash of inspiration, Thomas felt the need to stir up some trouble and not let the enemy get their way so easily.

As for the Ottoman Empire, the unfortunate ally, it would just have to be sacrificed. It was the will of all Europeans, including the British public, so Thomas could not go against the current.

“Gentlemen, the people of the Balkan Peninsula have been enslaved by the Ottoman Empire for so many years. Now that they have returned to the embrace of the civilized world, we should help them achieve independence. How can we continue to enslave them?”

“If such inhumane acts were to occur, how would the world view us? And what would the international community think?”

Metternich rolled his eyes. The four of them could represent the international community. If a single country stepped out of line, it might face condemnation from the nations of Europe. But if the four acted together, rest assured that everyone would keep their mouths shut.

In that era, no one in the world dared oppose England, France, Russia, and Austria simultaneously. Even if the rest of the countries were to band together, they would be no match for these four powers.

“Mr. Thomas worries too much. Why would we enslave the people of the Balkan Peninsula?

You must know that the people of the Balkan Peninsula have long been under the bloody rule of the Ottoman Empire, and many have been poisoned by a barbaric world. We are actually helping them return to the civilized world.

According to the intelligence we’ve gathered, the cultural heritage of the Balkan Peninsula has been severely damaged. Now, the island’s population either aids the Ottoman Empire in oppressing their own people,
or they are illiterate, or traitors to the civilized world. Isn’t the idea of them becoming independent and forming their own country a joke?

It is far better for us, the powers, to supervise them and guide the local people back into the civilized world to prevent the tragedy from continuing.”

After all, it is politically correct to view the Ottomans as barbarians. The term, deeply ingrained in the hearts of every European, has been equated with savagery through centuries of Ottoman rule.

Of course, the Ottoman Empire’s infamy is well-deserved, considering the countless outrages they committed in history. Metternich could provide a plethora of evidence to attest to their barbarism.

These misdeeds remain hidden until they are exposed, no matter if they happened a hundred or two hundred years ago; once brought to light, they all serve as proof of guilt.

In any case, the stain cannot be washed away. At this time, experts still have some scruples and aren’t willing to whitewash the Ottoman Empire’s image.

As a politician, Thomas dared not defend the Ottomans on this matter either, lest the British public not forgive him.

Those in the Balkan Peninsula who have a heritage of culture and knowledge are basically affiliated with the Ottoman Empire. Even if they haven’t betrayed, their ancestors did.

From this perspective, it is somewhat justifiable to categorize these people as remnants of the Ottoman Empire.

Thomas did not dwell on this any further and directly proposed, “Mr. Metternich has a point. In that case, what about international joint administration over the Balkan Peninsula? We can collectively help them return to civilization.

Once they have been brought back to the civilized world, we find an appropriate time for the people of the Balkan Peninsula to establish their own independent nation, to contribute to civilization.”

Upon hearing Thomas’ suggestion, the French representative from Auvergne seemed somewhat tempted, but the Russian’s response was much more vehement.

Carl-Wassell slammed his hand on the table, angrily saying, “Impossible! The people of the Balkan Peninsula have suffered greatly from the Ottomans’ poison and must be supervised by us to be able to return to the civilized world.”

Watching the enraged Carl-Wassell, Metternich rubbed his forehead. Clearly, this military man turned Foreign Minister was not yet accustomed to the role of a diplomat, and he seemed ready to resort to force at the slightest disagreement.

Beating someone up during negotiations, it seems like something the Russians could indeed do.

To prevent the negotiations from deteriorating further, Metternich had no choice but to intervene and immediately questioned Thomas, “There are many nations on the Balkan Peninsula, and since the Byzantine Empire, there has been no unified country established. Mr. Thomas, do you intend to rebuild the Byzantine Empire?”

Rebuilding the Byzantine Empire, what an international joke. The nationalists within Greece can foolishly chant slogans all they want, but who seated here could tolerate the reconstruction of the Byzantine Empire?

Facing questioning, Thomas explained without changing his expression, “Mr. Metternich is mistaken, allowing the people of the Balkan Peninsula to become independent and form their own country is simply to help the locals return to the civilized world.

The Byzantine Empire has long perished, how could we think of rebuilding it?”

Metternich scoffed and said, “It’s best not to, otherwise the world would be plunged into chaos again. As for the issue of the Balkan Peninsula people establishing their own independent country, I see no need for discussion.

The people of Serbia, Wallachia, Moldavia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and other regions have already acquired Austrian nationality, they are citizens with a homeland!”

The Russian Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell, inspired by Metternich, immediately spoke up, “We’ve already granted nationality to the people in the Bulgarian region and the Constantinople area, so there’s no need for Mr. Thomas to worry.”

Whether they have nationality or not, Carl-Wassell had used this excuse first, and worst comes to worst, they could follow up later.

In any case, no matter what schemes Thomas concocted, he would not be able to get the Austrians and Russians to come forward and establish an independent nation, meaning both sides would have to tear their faces apart.

Continue to encroach on French territory? The thought vanished in a flash, for Thomas did not wish to see the Russia-France-Austria alliance band together. Once that combination appeared, even if they were to pull in allies from all over the world, they wouldn’t be able to withstand it.

Whether to carve up a piece of the Balkans for himself? After looking over the map, Thomas decided not to border these land powers.

Suddenly changing the subject, Auvergne said, “The most important thing on the Balkan Peninsula is still the Black Sea Strait. Most international disputes revolve around this area.

For the peace and stability of the world, I propose international co-management of the Dardanelles Strait and the Bosphorus Strait, and all the coastal port cities become free ports, with no weapon deployment allowed by any country.

In any period, the governments of all countries must guarantee free navigation through the straits, without setting any restrictions, and no navigation fees shall be collected.”

After considering it for a moment, everyone agreed, although Carl-Wassell was a bit reluctant. However, considering the actual situation, even if they wanted to collect navigation fees, they wouldn’t be able to. Thus, he agreed as well.

They could tax the Bosphorus Strait, while England and France could also tax at the entrance of the Dardanelles Strait. If ships were afraid to pass by then, this golden waterway would be wasted.

Having solved the issue of the waterway, Thomas was too lazy to entangle himself any further with the issues of the Balkan Peninsula. Sharing the Balkan Peninsula among Russia, France, and Austria, isn’t that a form of balance too?

Once the Russians break out of the Black Sea, the French would be the first to bear the brunt, and Austria too would not be able to tolerate the Russians expanding further.

In the Near East War, although they didn’t gain actual benefits, they were still strategically successful, using the new international order to blockade the Russians within the Black Sea.

After resolving the issues of the Near East conflict, England, France, Russia, and Austria signed “The Four-Nation Convention,” which redefined the spheres of influence of each country through a treaty.

Following the signing of the treaty, the governments of the four countries jointly issued a statement declaring that they would collectively maintain the peace and stability of the European Continent and combat any actions that would undermine the established rules.

With the conclusion of the Vienna Peace Conference, a new international order was once again established. With the exception of the free navigation of the Black Sea Strait, each country’s sphere of influence was determined based on the territories they actually controlled.

The Ottoman Empire became the biggest loser. Lacking the strength to maintain its rule over the Balkan Peninsula, it had no choice but to sell regions such as Macedonia, Thessaloniki, Albania, and the Gallipoli Peninsula to the French for the sum of 200 million Francs.

As allies of the Ottomans, the French had to maintain a decent appearance and unwillingly paid a sum of money to buy the territories. Austria and Russia, on the other hand, were not so courteous. Being the perennial adversaries of the Ottomans, they naturally annexed the territories they had occupied.

The Montenegro Duchy probably couldn’t even figure out if they had lost or gained from this. Although they were eventually driven back to their homeland by the British, with the support of Russia and Austria, their territory expanded by twice its size, and they successfully acquired a coastline.

An expanded territory that was actually only a little over 10,000 square kilometers, still smaller than the Montenegro Duchy in later times. There was no helping it, for they had such a small homeland.

For those additional 5,000-plus square kilometers, the Montenegro Duchy lost half of its young and robust population. The total population in their homeland decreased by 23 percent, and even after the occupation of new land, the national population barely surpassed 200,000.

On the surface, the greatest winner, the Russian Empire, was quietly licking its wounds. Although they had taken Constantinople, that was merely a superficial glory.

Whether it was the Bulgarian region or the area around Constantinople, both had suffered devastation from the war, which directly led to the collapse of the local economies.

In particular, Constantinople itself had become a ruin, with over two-thirds of the buildings within the city sustaining varying degrees of damage.

Of course, this could also be seen as an opportunity for a fresh start – to demolish and rebuild, to erase traces left by the Ottoman Empire and to construct a splendor truly befitting the Russian Empire. At least, that would be the case if one did not take the financial situation into account.

If one were to tally the casualties, then the Russians would be unable to smile. In the Balkans alone, Russians suffered the loss of 600,000 men, and when including the Crimea Peninsula and Caucasus War Field, the total number of Russian Army dead and disabled approached 900,000.

Had it not been for the capture of Constantinople and the political gains that compensated for it all, Nicholas I truly would not know how to conclude the affair.

The British and French, who also participated in the battle, did not gain any advantage either. The French Army lost 210,000 men and had 45,000 wounded or disabled, while the British Army suffered 78,000 dead and 11,000 wounded or disabled.

This figure includes losses from pandemics and diseases; otherwise, the number could be reduced by a third. In any case, non-combat losses fortunately did not exceed those from combat.

As for the Ottoman Empire, their losses remained a mystery, with even the Sultan Government itself unsure of how to tally them. Either way, their million-strong army had been decimated.

With the Balkan Peninsula lost, many soldiers were merely conscripted commoners. Scattered by the conflict, one could not expect these men to return and regroup.

Having thrown in the towel, the Sultan Government likely did not care anymore. With the loss of their capital and the core areas of their rule, why increase their worries with the issue of personnel casualties?

Chapter 138: Economic Transition

After the Vienna Congress, the European Continent once again returned to tranquility.

The signing of “The Four-Nation Convention” brought joy to some and sorrow to others; for most nations, it was naturally a good thing because the international order was reestablished and everyone could rest easy.

Order implies stability, and since the European Continent had stabilized, it meant that the paths for expansion for the Kingdom of Prussia and the Kingdom of Sardinia on the continent were cut off.

To disrupt the international situation would certainly incur the backlash of the international order, a cost they could not afford.

In Turin, looking at “The Four-Nation Convention” in his hands, Prime Minister Cavour was of two minds. A stable international situation was conducive to their economic recovery, but it also made the unification of the Italian Area even more difficult.

After the Ausa war, the unification route of the Kingdom of Sardinia had changed; most people believed that it was too difficult to take Lombardy and Veneto back from the Austrians, and it was better to start with Tuscany, the Papal State, and the Kingdom of Naples.

Cavour was a supporter of this route; the unification from the easy to the difficult was in line with the actual situation of the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Do not look at the heavy losses the Kingdom of Sardinia suffered after the Ausa war; they had not yet recovered. However, among the several sub-states in the Italian Area, their power was still among the top.

Now with “The Four-Nation Convention” coming out, their plans had collapsed, and even the British, who supported them, would not allow them to disrupt the situation in the European Continent at this time.

Since England and France had lost in the Near East war, as one of the investors, the Kingdom of Sardinia naturally had to share in the loss. Thousands of lives were lost in vain without any benefit to show for it.

Without the strength to secure their interests, they did not dare to take them. The French could carve out a piece of the Balkans for themselves because it was based on formidable strength.

In the Near East war, the combat effectiveness of the French Army was widely recognized among the countries. Keeping a third of the Balkan Peninsula was not an issue at all, neither Russia nor Austria would hassle with the French over such slight gains.

The high cost of modern warfare has told everyone it is best not to engage in war with major power unless absolutely necessary.

“Prime Minister, are you saying we should make peace with the Austrians?” asked Victor Emmanuel II in disbelief.

You should know that to bolster everyone’s courage, the Sardinian Government had not spared using the hatred between the two countries as a rallying point. Now, suddenly changing the policy was a severe shock to Victor Emmanuel II’s fragile nerves.

Cavour explained, “Your Majesty, the international situation has changed. After the rebuilding of the Vienna System, there will not be any wars between the major powers for a long time to come.

“Our strength alone is hardly enough to defeat Austria. Continuing to be hostile to Austria only makes them more vigilant, without any substantial benefits.

“Because of the political opposition between the two countries, we have also suffered huge losses due to the economic blockades imposed by our enemies.”

As a qualified statesman, Cavour could calmly weigh the pros and cons and would not be blinded by hatred.

The Kingdom of Sardinia is now in great need of recovery; it has only been five years since the Ausa war, and they have not yet emerged from the shadows of the conflict. If they want to recover the economy quickly, continuing the confrontation with Austria is clearly not a wise move.

In history, the unification of the Italian Area was filled with coincidences. Now, the Kingdom of Sardinia’s desire to unify the Italian Area is just wishful thinking; no one is truly confident about this internally.

The unity war launched by the Germany Region, which ultimately ended in failure, further undermined the confidence of the Italians.

Aside from the British, which great power would like to see the Italian Area unified? The answer is: none of them.

Even the British support was merely verbal. Hoping that the British would make an effort for the unification war of the Italian Area would be a fool’s dream.

After hesitating for a moment, Victor Emmanuel II asked, “How do we explain this to our people? As you know, to stir up everyone’s fighting spirit, we have fanned the flames of hatred toward Austria, and it has taken deep root in people’s hearts.”

During the conversation, a trace of worry was evident in Victor Emmanuel II’s brows; clearly, he was not optimistic about Prime Minister Cavour’s proposal.

Cavour calmly replied, “Your Majesty, there is no need to do anything, just handle it quietly. The anti-Austrian faction within our country will explain for us since we need to remain patient now when the enemy is strong and we are weak.”

He dared to propose easing relations between the two countries because there were many within the Kingdom of Sardinia who were fearful of Austria, people who had lost their nerve and feared that war might break out between the two countries again.

Do not look at the rallying cry for the unification of Italy; in reality, not many people among the public are interested in this. Most do not believe that the Kingdom of Sardinia can unify the Italian Area.

Especially after experiencing a war, most Sardinian People were of the Peace Party; after going through such grief and sorrow once, nobody wanted to experience it a second time.

Grow stronger through setbacks? Not at all!

Because of the war, the finances of the Kingdom of Sardinia were bankrupt, and to repay debts, even their military force existed in name only. What did they have left to seek revenge with?

The shift in the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Sardinia was something Franz knew nothing about; these matters were not his focus.

The Near East War had ended, and with it, the opportunity for Austria to hugely profit from the conflict. The arms industry had just made a fortune, garnering substantial earnings during the war, and thus, there was no so-called crisis.

In this war, Austria had exported to the Russians a total of 1.2 million rifles, more than 2,000 cannons, and over a hundred thousand tons of various weapons and ammunition, not to mention an assortment of other military equipment.

The total transaction price for the weapons and ammunition soared to 250 million Rubles, setting the highest record in human history for arms trade, surpassing the international market’s total arms transactions over the past hundred years.

These figures might seem inconsequential in the future, but at present, they represented a huge sum, sufficient for the Austrian arms industry to undergo comprehensive technological upgrades.

The arms sector did not require worry; it was an industry of windfall profits—no need to open for three years, but when it did, it reaped three years of profits.

Other industries, however, were different—since the war had ended, the relationship between supply and demand for products had changed, necessitating production line adjustments.

Post-war reconstruction was supposed to be lucrative, but unfortunately, the Tsarist Government was too impoverished to afford it.

Without funds from the client, Franz was helpless. Given the current international political situation, it was still extremely difficult for the Tsarist Government to seek foreign loans.

It was foreseeable that in the coming year of 1855, the Austrian economy would inevitably face challenges, though market feedback would take time, and the crisis would not erupt immediately.

Even though the war had ended, Austria had seized many markets that could still sustain domestic industries and commerce.

Vienna Palace

Franz spoke earnestly, “The Near East War has concluded, and it’s imperative that we adjust our domestic economy. Private enterprises can decide for themselves by capitalists, and they don’t need our intervention. Nevertheless, state-owned enterprises must prepare for industrial transformation.

Many materials massively consumed during the war are no longer needed by the market; therefore, these production lines must be altered, cutting what’s unnecessary and closing what’s superfluous.

We must shift production towards what the market demands. If an industry cannot pivot or offers too low a profit, we can auction it off.

The government only needs to control industries vital to national and public livelihood; for ordinary sectors, maintaining a certain influence will suffice.”

If it’s not profitable, then let it go. Franz did not cling to the notion that state-owned enterprises are immutable. The mainstream economy of this era was private capital.

The Austrian Government owning so many industries was due to special circumstances, and it wasn’t the government’s initial plan to operate this many industries. Now, selling some of them imposed no pressure on Franz.

Prime Minister Felix replied, “Your Majesty, selling these industries now might not be opportune. Everyone knows the war has ended and that, without foreign trade orders, these enterprises simply cannot fetch a good price.

Moreover, the redeployment of state enterprise personnel is quite troublesome. Perhaps it would be better to wait for the market to complete its self-regulation before we deal with this issue.”

Franz shook his head and said, “No, by the time the market has adjusted, new enterprises will have already sprung up. To whom will we sell these low-value enterprises in our hands?

The same enterprise, in government hands versus in capitalists’ hands, is not the same concept at all. Based on past experience, many enterprises directly mismanaged by the government, once sold to capitalists, quickly turned around.

We can’t solely consider the price issue; we must think globally to ensure rapid economic development within the country.

Why worry about personnel arrangements? We can just reassign them. There’s a shortage of administrative officials in the Balkans, so we could send some people there.

If an enterprise has come to the point of being auctioned off under their management, do they still have the audacity to claim they are meritorious officials?”

While others may be oblivious to the impending economic crisis, Franz sensed something unusual in the capital market. Gathering as much capital as possible before the crisis exploded was the key strategy.

Franz wasn’t worried about arranging for employees. No matter who the boss was, it would be all the same to the ordinary workers on the bottom rung.

The Austrian state-owned enterprises hadn’t been around long enough to form interest groups capable of setting terms with the government.

If the enterprises were sold off, the leaders in charge would be fortunate to not be held accountable. They could only dream of being treated as meritorious officials!

Austrian state enterprises had substantial autonomy. In an environment where the broader economy was flourishing, any enterprise that fell into hardship or a dead end demonstrated their incompetence.

Franz naturally would not show favor to such incompetents. Not driving these people home was already merciful.

Of course, the severe lack of grassroots civil servants in the Austro-Balkans was also a significant factor. These individuals might have average abilities, but their use was safe, and there was no fear that they might conspire with the remaining Ottoman remnants.

Table of Contents

Chapter 1: Ascension to the Throne
Chapter 2: Let the Russians In
Chapter 3: The Feast at Hongmen
Chapter 4: Disarmament
Chapter 5: Swiss Mercenaries
Chapter 6: Education Reform
Chapter 7: The Dark Ages
Chapter 8: Austrian Civil Service Examination
Chapter 9: Napoleon III Takes Power
Chapter 10: Beautiful Misunderstanding
Chapter 11: Austria’s Economic Circle Plan
Chapter 12: The Holy Roman Alliance
Chapter 13: Cruel Society
Chapter 14: Investment Preparation
Chapter 15: Reformist
Chapter 16: Basic Operations – Digging Pits
Chapter 17: The Russo-Austrian Secret Treaty
Chapter 18: The Fraudulent Donations Scandal

Chapter 19: Making a Fortune? Starting with Embezzlement**

Chapter 20: Doing this also puts me in a difficult position

Chapter 21: Walking the Tightrope

Chapter 22: I reflect on my own behavior three times a day.

Chapter 23: Core Industries
Chapter 24: Railway Network
Chapter 25: Dividing the Fruit
Chapter 26: The Yellow Sparrow Is Behind
Chapter 27: Standard System
Chapter 28: The Headache-Inducing Strategy
Chapter 29: Despicable Tricks

Chapter 30: Cleared of Charges (Please Subscribe)

Chapter 31: Budget

Chapter 32: What to Do When the Spoils Are Not Divided Evenly

Chapter 33: Purifying the Ranks of Officialdom

Chapter 34: The Derailed Topic

Chapter 35: Only Talent Matters

Chapter 36: Dissolution of the Milk Bottle Army

Chapter 37: The Tsarist Who Follows the Rules
Chapter 38: The Wind Rises
Chapter 39: Surging Clouds
Chapter 40: Capital Influx

Chapter 41: Accidentally Planting Willows, Willows Provide Shade

Chapter 42: The Grand Reserve Strategy
Chapter 43: No Permanent Enemies
Chapter 44: Wonderful Misunderstanding
Chapter 45: A Marriage Alliance?
Chapter 46: The Ambitious Navy Department
Chapter 47: Arms Race
Chapter 48: Everyone is Preparing
Chapter 49: Strategic Deception
Chapter 50: Development
Chapter 51: Money Makes Things Easier

Chapter 52: Monopoly System on Tobacco and Alcohol

Chapter 53: Entry to France
Chapter 54: Lolita Nurturing Plan
Chapter 55: The Disappearing Tribe
Chapter 56: Only Profit Is Eternal
Chapter 57: Industrial Regulation
Chapter 58: Countdown
Chapter 59: Napoleon III
Chapter 60: The Price
Chapter 61: Outbreak of Near East War
Chapter 62: The Crisis of the Ottoman Empire
Chapter 63: All Thanks to Foil
Chapter 64: Choices of All Parties
Chapter 65: War Loans
Chapter 66: The Making of a Pig Teammate
Chapter 67: Ideal Strategy

Chapter 68: Everyone is Playing the Game of Using Others to Kill

Chapter 69: The Moment of Test Has Come

Chapter 70: Caught between a rock and a hard place

Chapter 71: Patients with Austriaphobia
Chapter 72: Do Not Dig Your Own Grave
Chapter 73: Change of Nationality
Chapter 74: The Pig Teammates Assemble
Chapter 75: The Russians’ Counterattack
Chapter 76: The Plan of the Allied Forces
Chapter 77: Production Line

Chapter 78: On Which Bureaucracy Has the Strongest Techniques

Chapter 79: Russian-Austrian Trade

Chapter 80: The Struggle of the Montenegrin People

Chapter 81: Propaganda Comes Before the Army Moves

Chapter 82: A War Fought by Mistake
Chapter 83: Passing the Buck
Chapter 84: Opening a New Front
Chapter 85: Greece Enters the War
Chapter 86: Scandal
Chapter 87: A Bloody Lesson
Chapter 88: “The Shinra Faction in Action
Chapter 89: The Ultimate Realm of Trapping
Chapter 90: Turning Point
Chapter 91: “How a Fugitive Soldier is Made
Chapter 92: Just Waiting to Jump into the Pit
93
Chapter 94: The Point of No Return
Chapter 95: When the Time is Right
Chapter 96: Pretext for War
Chapter 97: National Traitor

Chapter 98: The Snipe and the Clam at Loggerheads

Chapter 99: We Must Remain Neutral
Chapter 100: Bluffing
Chapter 101: Passing the Buck
Chapter 102: Each with Their Own Plan
Chapter One Hundred and Three: Interference
Chapter 104: Trading
Chapter 105: Come to Nothing
Chapter 106: The Suffering Franz
Chapter 107: Hidden Murderous Intent

Chapter 108: The Diplomatic Tactics of John Bull

Chapter 109: None of Them Are Simple
Chapter 110: Scheming
Chapter 111: On the Necessity of Buffering
Chapter 112: Dark Days
113. The Birth of the Comedic Empire
Chapter 114: New Holy Roman Empire
Chapter 115: Prepare for a Rainy Day
Chapter 116: Marriage Alliance
Chapter 117: Good Idea = Bad Idea

Chapter 118: Balkan Peninsula Development Plan

Chapter 119: Reluctant Choice

Chapter 120: The Constantinople Demolition Team

Chapter 121: International Politics and Diplomacy

Chapter 122: Terrible Disease
Chapter 123: Cruelty
Chapter 124: The Age of the Great Powers
125th Chapter: Ironclad Ship
Chapter 126: No Choice
Chapter 127: Refugee Crisis Erupts
Chapter 128: The Path of Colonization
Chapter 129: Nobility
Chapter 130: Economic Development
Chapter 131: Disaster Strikes
Chapter 132: Boiling Oil with Fierce Fire
Chapter 133: To Each Their Own Needs
134, Stable
Chapter 135: Persuasion
Chapter 136: Vienna Peace Conference
Chapter 137: The New Vienna System
Chapter 138: Economic Transition