Holy Roman Empire: Volume 1
Author: New Sea Moon
Date: 2024-09-30T14:27:16.968000+00:00

Chapter 1

It was late at night.

Li Mu was uncomfortable with the ice-cold iron bed, which stood out prominently against such a classically luxurious room.

“It’s already been two years!” sighed Li Mu, who couldn’t help it.

Yes. Li Mu had been reincarnated as Franz Josef, known by those throughout history as the old ruler of the Austro-Hungarian Empire as well as the great love of Empress Elisabeth of Austria.

He was the grandson of Francis II, the Holy Roman Emperor, and the firstborn of Archduke Franz Karl and Princess Sophie Frederica, the daughter of Maximilian I, King of Bavaria.

(Franz Joseph I, the founder of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the last emperor of the Hapsburg dynasty, was born on August 18, 1830, crowned on December 2, 1848, and died on November 21, 1916.)

Franz’s life was like a joke between him and God: in his early years, he not only lived a fairy-tale life with a stunning queen and lovely children, but he also ruled a mighty empire.

In those early days, Franz was worthy of the title of the emperor, as he made his subjects, his nation, and his people, as well as his beloved, feel secure and proud.

However, this dream would come to an end in his later years, as the situation took a sharp turn against him and rapidly deteriorated.

He suffered one disaster after another. His brother was struck down by a bullet in Mexico, his wife was stabbed to death in Geneva by an Italian anarchist, and his son took his own life at a young age.

To add to his suffering, the successor he had chosen was assassinated by the Serbian Mafia, and then the war he began in the name of revenge saw tens of millions of people die in a sea of blood. The empire, the one he had fought for his entire life, was destroyed.

Franz’s uncle, the Austrian emperor Ferdinand I, had problems conceiving an heir, so Franz was raised as heir to the throne from a very young age. Because of who he would grow up to be, Franz had to say goodbye to happiness early in his childhood–to say nothing of the intoxicating pleasures enjoyed by most aristocrats, which had absolutely nothing to do with him. Instead, his life was one of studying! Franz was raised from birth to withstand the most arduous training.

After getting up at four o’clock every morning from his frozen camp bed, washing up with icy water, and praying at the stand beside his bed—for he was a devout Catholic– he began his twelve hours of study.

This daily routine continued through many bitter winters and intense summers, without so much as an iota of change.

Right after Li Mu’s reincarnation, the heavy snow covered Vienna. He thought cold showers in such frigid temperatures would be the end of him; he was utterly surprised to find, however, that he was too strong to even catch a cold.

Seven hundred days and nights were enough to change a lot of things, including Li Mu–or Franz, as he was now known. Reality brought out new strengths in people, even though Li Mu never thought he had such strong willpower before.

During those two years, Li Mu retained most of Franz’s habits. Most of the time, he wondered if the memories of his previous life were even real.

After comparing the developments in history, Li Mu found, to his disappointment, that this world and the world he knew before were exactly the same—down to even small historical incidents, such as the potato shortage in the German region.

As an amateur historian, he had devoted himself to the study of Austrian history in his previous life, so he had known all too well that the appearance of a harmonious and prosperous Austria was far from a solid reality. Like a house of cards, it would all fall apart from a slight touch.

At the time, it appeared that the Austrian Empire was still in full swing: it was the leader of the Vienna Conference, the rule-maker in Europe after the war against France, the military might of Europe.

No one, except Li Mu, knew that the leading empire in Europe would crash down in the Great Revolution two years later, or that it would have been erased in 1849 had it not been needed by the other European powers.

Though it survived, the Austrian Empire saw its power wane.

Diplomatic failures led to a series of military failures. First came defeat in the Austrian-French war, followed by defeat in the Austro-Prussian War; finally, even the Italians took advantage of Austria in its weak and war-torn condition.

All those failures took a toll on the authority of the central government, and the Austrian Empire was forced to compromise and decentralize, becoming the dualistic Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Historically, the process of establishing the Austro-Hungarian Empire was full of contingencies, and Li Mu did not dare think he could handle things better than the original Franz. As a result, it became his goal to save the Austrian Empire.

Of course, he could abandon the claim to the throne and choose to be a happy rich man somewhere safe, as if he were a nobody. The problem was that after two years as an aristocrat, the spark of ambition had found its way into his heart.

Life was bitterly short, lasting mere decades at most. Why would he back down after having been reincarnated here as a leader of the era, standing on top of the world?

It was already late at night, but Franz was absorbed in the plan of saving his country, which he had revised countless times.

….

“Archduke, it is time for your class!” the maid reminded him. Her whisper woke Franz from his dream.

“I hear you!” Franz replied reluctantly.

As Li Mu was such a good student of the period’s history, Franz could pass the exams in all his dozens of subjects—politics, history, philosophy, languages, religion, among others—with average scores.

“Average” meant he could achieve the passing mark on all the scores. If not, rounding up would be the answer.

Compared to his two younger brothers with whom he studied, though, Franz was definitely a good student, even a top one.

Really, the difference between them was the result of different standards: his mother, Princess Sophie, demanded the best from him, while from his two younger brothers, she demanded only average work.

In Franz’s opinion, the kind of education he was given was essentially a failure. Too much content to memorize and too little time to think.

Nothing could be done about that, however, considering the family misfortune at that very moment: both his father and uncle were lacking in brains, so the inheritance of the art of imperialism handed down from generation to generation was interrupted.

All Franz’s studies were arranged by Sophie, a faithful Catholic. She was exceptionally strict with Franz because of her belief that an heir to the throne must be emotionally strong and that showing emotion could prove disastrous.

In addition to his mother tongue, Franz, who could write in French at the age of 8, learned Hungarian, Czech, and Italian at 11, and dabbled in Latin and Greek at the age of 13.

Unfortunately, Li Mu didn’t get the learning capability from Franz; his performance got worse and worse as he tried to live off his past knowledge.

Franz—who, as we knew from history, was proficient in eight languages and could speak almost all the national languages of the Austro-Hungarian Empire—had gone far, while now we only had this “Franz,” who was struggling to keep up.

Chapter 2

“Franz, what is going on with you recently, and why have you fallen behind in your coursework so much?!”

His mother, the Bavarian princess Sophie, burst this out impatiently before Franz could explain anything.

This was the consequence of him reincarnating as Franz—he began to go against his public image of a good boy in lots of ways as time passed, and his lower grades were a sign of that.

“I am sorry to say that this is because of you, dear mother, what with you overscheduling me with coursework to the point of overwhelming me. But more than that, don’t forget I already have the heaviest class load among all the aristocrats across the whole European continent,” Franz sniped back.

“Franz, are you saying that I am abusing you?” questioned Mrs. Sophie, her face was dark with anger.

“Dear Mother, I’m not blaming you for it, just informing you of the truth of the unbearably heavy workload placed on me.

I barely have enough energy and time for my courses, and yet you’ve imposed extra military training on me recently! Of course my performance will be affected because of such strain.

In fact, how about actually getting rid of some of these unnecessary courses so that I can accomplish something!” Franz asserted.

“So then, dear Franz; you think yourself grown and within your right to disobey your mother?” questioned Princess Sophie with a sneer.

From the look on his mother’s face, Franz sensed something ominous. and believed he had severely underestimated his mother’s desire to maintain control.

When a mother stood her ground on something that she assumed was good for her child, attempting to convince her to do otherwise would be most unwise.

Even so, Franz couldn’t back down; otherwise, things would get tougher and tougher for him in the coming days.

“Mother, I, as the heir to the throne of the Austrian Empire, need to learn different things that the average man does not,” Franz said, a serious expression formed on his face.

“Since you wish to nurture an emperor rather than a learned scholar, what will all these miscellaneous courses have to do with governing a country?

If you think I have been slacking off, you can do it yourself then. I have 28 subjects now, not including two hours of military training every day! ”

Franz’s words made Princess Sophie go deep into thought. There was a difference in European education compared to others: it was quite common for children to talk back to their parents, and sometimes the parents even accepted the objection if it made sense to them.

Although nurturing obedient workers at a conservative age for the ruling class was the mainstream education model, no one dared to impose that on Franz, the crown prince.

The longevity of European aristocracy was actually rooted in their advanced concept on the education of children, even though they were conservative regarding politics because of their own interests.

Without waiting too long, Mrs. Sophie had somewhat accepted Franz’s opinion, even with lingering doubts in her mind, which was why she came back with another question—”What do you plan to do then?”

“Mother, I’m already 16 years old and no longer an unthinking child,” Franz reasoned severely. “I’m very aware of what I’m doing now and what I need to do next!

Theoretical knowledge doesn’t always agree with social reality, especially those in my mind, for I, who’s barely stepped out of the palace since his birth, can only see or know what you want me to see or know.

And as you know, my teacher was often struck dumb by my questions because the knowledge you people fill me with is full of holes and doubts. I never really know the true colors of the Austrian Empire or what the world is truly like.

I will lack a clear vision for the country if I don’t go around and surveil it; otherwise, I will become just like my uncle, an emperor who feels at ease as a puppet!”

Princess Sophie’s face suddenly showed a look of fury because of Franz’s implicit accusation and rudeness. Thanks to her royal upbringing, Mrs. Sophie swallowed her temper immediately.

“Franz, don’t forget the fact that you are only 16 years old, which means you have plenty of time to understand this country; for now, what you need most is study.”

“No, mother!” said Franz deliberately, shaking his head. “I don’t have as much time as you think. When the time, as you suppose, comes for me to know this country, the real situation in this country will be beyond my grasp.

The bureaucrats have one thousand ways to blind my eyes with what they want me to see, while the real situation is too distant for me to get to!”

“Franz, you are too suspicious, and I don’t believe the world is as bad as you think. Read whatever you want to in the newspapers if you would like to learn the world!” Princess Sophie’s face turned pale.

“My dear mother, don’t forget that suspicion is one of the most central characteristics of a qualified monarch! As for newspapers, don’t you know the censorship of publication as well as I do?” questioned Franz.

Learn about the world by reading newspapers? This idea instantly reminded Franz of a man, Yuan Shih-Kai, in China’s history, who got busted by doing just that, and then his name was mud.

Will the same history repeat in Austria? It’s too early for Franz to draw conclusions about that; however, publishing a newspaper, like what they did in China’s history to Yuan Shih-Kai, would not be a big deal for the special interests if necessary.

Both he and his mother ended up in a stalemate since no one was willing to back down.

After the deadlock lasted for a while, Franz offered to break the ice.

“Dear Mother, have you noticed the news of the failed harvest in the German region?”

“A little bit, but what does that have to do with you?” Mrs. Sophie asked.

Shaking his head, Franz said, “It doesn’t now, but will in the future! The lack of food means the decline in living standards, and it will stir up the rebellion if not appropriately handled by the local government.

The rebellion will be suppressed for sure, and the passage will be blocked off from Vienna, but the tensions will be intensified between the public and government.

In the short term, everything will be fine. Then, as time goes by, the capitalists will have a cheaper labor force.

Which is why Austria will even grow more prosperous, but the conflict suppressed is increasing all along and will break out. Think about it: the French Revolution!”

“Franz, you are exaggerating!” said Mrs. Sophie pallidly.

“No, I am not!” said Franz solemnly. “Dear Mother, I studied the history of the French Revolution very well.

In 1788, a drought in France caused a fall in food production, which made the subjects live a hard life. The tension between the domestic bourgeoisie and the nobility intensified, just like between our current reformists and conservatives in Austria.

Finally, the government, on behalf of nobility, triggered the war against the bourgeoisie by increasing taxes; then, Revolution broke out, which wrecked the Bourbon Dynasty!”

“You mean there will be a revolution in Austria? Franz, do you truly expect me to believe that? ” Mrs. Sophie asked in anger.

Franz shook his head and said, “Mother, this is just my rough personal judgment. Will there be a revolution in Austria? To answer that, I will need more information and intelligence to draw a conclusion.

I believe this topic is much more critical than that lousy homework. As an heir to the throne, I need to understand the real situation of this ancient empire!”

Chapter 3

Having said everything he could, Franz had barely convinced his mother to let him arrange his own schedule. Even so, his schedule went on basically uninterrupted, regardless of the fact that some things had been cut.

Courses Franz thought of as useless were trimmed down, like religion, language, and art. Even time spent studying politics would have been diminished if not for the persistent objections of Princess Sophie.

The main reason Franz thought these subjects useless was that they remain unchanged from a hundred years ago: nobility was supreme, chivalry was holy…

There wasn’t much left that interested Franz save for the exaggerated might of supremacy. Work on kingcraft was shortened, and underhanded trickery was totally removed.

His studies concerning said might include lines like this: An emperor who showed his wrath could bring even warlords to their knees…

Was this meant to bring up an emperor, or to sway the subjects?

If an emperor were nurtured based on such an idea, then in the complicated situation of Austria, he would surely be sent to the guillotine before long.

If nothing got in the way, Franz would inherit the throne of this ancient empire after two years. It was 1846 already, which meant time was running out for him.

Should he take part in politics early?

This was obviously impossible. Anything that would change the big picture of history would also bring uncertainty to the future, so Franz was not going to take risks before the succession.

He could try, of course, if he insisted, but he couldn’t expect to have much of a voice in important matters as a wimpy 16-year-old kid. Though an heir to the throne he may have been, Franz couldn’t change his age, which appeared as a weakness in politics.

However, this didn’t stop him from stirring things up. More often than not, a man behind the curtain has the edge over a soldier on the front lines. For example, Franz was about to visit a legend: Archduke Karl.

As the most legendary general, he had defeated the French army many times, and he was promoted to Marshal at the age of 25. Not to mention, he was the only general among the Allies whom Napoleon feared.

If it hadn’t been = for the Viennese government’s inability to make use of the good hand they’d drawn, the Napoleonic War would have been ended before the Russians stepped in, and Austria wouldn’t have had to lose the Netherlands. A man who highlighted the emperor’s incompetence undoubtedly led to no good, especially when that man was Archduke Karl, who came from the royal family.

Fortunately, the Austrian Emperor Franz I, Franz’s grandfather, was not ruthless, allowing this stalwart Marshal to remain active. However, ability in military science didn’t equate to effectiveness in politics; after they used the Archduke to reform the Austrian army, his political opponents played a little trick to try to make him quit and return home.

Since then, Archduke Karl had concentrated on studying military theories and composing military books such as “The Tactics of Generals,” “Strategic Principles of the German War in 1796,” “The History of German and Swiss Wars in 1799,” and so on.

A great militarist of the generation had emerged. Archduke Karl believed that military science consisted of two parts: strategy and tactics.

Strategy was the science of the supreme commanders, whose task it was to draw up a war plan and determine military operations. Tactics, subordinate to strategy, were the art of commanders at all levels.

Both strategy and tactics were composed of specific rules or principles, and the essentials were to correctly figure out the armed forces needed to achieve the intended purpose and to make sure the two components, strategy and tactics, worked in harmony. No matter what the force, it was critical to maneuver at just the right time for the best effect. Therefore, the most effective way to win was to rally the troops and correctly judge the timing.

Another point was to form an overwhelming advantage in a vital location. The strength of the forces referred not only to the number of troops but also to the morale of the army, the commanders’ ability, and the terrain conditions, among other things.

Archduke Karl also divided combat into attack and defense: the attacker’s role was considered to be more favorable, while the defense was only strong if it was planned in such a way that it could become an attack.

He introduced the concept of “military reserves,” which were needed for battlefield emergencies, whether attacking or defending.

Archduke Karl believed the commander, whose skills were not innate but rather born of knowledge and experience, was a decisive factor in the life and death of the country and millions of people.

A qualified commander-in-chief needed a deep understanding of the essence of war, careful study of the laws of military action and their practical applications, and the ability to apply both his own experience and that of others as he skillfully handled various military principles.

It would be a shame if Franz, as a reincarnation, did not use such a talented martial artist.

As for military reform, it appeared to be the right way to go,, but Franz was well aware that conservative forces in the military were often stronger than most people might imagine. Any reform was highly liable to insult the targeted parties, and inevitably, they would bite back. Franz was too weak to face such a reality.

If Franz proposed the reform, it was entirely possible that everyone would laugh at it, or maybe even say something behind his back about how such an idiotic kid should go jump in the lake.

On the other hand, if it was Archduke Karl who proposed the reform, everyone would sit down and think about it, whether they agreed with it or not.

“Archduke, please, wait a moment; my master will come out soon!”

The housekeeper spoke with polite unease in his tone, thinking it was a bad idea to keep Franz waiting like this, since he was not a duke who might pass in a crowd.

In truth, the housekeeper’s worry was baseless, because Archduke Karl was like a grandfather to Franz, and he had seniority.

Beyond that, with his influence in the Imperial Army, Franz had no choice but to show respect, especially since he had come to visit with the excuse of studying the military.

“I’ve no problem waiting here. Also, bring me a pot of tea; I prefer it to coffee of late!” Franz said with a smile on his face.

Fran wasn’t faking it—he really wasn’t angry. Anyway, there was no need at all to bother about a person who would drop dead within the year.

An hour passed in the blink of an eye. Franz was still drinking tea and reading the newspaper, without a trace of impatience.

“Little Franz, long time, no see. How you’ve grown!”

A cheery voice sounded. Franz knew it was Archduke Karl, for no one else dared speak to him like that.

“Dear Marshal, when you call my name, can you please leave out the word ‘little’? I am 16 years old already!” Franz said without much hope.

“Is that right? My little Franz has grown up? Then, how can I help today?” asked Karl, showing his concern.

So “Little Franz” it was again. It was what it was. There was nothing much Franz could do, since Karl was a brother of his grandfather.

“Sir Marshal, I come for advice today about your military work, having been deep in thought after reading your books.”

“Well, let’s talk then, and I’ll be sure to put all your confusion to rest.” Karl roared with laughter.

“It is your theory on the commandership, about which I found little has been done by the Imperial Army. A lot of problems have not been solved!” Franz said.

Chapter 4

Franz left the Archduke’s house with a satisfied smile on his face. Their conversation seemed to have been amicable, and Franz was now a student of Karl’s.

Archduke Karl’s priority was the continual, significant reform of the Austrian military, and the most significant barrier he faced was his need for a strong supporter in the central government. This problem was solved by the presence of Franz.

As the successor to the throne, Franz recognized the strengths of Karl’s military philosophy, and he saw fit to support his efforts towards military reform. From there, one thing led to another.

The Austrian Emperor, Ferdinand I, was not a very intelligent man, and he could not manage government affairs at all. This meant that as soon as Crown Prince Franz reached adulthood, he could begin to participate in politics.

It would not be long before many people, including Archduke Karl, became so unhappy with Prime Minister Metternich that they wanted to kick him out. Franz stepped in at the perfect time: there was no alternative for Karl but to support Franz’s regency. As long as he was not too stupid, Franz could take power ahead of schedule, with the military on his side.

During the meeting with Archduke Karl, Franz inserted some of his personal opinions into the conversation, including his thoughts on the Prussian staff system, military training in the new era, and tactical commands.

Many of Franz’s fresh proposals were of great interest to Archduke Karl, but it wasn’t clear how many he would actually add to his own new military concept.

At the end of the meeting, Franz suggested that Archduke Karl should draw up a plan for the reform of the Austrian military.

The conversation would not have gone so well had it not been for the military uniform Franz had worn, whether he was willing to admit it or not.

After this, would Archduke Karl prostrate himself before Franz’s power, giving his total support to Franz, thanks to Franz’s proposal?

What a daydream!

The reason they got along well was simply that they thought alike, and that Franz was the heir to the empire, raised as a soldier from childhood.

While Archduke Karl carefully mentored Franz in the field of military knowledge, Franz catered to him, giving the Duke the impression that Franz was just another of his admirers.

If it meant his philosophy would be better implemented, Archduke Karl did not mind taking on a new apprentice, the Crown Prince. Ultimately, the two men’s connection was based entirely on their political interests.

Though in his early years, Archduke Karl had been a failure in politics, by this point, he had become an experienced, clever fox, and he had figured out most of Franz’s interest even before his arrival.

To Archduke Karl, it seemed that Franz wanted nothing more than to have influence over the army, and in exchange, Franz would support Karl’s military reform in the future.

As for Franz’s military theories, Archduke Karl saw them mainly as childish braggadocio, and only God knew who filled his head with all those ideas. He would use what he could and forget what he couldn’t. Regardless, such minor details would not affect the political cooperation between the two.

Since the European Succession Act had been passed, political collaboration between a military man like Archduke Karl and an heir like Franz was not only above-board and legitimate, but even unremarkable..

Historically, Franz had been on good terms with Prime Minister Metternich as both a mentor and a friend, and no one had a problem with their relationship.

Franz had been second in line to the throne, but he became the Crown Prince because his father, Franz Karl, was soft in the head, and no one dared propose another emperor like that. They had learned their lesson from Uncle Ferdinand I.

The Austrian Empire was a nation of honor, and his father had repeatedly and publicly renounced any claim to the throne. . Although no one knew whether it was really what he wanted, these statements couldn’t be taken back.

Franz was now a high-ranking member of the military, though this publicly, this was just a necessity for his learning. How could Franz, as the heir to Austria, not familiarize himself with its military?

In days following their initial meeting, Franz went to Archduke Karl’s house frequently to study the military.

Nineteenth-century Austria was still a world of nobility, and among the aristocrats Franz met many important officers, such as Josip Jelachic, Wendisch Gretz, and Radski.

(Note: These were the three Saving Fathers of the Austrian Empire: Radski suppressed the Italian Revolution, Wendisch Gretz quashed the Prague Uprising, and Josip Jelacic stopped the Hungarian Revolution.)

Franz could not yet bring these people under his command, but at least he’d made their acquaintance, and maybe one day, they would play a role in his plan.

Meanwhile, everyone was happy. Who would refuse to make friends with the next emperor?

Franz’s plan was to approach the highest authority of the army, because only with their support could he efficiently crush the coming rebellion.

“Franz, there will be a military meeting tomorrow. I wonder if you would be interested in making an appearance?” asked Albrecht Friedrich Rudolf.

(Note: Albrecht Friedrich Rudolf was he eldest son of Archduke Karl and the last military celebrity of the Austrian Empire, who was awarded the title of Field Marshal of Austria, Germany, and Russia.)

“Albrecht, forget it. That meeting will bore me to death! I’m not interested in hearing the arguments of a bunch of old men,” said Franz indifferently.

At first, he had been very interested in such meetings, only to be disappointed after the first few he had attended. The meeting was made up of a large group of nobles who were officers in the Austrian army. Most of them just muddled along to make up the numbers, though there was some talent among a few of them.

If he followed their example, Franz would be a general in less than ten years, without even having to go through the routine of being in the army.

Apart from the Marshal, who had gold, the soldiers of the Austrian Empire were on the ground everywhere. In these chaotic days, the so-called military conference was anything but average. Aside from the most valued marshals, the generals of the Austrian Empire had their boots on the ground, and so the military meetings became much less formal. In such meetings, actual issues would never be brought up for discussion; indeed, had it not been for convention, the meetings would have even been canceled already.

“Well, since you’re not interested, I will leave you be!” Albrecht said, in the same indifferent tone Franz had used.

Franz smiled at Albrecht. He didn’t dare to undervalue Albrecht, who he knew would be a key figure in the March Revolution, and who had directly facilitated Ferdinand I’s abdication.

Who would believe that no insider was dealing with him? It was essential that he, the man directly responsible for the events of the March Revolution, was excommunicated from Vienna, though he would return to the center of power before long.

Franz didn’t mind these kinds of insider dealings, since he was the ultimate beneficiary. Anyway, he could be the emperor only after his uncle’s abdication. Besides, the Austrian Empire seemed robust enough, and it would not have deteriorated so rapidly if not for the problems of the government.

At that time, the Austrian Empire, Britain, France, Russia, and Spain were still known as the five major European powers, with Prussia not far behind.

Chapter 5

The problem for Franz was that it was costly to travel, and although the life of Austrian aristocrats was one of extravagance, he didn’t have the freedom to spend much money. Franz’s only income was pocket money given to him by his parents–specifically, by his mother–and that was limited.

There was property in his name, but Franz had yet to receive it. The finances of the family were under his mother’s control, a fact to which his father was indifferent.

Of course, getting money could be a mere trifle, considering his status; however, Franz cherished his reputation, so something like extortion would be out of the question.

It was also not a good time to invest in industries, considering the current climate in Europe. The February Revolution was about to break out in France, and then revolution would spread quickly throughout the European continent, with everywhere but Russia suffering greatly. Historically, Franz knew, Vienna would spend time under the control of the rebels. If the rebels burned his factories down, to whom could he run and cry?

After considering all the businesses with quick, immoral profits, such as reselling arms, dealing drugs, making counterfeit money, and issuing lottery tickets, Franz decided that mining and salvaging sunken treasures might be suitable for him.

After some calculations, though, Franz reluctantly had to abandon all these attractive options. The reason was simple: he was the heir to the Austrian Empire, not just any old capitalist. Conservatives would be disappointed to see a capitalist emperor, and Franz knew he needed their support, for the revolution in Vienna was around the corner.

“Franz, are you studying again? Young people should be active, and yet you’re so dull. Why don’t you come hunting with me?”

It was his father, Archduke Franz Karl, a man with a very unstable mind. His favorite hobby seemed to be hunting; his second favorite was hunting with his sons. Among the members of the Regency committee, Archduke Franz Karl was the invisible one. Because of his congenital defects, his intelligence was so low that it was too hard for him to participate in political affairs. If had it not been for his high status, the Austrian Regency committee would not have admitted him at all.

“Father, why don’t you go on your own? I don’t have time for hunting today, as I’m going to visit Archduke Louis,” Franz refused hastily.

That was the problem for a young man: he was always considered seen as a child, even though he tried to appear as mature as possible.

Archduke Franz Karl was a good father and concerned about Franz even when Franz was his normal self, but this kind of concern was too much for Franz now.

…

“Mother, as you know, my expenses have increased somewhat…”

“So you want your property back in your name, right?” Princess Sophie was too impatient to wait for Franz to finish his sentence.

As an Archduke Austria, how could he be without any property? As the firstborn boy of the third generation, Franz had been enlisted as an Archduke by his grandfather. He had been happy to do so after Franz was confirmed to be of sound mind, since both his father and his uncle were as mentally capable.

But Franz’s title was only a hollow one, and his appanage land was outside Austria’s control, with no revenue received from it.

There were many nominal dukes like Franz, like those in Hapsburg family. One might be called the King of Jerusalem but would only ever become its true king if it was taken over by Austria someday.

It made a big difference to have a grandfather who pampered you: although his title was nominal, Franz still inherited a substantial legacy. As Franz knew, it included five estates, two mines, several small workshops, and tens of thousands of Austro-Hungarian guldens.

(An Austro-Hungarian gulden coin weighed 8 grams, and its gold content depended on the coiners, for there were no uniform standards at the time.)

Until now, Franz had had no problem relying on his small allowance for his personal expenses.

“Yes, mother! You know I am grown enough to have free reign over my own property!” Franz sharply replied.

That was another difference in cultural traditions between Europe and the East: the division of property between parents and their children was clearly defined. In the West, Franz’s request was perfectly reasonable, while in the East, a child would more than likely be given a good beating if they dared speak to their parents that way.

When Franz reached adulthood, his parents would have to stop handling their child’s property and let him manage it himself. This meant that now, Franz could go audit each of his estates.

“Well, you are within your rights. But given your age, I will continue to supervise you during the next year, and any large expenses must be reported to me!” Princess Sophie said, after considerable thought.

“Not a problem at all!” Franz did not hesitate for a second.

These limitations were just trifles, as long as he could get back the control of his own property. If he could spend his own money any way he wanted, then he could bear that he must report to his mother.

“Well then Franz, send your financial staff here to settle the matter with me. I will hand over all the property to you after we deduct your spending all these years and my management fees for it,” Princess Sophie said calmly.

She had been prepared for this: correct accounting meant good relationships could be maintained. To avoid damaging relationships between family members over money, she had to settle accounts with her own son.

“Mother, I believe settling is unnecessary. I trust you completely!” Franz said, in a fawning manner. To Franz, money was nothing to worry about, as long as there was enough to spend, for he would have a million ways to get plenty of money in the future.

Of course, his trust was only because she was his mother. With his knowledge of Princess Sophie, Franz did not think she could possibly swindle her own son.

“Franz, I have to make it clear that this is your right. But you must be sure you won’t regret this choice, for I can only settle with you once!” Princess Sophie said seriously.

“Of course, Mother; I know exactly what I’m doing!” Franz replied, without hesitation.

…

At the end of 1846, Franz successfully completed the transfer of property. Several of his workshops went bankrupt that year, for the workshop production rate had long lagged behind the times in the emerging industrial age. Fortunately, the estates and the mines were still earning good benefits,, making Franz nearly 10,000 Austro-Hungarian guldens per year.

High income came with high expenses. Upon checking his account books, Franz was surprised to find that his personal spending was much higher than he expected. There were, for instance the expenses for his many private tutors, not to mention the servants, maidens, guards, tailors, coachmen…All these came at Franz’s own expense, and that was to say nothing of maintenance obligations. Franz decided that since he had the money, he would live on his own.

In years past, , he hadn’t had much money over the years, but now, he had around 60,000 Austro-Hungarian guldens all together, including the cash from inheritance.

What an aristocratic style! For all those years, he hadn’t invested in anything to earn dividends on the cash in hand. But Franz didn’t even bother to place blame.

All the Austrian aristocrats at that time tended to be conservative in investment, not yet completing the transition from a great noble class to the grand bourgeoisie.

Chapter 6

Since becoming the capital of the Hapsburg empire in the 13th century, Vienna had grown into not only the political, economic, and cultural center of the European continent but also one of the world’s most prosperous cities.

The current moment was no exception. Austria had established once again its status as a great power, after the war against France, and it was known, along with Russia, as Europe’s policemen.

After the foundation of the Holy Alliance in 1815, Austria became the representative of the forces of restoration, a leader against capitalism, and a major military force in Europe.

However, behind the splendor, Austria was experiencing rapid decline. Its hegemony in Europe ended when the revolution broke out in 1848.

As Franz walked heavy-hearted down a busy street, a line of Du Fu’s verse came to mind: “The portals of the rich reek of flesh and wine while frozen bodies lie by the roadside.”

From time to time, ragged people hurried by, shivering with cold in the bustling streets of Vienna.

Occasionally he saw police officers hurrying to drive beggars away or even taking them away by force.

He couldn’t imagine what kind of sight it would be if he went to the slums if this was the view in the most bustling downtown street.

“The Little Match Girl” was not a fairytale any more there, for, along the way, Franz saw too many children selling cigarettes, newspapers, matches…

Franz didn’t bother to blame the evils of capitalism. For most of the children in those days, a job like that to feed themselves was a wild wish.

Over the course of a month, Franz traveled through all the main districts of Vienna and saw what the empire, nearing its end, was really like.

Perhaps what the people would really need in the Vienna Revolution, one year later, would be bread to feed themselves and clothing to keep them warm, rather than something as abstract as constitutionalism or freedom.

When the public conversation became dominated by the bourgeoisie and nobles, the so-called revolution became their tool in the power struggle. Meanwhile, ordinary people became victims of it.

Later, Franz remembered an article about Polish nationalists trying to persuade farmers in a village to rise up against the Austrians. They claimed that they would live happily ever after, as long as Austrians were expelled.

But the peasants answered:

No, dear sir, things would not develop as you say they would. You would just drive the most benevolent ruler, the Hapsburg Emperor, away from this land and bring the country to its end.

My grandfather once told me that when the Polish Federation was still in existence, the lords were allowed to beat the peasants any way they liked, and the peasants had nowhere to go for help.

After you drive the emperor out of this land, every one of you will want to get a taste of power and turn us into slaves again!

…

Franz knew from history that, when the Vienna uprising failed, the bourgeoisie who claimed to be patriots would suffer massive damage, while the standard of living of the subjects would actually increase significantly.

It was hard not to say that this kind of situation created a sense of irony: the ones who kept on shouting all day to knock down the exploitative class were actually a group of capitalists, while the emperor, who was the object of the revolution launched by those capitalists, took up what was actually revolutionary work.

When these thoughts came into his mind, Franz realized he already knew what to do next. Uniting the majority to fight against a handful was always the right move in politics.

In Franz’s view, any constitutional reform before the country achieved its universal compulsory education was just nonsense, and any reform beyond the people’s capacity to accept could only cause harm.

“Raul, prepare for a visit to the Prime Minister’s house!” Franz calmly said.

An incarnation who wouldn’t stir things up, a man who wasn’t actually a reincarnation — this had been Franz’s motto. Now, he changed his mind: it was time to go to stir things up.

An hour later, Franz arrived at the Prime Minister’s House. He didn’t have an appointment, however, so Prime Minister Metternich was not at home.

This was reasonable to Franz: a Prime Minister was always busy, especially a powerful one like Metternich.

This was another difference between Europe and the East: even a powerful authority like Metternich would find that his power is limited, and to be dominant in the politics of Austria, he had to rely on the support of the emperor.

“Archduke, please have a seat. We have sent someone to inform the Prime Minister,” said the smooth, slick housekeeper.

His implication was quite obvious: He had sent someone to inform the Prime Minister, but as for when the Prime Minister would come back, well, that would be unknown and out of his control, and since he had done his job properly, if there were any problems between the influential people there, they certainly would not involve him.

Franz smiled without saying a word, as it wasn’t his habit to show his temper in front of irrelevant people. The relationship between the original Franz and Prime Minister Metternich was close, and he had maintained that relationship after his reincarnation.

In Franz’s opinion, it was a classic tradition to rip off powerful ministers; the Austrian Empire would need someone to take the blame for its reform, and the best choice would be Prime Minister Metternich, who was already notorious.

Too much debt would be no burden. Presumably, Metternich didn’t mind taking more blame than he already did for Austria.

In the evening, Metternich returned hurriedly. Franz was not annoyed about that: he had eaten and drunk whatever he wanted, for no one dared disrespect his position.

“Sorry to keep you waiting! Little Franz, what can I do for you today?” Metternich said kindly.

As always, Franz was a junior in his eyes, for Metternich was an old minister. He had been Prime Minister since the era of Franz’s grandfather.

“Dear Metternich, when you speak to me, could you leave out “Little”? I am 16 years old already!”

Franz had to express his dissatisfaction before Metternich’s question could be answered.

“Well, dear Archduke Franz, how can I help you today?” Metternich asked with a smile.

“Mr. Metternich, I came here today for reform!” Franz said, getting straight to the point.

“Reform? Franz, since when did you start to concern yourself with this? Or did someone say something to you?” Metternich asked with surprise.

“No one said anything, but I have been exploring Vienna for more than a month. I have some questions in my mind, and I want to ask your advice.” Franz replied.

“Oh, I am all ears.” Metternich pretended his interest.

“Mr. Metternich, the public voice for constitutional reform is very loud at present, but the workers I met don’t care about that. They are busy doing everything they can just to get three square meals a day. Is money more important than dignity?” Franz asked, already knowing the answer.

“No, Franz! They are trying to survive. Missing even a day of work could mean starvation for them. Nothing else matters in the face of survival!” asserted Metternich, resolute and decisive.

“Oh. If that’s the case, then why don’t we make our reforms weighted towards them? At least allow them to have enough bread before anything else!” Franz said innocently.

“Franz, it is more complicated than that: it’s not possible for capitalists to improve the treatment of workers!” Metternich shook his head and said.

“Yes, and isn’t that terrible!” Franz said, with an affected sigh.

Chapter 7

Since his point had been made, Franz did not press the subject.

The capitalists were not people to toy with, possessing power that couldn’t be ignored even if they didn’t have a major position in government.

It was fine for Franz to question the social inequity; however, it would be out of the question to fight seriously against the bourgeois for the interests of the working class.

Franz thought it would be better to let the aristocratic conservatives finish this great and challenging task, and Prime Minister Metternich would be one of them.

Perhaps one day, capitalists would demand the expansion of voting rights, the implementation of constitutionalism, and the liberation of serfs, while the noble lords would call for labor laws to protect the rights and interests of the working class.

That hypothetical would only happen, however, when these two groups shouted their ideas out loud, and then the Austrian people would probably be dumbfounded anyway.

It was also the case in Austria that the aristocracy, who were still holding on to feudalism, had a natural conflict of interest with the capitalists and thus had not merged with them.

If by the beginning of the 20th century, nobles and capitalists formed a single interest group, then there would really be no way to solve the issue by political means. The only option would be to overthrow it and rebuild.

Franz had plans beyond just stirring up trouble in front of Metternich, for he didn’t expect that what he said would impress the old, sly prime minister too much.

He also couldn’t rely on their good relationship, because friendship was easy to dismiss in politics.

During the meeting, Franz had also gotten the qualification to run a newspaper. Newspapers were still under the control of the Austrian Empire’s censorship.

Before the Vienna Revolution in March of 1848, there were 79 newspapers in all of Austria. 79 papers, not presses!

Given that a press always issued more than one newspaper, until the revolution, the number of presses was only going to get smaller.

From these numbers, you can see how hard it could be to run a newspaper at that time.

However, this was not much a problem for Franz. since the control of newspapers was intended to curb the spread of revolutionary ideas. Others might be in danger of supporting the Revolutionary Party, but not the heir to the throne, who surely could not revolutionize himself.

Franz, as a morally cultivated person, was concerned about the people, so his newspaper’s name was “We Want Bread, We Want Cheese”.

The definition of the newspaper was exactly the same as its name, and for the sake of security, he decided to place the newspaper office adjacent to the police station.

In those days, running a newspaper could be pretty troublesome: even Franz, who could omit the most cumbersome part—procedures–had to struggle to find the right staff and location.

The most essential part was editors and reporters: These people needed to have the zeal to face up to this cruel society, but not be too hot-tempered to remember who their boss was.

The unfortunate poet of the country, fortunately, was given a sorrowful sentence.

This verse was quite sensible. In the middle of the 19th century, a large number of literati emerged in Austria, some of whom insisted on putting their creative work first, while others diverted themselves with political games.

Still, the public influence of a pen was not comparable to that of the nobility.

For example, the Hungarian politician Kossuth, a major figure in propaganda, started working toward Hungary’s revolution in 1847 and then became the head of the Republic of Hungary.

But because he was an idealist with the common faults of literati, often he drew up unrealistic plans, and thus his uprising was suppressed.

Franz was not in favor of Kossuth, even with his capability in propaganda, because he was an ultra-nationalist.

They were natural opposites, but if Franz wanted to, it would not be impossible to buy off him. However, Franz wasn’t interested.

In his view, loyalty was far more important in an employee than ability. Even if it wasn’t, at the very least, he should avoid the employment of an enemy.

After a moment of pondering, Franz listed a few names on a piece of paper, and then said: “Raul, send someone to investigate the background of these people, and if nothing abnormal comes up, send them each an invitation letter on behalf of the newspaper office.”

“Yes, Archduke!” Raul replied quickly.

It was not easy to recruit people in those days, for the university was still an ivory tower to average people, where the children of the petty-bourgeois and nobles could study.

The so-called inspirational stories were full of lies, as the tuition fees were simply too high to be covered by any work-study program for impoverished families.

Thus, the situation of intellectuals was not as poor as people thought, except for those whose families had sunk back into poverty.

If you wanted to recruit newspaper staff, then, you would need to hang a billboard in a busy place, advertise in another newspaper, or get introductions from your acquaintances.

The last one—the introduction by acquaintances— certainly did not work for Franz, for none of his acquainted contacts were so low in rank that they would know any average worker. After all, dragons do not dwell with snakes.

Ultimately, though, it was nothing that required that much worry. It was not that hard to recruit ordinary workers to work in the newspaper office, compared to other industries. More than enough people would apply for the positions in the office since they were still comparably good jobs.

Journalists and editors, on the other hand, would take much more time to recruit, and for those positions, Franz invited only well-known intellectuals.

It didn’t matter whether they came or not. If nothing else, the invitations would inform them that a new newspaper was being published in Austria, which could become an additional channel to earn a fee for publishing their articles.

Throughout the process, Franz never showed his face in public, although most of the staff would find out that he was the boss behind the scenes in the end.

If it weren’t for the cost, Franz would not mind opening dozens of newspapers, all at once, to compete all-out for dominance of publicity.

But considering the issue of return on investment, Franz gave up that idea immediately and decisively. It was adequate for Franz to call the shots or set trends when needed by controlling one newspaper.

Reform in Austria had been going on for many years, and Prime Minister Metternich was a representative of the reformists.

He was beset from within and without: the domestic bourgeoisie was discontented with his reform, which didn’t go far enough to fully satisfy their interests.

Meanwhile, the aristocratic conservatives also were averse to him, because he posed a problem for their interests by advocating the liberation of serfs.

Even the staff inside Vienna Court, in fact, took unkindly to him. The reason was simple: his bark was worse than his bite.

At this point, Franz was probably the one who understood him best. To paint a picture: the Austrian Empire was like a worm-eaten house, and no one knew how badly it would fall apart if any part of it were removed.

Thus, out of a cautious and responsible attitude, Metternich’s reform was feeble for fear of triggering total collapse.

A reform led with cowardice or excess hesitation was doomed to fail. How could a reform succeed without bloodshed?

Chapter 8

“After you start a newspaper the way you want, have you thought about how to make a profit from it?” Princess Sophie asked with concern.

Make a profit?

It was impossible to make a profit, at least in the short term!

A newspaper was not so easy to start, let alone get the sales to surge in one day, which meant there would be no advertising revenue right away.

In most cases, a net loss for the newspaper would persist through the early months, and then the sales would increase gradually. After that, the paper could profit by taking some advertising, little by little.

Considering that most of the people in Vienna were not yet rich at that time, as well as the small size of the middle class, the sales of newspapers were unsurprisingly meager.

“I would like to publish novels first, to cultivate a stable audience to attract attention, with occasional news for public interest. It will be more practical, I believe, for profit to be put aside at first, and we can arrange it after we get more than 20,000 copies out,” said Franz with confidence and decisiveness.

“20,000 copies will not be an easy endeavor, from what I know. Only three newspapers’ sales pass 20,000 locally, apart from the ones on the national market!” said Princess Sophie, her voice full of doubt.

Apparently, she had done her homework, and she knew what she was talking about.

Franz nodded. Even the three papers his mother was talking about could not sell 20,000 copies in Vienna every day; only when there was some major news event.

That was the way it was: the population of Vienna at that time was less than half a million, and the number of people who could afford to buy newspapers was not more than 80,000, among whom even fewer were actually willing to pay for newspapers.

According to Franz’s estimation, the number of people who subscribed to newspapers was between 20,000 and 30,000 in Vienna, while some others would buy a paper occasionally.

The environment for publishers at the time was quite harsh; coupled with the strict publication censorship, this meant nothing was ever easy in this industry.

To achieve his goal, Franz had to increase the sales of newspapers to 10,000 copies in a year, while 6,000 copies in Vienna would be a satisfying success.

Princess Sophie thought for a moment, then said, “Franz, now that you have thought it through, go for it! Here’s a piece of advice from me: recruit a reliable editor; it will minimize your loss. And better not to get involved in politics blindly; it will save you a load of trouble!”

“Thank you, and as you can see from the title of my newspaper, it is in favor of giving a voice to the public; as for the specifics, that’s not really my concern!” Franz said with a smile.

He was too smart to be used as a weapon by others: he might get involved in politics, but he wouldn’t necessarily take a side between the capitalists and nobles.

As the heir to the empire, Franz’s attitude not only had an influence on many people choosing their position, but it also related to his public image.

Franz had decided on his persona: a merciful crown prince who cared for people’s livelihood. To maintain it, he had to stay above the fight between nobles and capitalists.

Lots of propaganda would be needed for all this. Without it, how would ordinary people know what he was?

…

Time flew by, and a person named Edward von Bowenfield was hired as the editor-in-chief by Franz for one reason and one reason only—his big name.

As one of the most famous Austrian authors of the time, he was a radically enthusiastic youth in his early years, though he tended to be conservative in his later life.

By the time he had reached middle-age, his blood was almost burned out, but he was not completely exhausted.

“Mr. Bowenfield, welcome in!” Franz said, smiling.

“Dear Archduke, it’s a pleasure to serve you!” Edward von Bowenfield replied.

“Mr. Bowenfield, the main purpose of our meeting today is to discuss the newspaper’s orientation. Do you have any ideas about that?” Franz asked.

“Your excellency, it is the duty of every journalist to expose the dark side of society, and we must have the bravery to lay it all bare!” Edward von Bowenfield said, full of enthusiasm.

At that moment, Franz finally understood why this person was willing to accept his invitation: he saw the newspaper as a platform from which he could attack people with abandon.

Without strong backing, people like this did not have as many venues for verbally abusing people as they would’ve liked, thanks to the censorship of Austrian publications.

There was no doubt that Franz, the heir to the empire, was a perfect patron. Even if something happened, how could a person like him not find a way to save the paper and its staff?

Edward von Bowenfield was old and mature enough to compromise with reality. Recently, he had authored a satire on government —”Adulthood.”

He was worried about possible imprisonment after the release of his book, which had been published privately without the permission of the government.

He had been planning to run away, but just before his departure, he received Franz’s invitation, and he took it immediately and decisively.

During those years, the Austrian secret police, like everyone else, treated people according to their social positions. Thus, if he worked for Franz, they would not make it hard for him as long as he didn’t really cross the line.

Franz shook his head and said: “Mr. Bowenfield, there are so many newspapers doing that already; there wouldn’t be a shortage without us. Our purpose, as seen in the name, is to give a voice to the lowest class of society.

With our efforts, I look forward to changing the living conditions of the people at the bottom. They need bread and cheese, which are the most basic human needs, needs which should be satisfied!”

Every newspaper has a political orientation, but at that time, Austria did not have a publication specifically for the underprivileged. They were just too poor to afford even one piece of them.

“Your excellency, I must say that your intentions are good, but for the sake of achievement, we must change our current political system!” Edward von Bowenfield began to shill his theories without hesitation.

Franz smiled: “The Austrian system does need to be changed, but I don’t yet know how. I will keep silent on this issue because I can’t make the right judgment with my limited knowledge, even if there is a possible solution in front of me. However, I am more certain of things the other way around: the living conditions of the people at the bottom need to be changed, no matter how the system changes. To achieve such change requires the authority to enact more laws to protect their interests!

Mr. Bowenfield, you have the heavy burden of letting more and more people in society know the reality of the poorest among us, and then arousing their concern! It would be so much better if we could push the government into protecting their interests through legislation!”

Franz was not afraid of anyone relying on big talk. He left Edward von Bowenfield speechless with just a few words. Everyone knew that Austria needed reform, but how could it be done?

Different people had different interests, and consequently, various plans of reform. Franz simply took advantage of his youth: they hadn’t counted on a 16-year-old kid to plan the country’s destiny.

Chapter 9

Countless lessons drawn from his past life had taught Franz a profound truth: you didn’t necessarily have to take the side of the majority, but at the very least, you had to make them think you were with them.

That’s the route Franz was pursuing. He surely had to tell the outside world that he was in support of reform, as reform was mainstream in Austria at that time.

Meanwhile, the power of Austrian conservatives could not be underestimated. The Vienna Court was the base camp of conservatives, and Franz could not betray his class.

His youth was the best solution for a dilemma like that, as it was satisfying enough for the reformists to know that he was on their side. No one was counting on a 16-year-old to lead the reform in Austria.

From the conservatives’ point of view, Franz was reserved enough not to comment on specifics of reform. Everyone understood it was necessary for Austria but didn’t know how to implement it, causing the lasting debate on the subject.

As the Crown Prince of the Empire, there was nothing wrong with Franz advocating reform. However, he would be taught a lesson if he was cocky enough to put forward his own reform plan.

By contrast, it was no problem for Franz to focus on the living conditions of the people at the bottom, as a merciful leader benefitted everyone.

Before the mystery was solved, neither the capitalists nor the aristocracy gave a damn about Franz raising his profile with the people, since no one understood it was all a diversion.

Bowenfield was convinced by Franz, or by reality, really, and there was nothing wrong with listening to the words of this young archduke. It would make things even better if he could influence this archduke and let him accept his ideas.

Though Franz understood Bowenfield’s plan as clear as day, he did not care about it. At that point, the only thing he needed was to use Bowenfield’s influence to start up the newspaper in the shortest time possible.

The matters of political reform in Austria were beyond their concern. Franz had a plan sketched out already; however, before carrying it out, he had to weaken the bourgeois and the aristocracy.

Things like raising the status of capitalists would never happen in his reform.

“Capital is borderless,” Franz had heard. The capitalists, who could never be satisfied, would betray the noble class immediately if it were in their interest, so Franz would not dare count on them as the backbone of the empire.

The specific conditions of Austria were such that, to integrate this country truly, he must take into account the interests of the vast majority of the underprivileged population and let the nobility and the capitalist class make sacrifices.

Franz had a chance to succeed only in this particular time when the conflict between the nobility and the capitalist class was intense.

The more he learned about the country, the more Franz was sure that various powers simmered under the surface of this empire.

In 1846, Austria was affected by the crop failure of Germany. As a matter of course, the Austrian Empire, with the Great Hungarian Plain, should not have been severely affected by this event, for it always was the most important food exporter in Europe.

However, the facts suggested the opposite. For their own profit, the capitalists excessively exaggerated food shortages to raise food prices, while at the same time, they depressed the purchase price of food in the Hungarian region, because of the great local harvest of grain.

By the beginning of 1847, the price of food in Vienna had risen by fifty-four percent, and ordinary Viennese citizens had felt the pinch.

As the capitalists manipulated food prices, a large number of farmers went bankrupt, and even some nobles suffered heavy losses; consequently, various undercurrents were agitated in the Hungarian region.

For a while, Franz had noticed the growth of the foreign population in Vienna. It was clear that they were bankrupt farmers who came into the city to try to make a living.

Some of them might have been serfs, still in service for the nobility. The nobles had loosened their control because by then, Austria’s population had exceeded 30 million. Since the labor force was plentiful, they had no shortage of serfs.

Serfs were wealth to the nobles, certainly, but they also had to eat; after they had enough laborers to guarantee the completion of production tasks, any excess would become a burden to them.

However, the European countries’ successful liberation of serfs was not as simple as it looked. One factor was the fact that more machinery, like animal-powered harvesters, made a large number of laborers unnecessary for farming.

In the mid-to-late nineteenth century, the nobles’ demand for a labor force was in decline, and resistance to the abolition of serfdom was less intense. Most open-minded nobles preferred to release serfs in exchange for compensation from the government.

The reason nobles still resisted Prime Minister Metternich’s promotion of the abolitionist movement in Austria was simply that the offering was too low, a point on which Franz supported the Prime Minister.

Austria did not have sufficient funds to pay any more, so a lower settlement was inevitable.

However, this was not a dead-end problem: For example, abolitionist aristocracy could be given preferential tax rates, or, at the expense of capitalists, the government could intervene in the market and set a cap on food prices to safeguard everyone’s interests.

There was always a way to resolve a conflict, as long as there was an appropriate distribution of benefits. Franz would not put forward these resolutions then, though, because they were his bargaining chips in exchange for benefits from Prime Minister Metternich.

On January 11, 1847, Franz’s newspaper, “We Want Bread, We Want Cheese,” was officially published.

He himself fiddled around a bit, writing the article “Caring for the People at the Bottom, Building a Better Austria Together” at the top of the page.

There was no doubt that it was just sentimental chicken soup, meant to make people feel better with no actual change. Franz dedicated a significant portion of his article to the importance of the role played by the people at the bottom in the country. The article asserted that the Austrian Empire could improve only if it met the basic living needs of those people.

The article’s influence was indisputable, and many people were fooled by it since it was the first appearance of such chicken soup in the world.

Though they were not averse to Franz, the aristocrats and capitalists thought Franz to be an overwhelmingly merciful Crown Prince, who was leisurely enough to worry about the lives of the people at the bottom.

A merciful emperor was better than a tyrant; at the very least, they didn’t have to worry about being killed without reason.

The influence on the poor, meanwhile, was quite enormous. A Crown Prince who cared about their living conditions must be a real sage.

It was a pity that the Crown Prince was too young to have a voice in politics. The perfect situation would be that he held power as an emperor.

…

“What a pity!” Franz said to himself. If only he had a group of people to lead publicity throughout the country, to make the impact even greater!

Franz had, in fact, sent people to do that, but the problem was that his team was short-handed. Accordingly, their influence was limited to Vienna, and he had to wait for it to spread slowly to other places.

Chapter 10

It was not Franz’s intention to show up so early, and he wouldn’t mind being behind the curtain all the time if he could help it.

Unfortunately, that was impossible. As the Crown Prince of the Austrian Empire, Franz’s every move was scrutinized by men with serious intentions.

Franz’s frequent contact with the military could have caused a kerfuffle if he were not young and hadn’t had power in hand. But such was the advantage that power and youth provided him.

Still, Franz had to show up behind the scenes, either to find a way to manipulate public opinion or to act as one who could and would speak for the public. The only difference would be whether he was pushed out in front of the public reluctantly or proactively stepped out into the open.

Franz did not want to be anyone’s pawn, so he chose to take the initiative this time around and step forward of his own volition. If everything stayed on course, Vienna would have a revolution in March 1848, and he would ascend the throne in December of that year.

In order not to be tarnished by the rebels and have to ascend the throne with the shame of an executioner, thus marring his reign before it even began, Franz had to make the first move to act a leader of the public.

Because everyone had a preconceived notion of who he was, Franz had to establish the image of a merciful emperor to prevent any attacks or mudslinging before they damaged the reputation of the Austrian royal family.

“Raul, how goes the secret staff recruitment I asked for?” Franz asked with concern.

“Dear Archduke, I’m afraid not very well, as too few people meet your requirements. So far, I have only poached two people from the secret police, and their ability only meets your minimum requirements!” Raul replied perplexedly.

Franz was slightly taken aback by this, as he did not expect it to be so difficult to recruit intelligence agents. Was it because the standards he set were too high?

He thought he had made were the most basic of demands: loyalty to the imperial family, no political affiliation, a certain amount of wisdom, courage, alertness, patience, and a keen sense of judgment, and preferably a certain level of professional ability.

Aside from those, he didn’t even bring up the generally typical requests for agents: good personal temperament, a wide range of knowledge, keen political instincts, and strong analytical ability.

“Exactly what requirements are they unable to meet?” Franz asked with concern.

“Your excellency! Plenty of candidates can meet one or several of your requirements, but very few can meet them all!” Raul said, as a second thought.

Franz was dumbfounded by the answer. Now that he thought about it, Franz found it was true: professional intelligence agents, at that time, were rather rare, while amateur ones were plentiful.

It was challenging to set up an intelligence agency. Even if Franz, the imperial Crown Prince, could poach government agents, how could he guarantee the loyalty of these people?

What if they were spies controlled by someone else?

He couldn’t ignore the possibility. In those days, professional intelligence agents always had a boss. Franz could only establish an agency by either cultivating agents himself or poaching ones from the government.

“Don’t hold back if you have any suggestions!” said Franz with a frown, looking at Raul, whose words stopped all of a sudden.

“Archduke, in fact, you don’t have to establish this agency by yourself since the royal family already has one. But all these years…”

Raul stopped in the middle of a sentence.

Franz nodded, as he knew of the Royal Intelligence. Typically, this agency answered only to the emperor.

While its scale was small, its purpose was singular—to keep an eye on the internal condition of the state and its neighbors.

After his uncle took office, the Intelligence was almost deserted, and many agents were poached by Prime Minister Metternich.

There was also the question of how much loyalty was left among those who remained.

On the other hand, even Franz would despise them if they didn’t seize the opportunity to take advantage of these departments when the emperor was weak.

Because of that weakness, intelligence under the royal family was more like a sieve than armor.

That was why Franz tried to start a separate agency to begin with, one which would be entirely loyal to himself alone.

The problem was that time was running out: one year remained before the breakout of the Vienna Revolution, and there was nothing he could do to get his agents ready before that time came.

“Well, Raul, first send someone to check out, in secret, what big forces had infiltrated the organization. I believe there must be some people still loyal to the royal family in there!” Franz said, resolute and decisive.

If there were no such people, then the Habsburg family would be damned. They had stood at the peak of Europe from the 11th century to the present, and there had to be a reason for that, one that was more complex than met the eye.

Franz could tell some of that from the situation in Austria. Since Franz’s uncle, Ferdinand I, couldn’t manage government affairs, power over major issues fell upon Prime Minister Metternich.

However, Prime Minister Metternich, as a ruler, behaved unlike any other. He bullied and suppressed the royal family, and his policies were even frequently affected by the Vienna Court.

The chief representative of the next generation of the royal family, Archduke Franz Karl, also had a congenital defect, and his IQ in politics was definitely zero.

Franz could quickly obtain support from the military on the basis of his origins as an heir to the Habsburg family and the Crown Prince of the Austrian Empire.

Beyond that, he could not make any difference, no matter how hard he tried. In fact, in history, Prime Minister Metternich was forced to resign after the outbreak of the Vienna Revolution, simply because he had no support from the military.

Then the situation would not be as bad as previously thought. Perhaps the aristocracy infiltrated the intelligence, but this didn’t necessarily mean that they had betrayed the royal family. As long as their interests were not involved, the intelligence could still be used under normal service conditions.

When he realized this, Franz breathed a sigh of relief. Conflicts of interest between them might exist on other issues, but the Viennese aristocrats definitely stood with the emperor on the subject of suppressing the rebellion.

As for the bourgeois, without contempt, Franz just didn’t see them being able to infiltrate the intelligence, considering that most of the members of the intelligence were nobles. Otherwise, with no money granted for more than ten years, the agency would have been dismissed long since.

Through these nobles scattered throughout the country, the royal family could easily collect domestic intelligence, and no salary was needed for the vast majority of them.

Agents in the intelligence agency of the Hapsburg family were not killer spies, and they had no law enforcement powers except to collect ordinary information.

Because of the tribute system of European nobles, the emperor had no access to anything inside their fiefdoms, and they could hide any information they chose since they themselves were the providers of the messages.

After a long hesitation, Franz finally decided to take this agency in hand first, because a rotten agency was better than no agency. At least, before a local rebellion broke out, he could get news in advance.

Moreover, a poor person like him could only support a self-sustaining organization like that.

Chapter 11

Franz, standing in the spotlight, was busier than ever, and a succession of social engagements had exhausted him. That was the life of an aristocrat in Vienna.

Franz’s younger brother, Maximilian, was also in the same situation, but he looked comfortable with it. He was enjoying it rather than being exhausted by it, something Franz envied.

Franz never enjoyed social engagements, especially with a bunch of devoted nobles dancing about, keeping him on his toes constantly.

“Archduke, it’s time for you to go to Archduke Louis’s party, we should start off now,” his maid Jenny reminded him.

“I understand. Tell Maximilian to come with us!” Franz commanded.

“Yes, Archduke!” Jenny replied.

Franz would have liked to bring his other two younger brothers with him, if not for his mother’s strong objection. At the very least, they could spare him most of the stress of dealing with aristocratic girls.

Unfortunately, his two younger brothers were much too young. Not only did Princess Sophie keep them away from such parties, but Franz also did not want to lower the age limit for the parties, either.

The truth was that they were much more attractive to the aristocratic ladies than Franz was. Being Crown Prince gave Franz a higher status and also doomed him to a marriage that could only be a political union.

In contrast, his younger brothers would have much more freedom in marriage, choosing from all the big noble families around the country–they would not encounter any objection.

…

Seeing that Maximilian was flirting with a group of aristocratic girls very cheerfully, Franz pulled him out the crowd and teased him. “How is it going? Have you found the love of your life, little brother?”

“Dear brother, if I have, then what do you think Princess Sophie will…” his younger brother replied, seemingly unbothered by his brother’s joking.

Franz smiled. “Is that true? Dear brother, for the sake of your lifelong happiness, I don’t mind being scolded. But what about you? Can you just sit there and take the pressure from our dearest mother? Today, all the noble ladies here are much older than you; do you have a mother complex? Oh my God, Maximilian, how astonishing that you…”

“Stop it, my dear brother, if you go on talking like that, my lifelong honor and integrity will be destroyed!” Maximilian interrupted.

It was not the first time they had shared little jokes like that between them.

“Keep these annoying girls away from me for a while; they’re like flies, and I need to go have a talk with Archduke Louis!” Franz said gravely.

“Well, how wonderful, to know you need me for something so unbecoming!”

Maximilian made an expression that displayed no signs of affection, while Franz rolled his eyes at him disdainfully.

How could it be a simple banquet when Franz attended? He would be too lazy to be here if he had not wanted to use this banquet to deceptively influence public opinion.

…

“Dear Archduke Louis, I need your support to take control of the Court Guard!” Franz came straight to the point.

“God! My little Franz, how did you get that idea? You know, you’re only 16 years old, not yet 17!” Louis said in amazement.

As a Crown Prince, it wasn’t t tricky to laze around in the army, but it was a different story to really take charge of an army, especially when Franz was not yet 17 years old.

Therefore, he could only take control of the Court Guard as a second-best bet. Although the scale of this unit was small, and the fighting capacity of it was unknown, it was all Franz could manage.

“Uncle Louis, you know I have liked the military since I was a child, and my dream is to be a real general! However, it is not likely that I’ll be in service to the army for a long time because of my status, and now I can only satisfy my dream by leading the Court Guard,” Franz explained.

Archduke Louis shook his head and said: “It’s not possible. You must know that the Court Guard is of great importance, and you’ve yet to prove yourself. If you really want to, you can attempt to do so in the City Defense Force!”

Franz was very clear on what stuff the Austrian City Defense Force was made of. The concentration camp of generals, as it was called, was the only unit in Austria where there were more officers than soldiers.

According to the tradition in the German region, nobles must be enlisted in the army as they grew into adults, or they would be condemned by the public.

As most nobles in Austria were also from the German region, this tradition went on in the Austrian Empire. However, as the Austrian Empire had decayed, the public turned a blind eye to these noble lords.

Since most nobles were enlisted simply for show, save for those who really wanted to develop in the army, there was absolutely no willingness on Louis’s part to let Franz take charge of this army.

Franz frowned: “Uncle Louis, are you sure this is not a swindle? You know, like me, what the City Defense Force really is. Even the Archduke himself had said nothing can be done about them. What do you think I can do about them?”

Even after his intention was laid bare, Archduke Louis, a crafty politician, stayed calm and collected.

“Franz, calm down and think of it as a test of your skills. If you can handle the City Defense Force, then what couldn’t you handle?”

These words could perhaps swindle foolish youngsters, but not Franz, who was no longer one of them. He would not feel uppity just because of some flattery.

“Uncle Louis, I would be able to go if you ordered all the gilded nobles to retire from the army,” Franz said with affected anger.

“Franz, it is impossible to get them out, even for the Emperor!” Grand Dude Louis said helplessly.

“Which is why the City Defense Force is not suitable for me, while the Court Guard is. Or is it because you don’t want to give up the power?” Franz said, acting mad.

“Not at all! Well, Franz, you can join the Court Guard, but not as the commander in chief. Since you’re too young, you’ll need a few more years’ experience!”

Archduke Lewis settled for second best.

“This damned age again! Well, then I’ll wait a few more years!” Franz pretended to be helpless.

Until then, his purpose had already been served. The Court Guard was different from any other army because they were only faithful to the royal family.

For Franz, it was not necessary to be the commander of the unit to control it. Typically, this post was filled by the emperor himself or a royal family member assigned to the task.

At the moment, this unit was under the charge of the Regency Council, with Archduke Louis acting as a commander in chief. After Franz joined as Crown Prince, surely someone would defect to him.

Franz had already made it clear that he, with single-minded determination, had to join the Palace Guard, and he couldn’t be stopped by Archduke Louis, even if he was discontented.

Chapter 12

Since the agreement between Franz and Louis had been reached, the two of them continued their casual conversation as if nothing had happened. In fact, Franz had already acknowledged Archduke Louis’ favor implicitly.

It was difficult to pay back a debt of gratitude, but sometimes it was not a bad thing to be burdened with such debt.

For example, from this moment on, Franz had built relationships with this conservative leader and was considered a friend.

Otherwise, why would Franz specifically asked for a favor from Archduke Louis? Was there no other way for Franz, the heir to the throne, to join the Palace Guard?

Obviously, the answer would be “no.” Franz could join with a title or without, because traditionally, the Palace Guard only served the royal family, pledging allegiance to the emperor first, then the Crown Prince.

“Uncle Louis, it seems not so peaceful internally in recent days!” Franz said, with affected curiosity.

“Well, it is all because of our Prime Minister, who cries for reform every day. Now, a group of capitalists has turned into reformists in the name of patriotism, though they actually seek benefits.

Our Prime Minister turns a blind eye to that, while he keeps an eagle eye on us, as if we, the nobility, are a cancer in Austria’s society!” Louis said unhappily.

Prime Minister Metternich didn’t monitor the capitalist class? So what did he set up the secret police for? Certainly, it was not for the nobles.

Prime Minister Metternich, a representative of the nobility, was, most of the time, a defender of noble interests, except in the case of the abolition of serfdom!

Franz kept these thoughts to himself. The person he was talking to was the conservative Austrian leader. To speak his thoughts aloud would attract negative attention.

“Uncle Louis, since the capitalists can do what they want in the name of patriotism, we can do the same in the name of reform!” Franz smiled.

Without knowing why, Franz found it interesting to persuade people, after his reincarnation.

“Oh, Franz, are you joking?” Archduke Louis asked, surprised.

It was indeed nonsense for a noble to hold high the flag of reform. For the nobility to reform was like cutting their own flesh with a knife. How was that possibly going to happen?

Franz said, “No, Uncle Louis, I’m not joking! If the capitalists can propose a reform plan, why couldn’t we, the nobility, do the same?”

There was a consensus that the Austrian Empire had to make a reform, but such reform would harm noble interests, which was why the conservatives were opposed to it. Archduke Louis thought deeply.

Franz’s proposal, in his view, was to take the initiative, to hold the right of reform in their own hands.

He did not doubt that Franz had possible ill intentions, because the capitalist class was also an enemy of the royal family, and the reform they led would first deprive the emperor of his rights.

That was just the moderates among the capitalists, while the radicals wanted Republicanism. Looking back at the history of Charles I and Louis XVI, no emperor could have a good feeling about the capitalist class.

Franz, the Crown Prince, naturally would not be an exception; one’s position determined his opinion. When Franz talked with him, he used “we” time and again, which was just because of his standing. The royal family and the nobles naturally took the same side.

“Franz, it seems you have something in mind, so what is your plan, then? Can you go into detail?” Archduke Louis asked with concern.

Now he dared not to look down upon Franz, who he knew was good at politicking based on their talks.

“Uncle Louis, have you noticed that the capitalist class is demanding the liberation of serfs in the name of freedom and equality?” Franz asked.

“Of course, all of them shout political slogans daily, not to mention they made a whole bunch of unjustifiable demands for constitutional reform, national autonomy, and so on.

Really, it’s just for their own benefit. They want to abolish serfdom just because of the lack of labor force in their factories. They’re a bunch of vampires, to be perfectly honest.

You know, the vast majority of workers are living a more miserable life than serfs. We at least provide serfs with food, clothing, and shelter, and support them when they are old.

But the evil capitalists are not as kind as we are. The people who work for them can rarely survive for more than ten years. Once they are old, they will be driven out and left to rot.

They worked hard for the capitalists all their lives, but end up on the street. May God punish these vampires!” Louis raged.

Franz had to admit that Archduke Louis was partly telling the truth. The capitalism of the age was truly dark, and that workers lived no better than serfs was an accurate assessment indeed.

The truth also could be surmised from lifespans, as urban lifespans were three to five years lower than that in rural areas. Thus you can imagine the cruelty of capitalism during that time.

Ordinary workers who were recruited into the factories would see themselves destroyed within ten years, which meant that most of them would only live until the age of forty.

However, most of the nobles were just as dirty as the capitalists, so both parties were vampires, and neither one was kinder than the other.

“Uncle Louis, I know the facts about all this. Now that capitalists can call for the abolition of serfdom under the guise of fighting for the rights of serfs, why can’t we limit the development and growth of capitalism in the name of protecting the welfare of the working class?” Franz said with a cunning cold smile.

Franz played a double game when he spoke to different people.

Now, he put up a face of the feudal aristocracy, full of righteousness and a hatred for capitalists.

“For the benefit of the working class? I’m afraid that won’t do. It will also harm the interests of many of the nobles should the treatment of workers improve, since they have workshops,” Archduke Louis said, an overly cautious and indecisive tone taking hold

Looking at the Archduke’s face, Franz knew that what he read from in history books was not wrong — the man was indeed indecisive, but that just made him easier to sway.

“A little profit is nothing compared to the glory of the nobility. If there are no restrictions placed on the capitalists, I’m afraid it will not take too long for them to overpower us!

Uncle Louis, have you not noticed that the power of the capitalist class has been growing this entire time? In the long run, we won’t be able to keep a hold of them!” Franz prodded.

Franz’s talk made sense at the moment, because the nobility hadn’t started transforming into the capitalist class. Even if some of them invested in industry and commerce, however, none were personally in management.

At the moment, it would be a shame for those noble lords to be on an equal footing with the capitalists. This was true for ordinary nobles, not to mention the grand nobles like Archduke Louis.

Chapter 13

“The glory of the nobility cannot be profaned!” Archduke Louis said fiercely.

Franz knew he had gotten what he wanted. He had risked it all in order to provoke a conflict between the nobility and the capitalist class.

He had made a series of preparations, and then Franz had finally inspired a sense of crisis in this conservative leader. It was time to depart after having made his mark.

Obviously, Archduke Louis was not yet ready to let Franz go, asking directly, “Franz, what kind of plan do you think we should make to fight the capitalist class?”

Franz knew that it was time for his most powerful move; otherwise, all his previous efforts would be wasted.

“Uncle Louis, this is a rough idea without a detailed plan: we can create a Labor Protection Act.

We should work hard on the investigation of wages, working hours, and labor security to start with, then send someone to investigate the current state of affairs, after which we will make a detailed plan that will tie everything together in a coherent way.

For now, the most important thing is to divert public attention and write up a draft quickly, since the reformists always keep a close watch on us, don’t they?”

Archduke Louis felt a sudden sense of relief in his tension-ridden heart. All the people over Austria were shouting for reform, and each reform plan was more radical than the next. He, the leader of the conservatives, had almost broken down under such immense and brutal pressure.

For the time being, a Labor Protection Act would drag the capitalist class down by drawing public attention to them and their doings.

From then on, there would be no conservatives in the Austrian Empire. Everyone would be reformists, and the differences between people politically would be nothing more than different plans for reform.

The capitalist class could recruit supporters with the liberation of serfs, the constitution, the parliament, and the national elections; on the other side, the nobles could give them a head-on blow with labor protection, wages, and working hours.

In those days, it was still the nobility who were in charge of Austria. The capitalist class was limited to advertising, while the nobility’s counterattack could become law immediately.

How could the working class possibly refuse assistance from the government to protect their interests, reduce working hours, and raise wages?

Once this set of plans was carried out, it would perhaps not be as easy for the capitalists to encourage workers to make trouble again.

Archduke Louis was already thinking about the future: undoubtedly, if the Labor Protection Act were law, labor costs would increase dramatically for the capitalist class, and profits would naturally decrease.

At the time, the power of Austria’s capitalists was limited, and it would be difficult for them to continue to expand after the decline in profits.

If the rise of the capitalist class was successfully curbed, it would smooth the rougher edges of the domestic conflict, as the demand of the capitalist class for labor declined.

Then Archduke Louis, as the leader who succeeded in suppressing the capitalist class, would be the hero of the nobles and even perhaps take Metternich out of the office and become the Prime Minister himself.

…

Franz knew nothing about Archduke Louis’s presumption. Besides, it was enough for him to know that someone was charging forward. Be it Archduke Louis or Prime Minister Metternich, it did not matter to Franz as long as he himself did not have to go in front.

Franz did not think the capitalists would sit still waiting for death. They were going to kill for their interests. As the public leader of this plan, Archduke Louis was certainly going to be on the capitalists’ blacklist.

When he thought of this, Franz decided that, once the Labor Protection Act had been passed, he would not go around publicly, especially with Archduke Louis. In case of accidental injury, there would be no place for him to go to recover.

He did not believe that a law like the Labor Protection Act alone could curb the growth of the capitalist class. The lower authorities had countermeasures to deal with the policies of the higher authorities.

The capitalists were all smart people, and the workers of the age were still relatively easy to fool. As a result, Franz reckoned that even if there were legal protection, it would be difficult to implement.

If nothing else, it could dumbfound the vast majority of workers when they learned that their payments were in arrears. If they wanted to bring a lawsuit, the costs of litigation would not be affordable for ordinary workers.

Of course, in the short term, the plan would work. The nobles had plenty of lawyers working for them to get the capitalists into trouble.

The government departments would be working full steam to squeeze the capitalists by taking advantage of this opportunity. As long as they were targeted, it was almost certain that they would be sucked dry, considering Austria’s social situation.

Having accomplished his two small goals, Franz said goodbye to Archduke Louis and returned to Schönbrunn Palace, satisfied.

…

The next day, Franz was brewing a cup of tea, holding the latest edition of the Vienna newspaper, and then carefully sipping and reading.

In an age lacking entertainment, Franz had to cultivate a good habit of reading books and newspapers.

“Your excellency, l just now heard from Archduke Karl’s housekeeper that he had an accident last night; he is dying and wants to take one last look at you!” Jenny the maid said in a soft voice.

Franz’s facial expression greatly changed. He stood up and said, “Get ready at once; I’m going there, right now!”

Just then, Franz remembered the fact that the time was right for Archduke Karl to drop dead, according to history.

Life and death: these were things Franz could do nothing about. Archduke Karl was born in 1771 and was 75 years old when he died.

In a time when the average lifespan was less than 40 years, he had already lived a long life.

Franz had hoped that Karl would live to be a hundred years old because, with his presence, the pressure on Franz would be significantly reduced.

Whether for the military reform or the impending civil war, Franz really needed this ally to be present to help him bear the weight.

Franz got on the road as fast as possible, and on the way, he finally figured out the situation—Karl had had a drink last night, and then accidentally fell.

As a result, he sustained a lumbar fracture, and in this age of medical underdevelopment, there was no treatment.

The doctors had made the prediction that he would be dead soon. A political figure had to give his last words at the last moment of his life, and Archduke Karl would not be an exception.

Franz, as his self-appointed favorite student, had to be there with him. Without telling his last words to Franz, Archduke Karl would not be at ease even after his death.

When Franz arrived, there were already many senior military officers in Archduke Karl’s house. Franz was in no mood to acknowledge them, and he went straight to the inner chamber.

“Grandpa Karl, Franz has come to see you!” Franz said sadly.

“Well, Franz!”

“Keep in mind that soldiers must only shed blood, not tears!”

“Albrecht, give Franz my unfinished army reform plan. Remember my words, Franz. If Austria is to be truly strong, reform must be carried out!”

…

Karl’s speech was so broken that Franz could only guess at some of his meanings. In general, he told Franz to follow in his footsteps and carry on military reform.

“Let your heart be at ease, Grandpa Karl. I, Franz Joseph, promise in the name of God that I will carry the military reform through to the end!”

Having heard Franz’s promise, Karl smiled with relief before finally closing his eyes.

Chapter 14

On April 30, 1847, the sudden death of Archduke Karl, the greatest militarist of his generation, brought about the end of an era.

The funeral of Archduke Karl was very grand. Franz’s uncle, Ferdinand I, personally came to attend the farewell ceremony, and all the major nobles in Europe sent representatives.

Franz was in a bad mood. Even though he had reincarnated, Death was still not a simple thing to face.

Even with the legacy of Archduke Karl, Franz lost interest in life. People, unlike plants, have thoughts and feelings. Unfortunately, as an heir to the throne, he could not show much of the emotion that he was feeling.

“Your excellency, Mr. Bowenfield from the newspaper office seeks an audience with you!” his maid Jenny whispered.

Franz was a bit puzzled about the arrival of this uninvited guest. There seemed to be nothing in the office big enough for his personal attention. “Bring him in!” said Franz.

“Dear Archduke, something big has happened!” Bowenfield said.

“Tell me about it, but do it calmly, for Christ’s sake; it’s not the end of the world,” Franz said placidly.

Austria had a newspaper censorship system, and the government put a permanent staff in his office to review the content of the newspaper. Franz did not think there could possibly be anything big.

Did someone in the newspaper dare to publish prohibited papers in private? If that was the case, Franz didn’t mind cleaning up the office.

Misbehavior of the peer competitors? At most, it would just be normal business competition, and he did not think anyone would dare to cross the line!

“Recently, some newspapers called for a campaign to enact the Labor Protection Act, and we were involved in that,” explained Bowenfield.

“Go ahead, I don’t think there’s anything wrong with that,” Franz said, unconcerned.

Bowenfield glanced over Franz’s face and continued uneasily. “We became one of the leading players among the newspapers, and so as to make more people pay attention to the lives of the people at the bottom, we made a series of reports.”

“For the love of all that is holy, just spit it out, man!. What’s the hesitation for? Cat got your tongue?” Franz remarked, frowning.

Franz disliked hesitation during conversation, especially screeching halts at key moments.

“Based on the information we’ve collected, the editors at our office put forward a proposal, suggesting that capitalists should provide a sense of security to the working class. Unexpectedly, it aroused the attention of the government, so it will probably turn into law!” Bowenfield said in horror.

Then, Franz finally understood what concerned him: it was normal for everyone to shout their political opinions in the newspapers, and since everyone was used to it, it was fine to be radical. However, it would be a different story once those opinions became law.

If the capitalists knew that the Labor Protection Act was drafted by the newspaper “We Want Bread, We Want Cheese,” then Bowenfield, the chief editor, would, without question, be a dead man.

Not only would he be in trouble, but all the employees in the office would follow him to hell. Maybe even Franz, the big boss behind the scenes, would be affected.

Franz was caught in a dilemma when this happened. He could not stay out of this situation by blaming it all on his staff, but nor could he, the Crown Prince of Austria, apologize to the capitalists. So what on Earth was to be done? He had no choice but to bite the bullet.

“Show me the proposal you drafted, and don’t tell me you’re not ready!” Franz grumbled. Actually, Franz did not blame him for it, as the office hadn’t done anything wrong. What they did, without knowing the internal political struggle, was totally in accordance with their purpose.

“Yes, your excellency. The plans are with me. Here they are,” Bowenfield said uncomfortably.

At the moment, he was reliant solely on Franz. Even if he, the Imperial Crown Prince, had a confrontation with the capitalists, it was extremely unlikely for him to lose, so long as he had the support of the nobility.

Once the big players appeared on the stage, all the small potatoes like him would be ignored, and when the struggle was over, it would not be the winners who had to pick up the mess.

Franz took the documents and glanced over them. The more he looked at them, the more familiar they felt—was this not this a replica of the “996” working schedule?

Apart from ten hours a day, a total of two hours for meals and a break, and a paid day off a week, the government should set minimum wage standards, the capitalists must not withhold wages arbitrarily, the employers must not dismiss employees without cause, and the factory should take responsibility for injuries occurring on the job.

Franz did not think there was anything wrong with this proposal, and if later generations of European capitalists saw these standards, they would wake up from their dreams, laughing.

Franz said responsibly, “Mr. Bowenfield, your people did nothing wrong here, and you don’t have to worry about retribution. I’ll try to deal with it. The office is right next door to the police station, and I’ll inform them!”

Having heard what Franz said, Bowenfield put his worries to rest. Since the big boss would take responsibility, there was nothing to worry about.

The capitalists were so smart that no single one would stick out like a sore thumb if it were not necessary. Perhaps the whole capitalist class was too much for Franz, but it would not be a problem for him to deal with one or two of them.

“Your excellency, we should continue what we are doing?” Bowenfield asked hesitantly.

“Of course, get on with it, but know that there is tension. You should avoid provoking the capitalists by going too far, as that would cause unnecessary trouble,” Franz said thoughtfully.

A change in position was the least desired thing. Since Franz had offended the capitalist class, he simply needed to put all his eggs in one basket. In that way, he could at least get the support of the public.

The worst way to deal with this kind of situation would be to try to please both sides. In the end, he knew he would please neither.

Additionally, they were not the only newspaper to support the Labour Protection Act. Besides, the conservatives had been taking action, and Austrian public opinion was generally sympathetic to the working class.

“Yes, your excellency!” Bowenfield replied.

After he dismissed Bowenfield, Franz started again to consider the problems he faced. Usually, the best way to suppress a hot topic was to create a more burning one.

What kind of topic was able to attract the attention of the capitalist class? There was no doubt that at the moment, it was the Labor Protection Act.

For example, should they compress further the 10-hour working system by including the workers’ meal and rest time?

Or should they increase the punishment for work-related injuries a little bit, or even set a minimum wage standard that would hurt the capitalists?

All in all, as long as the Labor Protection Act existed, was finally enacted by the government, and went further than the contents of the proposal, everyone’s attention would be diverted.

The likelihood of the capitalists’ rage damaging his newspaper, too, would be minimized.

When these thoughts came into his mind, Franz smiled in satisfaction: he already thought of someone to take the blame for him. Prime Minister Metternich could not be at ease if he did not want to be replaced, since the Labor Protection Act had been proposed by Archduke Louis on behalf of the nobility.

Chapter 15

Wanting to fan the flames, Franz went to visit another major figure of the Conservative Party, Count Koloft, to express his concern about the situation.

Everyone was well informed about the recent goings-on, and the role Franz played in this political conflict was no secret at all among the top players of the government.

Franz was naturally on conservatives’ side because of his origin, or at least they were in the same boat when facing the reform of the capitalist class. In addition, everyone at the highest levels of government was quite principled, so no one would leak information to the outside.

And even if someone leaked the information, nothing would change, since the contradiction between the nobility and the capitalist class could no longer be resolved. Everyone simply had to do what they had to do.

Should they allow the nobility to give up suppressing the capitalist class? Or let the capitalist class abandon their attempt at grabbing power?

At the moment, no one would compromise, nor would they even dare to attempt such a thing. If one were to step back, it wouldn’t be a wide sea they saw, but rather a vast abyss.

If not for the advantage of being young, Franz would have to go up onto the political stage.

Really, it was less his age and more that the Regency Council did not want to give up their power so early; as a result, they had to take the pressure and the blame.

Putting Franz on the frontline against the capitalist class would advance his agenda in political affairs and result in the termination of the Regency Council of the Empire.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Metternich would have a tough time of it because he, a representative of the interests of the nobility, claimed to be a reformist.

When the two parties in Austria were locked in a bitter fight over benefits, Franz knocked around between them, and then, to add to the difficulty, the conservatives interfered in the reform.

Frequently in the past, people had attacked the conservatives, claiming that they used serfdom as a weapon, deprived serfs of their personal freedom, cynically exploited them, and then obstructed Austria’s progress.

This was the time for the nobles to fight back. People found there was something even worse, comparing the lives of workers and serfs.

The nobles, even as morally depraved as they were, would not make serfs work 15 or 16 hours a day except during the busy farming season because they simply did not have all that much work to do.

Indoor lighting was not cheap at that time. The capitalists would make money by making workers work overtime at night, while the noble would lose money if they did the same to the serfs.

Generally speaking, the lives of workers and serfs were the same — bitter!

But relatively speaking, the life of workers of this age was worse. The factory was like a prison. Once you got inside, it was hard to get out, and any carelessness could lead to a punishment.

As for payments, it was totally dependent on the moral integrity of the capitalists: one could get paid a little under a conscientious boss, while one could owe his boss a load of money after years of hard work without getting paid if under a vicious boss.

Demanding payments had been a problem forever.

Happiness was out of the question as a way to compare things; so was misery.

Because of the manipulation of the nobility, the working class suddenly realized that they were the most miserable class of all. Then, they certainly had to support the government on the Labor Protection Act.

The so-called constitutional reform, national election, and the abolition of serfdom were all put off indefinitely, to prioritize matters concerning their own interests.

The same was true of the capitalist class: they were tough and would not take one step back when it came to self-interest. Patriotism was long forgotten by everyone.

Prime Minister Metternich, caught in the middle, had a headache. He was strong in diplomacy but seemed powerless to resolve internal conflicts.

Just as with the previous issue of serfdom abolition, he was still negotiating with representatives of the capitalist class in an attempt to come up with a compromise acceptable to everyone.

“Prime Minister, I would like to know: when will the Labor Protection Act be passed?” asked Count Koloft indifferently.

How could he not push him around, as a political enemy of Prime Minister Metternich? Even without Franz’s suggestion, he would still have taken action, but now his target was more precise.

“Count Koloft, any law will have to wait a while before it can be enacted, because we have to carry out the actual investigation and then conduct a comprehensive analysis. Please be patient,” Metternich said disdainfully.

He did not bother to be polite to a political opponent. Besides, they would remain enemies no matter what he did.

“Prime Minister, it is not me who cannot wait; it is the workers outside. As you know, every day in Austria, hundreds of workers die due to being exploited ruthlessly by the capitalists!

Don’t they claim to be patriots? What are they doing to the workers while they are accusing us of immorally depriving serfs their freedom?

Are the workers not Austrian citizens? You know, most of these workers are serfs that we have released. Instead of making their lives better, the capitalists have them in an abyss!

What’s worse, this abyss is going to swallow everything and, in the end, destroy the whole of Austria!” Count Koloft roared, as he jabbed a finger up at Prime Minister Metternich’s face.

What a checkmate! The aim of liberating serfs was to make them live a better life, but all the evidence showed the opposite had occurred: they were suffering more.

This was a heavy blow to Metternich’s advocated abolition of serfdom, and the problem would stop all his work until it was solved.

But to solve this problem would mean that he had to break with the capitalist class, who were in support of the abolition of serfdom, or even beat them down.

Because most of the reformists in the country were capitalists, doing that would shake his position as prime minister, unless he was totally in favor of the nobility.

Well, Prime Minister Metternich himself was the representative of the great nobles and had always stood with them, save for the abolitionist movement. He did not hold anything against compromising with the nobility again. The question was, how would he do that?

He could not force them to take his side; it was a matter of leadership. What Metternich wanted was to be the leader of the nobility, not their proxy.

“Well, Count Koloft. A reply will be given by the government as soon as possible. You can go back and wait for the news!” Metternich said, frowning.

“I hope so; otherwise our Prime Minister will end up being a disappointment,” Count Koloft said pointedly.

After Prime Minister Metternich dismissed Count Koloft, his face instantly darkened. It would be strange to be in a good mood after being pressured by someone like that.

After a moment of contemplation, Metternich hit the table with his hand. “Count Koloft is really getting old and senile if he thinks he can squeeze me out with such a little trick,” he said to himself.

He said that as if he were very young, when in fact Metternich, born in 1773, was already 74 years old himself.

Chapter 16

After establishing the Vienna system, keeping the European continent stable for over 30 years, holding the position of the Austrian prime minister for more than 20 years, and firmly pinning down political enemies, how was it possible for the one and only Prime Minister Metternich to be a nobody?

Count Koloft was obviously trying to goad him today. People were fallible under external stimulation. How could he not know that?

It was a conspiracy. But though he surely recognized it, Prime Minister Metternich felt the pressure nonetheless. It was coming in from all directions, exerted on him not only by Count Koloft, but also by Austrian conservatives, as well as the Vienna Court.

Prime Minister Metternich already knew that Franz had played an important role in this conspiracy based solely on his rich experience with political struggle; he didn’t need any evidence of it to be sure.

As much as a year earlier, Franz had discussed this issue with him, but Metternich had wanted to maintain the balance of powers inside the country then, choosing not to suppress the capitalist class.

The fact that Franz teamed up with conservatives showed, without a doubt, that the Vienna Court’s tolerance for the reformists had reached its limit.

Not to mention the fact that the royal family, and even Prime Minister Metternich himself, were disappointed with the reformists. The reform proposals they put forward were too idealistic, ignoring the facts.

The capitalist class wanted to seize power so badly that they didn’t even bother to cover up their ambitions. The requests they made were simply not possible for the Government to accept.

Metternich was sure that if the capitalist class’s conditions were accepted in full, the Austrian Empire would come to an immediate end.

In order to be strong enough to seize power, the capitalist class had been united with the separatist group, yet their so-called American-style autonomy had not taken into account the realities of the situation.

Once decentralization appeared in Austria, social disruption would follow rapidly due to their many enemies, which meant the countries of Europe could not possibly let go of this opportunity.

A group of idealists, encouraged by the capitalist class, became the forerunners of the reform. They put forward any proposals they wanted and never considered consequences. Who could stand a group of reformists like that?

“Someone go inform the relevant people of tomorrow’s cabinet meeting. Especially the Regent council, make sure they appear in the meeting tomorrow!”

Obviously, Metternich had made up his mind: Since the reformists were out of his control, they could certainly be sacrificed for political necessity.

No, it was not a “sacrifice” per se; rather, it was bad luck for the capitalist class. A class division had split these idealistic intellectuals, and some of those who were less involved with the capitalist class were also in support of the Labor Protection Act.

In addition, some even felt like going further with the terms of the Act. The workers’ wages should be paid according to the profit of their factories, and everyone would share profit, including the working class.

Well, when it came to such idealists, Metternich had nothing to say. He would bet that the one who brought up this idea to the public wouldn’t have the balls to go outside their room.

The Labor Protection Act was driving the capitalist class crazy already. If anyone dared to deprive the capitalists of most of their profits, they would surely tear him apart!

“Yes, Prime Minister!” the attendant replied instantly.

…

After the triumph of the July Revolution, the progress of capitalism in France made most of the workers, farmers, and low-level capitalists more impoverished.

On the other end of the spectrum, the development of the industrial revolution had given the capitalists tons of wealth, and with the growth of their wealth, thousands of handicraftsmen and small farmers went bankrupt from the competition.

The social crisis in France was deepening, while the cries for the transformation of society were growing louder and louder; however, none of this had attracted the attention of the July Monarchy.

(July Monarchy: After the July Revolution in France in 1830, the Orléans dynasty was founded, representing the French financial group, and the usurer empire started then.)

By 1847, Franz had been keeping an eye on France closely, because, as the weather vane of the European revolutions, almost every revolution had its outbreak in Paris.

Based on the news from France, Franz knew that a revolution was brewing, because the prelude to the revolution, the “banquet campaign,” had begun to flourish.

(French Banquet Campaign: a political struggle by the French reformists and various social forces against the rule of the July Monarchy, who gathered under the guise of a banquet to give speeches and preach political opinions.)

Without a doubt, the upcoming revolution was still under the leadership of the capitalist class, which, in Franz’s view, was due to the uneven distribution of interests among French capitalists.

The capitalists who failed in the competition were unwilling to be robbed of benefits, so they united all the anti-government forces and took advantage of the public’s dissatisfaction with the Government. They launched the February Revolution.

Franz knew the climax of a new wave of revolutions was about to come, and historically, in 1848, all European cities with a population of more than 100,000 would break out in revolution.

The spark of this wave of revolutions was the February Revolution in France. The success of revolutionaries in France gave everyone a model. As a result, everyone followed suit, and then the whole of Europe fell into chaos. The only exception was Russia, which was still an agricultural country.

“Taylor, we have to get inside the social groups in Vienna to keep up with their movements at all times, including the low-level laborers’ groups!” Franz said, with caution.

“Yes, your excellency!” replied Taylor, the head of intelligence.

This intelligence organization was the secret army of the royal family, and after working with them several times, Franz incorporated them into his own forces.

Of course, the appointment letter that Franz gained from his uncle Ferdinand I played a crucial role in the incorporation.

It had come at a cost: Franz had to pay 800 Austro-Hungarian guldens a month to get the intelligence, not a small amount to him.

Even though most of the agents were doing their work compulsorily, the intelligence needed money to operate.

But it was all worth it: because of them, Franz finally grasped enough information about Austria’s domestic situation to find that the capitalist class in Vienna, surprisingly, had not yet planned a revolution.

This meant that the March Revolution in Vienna had not been planned long in advance, but was instead a group of people acting on impulse because of the influence of the outbreak of the February Revolution in France.

Many of these people were not even members of revolutionary parties, being steadfast capitalists, students, and workers. This could be proved from the terms put forward by revolutionary groups after the March Revolution.

The majority of the population still had expectations of the Vienna Government, because of the Labor Protection Act that government had introduced.

They were still waiting for the law that would improve their difficult living conditions to be enacted.

Franz saw a new possibility in the fact that the impending March revolution might die for lack of supporters once the Government published the Labor Protection Act.

The workers might even stand by the Government and help to suppress the capitalist class rebellion, because of the conflict of interests between the working class and the capitalist class.

Chapter 17

The nobles were on the move, while the capitalists were certainly not standing idle. Many of the capitalists struggled to adapt to their changing roles because for too long, they had claimed to be reformists.

A banquet was being held in a manor in Vienna. Most of the guests were Austrian capitalists, as well as a number of experts and scholars.

“Mr. Veris, public opinion is against us. Many are criticizing us for putting profit first. If we do not take action, the conspiracy of our enemies, who are behind the campaign against us, will succeed!”

“Yes! Their reforms are much easier said than done. They just do not take the current situation into consideration. For the time being, because of the fierce competition, our profit margins are just so slim!”

“That is the truth. We make money today and lose money tomorrow because the profit is so low, and the market is ever-changing. It is already difficult for us to feed the workers, not to mention that we have to constantly work to increase production.

How can we arrange, on such a slender profit margin, to raise their pay? If this Labor Protection Act makes us give up all our benefits to the workers, we will just be working for nothing.

Who would be foolish enough to invest in the industry then? These nobles, making money by doing nothing every day, came up with the stupidest ideas!”

The highly respected Veris said, “Well, gentlemen, since we are all in agreement about this situation, it’s time for us to unite and show the enemies our real power!

The Labor Protection Act cannot possibly be passed. If they succeed once, they’ll try again, and if we make heavy concessions on this matter, the enemy will press on little by little.

The nobles want to wipe us out. They do not have the courage to do it directly, so they came up with this lousy idea.

It is true that the Labor Protection Act now requires us to take a small step back. However, even once their ambition is satisfied, they will keep encouraging workers to rise up against us.

To make their status unshakable, they will finally use the high cost of labor to push us into decline!”

“Mr. Veris, what do we do now? You know the government is under control of the nobility. Even many of us here have probably used our influence to lobby the government. The situation is not optimistic for us.”

Veris said with a cold smile, “Mr. Trios, you are right. Since the nobles have control of the government, how can our complaint make a difference?

Why did the nobles propose the Labor Protection Act? Is it really because of the overwhelming mercy in their hearts? If that’s the case, why don’t they liberate the serfs?”

It was a good question. Why did the nobles suddenly care about others?

They quickly came up with a number of possible answers to that question, for it was simple to all these cunning old foxes.

For example: to divert the public’s attention from government reform to the welfare of workers, or to get back at the capitalists because they were against the abolition of serfdom…

“So, what Mr. Veris means is that we should continue to do what we are doing?” Trios asked uncertainly.

Veris was aflame with indignation. “Yes, we cannot be played by opponents. The primary purpose of the Labor Protection Act is to make us make concessions.

But can we make concessions?

Behind us is the abyss!

Now, the most important thing for us is to expose the enemy’s dangerous ambitions and draw more people over to our side, so we can win the ultimate triumph!”

“However, Mr. Veris, the enemy suddenly hit us unprepared, and now public opinion is very unfavorable to us, so many who were neutral have chosen to take their side!” complained Ham, frowning.

Veris’s face dropped, for he knew that his leadership was not convincing to his followers, including Ham. His words looked straightforward, but danger lurked beneath the surface.

“Mr. Ham, I don’t think this is really a problem for any of us. Is it too difficult to convince them?

To buy off some of them, and let them speak for us, to kill some of them, and blame it on the secret police? And it is not our first time doing that.”

When it came to manipulating public opinion, it did not matter if they used dirty tricks or above-board methods. Even if the government made some concessions, the capitalists could not possibly give up the interests they already had in hand, for which they had struggled so long.

They just wanted to gain without pain, which was the nature of capitalists. Maybe, in some ways, they were weak, but when it came to their own interests, they could show their full fighting weight.

Since Veris laid things out straightforwardly, there was no need for anyone to remain a gentleman, and the whole of Austria would see who the capitalists really were.

…

The capitalists were powerful. At least, they were much more powerful than the nobles in the court of public opinion. If it had not been for the censors, they would have already turned the tide in their favor.

After reading the intelligence documents in his hands, Franz did not even bother to comment. The performance of the conservative nobles, in this wave of battles, was really pathetic.

The first group that was fooled by capitalists was students, and the University of Vienna was the first to be captured. Many people there thought the Labor Protection Act was a scheme invented by the government.

Franz did not really know what this group really thought, but he knew for sure that many of them had been bought off by capitalists.

“Taylor, give Archduke Louis a message letting him know the plot of the capitalists, so he can pass the Labor Protection Act as soon as possible!” said Franz.

The best way for them to achieve their goal was to create a fait accompli before the capitalists could fight back.

Franz did not trouble himself by participating in the enactment of the Labor Protection Act. The nobles would definitely want revenge, so the items of this Act would be very unfavorable to the capitalists.

Regarding the relations between the intelligence organization and the nobles, Franz could not care less. He had to admit that he had overrated the rotten nobility.

The nobility, even though they had control of the government, could not enact a law after months of work–work that was for naught because of the influence of the capitalist class.

Time flew by. After months of controversy and rivalry, on November 21, 1847, history finally turned a new page, and the first Labor Protection Act of the Austrian Empire was published.

The Labor Protection Act read:

1. From March 1, 1848, Austria will implement an eight-hour working day. Workers can choose to work overtime or not, at will (employers must not cut wages because of this, and must pay overtime wages);

2. Local governments must set minimum wage standards in the near future. Any factory operating in Austria must implement those standards in accordance with regulations;

3. Austria will implement regulations on industrial injury protection, with specific details to be introduced by the government in the near future;

4. It will be prohibited to deduct or default wages without reason. Any offender will pay compensation more than ten times the amount withheld, along with a fine, decided according to the severity of the circumstances by the industrial and commercial authorities.

Chapter 18

Looking at the newly published Labor Protection Act, Franz smiled with satisfaction. The conflict between the nobility and the capitalist class could no longer possibly alleviated.

The eight-hour workday was enacted. This was enough to show that the nobles were so enraged by the capitalists that they had taken a drastic measure to deal with the situation.

From then on, the Austrian working class parted ways with the capitalist class. The government had given them what they wanted by enacting a labor law, so the only obstacle for them was the capitalists.

In this case, the question was, did the capitalists dare use the workers’ movement to seize power?

Obviously, this was impossible, for the enemy of the workers’ movement was no longer the government, but the capitalist class.

For a long time to come, capitalists would have to fight against the working class until one side was forced to make a concession.

“Taylor, you go spread the news of our Labor Protection Act, and do not forget to send a copy to all the labor unions in Paris!” Franz commanded.

It was the best of times, it was the worst of times: in 1847, there was only one country in the world that was industrialized, and that was Great Britain.

The rest of the major European powers were catching up, but the industrial revolution in France would not be finished until the 1860s.

The industrial revolution in Germany had just begun, and the same was true of Prussia and Austria.

The competitiveness of their products declined because of the increasing labor costs.

But that was not their main problem. The biggest challenge in Austria was the lack of a consumer market. Who could buy products in the market when everyone, worker and farmer alike, was living in poverty?

No one was going to buy anything before the market was cultivated, even in this country that had the ability to produce so much.

What about exports?

Without looking down on the Austrian industry, Franz thought the best industrial products of the age came from the British, while the most competitive products Austria could offer were simple grains.

Thus, it was more practical to cultivate the market first, then develope the industry step by step.

However, sharing your happiness was much better than enjoying something all on your own. A selfless person like Franz would certainly take into account people all over the world, for everyone was living a hard life and anxious to improve it.

In this case, he believed that the revolutionary stand of the French people was firm and that they would certainly do their job well. Only by improving the living conditions for the working class could the world become a better place.

What Franz did not know was that, in the history that was to come, the eight-hour working day proposed by the Austrian government would become the spark of the European Revolution.

The March Revolution in Vienna, which was highly regarded by historians, became a conspiratorial rebellion launched by the capitalist class, who were dissatisfied with the Labor Protection Act.

That was the final judgment that Franz himself made. He never had mercy on his enemies.

Regardless of the future, for the moment, Vienna was already boiling over. The newspaper published the Labor Protection Act in its original form as quickly as possible.

All the literati were writing swiftly on this Act, whether in praise or criticism. Either way, everyone had very strong opinions.

The reformists began to split into two parties. One of them was self-congratulatory about the fact that the Austrian reforms had finally made some progress. Many were even optimistic that the government would continue to develop the reforms shortly after publishing the Labor Protection Act.

The other party was the capitalist interest group. In no uncertain terms, they criticized the government for destroying their freedoms; they believed that in a world of freedom, all problems should be left to the market to solve.

On this issue, the two parties were in a terrible quarrel. The capitalists, who would never accept harm to their interests, had begun to plot, and this undercurrent spread from Vienna to the whole of Austria.

The workers in Vienna could not believe it had come true at first. Then they were shocked. After confirming the news, they finally began to celebrate, as though they were saying goodbye to all their days of suffering.

…

Paris

Paris was famous for being the cradle of the European revolutionary movement, and the people there had always been the most revolutionary. The Austrian Government’s Labor Protection Act caused a sensation among them.

The Austrian government, known for its conservatism, already legislated to protect the interests of the working class, while the July Dynasty had not yet done so. Such an evil government must be overthrown.

Of course, the rebellion could never be accomplished overnight, so the Paris labor union organizations, who were experienced in such struggles, met at once for a lively discussion.

Because of the Austrian government’s move to legislate for the protection of workers and their introduction of an eight-hour working day, many people in Paris expected the same from their government.

What if the top people in the Paris government suddenly changed their minds and followed Austria’s example? Their requirements were not unreasonable; they just wanted the government to copy the Austrian Labor Protection Act.

At the end of 1847, the historically significant strike movement began in Paris. Hundreds of thousands of Parisian workers took to the streets to protest for their rights.

Soon, this campaign spread from Paris to the whole of France, finally spreading throughout the European continent like a virus. By the end, strikes broke out in almost every European city.

The “eight-hour workday” had become a motto for the workers’ movements of the era. The public image of the Austrian government had improved markedly thanks to the fact that it made the first labor law in the world.

This was the very first time such a system had been legislated since 1817, when the British reformer Robert Owen proposed the “eight-hour work system,” and the impact was far beyond anything the Austrian government could have imagined.

Prime Minister Metternich, who had long been criticized for being too conservative, became once again the leader of the reformists, and the Austrian public praised his achievement highly.

However, none of this was what Prime Minister Metternich wanted. On the surface, he became the winner of the government struggle. Not only had he thwarted the rival’s plot, but he had also taken the reform even further, gaining significant public support.

Under the surface, however, Prime Minister Metternich was in unspeakable trouble. He had gotten himself into a blood feud with the capitalist class when he’d passed the Labor Protection Act under pressure from the nobles.

Could any good come from setting himself against the capitalists?

The answer was undoubtedly known to all.

Even so, their revenge came much faster than anyone expected.

On November 24, 1847, the third day after the publishing of the Labor Protection Act, the capitalists organized a strike. Ninety percent of Vienna’s factories and shops were closed that day.

The capitalists also submitted a petition to the Emperor for the repeal of the Labor Protection Act and the dismissal of Metternich’s Cabinet.

The Austrian government was in serious trouble. The capitalist class was much stronger than everyone thought. To make it worse, some nobles with no firm position of their own had been fooled by capitalists into participating in the strike.

Prime Minister Metternich’s time to shine–or fail–had come. If he could not solve this problem quickly, Vienna would collapse.

Chapter 19

It had to be said that Prime Minister Metternich had some ability. The Austrian government at the time was so aggressive that the capitalist class’s strikes could not frighten them.

After all, the great nobles supported the government, and their power was no less than the capitalists. However, they did not have many resources, save for food.

All of them were major landowners with large numbers of serfs. In that case, who could possibly have no food in stock? If the government needed a large emergency delivery of food, they could provide it.

It was not possible for the capitalists to keep their plan a secret because of the way they cooperated, so the Vienna government knew to finance a batch of grain from the nobles long before the crisis broke out.

At the beginning of the strike, the government had already been selling grain in the market to maintain the food supply in Vienna. But the prosperity of the old days was no more, and many in the government were upset.

Interior Minister Fisher said perplexedly, “Your excellency! If this situation persists, other resources will be still in short supply, even though the problem of food has been solved.

Moreover, now the capitalists have closed their factories, so the workers have lost their income. I’m afraid their money will soon run out, and then…”

Metternich said with a cold smile, “Don’t worry, this situation cannot last long. You have to know that thanks to the strike, the capitalists lose money every day, and small businessmen can not hold on much longer!

Still, we can’t just stand by. There also are nobles striking, so I will ask Archduke Louis to talk with them. If they stand with the capitalists, they will be removed from the nobility.”

As long as someone took the lead, everything else would follow. Even if they were very dissatisfied, he could still find a way to deal with them. At the very least, they didn’t have a problem with money!

…

Ultimately, the strike lasted less than a week and ended with the failure of the capitalist class.

The nobles who took part in the strike were persuaded first.

Do you care about the glory of the nobility or not?

For the sake of a little profit, you people actually sunk to the level of the capitalists, which was simply a shame to the nobility.

Either way, profit was easier said than done for most nobles, because the majority of them had not yet become capitalists. They had long felt uneasy when they saw others like themselves becoming upstart businessmen, so this was an opportunity for righteous accusation.

As a result, the strike participants were no longer invited to any banquets, and other nobles would refuse their invitation in return. Not to mention that relatives and friends continued to come to persuade them.

The radical nobles were clamoring to kick these rotten nobles out, which frightened a lot of people.

Austrian capitalists, though loaded with money, had no political status! It was not easy to get a hereditary title, and so it would be a serious issue for any noble to lose it.

The striking nobles, who could not stand the pressure, had to draw a line between themselves and the capitalists, then quit the strike immediately.

Some of them even thought, “All right, then! Improving the treatment of the workers was worth it! If nothing else, I could use serfs instead of workers!”

Thankfully, only a few such idiots existed. The majority knew that if a compromise was made, labor costs in the future were bound to rise.

Planning to use serfs? What a grand delusion! The daily call for the abolition of serfdom was not just a slogan; it had already become fact.

Because of the profit-seeking nature of capitalists, it was simply impossible to sustain their alliance, especially given that some people had already taken the initiative to quit.

None of the capitalists were selfless people. When they saw someone open a business and make money, the others naturally felt an injustice had been done: “We were the ones who were fighting for our profit, risking our lives, while you people just sat idle and then enjoyed the fruits of our work!”

The first wave of the capitalists’ counterattack was quickly defeated because it was not organized enough and had no binding effect on its members.

Even with all this news, Franz did not feel surprised. Unless they cut off necessary daily supplies like food and coal, it would be difficult for the Vienna Government to compromise anytime soon.

This was just what the capitalists could not do, however. At that time, Austria’s nobles were just too strong. The food and coal could be all produced from their own land. If the capitalists didn’t sell these supplies, the nobles would simply bring their own goods to the market.

Did you have an acquisition contract? If not, how could you expect people to abide by the rules of the game? The nobles made the rules, so they could change the rules!

Franz knew that none of this was over yet, as the capitalists would never resign themselves to defeat. If the government was not prepared, they would suffer greatly in the upcoming economic war.

When these thoughts came to him, Franz felt regret that he had kept hidden deep within his heart. He really should sell a great stock of supplies, because the prices of supplies in the market had almost doubled at the time of the strike.

“Raul, how much food left in the stock can I sell?”

“On your orders, we didn’t sell any grain yet this year, but some time ago, when the strike broke out, we did sell half a million pounds of wheat to the government for its emergency, leaving enough food for consumption, and then about 3.86 million pounds extra in stock,” Raul replied.

Franz knew of the grain sold to the government, and his estate was only thirty kilometers from Vienna. When the country confronted a serious situation like this crisis, Franz, as Crown Prince of the Empire, had no choice but to help.

It sounded like a big amount, 3.86 million pounds. That was more than 1,750 tons, which was something like two or three thousand gold coins.

But Franz could not collect that amount, because the cost of production was so high. All the serfs in royal estates had been released, so labor was no small expense.

“Be prepared. Once the price of wheat rises by more than 20%, sell it!” said Franz, after a moment of thought.

He knew that capitalists would not let go of the defeat, and pushing up prices was one of their most commonly used tools. Food prices in Vienna were definitely going to soar.

As industrialization had begun, wheat could only be sold to flour mills; no matter how high food prices soared in the market, the price offered by the mills could not be too high compared with the market price.

The greatest advantage of Franz’s estate was its proximity to Vienna, but when a rebellion might erupt at any time, it became a disadvantage. The estate was more exposed to the rebels and could be destroyed easily.

In this case, stocking up on grain was risky. Even if he knew that next year the Hungarian revolution would break out and Austria’s grain prices would skyrocket, for now, he had to silently bear the pain of selling it.

As he could see, in the game between capitalists and the government, speculation on high-priced stock could definitely collect money fast, but unfortunately, Franz’s status was doomed to keep him from playing the field. Otherwise, all the nobles would follow him, and Prime Minister Metternich would not be able to contain the situation.

Chapter 20

The failure of the strike had shaken the prestige of the leader, Mr. Vries, of the capitalist class, so many were skeptical about his ability to lead them to push the government to compromise.

In contrast, the reformists in the capitalist class had become active. A group of capitalists had changed their stand, and secretly colluded with the reformists in an attempt to overthrow the Vienna Government and establish a capitalists’ regime.

Of course, despite that, it was never possible for them to raise the flag and rebel. Even if there would be a revolution, it would have to be led by someone other than themselves. This was because they all had a load of wealth, and surely their lives were more precious than others.

No one was too stupid to understand that they could quite possibly turn into “martyrs” if they rebelled publicly when the weakness of the Austrian Empire had not yet been exposed.

Most capitalists had little confidence in the reformists, and they still placed their hopes on fighting through non-violent means to coerce the Government to compromise.

A banquet was being held in a manor outside Vienna, and Mr. Vries was giving a passionate speech as the host.

Well, this was a banquet movement that originated from France, but when it was in Austria, which seemed somewhat unconvinced, only a few scholars who were fooled by liberalism attended, save for the capitalists.

“Gentlemen, we have to unite. The last time we failed, and it was because we did not have a united front, and we were crushed by the enemy, one by one!

As long as we unite and fight together, the enemy will surely be defeated, and and we shall be the ones to claim victory.

There is no need for revolution, for bloodshed, and it’s not hard to defeat the enemy in the field we dominate!

Just…”

Vries’s speech was not satisfactory to everyone, and at least the revolutionary people who came to the party were very dissatisfied with it.

“Mr. Vries’s, what you call a bloodless fight…Do you really think that will that really make the enemy fall back? Wake up and smell the roses! The the rotten Vienna government will not listen to the voice of the public, and true freedom can only be achieved by revolution…”

“Whoever let him in, throw this bastard out of here, since he is trying to kill everyone!” yelled Vries fiercely, before this person could finish his words.

Damn it! Why was he discussing the revolution out loud as if he thought the secret police of the Vienna Government were nothing but a joke?

Not only was Vries angry, but many capitalists who came to the banquet were angry as well. Even if they wanted a revolution, this was a matter that required discretion; the group here could support him in secret, but why on Earth would they do so publicly?

To support the revolution publicly? Everyone here would be in jail before they drew another breath. With so many people at the banquet, who knew what traitors or secret police were in their midst?

If you were saying you opposed revolution, then actually do so. When it came to their own security, the capitalists were all very cautious. One after another, they denounced the Revolutionary Party, as if they were all models of loyalty and patriotism.

Vienna was not Paris, and the revolutionary enthusiasm of the public here was not as high, and also, the Vienna government was not so unpopular as the July dynasty, so not everyone wanted to rebel.

Interrupted by the revolutionary, the speech ended hastily, and then the banquet turned into a secret meeting..

The impact of the Labor Protection Act on the public was still very strong. Even these servants who were attending the banquet were all among the beneficiaries, and it was highly possible that one of them was impulsive and sold them out. So everyone here should be cautious.

“Mr. Vries, can we really force the government make concessions by raising prices of supplies in the market? You know that the strength of the nobles is not ignorable; if they start to fight back against us, we may go for wool and come home shorn!” Hamm, a big capitalist, questioned.

The two of them were business competitors, and it was all because of the common interests which brought and seated them together, but there was no way to eliminate the conflicts between them.

“It is exactly because of the nobility that we will win,” explained Vries. Don’t forget the fact that our Prime Minister is in favor of abolishing serfdom, and if the nobles do not overthrow him, they would be afraid that he will, like this time, enforce it through legislation?”

Field, one of the moderate capitalists said, “Mr. Vries is right; the old bastard Metternich had offended a lot of people over the years, and plenty of people want him to step down.

Once this old cunning man is gone, the new prime minister will surely not have his prestige, so, if he wants to stabilize the situation, he will have to compromise with us!”

Fields and Vries have similar political ideas, and both of them were opposed to violent revolutions and advocated fighting for rights and interests without bloodshed necessarily.

All their common ideas were determined by their interests because as one of the top capitalists in Austria, they controlled a large number of industries.

Once a revolution broke out, there must be a new shuffle of interests; if it failed, they would possibly lose everything they had in hands.

Vries said, “Mr. Ham, the nobles are not holy and pure saints. If we are trying to push up prices, and we can certainly let them in on it with us, because not only can we make money together, but they will also not fight with us in the market, by then, for their own benefit.

No need to be much, as long as one fifth of the nobles stand with us, Metternich will be too powerless to do anything. This time, our aim will be to force Metternich to step down!

As for the repeal of the Labour Protection Act, the implementation of the Constitution, and the popular elections, we can delay them and wait for the next government to deal with it.”

Apparently, since he failed once, Vries became more cautious than before.

The Labour Protection Act was used by conservative nobles to fight the capitalists, and obviously they would not make concessions readily.

To say nothing after the constitutionalism and popular elections, as soon as either of them was brought up, it would be attacked comprehensively by the nobility.

Instead, Prime Minister Metternich was an easy aim, and a highly acceptable one because, after all, there were also many people among the nobles who opposed him.

Ham, on second thought, said, “I’ll trust you one more time, but what do you think we should do about the revolutionary people in the banquet here? We are not stupid, so you do not have to hide any of your opinions!”

Field, with a cold smile, said, “Is there anything to be said? Of course, we have to draw distinctions between them and ourselves. Don’t tell me you haven’t heard of the French Revolution! Or is this something you wish to experience firsthand?”

Ham quipped, “Mr. Field, let go of this grand statement!

Since I know most of us have to contact them privately, however, I mean…have you ever thought of increasing our support toward them?

We do not expect they can succeed. As long as they can hold back some of the attention from the government, it would be good enough.

Vries hastily said, “Mr. Ham, this joke has to stop here. I’ve never personally known any revolutionary members!”

Unlike the bold Ham, Vries was already old. With his successful business and large amount of wealth, he was no longer willing to take any risks. Secretly providing funding for the movements of the Revolutionary Party was where the line had to be drawn.

Chapter 21

Even though he could not convince these cunning men, Ham was not angry, for he knew that they were already moved by his words. They were just too scared to speak their minds.

He was not a revolutionary, either; he had only joined the Revolutionary Party for the benefit of his interests, and he would be an idiot to rebel if he was able to achieve his goal by peaceful means.

What could he gain even after a successful rebellion, considering the battlefield was the whole European Continent?

Are the powerful and noble people born with their standing?

The answer is: Yes!

If the rebellion was a success, the best-case scenario was that he would become the president of the bourgeoisie republic, a situation not necessarily better than his present one.

On the other hand, if it was a failure, presumably the best outcome for him would be being exiled overseas.

In the face of harsh reality, Ham’s unmotivated revolutionary enthusiasm abated even more.

For the vast majority of capitalists, supporting the Revolutionary Party was one thing; however, leading the revolution themselves was another thing, since they didn’t want to be the president.

…

The banquet was difficult to keep a secret, so what happened in the Veris estate on the outskirts of Vienna was quickly passed on to Metternich. In that version of the story, of course, the later secret meeting was not included.

However, Prime Minister Metternich, a man of the rules, who kept the bottom line of the political struggle, could by no means arrest the capitalists who participated in the banquet on the charges of colluding with the Revolutionary Party.

It was exactly his rule-following nature which annoyed him.

He was frustrated because he could only defend himself passively, even knowing that capitalists were conspiring.

“Beset by enemies from within and without” would be the appropriate description of his situation: the nobles, planning something against him, the capitalists, eyeing him covetously, all with the common purpose of getting rid of him.

In the winter of 1847, the public in Vienna had an intuitive feeling that prices of commodities had risen, and in fact, they had risen sharply at a rate that was even visible to the naked eyes.

By the end of December 1847, prices of commodities in Vienna had risen by 47 percent, and the capitalists were trying, little by little, to test the limits of the public’s tolerance.

Everyone turned their eyes to the Vienna Government, expecting them to come up with a solution.

Obviously they were disappointed, for the Vienna Government had neither the capacity nor the authority to intervene in prices of commodities.

Very little effect was produced by the numerous measures taken by Prime Minister Metternich.

For instance, the government posted a public announcement ordering businessmen to stop raising prices of commodities, of which nothing came.

And nothing changed after several meetings between the Prime Minister and the capitalists.

Unfortunately, the government also failed to stabilize the price of goods by urgently pouring supplies from outside into the Vienna market. They were blocked by the capitalists and corrupt nobles.

Of course, it was not completely ineffective: at least the speed of price increase was suppressed, and prices did not climb to the peak all at once.

After the last failure, the capitalists did not trust each other much, and in the face of profit, many small capitalists could not wait for the highest prices.

As selfishness is the nature of humans, Franz knew very well that behind the sharp rise in prices in Vienna was the participation of the nobles, although they were motivated only by profit and were not involved in the joint action of capitalists.

Initially, these people had perhaps just wanted to take the opportunity to earn a fortune, but later, blinded by wealth, they had become trapped in a swamp of desire.

However, their luck was so bad that they got caught up in the European economic crisis.

Since 1845, Europe had suffered from poor food harvests, and international food prices soared. As food prices rose, Europe’s purchasing power shrank consistently.

In 1846, the price of cotton and cotton textile products in the United States almost doubled, and high prices led to a decline in sales of cotton textile products.

With such decline in the volume of merchandise traded, the capitalists had no choice but to cut jobs: Britain’s unemployment continued to soar, railway freight volumes hit new lows, many railway companies were in a state of loss, and the British railway bubble burst in the autumn of 1847.

A slight change in one part might affect the situation as a whole in Europe: when the railway bubble burst, the railways under construction were shut down, and the demand for steel fell.

The crisis quickly affected the steel and coal industry, and 58 out of 137 steel furnaces in Staffordshire were closed.

Production of pig iron fell by a third in a month and a half, while coal production fell by almost twenty percent.

In November 1847, 200 of the 920 cotton textile factories in Lancashire, one of the UK’s textile industry centers, were completely closed, and the rest only worked two to four days a week.

More than 70 percent of workers suffered from unemployment or semi-unemployment.

The industrial crisis that broke out in Britain did not attract the attention of Austrian capitalists because neither the British economic crisis in1825 nor the one in 1837 affected Austria.

As a non-industrialized country, Austria did not even have the basics for an industrial crisis; even if it did, the possibility of an economic crisis would be infinitely low.

Many people had forgotten that Austria was no longer the major power it had been, and, as a non-industrialized country, it could not stand alone in the economic crisis.

The very first country that was affected was France: after the British economic crisis broke out, in order to overcome the crisis, British capitalists began dumping materials overseas, and the unprotected French became the first wave of victims.

By 1848, France’s total industrial production fell by 50 percent.

Germany was no exception: as its industrial strength was weak, the impact was even graver.

In the winter of 1847, 3,000 out of 8,000 weaving machines in Klefeld were shut down; in the first half of 1848, only 3 of the 14 factories in Cologne worked; meanwhile, Erfert’s industry was almost completely wiped out.

The Austrian capitalists cried, and the nobles who wanted to take advantage of the crisis also cried. In order to curb prices of commodities, the Vienna government cut import tariffs, and a large number of cheap British goods rushed into the market. It was more than they could bear.

In the face of dumping from an industrial country, any Austrian capitalist with half a brain would choose to retreat from the market immediately.

In January 1848, the prices of all industrial and commercial products collapsed, except food. Everyone was so busy with their own business that they did not have time to care about others.

Some capitalists, running ahead of time, could barely stop the loss, while the ones moving slow were locked up immediately.

Because of oversupply, the prices of industrial and commercial products on the Vienna market fell below their production costs, and the capitalists and nobles who drove up prices were forced to bear their painful losses.

Everyone knew that the economic crisis was coming. In order to reduce losses, capitalists started layoffs. Many capitalists suffered such great losses in this crisis that they simply closed the factories; thus, unemployment in Vienna climbed steeply.

Chapter 22

The sudden economic crisis also confused the Austrian government. It was the first such crisis they had confronted, and they had no experience to help them deal with it.

Since the economic crisis, initiated by the industrial crisis, was different from an ordinary one, their traditional coping strategies would become anachronistic.

Government-funded bailouts?

It was obviously impossible, and Metternich would be stupid to try to save all the capitalists.

Of course, necessary measures had to be taken by the government. For example, prices, which had been rising sharply, returned to a normal level because the government reduced tariffs.

However, the domestic crisis had not been relieved: the capitalists and nobles who had hoarded a large amount of supplies had their turn to suffer and lost their last pennies.

In the case of daily necessities, the prices in the retail market in Vienna were only 66 percent of what they had been in the first half of 1847, and less than a third of the retail prices at the peak in December.

Not the price decline but the decline in purchasing was critical: even at such prices, people did not have the money to buy goods.

This was truly a tragedy.

Under normal circumstances, the wholesale price of daily necessities was 30 percent lower than the retail price, and if retail prices fell, the capitalists would leave the market by losing a fortune, which was acceptable to most of them.

The real problem was that there was no market: there were piles of goods, but no buyers.

Powerful capitalists could perhaps still hold on, but the weak ones had no choice but to run away, with broken capital chains, owing a load of debt to the bank.

As a result, Austria’s financial institutions had been hit severely, and after the financial crisis broke out, the vicious circle persisted.

The Great Depression had come, to not only Austria but the entire European continent except Russia, and no one could stand alone.

There was no doubt that the Labor Protection Act introduced by the Vienna Government had to be suspended: when jobs were gone, there was no point to talking about how workers were treated.

The goal the capitalists had achieved——the Vienna government did make concessions and the Labor Protection Act was suspended——became something they did not really want.

The sudden economic crisis had hurt the capitalists badly.

Meanwhile, as market competition became more and more brutal, internal conflicts among capitalists were intensifying.

Prime Minister Metternich became the biggest winner as well as the biggest loser.

When, finally, he successfully thwarted the conspiracy of the capitalists, a mess was waiting for him to clean up afterward.

Franz, as an onlooker, was stunned by this kind of situation. He didn’t expect that the whole thing would actually end up like this: the capitalists, the nobles, and the government were all losers in this political struggle.

If there were any victors, Ferdinand I, who did nothing in the palace, was one of them, but he could not understand or feel it himself.

When it came to the working class, they could be regarded as half winners and half losers: the economic crisis in Austria was more serious than any in history, and their lives were even harder; the only gain was the Labor Protection Act, which couldn’t be realized yet.

In short, the future would be good, but the present was cruel.

“Archduke, last night, a revolution broke out in Sicily!”

The intelligence leader, Tallen, rushed in and brought Franz this shocking news.

Franz was really taken aback by it: didn’t the European Revolution start in February, in France?

How could there be a Sicilian revolution?

Well, Franz could admit that his knowledge of Sicily was limited to the beautiful legends, where the land was fertile, suitable for food production, and strategically located in the heart of the Mediterranean.

Beyond that, there was nothing left in his mind. After thinking carefully, Franz remembered a sentence that seemed to be mentioned in the history book: before the February revolution broke out in France, the January revolution broke out in Italy.

The original story was the January revolution in Italy, which initiated the prelude to the European revolution in 1848. It was just mentioned in this way, without unnecessary explanation, and Franz hadn’t paid attention to it at all.

What a pit to fall into!

Italy had not been unified yet. At that time, Sicily was still the independent Kingdom of Sicily, which did not have anything to do with Italy.

For this reason, he sent someone to keep an eye on the Kingdom of Sardinia, which would finally unify Italy.

Franz recovered quickly enough: he had not specialized in historical research, and it was normal that he was not familiar with the small events which were not paid much attention in history.

“Is the scale of this revolution large? Did they overthrow the Kingdom of Sicily?”

He could guess why revolution had broken out: the economic crisis had happened, and the public in Sicily couldn’t move on.

“Archduke, it’s not clear yet. We have too few intelligence personnel in the Kingdom of Sicily, so there is no way to figure out the situation in such a short time!” Tyron explained, embarrassedly.

It was not because he didn’t work hard, but because the intelligence work couldn’t be completed overnight. It was hard enough already to receive messages in such a short time.

In that era, the wireless telegraph had not been invented, and the wired telegraph was only laid out in big cities. What happened in Sicily could only be transmitted to Vienna after a series of transits.

If the news was spread by itself, it might be delayed for three or five days, or even a couple of weeks.

“Well, that’s all. We’d better focus our work on Vienna, Milan, Venice, and Munich because the revolution in Sicily may cause a chain reaction!” Franz said after thinking for a while.

He had already figured it out: things outside were out of his control, and his very first mission was to stabilize his own country before anything else, or at least, to get the message and be prepared before the revolution broke out.

“Yes, Archduke!”

Seeing that Franz didn’t blame him, Tallen breathed a sigh of relief. The combat effectiveness of the intelligence organization had decreased a lot over the years, and he, the person in charge, had an inescapable responsibility.

But he didn’t know how low Franz’s expectations of them were.

As the saying goes, cheap goods are not good, and good goods are not cheap.

In the intelligence organization, more than ninety-five percent of the personnel were volunteers, laboring without any remuneration. What else could Franz ask for?

These were all the achievements of the Habsburg family’s management for many years. Conquering Europe on foot was not a joke, and the relationship network had spread to cover the continent of Europe long ago.

It maybe was all right to take advantage of these relationships to communicate with each other about information, but if they should be ordered to handle affairs, Franz wasn’t sure he had such strong control.

As for Tallen, he was undoubtedly a temporary substitute. When the intelligence organization built by Franz himself was completed, the only purpose for them would be to draw the attention of the outside world.

After the Sicily revolution broke out, Franz began preparing, and he did not dare to trust others with his life.

With this as an excuse, Franz conducted a training for the Royal Guard and reorganized the members, holding a post without qualifications, alone in one unit.

Chapter 23

Franz, through a series of personnel transfers, finally took control of the Royal Guard. Archduke Louis had no reaction, but Franz didn’t know if he really did not understand or was just playing dumb.

Franz felt that he was more likely pretending. The scale of the Royal Guard was small, with only one regiment of troops, but it played an important symbolic role in defending the royal family.

The actual control of this regiment was always in the hands of the Court of Vienna, and even Archduke Louis, the nominal commander, dared not mess with them.

Before Franz trained the royal guard, he had in fact gotten the approval of the Court of Vienna, as well as the warrant of his uncle, Ferdinand I.

The Hapsburg family had long been preparing for his rule, and, if all went according to plan, he would become a member of the Regent Committee in three years. After several years of standing in for Franz, the Regent committee would be dissolved, and the era of the Crown Prince Regent would arrive.

Though Ferdinand I did not want his power transferred into others’ hands, unfortunately, he suffered from epilepsy; he had seizures 20 times a day on average and could not manage government affairs at all. Thus, supporting Franz was one of his measures to avoid that.

Well, Franz admitted that he had been fooling around. His uncle was often out of his mind and did some ridiculous things; occasionally, he had paranoia. However, he paid special attention to the Hapsburg family business.

This situation created an opportunity for Franz. Ferdinand I often made extraordinary remarks, and any time Franz found one useful, it became a written document.

In other words, there were many imperial edicts in Franz’s hands, but whether they were legal or not depended on the actual situation.

If they were put forward, the Regent Committee would probably veto them all; however, when the time was right, he could also issue these edicts directly without passing through the Regent Committee and make them an established fact.

Although the Austrian government was actually controlled by the Regent Committee, no one had announced explicitly that Ferdinand I had lost the ability to govern, which meant that the Emperor’s order was still valid.

The news of the January Revolution spread quickly throughout the European continent. When the news reached Vienna, people were surprised at first, then thought nothing of it.

However, when the news reached Paris, something changed.

From 1840 to 1848, after Gizzo, the leader of the Conservative Party, was elected prime minister, capitalists were appointed to government departments. He also abused his power arbitrarily by approving commercial contracts to please financial groups.

Corruption and bribery in the government were becoming the norm, and as various scandals emerged one after another, the public gradually lost faith in the government.

By this point, only bankers, exchange brokers, railway owners, big mine owners, big forest owners, and big landlords were left among the supporters of the July dynasty.

Since the economic crisis spread to France in 1847, hunger riots had been springing up all over the country. The Labor Protection Act enacted in Austria ignited the workers’ strike movement.

In this context, when the foundation of the revolution was ready in place, and a single spark could light the fire of revolution, the people of Paris, who were already full of revolutionary spirit, were naturally affected when the news of the January revolution arrived.

However, the decadent July dynasty turned a deaf ear to all this. The Banquet Movement launched by the capitalists was stopped by the government. The activity originally scheduled for January 19th, 1848, was postponed to February 22nd.

After checking the intelligence in his hand, Franz breathed a sigh of relief. History had not changed as a butterfly effect of his intervention. The advantage of foresight could also be used safely.

However, he communicated with the military generals even more than ever, including the governors of all the districts, with whom Franz also maintained a correspondence.

Inadvertently, Franz also revealed his concern about the domestic situation, incidentally mentioned the January revolution in Sicily, and boldly made a prediction that it would cause a chain reaction across the European continent.

Whether his remarks would attract attention, Franz couldn’t know; he could only listen to destiny and do his best.

He couldn’t announce directly that Austria would also have a revolution.

If he did that, he would be regarded as either a god or a madman.

Considering the situation of the Hapsburg family, Franz felt that the latter was more likely.

Now Franz gave full play to the nature of a military enthusiast and inspected the training of the troops around Vienna. The more he saw, the more disappointed he was.

“Albrecht, what can you do to improve the combat effectiveness of the soldiers in the short term? I am talking about the City Defense Army,” Franz said, cautiously.

“Franz, this is a very simple question. As long as you can get the noble officers who are dawdling here to go away and promote a group of capable persons to serve as officers, the combat effectiveness of the City Defense Army can be improved immediately!” Albrecht Friedrich Rudolph said after a moment’s thought.

Helplessly, Franz said, “Albrecht, this joke is not funny at all. If I could get them to go away, there would be no need to talk nonsense with you here! I mean, is it possible to gather them together for training and let them play a role at a crucial time?”

Yes, Franz did have high hopes for the City Defense Army. These nobles seemed to be the cancer that affected the combat effectiveness of the Army in normal times, but they were different in war times.

If nothing else, at least in terms of loyalty, they were still reassuring.

Once the Vienna revolution broke out, using them to suppress the rebellion would be more reliable than using civilian officers.

The only pity was that their ability did not seem to be very impressive. Even if their only job was to suppress mobs, Franz doubted they were capable.

“Come on, I will give up the position of the commander of the City Defense Army to you. Anyway, I can do nothing about them!” Albrecht said innocently.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “I will accept that. Anyway, since they’re such a group of losers, I can’t possibly make it worse. However, as to the position of commander of the City Defense Army, you still keep it yourself. I still need your support for the following things…”

“Franz, what’s your plan, then? There are a lot of aristocratic officers in the City Defense Army, and they are involved deeply. You can’t mess around!” Albrecht said with some concern.

“Albrecht, do I look like someone who messes around to you?” Franz asked Albrecht.

Albrecht shook his head. Franz’s impression on everyone was still very good.

Franz continued, “I should also join the Army to serve. I will apply for it shortly. In the next three months, I will be in the City Defense Army.

You can push all those officers who have been dawdling over here and make them receive military training with me. Of course, those who are over 28 years old and those who are famous in the Army will not be included.”

He finally recollected that he was only 13 years old when he had become an Austrian army colonel.

If he hadn’t set those limits, the nobles who would love to see his humiliation might have sent all the boy scouts to him. In all seriousness, there were actually “baby officers” who were not even weaned but already legends in the Austrian army.

Chapter 24

“What? Franz, do you really want to go to serve in the army? No, you can’t; you have to stay at home and study. Honestly!” Princess Sophie said angrily.

Her expression was as if Franz, the little boy, wanted to find an excuse to skip classes, which was absolutely disobedient!

Franz explained, “Dear Princess Sophie, this is not service. I will only be in the Army for three months’ experience.”

“Experience of three months? Is that necessary? In half a year, you will officially begin to serve in the Army; what’s the urgency for experience?” Princess Sophie asked.

Franz knew that it was time to explain it clearly because if there was no proper reason, his mother would not approve his going. As for his father’s attitude, it didn’t really matter. He was never the one, in this family, to make any decisions.

“You know, a revolution broke out in Sicily! From the intelligence analysis I collected, it seems the European continent will soon go through a period of revolutionary intensity.

In case of anything unexpected, I must learn about the army as much as I can, so as not to be caught unprepared!” Franz explained.

“Do you think Austria may have a revolution?” Princess Sophie said with a concerned look.

Franz nodded and said, “Yes! The situation of the domestic economy is alarming. The struggle between the nobles and the capitalists is very fierce, and the conflict may intensify if the economic condition doesn’t improve soon!”

Listening to Franz’s serious analysis, Princess Sophie looked solemn and nervous: what a scary term “revolution” was to her.

“You should share these opinions with the government because, if they are prepared beforehand, the power of the capitalists will be too weak to do anything!” Princess Sophie thought for a moment and said.

Looking at her expression, Franz knew that she was still dubious, so he added, “No, no one should know the situation. Before anything comes up, we had better keep silent and stay away from the nobles and the capitalists, because it’s highly possible that we’d just draw the fire against ourselves, now that the struggle between them has turned white-hot.”

Since politics were always dark, Franz, who wanted to be the emperor, could aid others behind the scenes, but not go into battle in person. Instead, he just left the fight to others!

Looking at Franz, Princess Sophie’s face changed, and she said in disbelief, “Are you going to take advantage of this opportunity to seize power?”

Franz knew that Princess Sophie was tempted because no one liked put his fate in the hands of others, much less the Regent Committee, which had controlled the Austrian regime for more than ten years.

The existence of the Regent Committee for such a long time was enough to make the Vienna Court feel uneasy. Even Ferdinand I, when he was himself, knew that this situation was unfavorable to the royal family, especially Princess Sophie.

Anyone who had lived in the court since childhood, even the stupidest person, would have a sharper political sensitivity than an ordinary person.

In history, the reason why the Court of Vienna let Metternich go was not only dissatisfaction with his political reform, but also concerns about his power.

Franz patiently analyzed the situation. “It depends on the specific reality, but the current situation is very unfavorable to the government. The capitalists want Prime Minister Metternich to leave and be replaced with a weak government. Meanwhile, the nobles are also unhappy with him and ready to replace him.

Under these circumstances, it is hard to say whether Prime Minister Metternich can survive this political crisis. When all the energy of the top of the government is involved in the political struggle, who will have the time to care about the lives of the people at the bottom?

As you know, if a person is hungry enough, he’ll do anything. There have been hunger riots in France, and the situation in Austria is similar. If the economy cannot improve, the riots will be the least of our concerns.

Not long ago, at a banquet held by the capitalists, the revolutionary party showed up and publicly announced their revolutionary ideas, but the police didn’t arrest anyone.

We have reason enough to believe that the revolutionaries have already joined in with the capitalists, but as to the level of cooperation between the two sides, that I don’t know!”

After a moment of silence digesting what Franz had just said, Princess Sophie looked around and asked, “Does the Vienna government know? I mean, the Regent committee!”

“They should know, I think, because there were so many people attending the party. I’ve gotten the news, they must have too!” Franz said calmly.

Princess Sophie looked at Franz carefully, as if she didn’t know him anymore, and now she was re-recognizing him.

Well, Franz’s performance that day surely had surprised her greatly. These words sounded more like the analysis of a politician who has experienced the many vicissitudes of life than of a 17-year-old boy.

After a long time, Princess Sophie asked, “Franz, when did you draw this conclusion, and when did you start preparing for this?”

Before Franz could answer her questions, Princess Sophie added, “These situations seem to have been under your control all the time… From the time when the initial conflict between the capitalists and the nobles began until now, you have been preparing for the aftermath; are you not afraid that things could get out of control?”

Fear! Yes, Franz saw fear in Princess Sophie’s eyes.

Anyone, including Princess Sophie, who found that a teenager had carried out so many schemes to seize power and was playing with a group of politicians, would feel fear for sure!

Franz explained seriously, “Dear Princess Sophie, this is the only way for an emperor. From the moment of my birth, my life was destined to be extraordinary.

As for the schemes you mentioned, I just followed the patterns: from beginning to end, these things have had nothing to do with me, which means no matter how the situation develops, I am an outsider!

The Austrian Empire was already sick. In this ancient empire, 99% of the people were working hard for survival.

There were even millions of people out there who couldn’t feed themselves adequately. Such a country would surely explode from a single spark! In the face of such a situation, what would you do?”

Princess Sophie’s face was pale. “But you can get burnt playing with fire. It will not be too late to solve these problems when you succeed to the throne!”

Franz looked at Princess Sophie with an anxious face, and his heart trembled. Soon he recovered, shook his head, and said, “I’m afraid there is no time for me: even if I don’t intervene, the domestic political struggle will still continue. When Prime Minister Metternich steps down, there will be no one else in Austria who can repair this country!”

In a panic, Princess Sophie said something she didn’t believe: “Then you can also support Prime Minister Metternich!”

She immediately regretted her words: she wanted Prime Minister Metternich to leave but told Franz to support him.

Even in private, the relationship between them was strong, as the history books indicated they’d been good teachers and friends.

Still, political struggle was never about relationships!

Chapter 25

January of 1848 in Vienna was extraordinarily cold, and the ice and snow had not melted.

The cold wind blew on Franz’s face, which made him shiver, and was even more unbearable to the noble officers behind him, many of whom were already shivering with cold.

If Franz hadn’t been on the training ground with them, they would have run back into the house to warm up.

There were no other options for them because the glory of the nobles did not allow them to retreat at a time like this.

Lieutenant General Albrecht, who was in charge of the training, wore a satisfied smile: he hadn’t expected that Franz would use this method to force the noble soldiers to participate in training.

The best time to develop a person’s willpower was when the world was covered in ice and snow. Franz knew that the peaceful days in Austria were coming to an end. Once the March Revolution broke out, where would the safest place be?

There was no doubt that it would be the military camp!

Whether he would choose to suppress the rebellion, or to run away, it would always be safer to stay with the Army than in the palace.

The noble officers behind him were Franz’s bottom line. Although they were seemingly not reliable at all, he had to give it a try, didn’t he?

When you find your teammates are weak, don’t panic or be afraid, because, in fact, your enemies are even weaker!

This was where Franz’s confidence came from: no matter how weak the City Defense Army was, it was still an army, wasn’t it?

The enemy he had to face was not a world power, not even an army. They could not even equip every person with a gun!

“Stand at attention!”

“Everyone runs one lap around the training ground, and those who can’t finish the task get no food this morning!”

Albrecht issued the order icily, and in the cold wind, many people were shocked to the core.

The training ground was not small, more than ten kilometers around, which meant the lap was not an easy task for these well-fed nobles.

Before anyone could say anything, Franz had taken the lead, so there was no option for the others but to keep up.

No one could be blamed but themselves. Franz had hosted these officers long before the training began.

After a few glasses of wine, they forgot completely themselves. Without thinking about it, they agreed to all Franz’s requests.

That meant they had to train with the crown prince. For the glory of the nobility and all their big talk, they had to hold on.

Anyone who could not keep his promises would be the joke of the aristocratic circle! It might be okay to break promises to others, but not to the crown prince.

Many people were waiting for Franz to back down, so they could take the opportunity to ask that the training be less intense. That way, they could keep the good opinion of the crown prince without having to suffer with him.

Obviously, the final result disappointed everyone: Franz had exercised from childhood to adulthood, and he was strong enough to run far more than ten kilometers.

After breakfast began, Franz and the noble officers who had finished the race were eating bread and drinking milk, quietly looking at the large number of troops that were still marching slowly.

When someone fainted onto the ground and was carried out for treatment, everyone pointed at him, as if he was the shame of the nobles. Because of that, the rest did not dare to fake faint.

In the public eye, no one was willing to admit that he was a waste, because of the ego of nobles.

Besides, these weren’t some random soldiers. Most of the people who were involved in this training were teenagers or in their twenties. Surely, the older, more cunning ones were not among them.

In Franz’s view, these naive teenagers could still be trained, and they might be able to become the backbone of the Austrian Empire.

But not those older cunning soldiers: no matter how they were trained, they could not possibly change their nature. The stronger the ability, the greater the harm.

Watching the last officer finish running, Franz did not laugh, but clapped.

“Archduke, they performed so badly; why do you applaud?” An officer next to him asked Franz with feigned interest.

Against his conscience, Franz said, “No, their performance was not bad. Although the process took too long, they still insisted on completing the task, which is the quality of a true soldier. Of course, personal physical quality still needs to be strengthened!”

After listening to this, the faces around him suddenly turned from cloudy to sunny. Yes, they completed the task and kept their reputation as nobles.

To console themselves, everyone thought then that it was the core quality of a soldier to complete the order, so just forget about the overlong process.

Franz was not stupid enough to deliberately demoralize the troop. No one should look down on this group of nobles, because, in fact, their quality was not bad at all.

They, better than most of the civilian officers, had been receiving military education since their childhood. However, because there was no supervisor around, they had gradually become a bunch of slugs.

To save the Austrian Empire, he first had to save the next generation of Austrian nobles. Only when these people were strong could the Empire really become strong.

In fact, Franz had wanted to join the Army long ago. Unfortunately, he couldn’t because he was too young. Even now, he was less than 18 years old. If it weren’t for the outbreak of the January revolution, he would have no excuses to persuade his family.

Looking at this group of teenagers who were so easy to fool, he knew that the process of training had a long way to go.

At that moment, the time was too short already for training, or maybe adequate; however, was it enough to train a troop to deal with a mob?

Considering the fact that the government had issued the “Labor Protection Act,” the majority of the public would probably not fight with the government too aggressively.

The March Revolution in Vienna in history was defused by political means. Later, the May Revolution broke out, and the government could not control the situation and made a strategic shift.

“Collection!”

Albrecht’s serious voice sounded, and the officers who were resting, dragging their tired bodies, slowly lined up in order.

Looking at Albrecht’s angry face, Franz knew that the general felt that his men had humiliated him.

The queue was neat, but not the mental attitude. Because of that, Franz recalled the military training at the university, when everyone had been as miserable as sin.

Suddenly Albrecht smiled, and Franz knew that someone was going to suffer.

Albrecht, holding the baton, walked down from above, and then a scream came from the queue behind. Franz took a look back and saw a fat man lying on the ground in a funny way. If you looked carefully, you would find a footprint on his ass.

“Stop looking around!”

Albrecht’s cold voice rung out, and everyone quickly withdrew their eyes. After that, everyone was more energetic. From that taste of what might happen, no one wanted to be next.

Even so, there were screams from time to time: Albrecht, waving the baton, looking for the nonstandard ones, was helping them to correct their postures.

There was no other way to choose. All the officers here were nobles. Except for Albrecht who had a high position as a commander, other instructors did not have the courage to punish them.

This moment was a rare opportunity to train them well. If he missed this chance, it would be hard even to find them, much less train them.

Chapter 26

The hard days did not last long. After more than half a month of training, the noble officers finally seemed to have some military temperament.

But by now, the content of training had also changed: in addition to simple physical exercise, there was also a military command course.

This course was very targeted and all the cases explained in it were street battles, which Franz carefully selected for the reason that he was personally interested in them.

Everyone had basic knowledge about the military, so It was not difficult for them to understand this course. Unlike the previous physical training, many people were highly interested in this course.

‘This is what we are good at! What a shame to train us as if we are civilian soldiers!’ these noble officers thought.

Albrecht sneered and said, “Well, I’m done! Assuming that the enemy is attacking Vienna, you people, every team as a unit, will make a defense plan, correspondingly;
or assuming that the enemy has occupied Vienna, and we are carrying out a counterattack, every unit will formulate an operational plan, correspondingly.

The time limit is three days, and then I will give you a score. If you fail, it will prove that your military command ability is not adequate, and you are ignoramuses who will go back to the physical training!”

Feeling a chill from Albrecht’s words, many people had a bitter expression and looked around to their teammates.

“Your military command ability is not adequate, and you are ignoramuses.” With this comment, if you ended your military career, what could you do with your fame as a noble officer?

Everyone was young and full of spirit. Who was willing to admit that he was an ignoramus?

No one doubted that Albrecht would do what he said because he had a family tradition.

When Archduke Carr had carried out his military reform, he did the same thing: he turned a group of nobles who he thought were not suitable to serve as officers into soldiers and forced them to retire.

The rest of those retired noble officers’ lives were really dull!

In the circle of nobles, their experience was still circulating, known as the shame of the Austrian nobles.

The nobles in the German region had retained the tradition of joining the army. Everyone was trained as an officer from an early age. After more than ten years of hearing and seeing, even if he was a pig, he was also a cultured pig with military knowledge!

In a word, the Austrian nobles in this period had not completely fallen, and everyone still had a sense of honor.

Even during the Austro-Prussian War, the combat effectiveness of the Austrian army was among the best in Europe.

Of course, the City Defense Army might be an exception, and it might represent the lowest level of the Austrian army because the prosperity of Vienna had eroded the willpower of the officers.

Who could explain all these complexities clearly? The most important thing then was to save these eight hundred young men and pull them back from the edge of corruption. Then, the coming Vienna March Revolution would no longer be a problem.

“What do you think, Albrecht? Are there any good ones among these men?” Franz asked.

“I’m afraid that my answer will disappoint you. The level of these men can only be said to be far too low. They still have too much to learn. Let’s wait until they finish the training,” Albrecht said, shaking his head.

“What about them being a platoon officer? Right now, if we send them down to the combat troops and have them command a company or a platoon, how much combat power can they inspire?” Franz asked with concern.

“Your expectation for them should be really low. Though now most of them are not suitable to be frontline commanders, if you had to use them, they could probably inspire sixty or seventy percent of the combat power of a troop,” Albrecht said after a moment’s thought.

Franz sighed with relief after hearing his comment: with this fighting capacity, he could almost cope with what was to come.

“Then give them another try. Regardless of their capacity, at least these people are loyal and enthusiastic, and you don’t have to worry about them becoming deserters!” Franz said with a smile.

At that moment, Franz felt it had been totally worth his coming personally. With the City Defense Army and the Royal Guard under his control, basically the overall situation could be managed.

“That’s true, and they are better than the old cunning ones in the City Defense Army. Franz, what’s the purpose of this, now that you do not have the fight to fight? Do you want to use them to replace the old cunning ones?” Albrecht asked in doubt.

“The influence caused by the removal of so many officers at one time is too great. We can arrange for them to serve as deputies in the Army in the name of training.

Then we will organize an armed training, which will let them command, and we will watch the result!” Franz lied without showing any emotion on his face.

Even he himself didn’t believe that he would spend so much effort just to let these people replace the guys in the City Defense Army.

Fortunately, he was in Europe. If Franz dared to do something like this in the East as a Prince, everyone’s first guess would be that he was planning a rebellion!

Albrecht did not ask again since Franz had not answered his question. Anyway, he had received the order from Ferdinand I personally that Franz was supervising the City Defense Army.

The possibility of rebellion did not need to be considered at all: it was just too stupid to do in Europe. Moreover, Franz did not have to do anything, and he would be Regent in two or three years.

The situation of Ferdinand I was clear to all: he couldn’t possibly have an heir. When Franz was old enough, he would exercise the power of the Emperor as the crown prince, which was a little more powerful than that of the Regent committee.

If Franz really wanted to be an emperor, he could wait for his uncle to die! So, after all, Franz had no reason to take risks to rebel.

Otherwise, it would be impossible for Albrecht to accompany him. This group of noble officers would neither respect nor follow him like they would a powerful prince!

“OK, whatever you want; anyway, as long as there’s no messing around, I will cooperate with you!” Albrecht said helplessly.

In Albrecht’s view, Franz was a teenager who was too anxious to make his name.

Albrecht had also experienced that feeling when he was young, and he knew that opposition was useless against it. The more you tried to stop him, the more he wanted to do it.

But at that point, what Franz had done was still within the scope of the rules, and he was not messing around.

On the surface, Franz was preparing to replace the rotten noble officers with young noble officers, which would not cause a strong objection from the nobility.

This was not out of line in everyone’s eyes. The positions were still within their class, and these nobles did not rely on their military positions to survive.

Maybe the one who replaced an old cunning noble officer was his own son or brother, or even a distant relative.

If Franz wanted to promote civilian officers, Albrecht would not be so nice to talk with. It was not possible for him to abandon his class stand.

If Franz wanted to know what Albrecht thought, Albrecht would definitely tell him that he was thinking too much. It was inconceivable to promote civilian officers in that era.

Regardless of other external factors, for military literacy alone, the two types were not at the same level.

Unless the person was very talented, it would take years to turn an illiterate into a qualified officer.

Chapter 27

This issue, that noble officers were dominant in the army, existed not only in Austria, but also in Prussia, France, Britain, Russia, and other European countries.

This situation continued until after World War I. After World War I, the noble officers suffered heavy losses and did not have enough reserve forces to supplement them. Finally, they lost their dominance in the Army.

In contrast, the dominant German nobles in Austria were lucky. Because of tradition, most of them had good military qualities.

The noble officers in that era were all rare high-level intellectuals, who could perform well as basic military officers if someone whipped them into shape.

For the future of Austria, for the happiness of the European people, and for the development of all mankind, Franz felt the call of his destiny, no, the will of God.

Thus, he had decided to take over the responsibility of training the next generation of Austrian nobles, and what he did then was only the beginning.

…

The wheel of history rolled on and on. After the outbreak of the January revolution in Sicily, in no time, revolution spread to northern Italy. In order to protect the safety of Lombardy and Venice, the Vienna government sent additional reinforcements to that area, and the situation there was stabilized for the time being.

Before the great revolution broke out, the working class in Europe was in hot water. Take France, for example:

The wages of the workers were very low. The daily wage of male workers was about 2 francs, while that of female workers was about 1 franc. That of child workers of 13 – 16 years old was only 75 centimes, and for 8 – 12 years old child workers, only 45 centimes.

At that time, the price of the cheapest black bread was over 30 centimes per kilogram, which meant the working class could only barely make a living.

(Data from 1840)

On the surface, it seemed that the treatment of male workers was not bad, though the treatment of female workers and child laborers was very poor.

In fact, the capitalists were not fools. They always maximized their profits. The money was exchanged for workers’ lives. Male workers needed to bear more heavy physical labor.

They worked as many as fifteen or sixteen hours a day. If they worked more, they would naturally consume more; thus, of course, the energy they needed to supplement was indispensable.

This fact could be seen from the life span: the hard labor made the average life span of workers less than 40 years, and in many heavy manual labor industries it was less than 35 years.

In 1846, due to the heat and drought, the wheat and bean crops failed, and France’s staple food supply was seriously short, causing food prices to soar.

In 1845, the price of 100 liters of wheat was 17.15 francs, but in 1847 it rose to 43 francs, soaring to 49.5 francs in the Upper Rhine, and exceeding 50 francs in some areas.

Especially in northern and northeastern France, grain prices generally rose by 100% to 150%, and bread prices doubled.

The price of everything went up; meanwhile, wages did not rise, which made the lives of the working class into a hell.

Bad luck never came alone, and the British economic crisis in 1847 affected France.

The rise in food prices had nothing to do with the farmers. A sharp drop in income of the workers, because of the decline in food production, caused a decline in France’s internal purchasing power.

Against this background, cheap British industrial products rushed in, and French industry and commerce were immediately hit hard.

In 1847, the industrial output value of Paris was 1.463 billion francs, but it dropped to 677 million francs in early 1848.

After it was cut in half, it made another 10% drop. Looking at this figure, it’s clear that the French industry and commerce were suffering. In a short time, thousands of French companies closed down.

Thanks to the rush of bankruptcies, the growth of unemployment was unavoidable, and social tensions in France were increasingly acute.

Even under such circumstances, the July dynasty did not take any effective measures. Instead, corruption became commonplace, and scandals emerged one after another.

When news of the Labor Protection Act enacted by the Austrian government reached Paris, it quickly caused a sensation within the working class.

It was too late for the Paris government to block the news by the time they realized anything. Of course, even they had, they did not have the ability to do such a thing effectively.

A large-scale workers’ strike began in Paris and quickly spread to the rest of France, then to other parts of Europe.

At the same time that the workers went on strike, the peasant class began the anti-hunger campaigns. Since 1847, farmers who had gone bankrupt due to poor grain harvest and the debt crisis had set off a wave of grain robbery.

They smashed the manors, seized the grain stores, and killed the food speculators. The movement also spread to cities, and the unemployed workers who were too hungry to bear it also joined in. Later, these events would be called “bread riots” in history.

The unstoppable collapse of social order had also caused the capitalists’ dissatisfaction with the government.

Already, in the economic crisis, capitalists had suffered heavy losses. They were ready to make a fortune on food to make up for their injuries.

It turned out that the French peasants were too fierce, and the combat power of the working class was quite strong. If people couldn’t afford it, they would just grab it, which meant the capitalists couldn’t survive.

At that time, the French capitalists also split. Except for some with vested interests, most of them were opponents of the July dynasty.

The parties of opposition included the anti-dynasty party and the Republican party, which was divided into the national newspaper faction and the reformist faction.

Although the political views of each faction were different, they temporarily stood together in order to oppose the July dynasty.

The incompetence of the Guizot government was so obvious: the government failed to suppress the opposition, and the opposition launched 70 banquets, large and small, across the country. In many places, people had publicly shouted the slogans of revolution.

The incompetence of the government allowed the revolutionaries to see their actual situation and to begin to prepare for the armed uprising.

The demonstrations were like a guiding star for the people of Paris. On February 22, 1848, people in Paris took to the streets to protest against the government’s ban on the banquet movement.

Franz did not know exactly what happened. In a word, history had seemingly changed slightly. The people in Paris revolted that night, and the February revolution broke out.

After the uprising, opposition to the revolution expanded sharply. Students, workers, citizens, and capitalists all participated in it. Of course, few capitalists took up arms and went into battle; they all just provided support behind the scenes.

The Guizot government, which was awakened by the revolution, quickly transferred troops to suppress the revolution. It was a pity that they underestimated the relationship between the French military and civilians.

Even in the Army, there were plenty of supporters of the revolution. Most of the national defense forces refused to carry out the government’s orders, and some of the troops completely changed sides.

For the latter part of these events, Franz could only rely on his imagination. More detailed information was not so easy to obtain.

After all, on the afternoon of February 23, 1848, in order to ease the situation, the King of France, Louis Philippe, dismissed the government of Guizot. He appointed the liberal Molle to form a cabinet, in an attempt to calm the anger of the capitalists.

Chapter 28

In Franz’s view, the biggest failure of Louis Philippe, after the outbreak of the Paris revolution, was that he had never really controlled the army in the first place.

At that time, most of the French army sympathized with the revolutionary party, but they had not actually joined it. Since they were not against the Emperor, it was highly possible to buy them over.

As long as there were soldiers on hand, everything was negotiable: whether the plan was to suppress the revolution or to sit down and discuss slowly, there was always enough room to maneuver.

Hadn’t the Guizot government already been notorious? Then let them stink a little more and throw all the blame on them. Anyway, in the minds of the public, they were already a foregone conclusion.

In a word, it was they who had done all the bad things, and it was easy enough to draw a line between them and the Emperor.

…

The snowflakes fluttered down, and the cold wind was still sweeping across Vienna.

The news of the Paris revolution was no longer a secret in the upper classes of Vienna. Within a few days, it would spread throughout Austria.

“Albrecht, begin our most intense training, and let our people start to take control of the troops as soon as possible!” Franz said seriously.

“What’s going on, Franz? What’s the urgency for? If I train them for another month or two, they will become qualified officers; at this time, most of them are not really ready!” Albrecht questioned with a puzzled expression.

Since the news of the Paris revolution had arrived, Franz had kept urging him to speed up, as if something bad was going to happen, and this made Albrecht very confused.

“The Paris Revolution broke out, and the great revolution is about to break out again on the European continent. In the case of Austria, the possibility of a revolution in Vienna is very high!” Franz said with a solemn look.

Albrecht was astonished by Franz’s words, and his mouth opened wide enough to swallow an egg. There would be a revolution in Vienna? Most people, presumably, would treat this idea that a revolution was coming to Vienna as a joke.

Although the Austrian government was decadent, it was not yet to the point of earning the wrath of God and the resentment of men. The Army was still loyal to the royal family, and the capitalists were being ravaged by the nobles on the ground.

The working class, who were originally dissatisfied with the government, had turned their resentment to the capitalists with the promulgation of the Labor Protection Act.

In this context, who would lead the revolution, the capitalists? Or the democracy of their society?

Franz responded with a wry smile, “Don’t feel strange. The working class doesn’t oppose the government, and even the capitalists have no strong desire to rebel. But the reality is not under their control!

Albrecht, you should know the impact of this economic crisis on this country.

The number of unemployed people in Vienna has exceeded fifty thousand. Capitalists have suffered heavy losses, and many people have hoarded large amounts of goods.

When the European revolution breaks out, the economic situation in Austria may deteriorate further. The workers have to live, and the capitalists want to survive, but the Austrian government did nothing.

There is also a group of idiots among the nobility who helped the capitalists to drive up the price of goods some time ago. In order to make up for the loss, they unexpectedly increased the pressure on serfs.

Austria has become a powder keg, and now all it will take is a spark!”

Albrecht nodded with a pale face. As the crown prince of the Empire, Franz could say that out loud; as the commander of the City Defense Army in Vienna, Albrecht could agree with it, but he could not say so directly.

As the greatest noble in Austria, Albrecht was undoubtedly very hostile to the revolution. Regardless of other factors, he could not tolerate anyone breaking the order of things, if only because he owned more than 500 thousand acres of real estate.

And that was just his fief. Albrecht also had a large amount of property in Vienna. Of his properties, Franz knew the Summer Palace (the Wilborg Palace) and the Winter Palace (now the Albertina museum area) in Vienna.

With such a rich family, Albrecht naturally despised capitalists, because no Austrian capitalist was as rich as him.

If Albrecht were not on his own side, even Franz would want to rob him. There was more than one such rich lord in Austria, such as the Kohali family, a branch of the Goda dynasty.

Of course, the most affluent family was the royal family. The Hapsburg family’s hundreds of years of accumulation was still very massive.

In the Eastern world, those who owned thousands of acres of land were big landlords and the super-rich; when it came to the European continent, they would be upstarts at the most. Any big noble family owned more than a million acres.

“Franz, didn’t you warn Prime Minister Metternich of these concerns?” As soon as he spoke, Albrecht regretted it, since this was a very obvious problem. Metternich’s stay in the position of prime minister had been long, but he hadn’t met anyone’s expectations.

People are forgetful. At that time, the public was already ignoring Metternich’s achievements, especially after the outbreak of the Paris revolution and breakdown of the Vienna system.

Prime Minister Metternich’s greatest diplomatic achievements had been in vain, and the opposition who wanted to get rid of him had no scruples.

Franz was not among the opposition to Prime Minister Metternich, but Metternich was a natural enemy of the crown prince.

“As for these problems, I am afraid that our Prime Minister has already heard of them, but it is hard to say if he has paid attention or not! Albrecht, don’t you think I can decide for him now?” Franz jokingly asked.

Albrecht smiled a little. Prime Minister Metternich was very aggressive. Even the other members of the Regent Committee were suppressed ruthlessly by him. How could it be possible for any person to tell him what to do?

“All right, I will prepare for the training! However, about the order for training…you have to collect it yourself because the Regent Committee will not believe me!” Albrecht said.

Albrecht already knew what Franz was going to do. If the Vienna Revolution broke out, Prime Minister Metternich would have to leave.

As a result, the government would have a void of power, and the Regent Committee would have a sharp drop in prestige, so Franz’s early regency would become possible.

As a political ally, Albrecht naturally hoped that this day would come sooner rather than later.

“Leave them alone. At this time, they’re busy fighting with each other, so they don’t have time to care about all this. Besides, I still have the order of the Emperor!” Franz said sneeringly.

Yes, Franz was trying to fool everyone with an order. The Regent Committee was not likely to accuse Ferdinand I. It was only a field practice, and Franz could take full responsibility for it.

When the Vienna revolution broke out, those who had soldiers in their hands would be the real lords. The one who held the City Defense Army of fourteen thousand soldiers would have the top power of Vienna.

Chapter 29

Winter gave way to spring, and melted snow made the roads muddy. An army was struggling to move forward. Yes, it was the Vienna City Defense Army, doing their field training.

The noble officers could not stand this kind of suffering, so Albrecht considerately approved them to make camp. Unconsciously, the command power of the army changed.

“Stop moving forward and make camp here!”

Albrecht’s order sounded. As the Vienna City Defense Army, they could not stray far from the city, and the field training was only a hundred and eighty kilometers.

“Franz, we can’t go any further than this. Otherwise, if there is an accident in Vienna, we can’t respond in time!”

Franz nodded. Let the revolution break out in Vienna, but that didn’t mean letting the Vienna revolution succeed!

The main force of the City Defense Army had been brought out. Although there were more than five thousand troops left behind, in fact, their combat effectiveness was pretty low.

If someone wanted to start a revolution, it would be impossible for him to let go of this opportunity. After all, this kind of opportunity did not present itself often.

“Well, the news should have spread by now. How is the situation of the troops?”

Albrecht shook his head and said, “Not good! We pulled them out for training in these conditions, and I believe that they are all cursing us behind our backs.”

This was inevitable. Whoever encountered this kind of thing would react the same way. Franz thought of a solution, though not a good one: “Then let them take a day off and go hunting to supplement their rations.”

This was a bad idea. If this was an army of nine hundred, instead of nine thousand, maybe they could really improve their food supply by hunting.

In the real situation, it was not possible that there was enough prey for so many people in the mountains. However, it was still a good way to let everyone relax, so Albrecht did not object.

Time passed quickly. The Labor Protection Act, originally scheduled to be implemented by the Vienna government on March 1, 1848, had been put on hold indefinitely. What’s worse, the government hadn’t even given a clear explanation.

The inaction of the Vienna government was very disappointing to the working class, which gave the capitalists an idea.

As a strategy, the cost of spreading rumors was the lowest. Under the manipulation of the revolutionaries, the working class came to think that the capitalists had already bribed the government and that their interests were betrayed.

The situation in Vienna was very unfavorable to the government. By March 4, 1848, news of the success of the French February Revolution had spread across Vienna.

Under the manipulation of the capitalists, citizens, workers, and students in Vienna took to the streets to demonstrate on March 5.

Under the banner of anti-hunger, anti-economic crisis, anti-dictatorship, and anti-corruption, the march representative submitted a petition to Ferdinand I, demanding the removal of Metternich’s cabinet, the implementation of constitutionalism, and the abolition of serfdom…

What was very interesting was that the Labor Protection Act was not proposed. Obviously, the representative responsible for drafting the petition at that time had already betrayed the working class.

None of these requests were acceptable to Prime Minister Metternich, and the petition was absolutely impossible to get approved.

As for the emperor’s responses to all this, of course, the Regent Committee made the decisions and dealt with all the issues on behalf of the emperor. Many of them really wanted to let Prime Minister Metternich go, but on the other hand, the rest of the conditions from the working class were not acceptable to them at all.

For their own benefit, everyone had to stand together for the time being.

Until then no one, except for the radicals, had thought of revolution.

Even the capitalists just wanted to obtain benefits from the nobles and survive the crisis; they were not ready for a revolution yet.

…

A carriage passed through the narrow, streets, on both sides of which were short earthen houses. There was a pungent smell.

The carriage stopped in front of a small house. A well-dressed young man stepped down from the carriage and felt softness when he stepped on something. He looked down and found what he stepping on was animal droppings.

“Shit!”

With a curse and a disgusted expression, the young man knocked on the door. The carriage had already left after he got out.

There were not many options for him but to face a situation like this: the secret police in Vienna were not fools doing an easy job, but agents doing a highly risky one, which meant this young man had to be careful.

At that time, the slum was the safest place: it was a chaotic environment with lots of crisscrossing alleys, and most important of all, it was where the police force was weakest.

The door of the courtyard opened, and a barely-dressed man came out. He looked around and made sure that no one had followed this young man, then welcomed him in.

“Jack, you have finally arrived! Everyone has been waiting for you for a long time!”

The young man named Jack frowned, and disgust flashed in his eyes. He smiled and said, “Sorry, Cole, the enemy is too clever. To get rid of them, I have to be very careful!”

Cole was closing the door and didn’t notice Jack’s expression. He continued, “Never mind. We can’t be too careful at a time like this. Let’s get started now that you’re here!”

“Gentlemen, the time for revolution has come. It is impossible for the reactionary government to agree to our request.

The Metternich government has deceived us again. At this time, there is no need to continue to endure.

The Paris revolution has won. It’s our turn now. Now is our best chance.

The City Defense Army is training in the countryside. If they want to return, it will take two days at the least …”

A man in gray clothes said with concern, “Jack, I am afraid that the time is not yet ripe to launch an uprising. Although the City Defense Army is practicing in the country, there are still five thousand troops left behind. We will never …”

Jack frowned. He didn’t like to be refuted, especially by those he despised.

If the capitalists behind the scenes hadn’t needed them to launch an uprising right away to put pressure on the government, he would not have come here to meet with the workers’ representatives.

In his mind, it was best that the revolution was commanded by those decent people, and what these lower folks needed to do was just to listen to their commands.

However, this was something that the working class had to be willing to die for, and they had no prestige among the working class. As a result, they had to rely on the leaders of these workers’ movements.

Jack explained impatiently, “Mr. Powell, don’t worry. We have secretly bought a batch of weapons. If we’ve got weapons in our hands, will you still be afraid of those noble soldiers?

Besides, the army is not really our enemy. Apart from noble officers, most of them are the same toiling masses as you. We can …”

Obviously, they were all revolutionaries nominally; however, in fact, they were not on the same side at all. The capitalists and the workers were inherently antagonistic.

It was only that, in this era, the workers’ revolutionary organization had not yet been established, so they mainly depended on the existence of the capitalists’ revolutionary party.

Everyone seemed to be convinced by him, or more realistically, a large number of unemployed people were waiting for food to feed their families.

Chapter 30

At the Bolton Manor in Vienna, more than a dozen well-dressed big shots were gathering. Although they had tried their best to control it, they still couldn’t conceal the temperament of the nouveau riche.

A well-dressed middle-aged man hesitated and asked, “Mr. Owen, will these bumpkins work? Even if we get them weapons, surely such a mob can’t come to anything?”

The atmosphere in the room was a little dull. The graceful and luxurious man sitting right in the middle stood up, smiled, and said slowly, “Mr. Lof, of course we can’t rely on them alone! However, we are not the only ones in Austria that want revolution at this time!

I believe everyone has already felt how much damage the economic crisis has done to Austria.

It can be said that in Austria eighty percent of capitalists suffered great losses, and hundreds of thousands of people were unemployed.

Since the Vienna government is not doing anything about this situation, there is no other choice besides revolution if we want to survive.”

That was the key to the problem; however, until now, when most of the capitalists had been cornered, they had not realized it.

Nowadays, many capitalists in Austria had hoarded a large number of goods. If they could not sell them all in a short time, their capital chain would break up.

The question now was, who would buy the goods?

Civilians certainly could not afford them, and at this time in Austria, there were too few people with purchasing power.

Bankers were never easy to deal with; like vampires in the senior stage of the capitalist class, they were always ruthless and greedy.

If the capitalists did not want to be finished, upturning the present order and seizing the strength of the nobles was the only choice to survive the crisis.

There was also a large number of unemployed workers who were facing the same problem; maybe they did not want to rebel, but they needed food.

If they were hungry, they would lose their senses; in that condition, as long as they were encouraged by the capitalists, a revolution could break out in minutes.

Compared with history, the social contradictions in Austria had changed during this period: it was not the revolution initiated by people who had failed to reform the government, but the revolution forced by reality.

An old man, about 50 or 60 years old, shook his head and said, “Mr. Owen, assuming we use these bumpkins to revolt, what if they want to establish a proletarian government and revolutionize us together with the government?”

This was also a problem that all capitalists were worried about: in this era, the idea of the proletariat had begun to sprout, and once the proletariat established a government, they’d all be finished.

Owen smiled and said, “This problem is very simple, and our French counterparts have helped us solve it: after the success of the revolution, as long as we seize power right away, there will be nothing to worry about.

At present, there are nearly 120 thousand workers in Vienna, who are under our careful control, and the guild organization has been divided into hundreds of parts, large or small, according to industries and factories.

As long as they cannot be unified, then the new government must be led by us. None of us believe anyone among the workers can organize them together.”

Even if they wanted to unite, in an era of underdeveloped communications, it would be difficult to so much as get to know members of a different labor union organization.

Most of these labor union organizations were spontaneous and did not have a mandatory binding on their members. Also, it was unknown how many capitalist informers were in them.

Before the October Revolution in Russia, the combat effectiveness of labor union organizations was very limited, and a large segment was secretly controlled by capitalists.

If anyone wanted to organize all the workers, they wouldn’t be able to do it overnight. As long as the capitalists established the government and controlled the power of the country, forestalling the working class, the result would be certain.

This point of view could be proven by the French February revolution: after the victory, the capitalists seized power, and instead of making trouble for the former government right away, they suppressed the workers who participated in the revolution.

In the eyes of capitalists, moral integrity was nothing.

…

Late at night, the Vienna government was brightly lit, and Prime Minister Metternich was worrying about the current situation. At least one interest group would have to make sacrifices.

Whether to put the capitalists under his knife, or the nobles, or the civilians, it was a difficult choice.

Prime Minister Metternich had dominated the Austrian political scene for more than 20 years, so he was inevitably bound by the rules. If he weren’t, he wouldn’t have this headache.

When the Paris Revolution broke out, various undercurrents waved in Austria. Unfortunately, Prime Minister Metternich’s perspective was ten years out of date, and he believed that conservative Austria was different from open France.

Though he’d raised the alert in the Italian region and the Galicia region, he did not think that Vienna would be in danger. In his view, even if the revolution was to break out, it would break out in other places, such as Hungary.

“Prime Minister, based on the current situation, the opposition will not make concessions this time. I am afraid that they will plan another, even bigger strike!” Archduke Louis said with a pale face.

If the only condition was to let Prime Minister Metternich go, he would raise his hand in favor. However, it was nonsense to ask the Regent Committee to get out along with the Prime Minister and transfer power to the parliament after a constitutional reform.

No matter how uncomfortable it was, Archduke Louis had to stand with Metternich, because their political lives were bound together.

Prime Minister Metternich sighed and then said slowly, “Yes, they will not give up unless we fully accept their conditions. I’m afraid the enemies are uniting now, and tomorrow we will meet an even bigger strike! But if we move faster than them, arrest the leader of this strike, order the garrison to enter the city, block all intersections, and prevent them from getting together, we might be able to stop the strike.”

He was already old, without the courage of youth; otherwise, he would not be hesitating and would have already ordered the arrest of protesters.

“Then let’s capture protesters first! If we allow them to get away with this, I am afraid that we will not be able to control the situation afterward!” Archduke Louis said without hesitation.

The order would have to be given by the Prime Minister, who would bear the risk, and he did not need to be responsible for it.

Metternich said with a wry smile, “This is just a temporary solution, and if the domestic economy cannot improve, this kind of thing will continue to happen.

Let’s abolish serfdom. Right now, we need to create a market; even if it is only on paper. We must also restore confidence in the market!”

Indeed, the announcement of the abolition of serfdom at this time could restore the confidence of many people. After all, it could increase purchasing power by more than 20 million people all at once, even though their purchasing power was very weak.

Chapter 31

Metternich’s proposal was meaningless, except to his supporters, while others seemed to have not heard.

At that time, it was risky to abolish serfdom. Even if it was a small, mistaken operation, it was highly possible that the local nobles would rise in revolt.

Throughout history, it’s always been easy to take others’ interests, while it’s difficult to give up one’s own.

Moreover, in order to restore confidence in the market, there was much more to do than just to abolish serfdom. For example, it was also necessary to abolish a series of privileges of the noble class, and maybe even redistribute their land; otherwise, where would the purchasing power come from for the serfs?

Only by abolishing this series of restrictions unfavorable to economic development, further reducing the cost of commodity circulation, and releasing a much larger market, could this country get rid of the economic crisis.

Such a big concession, even if some agreed to make it, might not make any difference: the noble class was impossible to unify.

The abolition of serfdom could be discussed, but dividing their land was just not negotiable for them. Still, maybe enough money could gather them around the table.

It was still possible to cancel the privileges of the nobles, but it would take time, step by step, and anyone who wanted to solve it in one swift stroke could only fail.

The other option was that the land’s productivity could be further developed, and the government could pay to redeem their land. As long as the army was still under the control of the nobles, it was impossible to adopt coercive means.

These radical means, Metternich surely did not dare use; at most, he would only abolish serfdom and free the productive forces of the people.

“Prime Minister, if we announce the abolition of serfdom now, maybe you will receive news of Hungarian independence tomorrow!” Archduke Louis said disrespectfully.

The abolition that Metternich insisted on was still fruitful: by 1848, many Austrian nobles had released serfs.

However, this situation was limited to the core area of Austria. The government of Vienna was relatively strict with the local governments. After the abolition order was issued, the government did a lot of work for the nobles.

This was also the reason Metternich was not popular: many Austrian nobles, including the Royal Family, had to release serfs to keep their honor.

The local nobles were different. They, like local emperors, often took the documents from the central government as toilet paper, so the Vienna government did not have the determination to stick to their resolve.

In some cases, Prime Minister Metternich even used the abolition of serfdom to intimidate the Hungarian nobles and force them to make political concessions.

The abolition of serfdom at that time could really satisfy the capitalists; however, the issue was that the Hungarians were going to rebel, and rebellions might also occur in other regions.

That the government should pay to compensate the nobles’ loss was out of the question. At that time, the Austrian central government’s finances could barely be balanced, and if there was a surplus, it went in the pockets of the capitalists.

“Sirs, we can discuss this issue later. Now we should solve the urgent problem first; otherwise, it will be too late!” Franz Anton Von Kololat Libstinsky interrupted the dispute between the two.

The Austrian Regent committee was composed of four people: Metternich, Archduke Louis, Archduke Franz Carr, and Kololat, but Archduke Franz Carr had absolutely no political ambition. (This was mainly due to congenital defects and inability to participate in politics.)

In politics, Kololat and Metternich were competitors, but the competitors were not unable to cooperate, and most of the time, their political views were the same.

Even if they opposed each other for the sake of opposing, the struggle between them had not reached the point of life-or-death. For example, at this moment Kololat and Prime Minister Metternich’s political propositions were very similar.

However, as a political opponent, it was not possible for him to help Metternich. Maybe it was the biggest gift just not to add to his troubles.

Seeing that even Archduke Louis could not be convinced, Metternich sighed helplessly.

“If even you don’t agree, the local nobles surely won’t.”

Once the local rebellion was raised by the abolition of serfdom, it was like a whole new a can of worms had been opened.

Metternich was unable to bear such a big political disaster alone; the Regent committee at least needed to fight together. It was possible for them to smooth over the difficulties.

“Well, then arrest them first!”

After making this reluctant decision, Metternich felt very depressed. He knew that the capitalists themselves had no way out.

If the economic crisis could not be resolved, then they would go bankrupt. In order to avoid bankruptcy, they would have to break the social order.

Their counterparts in France had set an example, smashing the crisis with a revolution and unlocking the shackles that restricted the economic development of capitalism.

For instance, taking advantage of the opportunity of revolution, the bankers were completely wiped out, and the debt naturally disappeared.

Without debt, no one was afraid to hoard goods, or at least, to sell them slowly. Without loans from the banks, no one could possibly go bankrupt.

Even further, they could let the government pay for them, pay for buying their goods, and pass the crisis on to the government.

Their American counterparts had done that. Of course, they went even further: it was not for the purchase of their goods that the government paid, but for saving the market.

The broken capital chain was reconnected, and the economic crisis was delayed, so everyone had time to retreat, and, at last, the scapegoats suffered.

Austria had not yet evolved to that level. Before serfdom was abolished, the capitalists could not even find any scapegoats. The working class was exploited by them too much, and they were not even qualified to be scapegoats.

The stock market in Vienna was, then, just a game for the rich; the poor did not even have the qualifications to open an account.

The stock market transactions in that era were all manually operated, so the labor cost was also very high. A few Austrian Schillings would not even be enough for the labor cost of the reception, and naturally, the poor were not able to open an account.

…

After the order came down from the Vienna government, the secret police were dispatched overnight, and they began to arrest the organizers of the demonstrations.

Obviously, it was not a smart decision. The organizers who showed up in the public were just nobodies, and the leaders could not possibly charge forward.

The student representatives were the easiest to find. There were just a few universities in Vienna, and their addresses were very obvious. However, no one wanted to do this work.

The gate of the University of Vienna was not easy to go through. As a hotbed of anti-government forces, most of the ignorant teenagers were opposed to the government, and the rest were the reformists of the nobles.

Sheriff Winston had a headache: the suspects were in the school in front of him, but he could not even pass through the gate. There was no doubt that the university was resisting government enforcement.

However, the influence of the university was too great, and the impact of violence rushing in was too serious. There were no ordinary people among the teachers and students, whose family backgrounds, at the lowest, were small businessmen, lawyers, and doctors.

The working classes were so poor that they could not afford the tuition, and of course, neither could the peasants, most of whom were serfs.

Chapter 32

Two stone pillars, one tall and one short, stood on both sides of the closed iron gate like two majestic sentries.

The security guard inside seemed to be absent-minded, and he did not care about the calling at the door outside.

“Sheriff, what should we do next? Since the people inside the campus won’t cooperate, what if we rush it?”

A police officer, who was in a hurry to show his loyalty, did not notice that he had touched a nerve for the Sheriff.

“Where would we rush, you dumbass?”

“Are the people inside ordinary people?”

“In this darkness, in case of an accident, maybe death, in the rush, who is going to take responsibility, you or me?”

Winston scolded the officer, venting his internal frustration.

He was already a sophisticate in the workplace, and he knew that the simple-headed teenagers looking for trouble in the university were not easy to deal with. If they rushed in right away, they might be beaten well and never know who did it.

If they did not use guns, they might not be able to beat the students inside; however, he did not dare use guns, for if he killed someone with powerful connections, an avenger could kill him in a million different ways.

All this wisdom came from his rich career experience; otherwise, Winston could not have been climbed up to the position of Sheriff, as an ordinary person. He was already satisfied. If he wanted to go further, he must participate in politics. Winston knew his distance: he, who hadn’t even finished primary school, would definitely be a dead man sooner or later if he got involved in politics.

“Everyone, stay put, in case the suspects inside rush out!”

Winston came up with a simple plan: block the gate. As long as the students were under control and not free to go out to make trouble, things would be much easier to handle.

Compared with students at the university, people in other places were not so lucky. They had nothing to give the police second thoughts, so many were jailed.

By doing this, though, the Vienna government not only failed to scare the public, but also inspired everyone to share the same enemy. Following the planning of the revolutionaries, an even bigger demonstration broke out in Vienna the next day.

In the government building, Prime Minister Metternich was already panicked, because, in the past, as long as the leaders of the unrest were under arrest, the anti-government campaign would collapse.

Unfortunately, this time was different: it was more difficult for the public to give up the demonstration since everyone was forced to their corners. Only the government could solve the real problem.

The massive group of demonstrators broke through the police blockade and headed straight to the palace. The Vienna government panicked, and, hurriedly, Prime Minister Metternich commanded the City Defense Army to move into the city to maintain order.

…

A fast horse was galloping up the mountain road, and the Austrians knew that it was a messenger. In front of the military camp, the messenger got down from his horse and was taken in.

“Commander, military emergency!”

Albrecht, who had already prepared himself, took the emergency report and opened it on the spot. It was not unexpected that Vienna was in chaos. The government was worried that the situation would get out of control, so they’d ordered the field training troops to return to the city immediately.

“Pass on the order: stop training immediately, pack the luggage, and get ready to go back!” Albrecht said calmly.

It only took half a day for the messenger to come, but it would take at least two or three days for the army to return. Much could happen in such a long time.

Franz did not stop the army from returning to the city, because it would be too obvious to do so. He needed the Austrian Empire to be broken and re-established, but there was absolutely no need for Austria to be really divided.

The Vienna rebellion could break out, but it must be extinguished immediately. He needed to take advantage of the rebellion to clear the worms in the government, but he did not intend to let the rebels overthrow the government altogether.

“Franz, the situation in Vienna has gotten very bad. One hundred thousand people took part in the demonstration yesterday. If the government does not handle it properly, the consequences could be very serious!”

Albrecht said this seriously, and by that time, he was already a little worried about Franz’s plans, fearing it would become like the Paris February revolution.

Franz smiled slightly, then pointed to the military camp and said slowly, “Don’t worry, Austria is different from France. We still have troops loyal to the royal family!”

That was the reason for his confidence: there was still a group of palace guards in Vienna that could defend the palace. Even if all the remaining five thousand soldiers of City Defense Troops were useless, they were still uselessly loyal to the emperor.

Unlike France, the Austrian army was not open to everyone. The officers were basically nobles and would not easily betray their own class.

An uprising without the support of the Army was at most a massive riot and would eventually be suppressed.

Franz was ready to dismiss Metternich’s cabinet first thing after he returned, as an explanation to the public.

Then he’d announce the abolition of serfdom and the implementation of the Labor Protection Act to appease the people, and then the policy that “it is the leaders who would be punished, and the others would be spared.”

At worst, he would arrest a few corrupt officials, pass a sentence, and so on, to divert the public’s attention.

Even after the First World War, the Hapsburg family held a very high position in the minds of ordinary people. If their descendants were not too weak, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would not collapse.

In history, after the outbreak of the Vienna revolution, some people proposed to abolish the monarchy, but it was opposed by the Viennese people.

…

Vienna

The demonstrators surrounded the government, palace, and parliament to force the government to accept their conditions.

To dismiss the cabinet, release political prisoners, carry out constitutional reform, open up election restrictions, abolish serfdom, confiscate the fiefs of nobles, distribute land to serfs, and abolish the book and newspaper inspection system …

The situation was already on the verge of falling apart. The Vienna government could not agree to these conditions, which would mean the destruction of the Empire.

Things had changed: the capitalists were no longer satisfied with ordinary reforms, and they wanted to seize the reins of the country in order to survive the crisis.

In order to achieve this goal, they no longer cared about the future of Austria. Patriots were used by conspirators who did not consider the consequences of doing so.

Ordinary people were blinded, and most of them were just fooling around. Even most workers were participating in the demonstrations just for money.

Yes, there were wages for people to participate in the demonstrations; otherwise, the revolution would not have had the ability to organize so many people in such a short time.

Without the cooperation of capitalists, as communication in that era depended entirely on word of mouth, it would have taken a month for around a hundred members of the revolutionary party to organize more than one hundred thousand people.

Someone in the demonstration shouted, “Metternich, get out!” and then it spread quickly. Thousands of people shouted at the same time:

“Metternich, get out!”

“Metternich, get out!”

…

The situation had already gotten out of control. The old Prime Minister Metternich went pale, for he had lost the momentum of the past.

Chapter 33

Go out?

It was impossible for Metternich to go out. Who was that stupid? The enemy was waiting for him to go out.

He did not even try to explain; it was likely that as soon as he showed his face, someone would rush up and kill him, just making it happen as simple as that.

This kind of thing happened in history, again and again, and mostly it was skimmed over in books, or worse: the books could tell it as though he was killed by angry people.

If that explanation worked, the political struggle would not so complicated.

“Prime Minister, order the expulsion of the demonstrators, or the situation will soon be out of control!”

The speaker was the director of the Vienna Police Department, Oppenheimer, whose pressure was the greatest when such major events were occurring. Many people in the government thought that Metternich’s day had passed, and, by that time, he was already preparing to find a way out.

Unfortunately, while anyone else could run away, this police chief couldn’t. Once Metternich fell, he would be dismissed following him, or maybe he would be purged.

Metternich took a few steps and finally made up his mind. “Command the City Defense Army to disperse the crowd !”

Before his order could come out, the situation outside already was out of control. The revolutionaries among the crowd found the right moment and fired a shot at the intercepting soldiers. Reflexively, the soldiers shot back.

“The army is killing us!”

After a loud shout, the crowd soon fell into chaos and ran in all directions.

For the time, there was no need to disperse the crowd, as the people scattered themselves on their own.

However, the aftermath was very serious. Except for a small number of people, most of them knew that the army had shot and killed civilians.

The Revolutionary Party, who provoked the dispute, concealed the truth from the public.

Angry people had been fooled into launching a revolution, while capitalists tried to collect some weapons and sent them there at the same time.

Some hot-blooded youths were selected, and the Revolutionary Armed Forces were established. In the evening, the rebel army attacked the police station. The Vienna government, who had already turned toward the Revolutionary Party, provided help for the rebels.

When the rebel gunshots sounded, the situation in Vienna escalated quickly, and it had already been a mess to start with.

The remaining troops of the City Defense Army really deserved their nickname of “waste.” After a short period of shooting, the timid noble officers unexpectedly retreated and did not suppress the rebellion very much at all.

The police in Vienna turned a blind eye and stayed neutral because of the city government’s defection.

To some extent, this uprising was also a court coup. Some of the nobles who were tangled up in the economic crisis abandoned their class position and crossed over to the side of the revolutionary party.

They attempted to reorganize the regime through revolutionary means, as well as to wipe out the bankers to get rid of the debt crisis.

History changed there. The rebel army seized the bank right away and burned all the documents. The Austrian Financial Group was ruined.

In the face of this chaotic situation, Prime Minister Metternich panicked, the nobles panicked, the Regent Committee panicked, and the Vienna Court panicked.

The February revolution in France had just passed, and they were still laughing at jokes about the French. They had not expected the crisis to spread to Vienna so soon.

That was the second great revolution of the French. The first time it had already damaged the nobles, caused the abolition of serfdom, and destroyed the privileges of the nobles.

Meanwhile, in Austria, it was just the beginning: the nobles still had a lot of privileges and a lot of benefits. This revolution was obviously aimed at them.

If they followed the practice of the French, they would probably be sent to the gallows, or perhaps killed in the chaos. Prime Minister Metternich had already lost his temper, as he often did; by that time, he was at the end of his wits.

As a qualified scapegoat, Metternich was the most hateful person in the eyes of the people. Once he fell into the hands of the rebels, the only question was how he would be killed.

A man in a tuxedo said anxiously, “Archduke, the carriage is ready. Let’s go now, or it will be too late!”

Metternich was torn. He knew that he had become a target, and it was very dangerous for him to stay in Vienna.

However, as a noble, he also had his own pride, and he didn’t want to be a deserter. Early that morning, he’d sent his family away and stayed alone to deal with the situation he faced.

“Holder, I …”

Not waiting for Metternich to speak out, Holder reacted and embraced the role of the good housekeeper wholeheartedly. He ordered, “You all, escort the Archduke away!”

These bodyguards were the family retainers of Prime Minister Metternich, and their loyalty was certain. At that point, no one had the time to worry too much.

Ignoring Prime Minister Metternich’s struggle, they forced him into an old carriage and hurriedly left Vienna. At the same time, some others took his most commonly used carriage and rushed to the palace.

Loyalty was shown in adversity, so it was time for the retainers to show their loyalty. Not only Prime Minister Metternich, but also many other nobles, chose to escape from Vienna that day.

By this point, the only safe place in Vienna was the palace. Most of the soldiers in the rebel army were still in awe of the emperor and refused to attack the palace, and the revolutionaries could do nothing about it.

Even within the revolutionary party, many people did not plan to overthrow the Hapsburg family. In fact, most of them were reformists who joined the revolutionary party only after they became desperate for reform.

There were a lot of Revolutionary Armed Forces who’d had no time to establish a unified leadership organization, and they simply fought separately.

Most of the rebel army did not even have guns. The weapons in their hands were like those of the Middle Ages.

Many ordinary people had no interest in revolution. In fact, revolutionary ideas had no market in Austria. After venting their anger, many people dispersed.

In order to strengthen their own troops and to suppress the growing armed forces of the working class, the revolutionary party was desperate to pull people in. This changed the quality of the army, so in the newly launched army, the good and bad were intermingled.

For example, in the name of the liberation of political prisoners, all the prisoners in Vienna were released. Many vicious criminals suddenly became members of the revolutionary party.

Gang members and gangsters also took advantage of the mess. Murder, arson, burglary, rape–all kinds of crimes took over Vienna.

The first to be affected were not the nobles, but the ordinary Viennese citizens, small businessmen, and the middle class.

The darkness of the night covered up endless sins. Vienna, an international metropolis, sank into the ocean of sin that night.

Chapter 34

In the Palace of Hofburg, after receiving the news, a group of Royal Archdukes was anxiously thinking about countermeasures. It was not that they didn’t want to run, but that they couldn’t.

Before the situation had gotten out of control, the Vienna court was holding a secret meeting to consider whether to dismiss Prime Minister Metternich and calm the anger of the people.

As a result, the sudden chaos prevented many people from leaving. Suddenly, there were rebels everywhere outside, and they dared not risk leaving.

The French Revolution taught them that it did not matter what noble status they had: the rebels’ aim was all nobles.

In actuality, at the time, as long as the court guards went out to calm the chaos, there was still a good chance to put off the rebellion before it really even got started.

Unfortunately, not even one of these nobles would take responsibility. No one dared make this decision, and no one even had the courage to go out and command the City Defense Army.

The attitude of Emperor Ferdinand I could be ignored, as he was suddenly stimulated by such an intense situation, so much so that he had another seizure due to his epilepsy, so he could not be expected to make a decision.

No one wanted to take the blame. Queen Anna was not stupid. She never liked to be involved in politics. At that time, she would certainly not express her position.

Archduke Franz Carr, who was second only to the Emperor, was also pale with fear. It was obviously impossible for him to make a decision.

Archduke Louis, who was the only one with some ability, was also incapable of dealing with this kind of big issue; otherwise, he would not be suppressed by Prime Minister Metternich in the Regent Committee.

“The news has been sent out. Within two days, the City Defense Army will come back to counter the rebellion, so just order the troops to stand against the rebels until aid arrives!”

Archduke Louis with a frown finally made a decision–if you could call it that.

Give up Vienna and run away?

No one could bear the aftermath, even Archduke Louis.

Once Vienna was abandoned, the impact would be enormous. Maybe the Hapsburg family would lose the throne and be in exile overseas, like the royal family of Orleans from France.

At that moment, everyone looked at the child-like Ferdinand I, and everyone felt that the future was dark.

If Ferdinand I had been a normal person, he could have summoned the leader of the rebel army to negotiate. After all, most of the rebels in the city revolted in the name of the Emperor.

By using political means, it could still be possible to convert some rebels, and after that, the rest would be easy to handle.

They thought that they had the ability to fight politically and would not lose to a bunch of upstarts. As long as everybody played by the rules, they would find a way to deal with it.

This kind of situation was favorable to Franz. For their own benefit, the nobles then needed a promising monarch to reshape the empire’s majesty and protect their rights and interests.

…

The news of the Vienna rebellion had reached Franz, but it came one day later than the government order.

“Albrecht, something is happening in Vienna. On March 7, the demonstrators and the army that intercepted them clashed. That night, a rebellion broke out in Vienna.”

Hearing the news, Albrecht’s face changed, and he hurriedly asked, “What is the situation now? Has the rebellion been suppressed?”

Franz shook his head and said, “I don’t know yet. However, the possibility of the rebellion being suppressed is very small. Prime Minister Metternich is already old, and no one else in the Vienna government has the courage!”

The Austrian Empire was old, and no one was willing to take responsibility for suppressing the rebellion.

When the emperor could not administer normally, whoever made the decision instead of him would face the end of his political life, and he might have to go to prison.

This would come not only from the enemy, but also from the internal attack: executioner, butcher, and many other charges would be put on the head of the government.

Because of this, in order to avoid becoming a scapegoat, many officials were timid at the beginning of the rebellion and dared not order a bloody suppression.

Basically, they had to wait for things to get completely out of control, so everyone was aware of the threat, and then the Conservatives could work together to suppress the rebellion.

That was the commonality of the old empires in Europe. Take the Paris revolution as an example: the death toll was less than ten, which did not even look like a revolution but just a small fight in a village.

The March revolution in Vienna was almost the same. The casualties caused by the fight between the rebels and the government forces were absolutely below those caused by the local ruffians and hooligans.

In many history books, the so-called Army sympathized with the revolution. In fact, they remained neutral in the revolution because no one gave them orders to suppress it.

In that era, when “traffic depended on legs, and communication depended on mouths,” information transmission was very inefficient. There was no order to suppress at the beginning, but once the rebellion was out of control, the order couldn’t even get through.

This was European politics: the officers at the bottom didn’t dare to make decisions. The suppression of the rebellion had to be reported from the bottom to the top, and then they had to wait for the Cabinet to make a decision. When they finally made a decision, it was too late to carry it out.

Albrecht sighed and looked at the direction of Vienna. He said helplessly, “Then let’s speed up!”

“No need! At our current speed, we can arrive in Vienna the day after tomorrow. Even if we speed up, we can’t launch an attack at night!

And Vienna will not fall so soon. There are still so many policemen and five thousand soldiers of the City Defense Army in the city. Even if they are all useless, they should at least be able to delay things.

I have given the order to the court guards, and let them raise their alert. A mob cannot break through their defenses!” Franz explained.

It was impossible to march overnight. The troops must maintain sufficient physical strength; otherwise, how could they ensure combat effectiveness?

Although Franz’s military command ability was only average, he still knew that tired soldiers could not fight.

The main reason why Albrecht wanted to speed up was out of political consideration. Already, the City Defense Army hadn’t suppressed the rebellion in the first place because they’d been out for training, and he, as the commander of the City Defense Army, was the one to blame.

Then, after they got the news, he did not rush back at the fastest speed, which would be another political stain.

All these responsibilities would be taken by him, and none by Franz, because it was he who was the commander of the City Defense Army.

Franz surely knew his concerns, but at the moment he could not take risks. It was the most important thing to proceed steadily and surely and suppress the rebellion.

As for the problem of taking the blame, what subordinates did not take the blame for their leader?

“However, the rebel party is still a mob, but it will not take a long time for them to be united, and then they will not be easy to fight!” Albrecht thought for a moment and said.

“Albrecht, don’t worry about that. I can guarantee that the longer the time, the more chaotic the party will be, and it will be impossible to unify them!” Franz said with confidence.

Chapter 35

On March 9, 1848, Vienna became more and more chaotic. Burning, killing, and looting occurred, and the whole city lost order.

This was the third day of the revolution. Due to the conflict between the working class and the capitalists, there had been many scuffles between the two sides.

If it were not for the existence of a common enemy, the two sides would have parted at that time. Even if they maintained a nominal alliance, both sides were acting willfully.

The fact was that those in the revolution still needed to feed themselves; as a result, the first ones out of luck were the capitalists in the grain industry, as their grain stores were taken over by the workers.

The workers, who had been exploited severely for generations, at the encouragement of some “kind” people, began to think of revenge. Since the violence had already started, many people simply did everything they wanted to do to the capitalists, taking an eye for an eye.

They killed the supervisors, they finished the thugs hired by the capitalists, and then they turned on the capitalists themselves.

After the first time, there was a second time. The hands of the capitalists were covered with the blood of the workers. It would have been fine if there was no one to guide the workers, but once someone encouraged them, the workers could no longer stay back.

Many union representatives who wanted to stop them instantly became known as counter-revolutionaries and capitalists in the eyes of workers. Nothing could stop them from taking revenge.

The people’s desire was deep and dark. After they killed the first capitalist and distributed his wealth, they couldn’t help themselves.

This situation heightened the conflict between the two sides. In order to safeguard their own interests, the capitalists hurriedly formed their own revolutionary army, and there were many fights between the two forces.

The revolutionary army led by the capitalists aimed the revolution at the Vienna nobles, while the working class revolutionary army went against the nobles and capitalists together.

In a manor in Vienna, a large group of people gathered. These people were all putting money ahead of their own lives: people who were afraid of death had already fled Vienna.

An old man said in a trembling tone, “Mr. Owen, what else can I do now? The mob is targeting us. Within just two days, 13 gentlemen have been killed!

The property that has been robbed is even more difficult to count. If this situation continues, it will not be long before it is our turn!”

Everyone turned to Owen, who had planned the revolution. The situation was out of control, and everyone was hoping that he could come up with effective measures.

Owen looked at the crowd with a livid face. He hadn’t expected the situation to become such a mess. His original purpose was to use the working class’s lives to establish a capitalist regime.

Unfortunately, before the new government had been established, he lost control. The revolutionary party he’d raised had no ability to fulfill the mission entrusted to them.

The representatives of the labor unions, who were bought by the capitalists, could not control the workers at all. The revolution deviated from their predetermined purpose from the beginning.

“I am also deeply sorry for the accidental murder of these thirteen gentlemen. Death cannot be undone. May they rest in peace!

However, their blood will not flow in vain, and we will get revenge. Including everyone’s property losses, the current loss is just the price we pay for future gains.

The current situation is very unfavorable. We have to start forming an alternative plan to send people to negotiate with the Emperor, and at the same time, we must prepare to suppress these rebels!”

Everyone was silent. Negotiation was the last choice. They were also smart enough to understand that they were at a disadvantage, and the Army was still loyal to the royal family.

This time, they’d just caught the government unprepared. If the City Defense Army returned, the situation would probably change.

No one thought that it was possible to beat the regular army with a group of rabble.

Smart people were all rational: if they found that the situation reversed, they would surely find a way to get out. Especially after the internal conflicts broke out, everyone’s revolutionary enthusiasm was even lower.

It was all right to revolutionize others, but not their own; that was out of the question.

At that time, a young man in his twenties, wearing glasses, stood up and asked, “Mr. Owen, do you think it is possible? Don’t forget, we’ve had no way out since the beginning of the uprising.

Think about how many nobles we have executed in the past two days! I am sure that you know the complicated relationship between ourselves and the nobility. Do you think they will let us go after all that?

Even if they let us go now, how can we guarantee that they will not hold it against us afterward? Do you think that our epileptic emperor can make the decision?”

People who had been ready to accept reality and prepare to compromise hesitated again then.

In this revolution, the nobles in Vienna suffered heavy losses, and the enmity between the two sides had already been set.

Even then, they could rely on their power to force the Court of Vienna to compromise. But once the City Defense Army returned, the dynamic between the two sides would be reversed.

The armed forces in their hands were not the regular army, whose dissolution was only a matter of time. If the two sides fell out, they would not even have the strength to resist.

This time was different from the previous confrontation with Prime Minister Metternich. They followed the rules and did not use extraordinary means.

For if they had broken the rules themselves, how could they expect the nobles to follow the rules of the game?

This was a very realistic question. Even if they had controlled the government, they had no power to fight against the nobles.

After listening to the young man, Owen’s face was more livid. How could he have failed to think of these problems?

However, he still had a way to ensure that he himself could get out safely, even if it wouldn’t work for the others. In this uprising, he had already had enough, and the worse deal for him was exile overseas.

“Rams, everyone recognizes the problems you stated, and I have no way to give a guarantee. But don’t forget, even though the casualties of the noble are so great, it is not us who did it.

Obviously, it was all done by those bumpkins. We organized the army only to protect ourselves and suppress the rebellion. This uprising has nothing to do with us.

Aren’t there some nobles who have supported us before? It is time for them to come forward to take on this rebellion!”

Owen called white black without a blink. Although it was self-deception, it was undoubtedly a good way to transfer hatred.

The nobles wanted revenge after what had happened, out of grief and honor. In order to safeguard the interests of their class, they had to do it, but this did not mean that all of them really wanted to avenge their dead.

Many people would even celebrate this. Since some families had no descendants, they could inherit a title and maybe a fief.

As long as they could find scapegoats, transfer the hatred, and then throw money at their problems, they might be passed over.

Chapter 36

When the capitalists wanted to withdraw, it was already too late, because Franz had returned to Vienna with his army.

“Albrecht, it’s up to you!”

Franz still knew himself well: if he made a strategy or something, it would be very good; if he commanded the troops to fight, he would not be sure about it.

As he had estimated, based on the experience of leading troops for more than two months, he was afraid that he would not be able to command this army. In order to be on the safe side, Franz decisively chose to let Albrecht do it instead.

Anyhow, in history, Albrecht was also a famous Austrian general, who, in the Olympic war, used his few forces to defeat the many of Italy and, thus, defended the prestige of the Austrian Empire.

Albrecht smiled and said confidently, “Relax, Franz! A disorderly mob is not difficult to defeat!”

Franz nodded. He had done so much preparatory work: the intelligence organization had infiltrated the rebel army in advance to create internal conflicts for the enemy. If they still couldn’t win, the City Defense Army could be disbanded.

The military affairs were handed over to Albrecht, but the political problems could only be faced by Franz himself, for others could not afford this responsibility.

“Take the third regiment as the starter, and launch an attack!”

With Albrecht’s order, the prelude to the suppression of the rebellion was begun.

At that time, the word to describe Vienna would be — chaos!

The various insurgent armies, large and small, did not belong to each other, and when the City Defense Army came, there were still many of them who did not know that the enemy had already come.

This was mostly because they were busy robbing and looting. In the beginning, they’d only attacked nobles and capitalists, but as time went on, ordinary citizens were under attack, too.

Either out of jealousy or out of interest, military discipline disappeared, and even the commander had no way to restrain the troops.

When human beings’ animal nature was stimulated, after being suppressed for too long a time, everything about them would change, and the destructive power that broke out then was often shocking.

Due to the lack of strict organization and binding force between them, after the local ruffians and hooligans joined, the rebels were quickly brought down to their level and started killing, burning, looting, and doing all kinds of evil.

The Viennese citizens who originally sympathized with the revolution regretted it at that time. Not only they but also Vienna University, known as the cradle of revolutionary ideas, were not spared.

In order to avoid the harassment of the rebels, the school had to organize an army of students to protect the campus.

The number of conservative students was much larger than that of the revolutionary party. Seeing the tragedy outside, then, everyone recalled the Paris Revolution in 1789: more than 30 thousand people were guillotined in Paris alone.

Before that, everyone had thought that this was a lie fabricated by the government, but when the Vienna revolution broke out, they finally understood that revolution needed bloodshed.

…

Franz, who was still preparing for the aftermath, had no idea what kind of devil he had released or what kind of harm it had brought to Vienna.

Of course, even if he knew, he would still have made the same choice, for the Austrian Empire had rotted. If it was not broken down and then re-established, it would die little by little.

Without this rebellion, it would take at least ten years to abolish serfdom, facing the counterattack of the nobles all the time; that way lay the incomplete reform of Russian history.

However, it was different here: the Vienna revolution was only the beginning, and the local revolutions would still come fiercely. For the safety of life and property, all they could do was bear it with suffering.

As for Lombardy, Venice, and Hungary, Franz had been waiting for their rebellion. As long as the rebellions occurred, he would solve the problem once and for all by overthrowing the rich and dividing up their fortunes.

As for all the nobles and capitalists involved in the Vienna rebellion, he was not going to let them go, but to confiscate their fortune. Without it, where would Franz get the money to carry out national construction?

Did Austria really have no money? This problem was simply a fallacy.

From the establishment of the Vienna system until 1848, the economic development of Austria in the past 30 years had generally been very good, and the economic aggregate had doubled.

In this context, the wealth created by society was certainly absolute; unfortunately, however, the dividends of economic development had no benefit for common citizens, for wealth was concentrated in the hands of a few people.

As a member of the vested interest class, Franz obviously could not attack them radically, but he could take advantage of the opportunity of revolution, and it was still possible to eliminate some traitors.

…

In the Hofburg Palace, in Vienna.

After they received the conditions from the capitalists for negotiation, the Archdukes were all a little relieved. At that time, it was still most important to keep their lives, before the rebels came in.

They were all used to being pampered, and no one wanted to be put on the guillotine before they enjoyed their lives in full.

Ferdinand I could not make decisions; Prime Minister Metternich knew that he was in big trouble and had run away in advance; the whereabouts of the Count Koloft were unknown. The only remaining members of the Regent Committee were Archduke Louis and Archduke Franz Carr.

There was no doubt that all the burdens then fell on Archduke Louis, and Archduke Franz Carr could be counted on.

Archduke Louis, pale, said, “The capitalists have put forward conditions: as long as we agree to dismiss the cabinet, implement constitutionalism, open up national elections, abolish serfdom, confiscate aristocratic land and distribute it to farmers …

They will help us to suppress the rebellion. The Constitution has even been formulated, and this is a template that everyone can have a look at!”

He did not dare to agree to these conditions: if all of them were agreed to, it would not be the capitalists who rebelled, but the nobles.

In Austria, like in any country in the world, if the land of the noble class was confiscated and distributed to the peasants for no reason, they would absolutely rise up and rebel.

The Austrian army was under the control of the nobles, who had large areas of land. Those who had released the serfs might be allowed to keep some land; however, those who had not released their serfs would have all their land confiscated.

Which would mean to take their lives.

To confiscate their land was to take their lives.

What would they do, become capitalists?

The purpose was clearly to reform the noble class and turn them into capitalists, or maybe worse, into a destitute class.

In addition to economic interests, political reforms were not negotiable: if the constitution would be formulated by the capitalists, the political rights of the nobles would surely not be as good as those of ordinary people.

Without any rights, they could not join the army, come into politics, become a member of parliament…these conditions were complete nonsense to them.

Of course, this was a process of negotiation, and also of strategy: the initial offer was just to test their bottom line. Even so, it let them share a bitter hatred of the enemy.

Chapter 37

Before anything came of the two sides’ negotiation, the City Defense Army returned to Vienna, and the news that they had begun to suppress the rebellion reached the Hofburg Palace.

The negotiation immediately came to an impasse: the dynamic between the two sides changed, and the initiative of the negotiation was transferred, so the Vienna Court was no longer in a hurry to reach an agreement.

The conditions put forward by the capitalists were a great shame to these Archdukes. If they had no choice, for the sake of their lives, they might have accepted them, submitting to humiliation.

But the main force of the City Defense Army had returned, the troops around Vienna were also on their way, and, besides, there was still a regiment of troops guarding the palace.

At that time, the danger had disappeared, everyone’s mind changed, and Archduke Louis was not willing to compromise with the capitalists.

Even if political reform was to be carried out, it was very important that they took the initiative to reform instead of being forced to do it.

…

The speed of suppressing the rebellion was faster than Franz imagined. A mob was a mob. When they confronted the army, their first reaction was not to fight them but to run away from them.

There was no suspense. At first, the rebels organized several resistances but were scared away by the City Defense Army. Albrecht also deliberately released the defeated fighters, and they spread the fear of failure.

At the same time as the military attack, Franz also made a political attack. He announced as the Crown Prince that it was the leaders who would be punished, while the rest would be spared.

In that era, the Hapsburg family was still very influential in Austria, and with Franz’s guarantee, many trapped rebel soldiers surrendered without hesitation.

The Viennese citizens who had been harassed by the rebels then took the initiative to help the counter-insurgent army, and without the support of the public, the rebels became rootless.

Although the counter-insurgent army marched forward smoothly, Franz was not happy at all. Looking at the broken buildings, he knew that Vienna’s economy would regress for at least five years after this battle.

But Franz had no time to be sad, for he still had to appease the public. After being harassed by the rebels, the Viennese people were shaken.

As the Crown Prince, Franz naturally wanted to restore their confidence and ease their pain.

“Archduke, the road to the palace has been cleared!” The guard said with excitement.

Franz smiled slightly. This was good news, which meant that the overall situation had been resolved and the rebels did not control the emperor. Failure became a foregone conclusion for them.

“Send a message of this good news to the emperor, and I will go over after I deal with things here!”

Politics was dark, and in order to achieve the greatest victory, Franz wanted to suppress the rebellion and stabilize the situation in the city before he could report his accomplishments.

Otherwise, if he came over, maybe the Regent Committee would try to seize power from him. He was not interested in gambling on the moral integrity of these politicians.

Obviously, Franz did not know that Prime Minister Metternich had run away, that Count Koloft was not in the palace, or that only Archduke Louis and his father were left in the Regent Committee.

Thus, even if Archduke Louis wanted to seize power, he could not possibly do it. Unless Ferdinand I personally went into battle, the biggest political benefit from this rebellion would go to Franz.

…

A young man eagerly urged, “Father, let’s go, otherwise it will be too late!”

The middle-aged man looked unhappy, glancing around his manor, but he reluctantly got in the carriage.

Yes, this was one of the leaders behind the rebellion, Owen, a major capitalist. At that moment, he had lost his former high spirits, and looked so much older.

When the City Defense Army had returned to put down the rebellion, they didn’t take it seriously. In just a few days, the number of rebel troops had expanded to more than 50 thousand.

But when they fought, everyone knew that they were going to be finished. When both sides were free to fight each other, how could this mob be a serious opponent to the regular army?

Unlike at the beginning of the rebellion, the soldiers were very afraid and did not dare to fight hard against them.

But then, the situation had completely changed, and the cannons were taken out, pointed at them, and bombarded them ruthlessly. They had never even seen a battle like this, and before they could react, they’d already lost in their confusion.

“After we leave here, I don’t know when I will be able to come back. The family business that I have worked hard to build for decades is ruined!” Owen said, sighing.

“There is no time for being sad. It is not a big deal to change locations and rebuild another one!” the young man said carelessly.

If not for the sorrow in his eyes, his father would really think that he did not care.

Although capital had no borders, in fact, in that era, it was not so easy to move to a new place and start a new business.

Without a long-term business relationship in a new place, your business might be swallowed by others without anything left for you.

They’d had that experience many times, and it could be said that all the primitive accumulation of capital was bloody.

It stood to reason that a big-time capitalist like Owen had no reason to personally participate in the revolution. They were involved only because when the price was high, they’d invested too much money. They wanted to make a big profit, but they hadn’t expected to lose all their money.

If the revolution hadn’t been launched, most of their businesses would go bankrupt, and the whole family would decline forever.

Propelled by his interests, and encouraged by his peers, Owen decided to let go of it; at the worst, he would just run away.

And then, they actually had to run away. If they stayed in Austria, even if the government did not make trouble for him, the rebels, who’d suffered great losses, would kill them.

This rebellion could intensify internal conflicts in a short period of time. In addition to Franz’s arrangement, there was the internal struggle of capitalists.

Two of a trade never agree: even at that time, capitalists wanted to crack down on competitors, so that they could monopolize their markets.

Making use of another person to get rid of an enemy was naturally the best choice. Taking advantage of the opportunity of the revolution, they planned to loot their opponent’s wealth, or even take his life, and then pass the buck to the army.

If the revolution succeeded, then their plan would naturally succeed. Bad luck for them: in the end, the plan fell short. Seeing that success was a long shot, before the rebellion was suppressed, the smart ones ran away.

As long as you had money in Austria, most troubles could be settled, but revolution was an exception.

In revolution, even money could not go far. So long as he was involved, no one could expect that the Vienna government would let him go.

Owen and his son were far from the only ones to run away: everyone who took part in the planning, whether they were capitalists, nobles, or politicians who wanted to speculate, all fled from the whirlpool of Vienna at that time.

Chapter 38

Time flew. By March 11, 1848, the rebels in Vienna were almost eliminated, and some remnants of the defeated army were handed over to the police.

This sudden rebellion came on fast and passed quickly, but their influence was just beginning. Many places in Austria had begun to appear unstable.

Franz had no energy or time to pay attention to other regions since there were nearly 40 thousand prisoners in the custody of the counter-insurgent army, and figuring out how to dispose of these people was still a big problem.

It was obviously impossible to kill then all, for Franz was not a maniac murderer, and these people had no blood feud with him.

It was also not possible to release them: even if they were accomplices under duress, they did participate in the rebellion. If they were not punished for it, what could Franz do in the future if the same situation arose?

Impose a penalty on them?

If they had any money, they wouldn’t have joined the rebellion.

It was less than two days from the beginning to the end of the rebellion. These people were not diehards, for the real ones had already run away and those left behind were all abandoned.

At that time, Albrecht arrived with bloodshot eyes: obviously, he wasn’t sleeping well these days.

“Albrecht, how are the casualties?” Franz asked with concern.

“Fortunately, there were not many fights, and there are only about three hundred casualties!” Albrecht said after a moment’s thought.

“That’s good. There’s nothing much to deal with now. Albrecht, go and have a rest!”

Hearing the news, Franz breathed a sigh of relief. Three hundred casualties were still within his acceptable range.

However, the casualties of the rebel forces were large: more than three thousand people were killed on the spot alone, and more than five thousand people were wounded in captivity. All of those were only slightly wounded, for those seriously injured had become corpses.

Roughly tens of thousands of people were killed in the rebellion, which lasted less than a week in Vienna, and most of them were killed by the so-called revolutionary party.

The residential area of the nobility was almost turned into a piece of bare land then. The number of nobles killed exceeded hundreds. If this news spread, the entire European continent would surely be shocked.

When almost all the issues on his list had been disposed of, Franz knew that it was time to go to Hofburg Palace, where Austria’s power was still waiting for him to take over.

In such a big mess, not only had Prime Minister Metternich left, but even the Regent Committee had no reason to stay.

Thus, all the obstacles that blocked Franz’s regency had been cleared.

Both the nobles and the capitalists were hit hard this time. The imperial power returned to the Hapsburg family, but they declined because of the failure of Ferdinand I.

“Franz, you finally came back, and this time, you did a great job!”

It was Franz’s father, Franz Carr, and Franz was deeply suspicious of his ability to say something so decent.

But he soon understood that it was his mother, Princess Sophie, who’d instructed Franz’s father to praise him.

“Father, are you all right? After I heard the news of the rebellion in Vienna, we rushed back overnight, thanks be to God, and finally caught up with it!” Franz said with fake excitement.

Watching the performance of father and son, Louis was about to say something, but he realized it was too late to say anything at that time.

In this incident, the Regent Committee failed to play its due role, and they had already left the Vienna Court dissatisfied.

They all questioned the ability of the Regent Committee, including these Archdukes, while all of them spoke highly of Franz, who brought troops back in time to suppress the rebellion.

Of course, Archduke Albrecht, who commanded this counter-insurgency fight, had been selectively ignored by them.

It was just because Franz was one of their own, and he was also the crown prince of the empire. If the Hapsburg family didn’t want to lose their power, their best option was to support the crown prince to become the regent.

Some people were even planning to let Ferdinand I abdicate. With this rebellion, everyone was very afraid of the decline of imperial power and the possibility of another revolution.

Yes, to them, this rebellion was a manifestation of the decline of imperial power. If the authority of the monarch were still strong, there would not have been so many rebellions.

If Franz approved, they could get Ferdinand I to abdicate soon; however, he was not shameless, and he would not do something as cruel as forcing his uncle to abdicate.

Besides, tensions in Austria were high just then; the Vienna rebellion was only the first one, followed by the Italian rebellion, the Hungarian rebellion, and the Dalmatian rebellion …

Every rebellion was a blow to Ferdinand I, and the conservative nobles couldn’t stand it.

In history, Ferdinand I actually abdicated against this background: the successive rebellions frightened Queen Anna, and the Hapsburg family also worried about their dominant position in Austria, so, finally, a decision was made to let Ferdinand I abdicate.

To be exact, the decision was to persuade Ferdinand I to abdicate. However, considering the actual situation, Franz believed that persuasion was no different from making a decision for him.

After greeting everyone, Franz went directly to the topic at hand: how to deal with the aftermath.

“For such a big incident, the Cabinet is the first to blame, so I suggest we dismiss the Cabinet!” Archduke Louis was the first to speak.

“Aye!”

“Aye!”

There was no doubt that it was passed unanimously, and Prime Minister Metternich was dismissed.

“During the Vienna rebellion, the Regent Committee was not able to perform its duties, so I think it is also the time for the Regent Committee to be dismissed,” Archduke Franz Carr said.

Really, he didn’t want to do the job for a long time: from the time of the establishment of the Regent Committee until then, he had never really taken charge of its affairs. So, he took this opportunity to dismiss himself, and secure his ability to step back from responsibility.

“Aye!”

“Aye!”

Archduke Louis wanted to curse them all in his heart: what it did have to do with any of them, since, besides the Emperor, only the Regent Committee itself had the right to dismiss the Regent Committee.

Unfortunately, at that point, there were only two members of the Regent Committee, and one of them proposed to dissolve the Regent Committee. Whether the other Archdukes had rights or not, they only got a small say in its affairs.

After a moment of hesitation, finally, Archduke Louis said helplessly, “Aye!”

He knew that nothing would change even if he opposed it. Unless all members of the Regent Committee united, there was no way to fight against the Vienna Court.

That was obviously impossible: Archduke Franz Carr had no interest in politics, so, no matter what his consideration was, he would support his son.

“I propose that after the dismissal of the Regent Committee, the Crown Prince Franz Joseph should be the Regent!”

Seeing nothing could be changed, Archduke Louis swam with the current and proposed that the crown prince become the regent, in order to show his position.

“Aye!”

“Aye!”

Chapter 39

There was no market for modest declines in Europe. If you started to decline, you would come out empty.

Since the regime had been taken over, Franz surely would not ask for trouble, so he took power as soon as possible and did not give Louis the opportunity to change his mind.

Then Franz changed the topic.

“All of you here, the rebellion in Vienna has been suppressed, but other parts of Austria may soon be in chaos. In order to avoid the collapse of the empire, we must take more decisive action!”

Everyone’s faces changed, and their good mood over surviving the disaster completely vanished. The collapse of the Empire? What a terrible idea it was!

As the nobles of Austria, their interests were bound to the country, and if the Empire collapsed, everything they owned would disappear.

“Franz, things are that bad?” Archduke John asked with concern.

“Yes, they are. Since the February revolution in Paris, the whole of Europe seems to be coming apart, and revolutions are brewing in many regions, including Austria.

The bureaucrats of the empire are in decay, just like in the Vienna rebellion. It could have been settled by the police, but in the end, it became an appalling tragedy, and tens of thousands of Austrian people were killed, including hundreds of nobles!

Under these circumstances, if we don’t take more active measures, the present of the Orleans dynasty is our future, or something even worse!” Franz threatened.

Would Franz’s words scare them? Obviously, it was impossible. The fact that all these grand dukes were incapable did not mean that they were easy to bluff. It was just too naive an idea.

Franz brought up these opinions to take advantage of the fact that everyone had just experienced the Vienna revolution, and their mentality had not yet recovered. When looking at the problem, they were sure to be pessimistic.

At the time, Franz exaggerated and used the lack of real information to create an illusion for them: that the Austrian people were dissatisfied with the current political system and the distribution of benefits, and if there was no reform, people were going to rebel, as they already had.

“Franz, can you tell us about the situation outside?” Archduke Louis asked.

Apparently, he was also taken aback by the news Franz had brought. Maybe they were not afraid of the rebellion of the people in Vienna, but if the people of other places followed suit, it would be horrible.

After thinking about it, Franz answered cautiously, “Well, after the February revolution in Paris, the revolutionary parties in all European countries were encouraged, and various undercurrents sprung up in the big cities, which was obvious to everyone.

After the outbreak of the Vienna revolution on March 7, the domestic revolutionary flame in Austria was soaring. Although we successfully suppressed this rebellion, the planners behind it ran away.

What is worthy of our vigilance is that, during the Vienna revolution, not only the revolutionary party, but also the capitalists, nobles, and city government officials got involved.

If we look from the perspective of social class, it actually involves workers, peasants, citizens, the middle class, the capitalists, and the nobles, which means the coverage is too wide.

If it weren’t for the sudden occurrence and the serious internal conflicts of their party, the Vienna revolution would have been successful!”

Hearing this, everyone was dumbfounded. Even the nobles took part in the revolution–that was to say, the current Vienna government was undermined.

Archduke John hurriedly asked, “Franz, are you sure there were nobles involved in this rebellion? Is it individual, or …”

Franz said with a wry smile, “There are 83 nobles whose participation in this rebellion has been confirmed. The number of people who have not been found out may be bigger.

The reason for their participation in this rebellion is very simple: they were dissatisfied with the government’s inaction in the economic crisis, or they hadn’t made a good bargain after they stored up goods!”

“These bastards, didn’t they know what they were doing? If the Empire is finished, they think they can still live a good life?” Archduke Louis said angrily.

Other people shared his bitter hatred of the nobles who rebelled, whose action was killing their livelihoods: without the Austrian Empire, could these nobles maintain their current status?

Franz explained, “I’m afraid this problem has something to do with our system, which lets them have no fear. Anyway, even if they fail, we can’t kill them all.

If they succeed, the new government could also become a member of their interest group. As for the glory of the nobles, if they still care, they will not participate!”

The crowd stopped talking, for, at that moment, everyone realized that Franz was going to take action against them, which meant the interests of the nobility would be damaged. When it came to their own rights and interests, no one was willing to give in.

The only one who looked the same was Archduke Franz Carr. It seemed that he was just listening like an outsider from beginning to end, as though these discussions had nothing to do with him. Suddenly, he spoke.

“Franz, what are you going to do?”

Everyone’s face changed slightly, but they didn’t say anything. They weren’t ready to stand up against him before they were sure about Franz’s purpose.

“Those who participated in this rebellion must be severely punished. Specifically, the leaders will be sent to the gallows, and others will be sentenced according to the seriousness of the case.

We must abolish all titles of the nobles who participated in the rebellion and confiscate all their property, but other specific plans can be decided by the noble parliament!”

Franz spoke out decisively, for he was not afraid that someone would oppose him. Hundreds of nobles died in the Vienna rebellion. If those rebels were not severely punished, the relatives and friends of the dead would not let it go.

For the nobles, in fact, the most serious punishment was not to be killed but to lose their title and their fief, which meant that the family glory was ruined.

Several Archdukes looked at each other, and Archduke Louis spoke first. “Franz, this time the involvement is too wide; can you let them keep their titles, at least?”

Franz shook his head and said, “If the punishment is mild, I am afraid that even more people will participate in the next rebellion.

And how should we explain it to the families of those who died? According to our rough statistics, I am afraid that there are more than a dozen noble families that will be wiped out!”

Everyone’s faces fell, as “being wiped out” was definitely the most terrible consequence. If some noble families were wiped out, then the quality of punishment was very different.

During the period of the Holy Roman Empire, if the emperor wanted to confiscate a fief, it would have been collectively opposed by everyone. But it was different in the Austrian era.

The domestic nobles were not that strong, and there was no situation in which the emperor could do nothing just because several nobles united to fight against him, so Franz dared to play like this.

Even more nobles would be involved as the investigation went on. As long as a member of a noble family participated in the rebellion, all his family would be involved, because there was no other way to make this kind of thing clear.

Of course, if they were smart enough, there was still a way to escape: as long as they could prove their value to Franz before the investigation was completed, Franz could be merciful.

Chapter 40

After the rebellion was suppressed in Vienna, Franz immediately ordered that the military take control of the whole city. Then, he was busy searching the rebels’ houses and confiscating their property, which took him a long time because of the wide range of people involved.

In order to appease the public, Franz gave out relief food right away. All the money was from the confiscated property, so he did not mind giving it away.

Food, coal, and other necessities were then distributed for free, and as a result, the public, who had just been harassed, finally settled down.

For political purposes, Franz also decisively defined the rebellion and placed the blame on the capitalists.

The media in Vienna was controlled by him, so at that time, all the articles published were “Beware of the capitalists’ conspiracy,” “the role of the international evil backstage manipulators in the Vienna rebellion,” “the capitalists ran away”…

Other headlines were “property confiscation,” “property confiscation,” and “property confiscation,” for at that time the most important work of the Austrian interim government was to conduct property confiscation. As the capitalists and nobles involved in the rebellion were not all in Vienna, this work had a long way to go.

Before Franz had appointed a cabinet, the news of the outbreak of the Lombardy rebellion reached Vienna. It came as another heavy blow to the conservative nobles.

When alarmist talk became a reality, then reform was inevitable, and the voice of reformists in the Austrian government rose again. In order to avoid the collapse of the Empire, conservatives had to accept this reality.

In March 18, 1848, Franz appointed Marquis Felix Schwarzenberg as prime minister;

Carl Ludwig von Brooke as Chancellor of the Exchequer;

Earl Leo von Tus-Haw Stein as Minister of Education;

Archduke Louis as Minister of the Interior;

Count Koloft as Minister of State;

Clemens Metternich as Foreign Minister …

With regard to the political reform of Austria, Franz took conservative measures from the start, as can be seen from this list above.

Political stances were vividly displayed: a prime minister who advocated a strong suppression of the revolution, a finance minister who advocated financial reform, an education minister who advocated education reform, and a conservative Minister of the Interior and Minister of State.

For the sake of checks and balances, Franz even reappointed the infamous former Prime Minister Metternich as the Foreign Minister.

In fact, the main reason was that Metternich’s diplomatic means were strong enough, and that at that time, there was no better choice in Austria.

The first priority, after the new government established, was to deal with the aftermath of the Vienna rebellion.

The process of distributing relief food would definitely not last long, but the capitalists had been deeply involved in the revolution and could not extricate themselves, and some had even run away. Thus, it was impossible to resume production.

At the time, half of the population of the city was unemployed. If there were no relief supplies from the government, Vienna would soon be in chaos.

Franz presided over the cabinet meeting decisively. “At present, the rebellion in Vienna has ended, so the post-war reconstruction work must begin immediately. Nearly 40 thousand prisoners are in urgent need of resettlement. What plans does the cabinet have?”

Considering the situation at this critical moment, all the officials had to perform their duties as soon as they took office, and they’d had no time to familiarize themselves with their jobs.

Prime Minister Felix replied, “I suggest that the wartime economic system be adopted: the government will take over those unowned factories and resume production to protect the employment of the public.

As for specifics of the plan, we can adjust according to the actual situation. We also will rearrange the production line by market demand, to avoid waste!”

As expected, Austria also took a wartime economic system in history and survived the initial difficulties.

The situation this time was better than the history because Franz moved fast enough to seize the capitalists and directly confiscate their factories.

In other words, as time progressed, this country was dominated by the state-owned economic system, and the public would not oppose it, because state-owned enterprises could not unscrupulously exploit them like private enterprises.

“At present, the situation in Austria is very bad. There has been a rebellion in Italy, and Hungary is also stirring, so it is necessary to adopt a wartime economic system.

However, if the government has confiscated so many factories and tries to resume production, labor costs will surely increase!” said the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Carl.

There was no doubt that the government would have to maintain its reputation, and the laws it had enacted must be observed. The Labor Protection Act, which had been suspended, could not be ignored.

Franz shook his head and said, “The labor cost will not increase much. It is based on the average wage level of the workers in the Vienna industry before the rebellion. In most industries, we can also adopt a piecework system. More work and more money will stimulate the enthusiasm of workers. As wages increase, the products produced by workers will also increase.

If we turn to the wartime economic system, the waste caused by market competition will no longer exist. As long as our management is not a problem, there should be no so-called loss!”

There was no market competition for the time being. If production was carried out according to the plan, there should be no losses or great cost increases unless something went seriously wrong.

Anyway, the planned economy was only for the short term. It would only take two or three years at most to suppress rebellions in various places as much as possible. The process of corruption of the leadership would take longer than that.

When the Crimean War broke out, Austria took advantage of the war to transfer the pains brought about by economic changes, and they relied on war money to heal their wounds.

Carl’s eyes were lit up by an idea: if they adopted the piecework system, they could neatly avoid the Labor Protection Act.

If the wage of 99% of workers exceeded this standard, the remaining 1% just did not matter.

“Your Highness’s suggestion is very good. In fact, all industries can adopt the piecework system. If any work needs the cooperation of more than one person, they can also group the workers. This can effectively raise the efficiency of production!” Carl said with a smile.

“Hold on a moment there; this suggestion has nothing to do with me. It is what experts have discovered through research. We must prepare very carefully to explain it to the outside world. As long as the workers get more money, presumably there will be no problem with the implementation!” Franz said, stopping Carl.

He didn’t want to be scolded by others in the future. No matter how he beautified it, it was essentially a more advanced method of exploitation. Considering his status, he could very well be scolded.

Thus, it was a better idea to ascribe this idea to the experts. They were all used to taking the blame and would possibly not care about taking a bit more.

If needed, they could rationalize any conclusion. They had drawn plenty more crazy conclusions, and this “piecework system” was really nothing.

Chapter 41

As for which expert proposed this, everyone was very tactful and did not ask anything about it. Franz was unwilling to admit that the “piecework system” was his own idea, so everyone thought of him as principled and not greedy.

In that era, the “piecework system” was undoubtedly advanced, and it could release more productivity and avoid laziness and waste.

In that era, in order to crack down on lazy workers, the means taken by capitalists were extremely harsh. The deduction of wages was the lightest one.

More people were beaten up on top of having wages deducted, and, because of this, a few workers died every year.

Especially in the mines, in order to stimulate production, many capitalists would kill someone as a warning to others who were not working hard.

These cruel means were obviously impossible for the government to take. When Carl was worried that the government would lose money by directly managing enterprises, he actually was worried about the large-scale emergence of laziness and waste.

There were also many cases in later generations: after a state-owned enterprise with serious losses became a private enterprise, and half the staff was laid off, the production capacity doubled.

…

“What are your plans for the sentencing of prisoners?” Franz asked.

He decisively ignored the nobles and capitalists who took part in the rebellion. Almost all of them had run away, so those who were caught were mostly fools with poor brains.

As for the leader of the rebellion, no trial was needed at all. During the fighting, he was already killed.

Really, all the middle-level or above officers in the rebel army had been killed by Franz in the first place.

Except for those who took the troops and surrendered without a single shot, all rebel leaders above a platoon sergeant were killed.

During the suppression of the rebellion, only three thousand rebels were killed, while the leaders of the rebels who were executed later numbered more than two thousand.

It was what it was. The rebels had no human rights. As long as they were involved, the higher the status, the faster they died. On the other hand, punishment for ordinary people was not too harsh.

Even the “brag party” of Vienna University, which had advocated revolution, was wiped out at that time. The Army took over the campus. All those who’d joined the Revolutionary Party and advocated revolutionary ideas had only one result: death.

These orders were given by Franz, but the one who took the blame was not him. Before the cabinet was even formed, he’d issued orders in the name of the cabinet.

Anyone who was interested in history would find that all the issuers of these orders were the Prime Ministers, and Franz, the crown prince, pretended to know nothing.

These were small issues because at that time the people of Vienna were badly harmed. Everyone hated the revolutionary party, and no one would sympathize with them.

“Your Highness, this rebellion is too extensive. These prisoners must be severely punished as a warning to others and to frighten the people of the whole country!”

Archduke Louis’s eyes flashed with anger, as if he had a deep hatred of these people and wished to execute them all.

He was not alone: several other Cabinet members shared this bitter hatred.

Needless to say, Franz knew that they had many relatives among the old nobles, and they must have lost relatives and friends in this rebellion.

If this had been the whole story, it wouldn’t have been unbearable for them. The key was that the rebels also ransacked their houses, robbed their property, and killed their loyal servants.

Even the youngest son of Archduke Louis, who was just unluckily one step slower when running for his life, was killed by the rebels. This was the main reason he was so angry.

Before that, he’d also advocated lighter punishments for the rebels, appeasing the people, and stabilizing the domestic situation as soon as possible.

But then, after the pain of losing a child, everything changed. At first, he proposed that all the nobles who participated in the rebellion be executed, which he did not even want to let the prisoners go.

Franz was very clear about the cause and effect of this rebellion, and he was more clear about his class position. Therefore, after arresting the nobles involved in the rebellion, he did not execute them right away but left them to the noble Parliament.

The nobles participated in the rebellion mostly to stimulate their own interests. They had to recover their losses, and the main damage they’d done was burning the bank’s documents.

Not only had the local financial institutions in Austria been hit hard, but also the branches of international banks in Vienna. The behind-the-curtain bosses of these financial institutions were also the main force advocating severe punishment for the rebels, including the Vienna Court.

The profits in the financial field were so large; as the local branch of the Hapsburg family, how could they not participate? In fact, the Hapsburg family held shares of many financial institutions in Austria.

It was obviously impossible to recover the loss at that time. For this reason, Franz was eager to form a cabinet. The main purpose was to let the cabinet withstand the pressure and prevent the nobles from taking back the losses.

After all, all these properties were confiscated from the rebels. It was not clear who the original owners were. Except for those pieces of real estate with a clear owner, Franz prepared to turn them over to the State Treasury.

If they were returned to the original owners, Franz could guarantee that all the spoils of war would soon be divided up by the nobles. Franz was not prepared to test the greed of human nature.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “It is necessary to severely punish the insurgents, but most of these prisoners are workers. It is better to let them return to the factory to continue creating value for us.

According to the seriousness of the case, they will be fined. Then, let them go back to the factories to work until they have paid off the fine before they can be free.”

This was the lightest punishment he could fight for. No one would have a hard time with money, and the Cabinet could not refuse so many free laborers.

“This is a good way to go. We can’t kill all of them. It’s better to put them to work!” The Chancellor of the Exchequer took the lead in echoing Franz.

After the Vienna rebellion, too much money would be needed. He would support anything that could increase revenue.

“Well, but what about the diehards there? What if they do damage to the factories?” Archduke Louis said insistently.

“It is simple. We can use the system of “collective punishment”: divide them into groups, let the workers supervise and report on each other, and the sentences of reporters can be reduced.

If anyone in a group without a reporter in it is arrested, everyone in the group will be punished and sent to the mine,” the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Carl, sneered.

Franz could not help but want to praise him. In fact, if there were not a series of rebellions in Austria, he would be ready to send these prisoners to mine and build railways.

Considering that there might be more prisoners in the future, if these people were not diehards, and they surrendered quickly under his call, they would win the lightest punishment.

“If none of you have a better idea, this is it!” Franz said firmly.

Chapter 42

“Your Highness, in view of the current domestic situation, I propose that we double the Vienna City Defense Army immediately and form an army of two hundred thousand soldiers to suppress the rebellions across the country!” Prime Minister Felix said in a murderous manner.

On the point of suppressing the rebellion, everyone was in agreement, and no nobles liked the revolutionary party.

“The proposal of the Prime Minister is right. The City Defense Army should be supplemented. The waste that did nothing in the previous rebellion in Vienna will be retired by my order!

It is imperative to build a counter-rebellion army. Lieutenant General Albrecht has performed well in suppressing the Vienna rebellion. I think he will be the right person to take on this task!”

Franz did not hesitate to take advantage. He not only took the opportunity to clean up the waste in the City Defense Army and replace them with his own people, but also to reach out to the army yet to be built.

“Your Highness, it is of great importance that we form a counter-revolutionary army. I am afraid that Lieutenant General Albrecht will be too busy to cover it all, so it is better to let Marshal Radsky and Prince Wentishgreitz come back to preside over the overall situation,” Felix replied.

(Note: Marshal Radsky and Prince Wentishgreitz were two of Austria’s three great heroes, and both saved Austria once: the former suppressed the Italian rebellion, while the latter suppressed the Prague rebellion and the Vienna rebellion.)

The two were big shots in the Austrian army. If they came back, Albrecht could only stand aside. Prince Wentishgreitz was Felix’s brother-in-law, so it was definitely impossible for Franz to let him come back.

However, it was hard to baffle Franz. He answered, “These two are indeed the best candidates. Unfortunately, rebellion has already broken out in Lombardy. If we transfer Marshal Radsky back here, or anywhere else, at this time, who will be responsible for the rebellion?

In my opinion, it is better that Marshal Radsky is appointed as the governor of Lombardy and Venice, and he will be fully responsible for presiding over the counter-rebellion work in Italy.

Then we will move fifty thousand troops from Austria to reinforce the Italian region and try to suppress the rebellion in the shortest possible time.

And now the Bohemian region (Czech Republic) is also unstable. In the same way, if we transfer Prince Wentishgreitz back here or anywhere else, then who will take responsibility for suppressing the possible rebellion?”

The front line needed them to command and suppress the rebellion: this reasoning was very sound. Since Franz proposed it, no one dared transfer people arbitrarily. Otherwise, if there was a problem with the front line, they would be responsible for it.

Austria was still the Austria of the Hapsburg family. Even Prime Minister Felix, who was very strong, could only make concessions in the face of Franz’s insistence.

Political struggles could be very complicated. This concession meant that in the coming years, the Austrian government would revolve around Franz, and the cabinet would be in an auxiliary position.

Seeing that no one objected, Franz said, “Considering the special situation of Hungary, we must also take action.

I propose to use Josip Yelachic as the senior Croatian official and also as a commander of the City Defense Army.

(Note: Josip Yelachic was one of Austria’s three great heroes, and his main achievements were stabilizing Croatia and participating in the suppression of the Vienna rebellion and the Hungarian rebellion.)

Julius Jacob von Haynau will be the senior official in the Slovak region and will also serve as the City Defense Army commander to prepare to suppress the Hungarian rebellion.”

(Note: Julius Jacob von Haynau was an Austrian Marshal known for his brutal suppression of Italian and Hungarian rebellions, and he was known as the Arad Executioner, Brescia Hyena, and Hapsburg Tiger.)

Franz’s plan was very simple: he would use the meritorious statesmen in the history of Austria’s suppression of the rebellion in advance, and those idiots who failed would be excluded right out of the gate.

“Your Highness, the rebellion in Hungary has not yet occurred. If we take action like this, I am afraid it will cause great adverse effects!” Felix thought for a moment and said.

He did not expect that while the Vienna government was still negotiating with the Hungarians, the Crown Prince was already preparing to suppress the rebellion, which was completely undermining the negotiation.

However, once the Hungarians really rebelled, these arrangements would become very useful. Croatia and Slovakia were the territories of the Hungarian Kingdom in that era, but the people there leaned toward Austria.

Controlling these two places in advance was very smart for suppressing the Hungarian rebellion. In history, to suppress the Hungarian rebellion, the Croatian province needed forty thousand troops.

Franz shook his head and said, “Prime Minister, do you think it is a good idea to let Hungary go on like this?

For so many years in the past, the Vienna government made concessions to them. If we continue like that, we might as well let them be independent!”

This was not nonsense. Hungary was then nominally part of the Austrian Empire, but the tax revenue in Hungary had nothing to do with the central government of Vienna. Even between Austria and Hungary, there were tariffs.

However, they still claimed that Austria was oppressing and exploiting Hungary. In Franz’s view, this was complete nonsense.

The Vienna government had gained some benefits from Hungary, surely, but they could be considered protection fees because Austria had been responsible for Hungary’s security.

Without Austria’s protection, Hungary would either be annexed by Russia or by the Ottomans, and the final result could only be terrible.

On the surface, Austria’s industry was more developed, while Hungary was mainly developing its agriculture, so it became a market for Austrian goods.

In fact, the law of that era was the law of the jungle. As the weak, it was impossible to ask too much from the strong. Even to the ordinary Hungarian people, the Hapsburg family was the defender of their interests.

At that time, under that system, not only had the capitalists and nobles in Hungary suffered real losses, but they had also always wanted to make trouble.

After the Great Revolution, some commented that the Hungarian Kingdom of more than ten million people actually had only five hundred thousand people of the Hungarian nation.

In fact, it was the five hundred thousand capitalists and nobles who really exploited and oppressed the Hungarians. Franz was going to kill these worms and distribute their land to the Hungarians.

Therefore, at this point, the goal was not to suppress the revolution but to bring revolution to the Kingdom of Hungary and liberate more than ten million ordinary Hungarian people.

There would be bread for them, and milk. In this regard, Franz believed that he was starting a sacred crusade.

“Your Highness, don’t say that. Hungary is our granary. They are an indispensable part of the empire; we must not let them be independent!” Felix said seriously.

Franz smiled and said, “Prime Minister, don’t be so nervous. I just told the truth that Hungarians want reform, which is all right; however, all of it must be based on the premise of integration with Austria.

They just want to get benefits, but do not intend to pay the price. There is no such thing in the world. Instead of arguing with them every day, it is better to solve the problem all at once!”

Chapter 43

Prime Minister Felix was a representative of the hawks in Austria, and he agreed with Franz’s views.

The issue between themselves and the Hungarians must be resolved sooner or later, and compromises only could not solve the problem. It hurt less sooner than it would later: simply let Hungary rebel, then use force to solve the problem.

Austria did the same thing in history, but the Vienna government did not finish it completely, and, in the end, showed mercy to the nobles.

In that way, although they won the support of the nobles, they also lost their opportunity to completely solve the Hungarian problem. Franz surely had to learn a lesson from that.

During that period, the Hungarian nation had not yet formed. There were only five hundred thousand people with vested interests, and the remaining more than thirteen million people had no nationality.

It was not until the establishment of the dualistic empire that the Hungarian nation really took shape. During that period, the Hungarian nobles and capitalists did not think that the lower classes shared anything in common with them.

Not to mention the lower classes, a group of illiterates, worked hard every day to survive, so they had no energy or time to care about what a nation was.

Even when Hungary rebelled in 1848 and they held high the banner of nationalism, they themselves did not really know what nationalism was. Most of the so-called Hungarian people did not speak Hungarian at all, let alone know Hungarian culture.

Nationalism was actually exported to them by the French. Their main purpose was to stir up Austria so that France could realize its strategy of dominating Italy.

This approach could be seen in many places. The southern European region had not completed the National Integration, for which the Vienna government had to take direct responsibility. If it was not for their inaction, there would not have been so many messes in later generations.

“Your Highness, the situation in Austria is unstable. If the Hungarians fight against us at this time, the pressure on our military will be too great!” Foreign Secretary Metternich countered.

Franz smiled slightly. He knew that Metternich had always liked to use political means to solve problems, which was a good thing as well as a bad one.

By using political means, Metternich had initiated a period of Austrian glory lasting 30 years, preserved their status as a major power in the European continent, and also accumulated many conflicts that could be solved all at once.

For example: During the Galicia regional revolution in 1846, the Vienna government could have solved the problem all at once. However, the government chose to compromise with the nobles and passed the conflict on.

“I know, but once this opportunity is missed, it will result in a stalemate that will last forever. Now the Vienna government has become Hungary’s scapegoat, bearing the anger of the people from the lower classes.

Austria is already old, and we have too many internal conflicts. If they are not completely resolved, the empire will be dragged down sooner or later.

As for the great pressure on the military, we already have a way to solve it. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should communicate with the Russians as soon as possible because we will need the support of the Tsar’s government.

If the situation continues to deteriorate, I would rather compromise with the French and the Prussians than compromise with domestic rebels!”

Franz showed his dissatisfaction with Metternich’s previous administration as well as his determination to suppress the rebellion.

The answer was similar to the political proposition of Prime Minister Felix. In history, when the domestic situation was more critical because of the loss of Vienna, the Vienna government had decided to give up northern Italy.

However, Marshal Radsky refused to execute the order of the Vienna government and did not withdraw troops from the Italian region, insisting on suppressing the revolution.

The situation now had not yet reached that level, and Austria would pay much less. It was not a big concession to admit that the Kingdom of Sardinia was subject to the French.

At that time, the domestic situation in France was chaotic enough. As the cradle of revolution, the banners of revolution fluttered in many cities in France, and it had no ability to launch a war.

In the Prussian kingdom, the domestic situation was not better than in Austria: the great Revolution of 1848 had not spared them.

If it was not for the bad luck of the two competitors, 1848 would have been the end of the Austrian Empire. At that moment, Austria would collapse at the slightest touch.

…

“Your Highness, to address the current situation in Austria, we must carry out an internal reform, and the issue of serfdom is one that cannot be avoided.” The Chancellor of the Exchequer broke the silence and crossed the line.

All the people present were nobles, members of vested interest groups whose benefits would be affected by this reform, so many of them did not look very happy.

However, everyone knew that it was no longer possible to delay reform in Austria, so no one opposed it.

Franz knew he himself was the only one who should put forward the reform plan; it would be an incomplete reform if these leaders were required to preside.

“The abolition of serfdom is the tide of history. The biggest problem now is what comes after the abolition of serfdom. What do we do about the living of serfs?

In this situation, the solution is clear to everyone, that is, to allow the serfs to obtain land and protect their basic needs.

But all the land is owned by someone, and there is no surplus land in Austria that can be distributed to them. In fact, the British and the French have experienced this before us.

Either the nobles must redeem their land, or we must forcibly deprive them of their land through revolution, I don’t think anyone wants the latter, so we really have only one choice.”

Without a doubt, Franz still knew which side he should take, so he simply brought up the problem and waited for the Cabinet members to respond.

The Schwarzenberg family, of which Prime Minister Felix was a member, owned four hundred and seventy thousand hectares of land. Now, not only was serfdom abolished, but also his land was going to be taken. No one could be happy about that.

“Your Highness, it is easy to abolish serfdom, but to deprive the nobles of their land, this is …”

Franz interrupted Archduke Louis before he finished his words. “I have no intention to forcibly deprive all your lands; the reaction to that would be too strong.

In view of the current situation, I think it can be carried out in two different ways: all the nobles who participated in the rebellion or provided help to the rebels will be deprived of their land, which will be nationalized.

This part of the land will be leased to farmers, and it can also be traded. The ownership of these lands can be purchased in payments.

The nobles who are still loyal to the Emperor cannot be treated so rudely. I suggest that you all redeem your land, but you will not be forced to sell.

However, in return, after the abolition of serfdom, the nobles who refused to give up their land must provide jobs for the serfs, turning them into farmers or workers to avoid social instability.

In order to ensure the stability of the empire, the national land lease income should not exceed five percent of its profit. After the completion of the reform, the nobles must also pay taxes!”

Chapter 44

Chapter 45

On March 21, the Vienna government introduced the Land Lease Act, which stipulated that farmers had the right to lease land and that the maximum rent should not exceed 50% of the land revenue.

This was to protect the most basic survival rights of farmers. If there were no restrictions, it would surely not be long before more hunger riots.

On March 22, the government of Vienna issued the Law on the Settlement and Security of Serfs, which required the nobles to provide minimum living security for the released serfs and solve the problem of the employment of farmers.

That was to say, they could not deprive the farmers of their right to live in their existing houses, and they had to lease the land to farmers or hire farmers to ensure employment.

In order to prevent the capitalists and nobles from taking advantage of the instability, on March 23, 1848, the Vienna government issued the Act on Prohibition of Usury.

The act provided that the annual interest rate for loans of any mode in Austria should not exceed 35%; for loans for vulnerable groups such as farmers and workers, the annual interest rate should not exceed 25%.

For any personal loan, interest was calculated based on the actual amount.

After May 1, 1848, any usurious contract was regarded as an invalid contract and had no legal effect; that was to say, it did not need to be repaid. For the usurious contracts that had already been signed, the law only protected the amount of income within the legal limits.

This was a preventive measure. In fact, when the law was enacted, the cabinet members did not think that the nobles would take advantage of the current situation, that it was only the capitalists who would do that kind of thing.

Well, Franz did not debate them on this issue. The great nobles would definitely not do it because such a little profit was not worth ruining their reputations.

But there were also poor people among the nobles. Every year in Europe, some nobles always went bankrupt, and they might not care so much about the glory of the nobles.

Since the law was written to crack down on capitalists, there were many unfavorable provisions for offenders. For example, the intensity of punishment was very serious.

If caught, all the property of the usurer would be confiscated; he would be imprisoned for a minimum of three years, up to a maximum life sentence.

On March 25, the Vienna government introduced the Minimum Wage Act, which was a subsidiary act of the Labor Protection Act and set the minimum wage standard.

Because the economic development of different regions varied, the minimum wage in Vienna was the first to be announced: 4.5 guldens per week for a male worker, 2.5 guldens per week for a female worker, and 45 Klitzs per week for a child worker.

(Note: 1 gulden = 11.6928 grams of silver = 60 Klitzs)

Franz was still very pragmatic and had not worked out a salary beyond the current moment. This salary standard could only meet workers’ basic needs, so they still needed to work overtime if they wanted a better life.

As for the most disgusting issue of child labor, it had not been resolved.

It was as it was: this was the reality of that time in Austria. It would be easy to ban the use of child labor in factories, but if they lost their financial resources, these children’s livelihoods would be in danger.

However, these acts still had positive effects: slightly improving the treatment of workers and ensuring the survival needs of workers. Of course, this only guaranteed their right to live.

If they wanted a better life, they had to wait for the further development of production. This situation was determined by social reality: if you did not lower labor costs, the products of enterprises would lose their competitiveness.

…

It could be said that 1848 was the year of legislation in Austria. Maybe it was because Franz was used to a legal society, so he was very keen on legislation.

In March alone, Franz enacted 15 laws. After he took office, new laws were enacted almost every day.

From the abolition of serfdom to workers’ rights, there were specific laws and regulations for everything.

Regardless of their functions, these laws first off fooled the Austrian reformists, so everyone thought that the reforms that were happening must have been earth-shattering.

Franz successfully used legislation to divert the public’s attention, as the coverage of the laws was too broad. When the laws were introduced, they met the interests of serfs and workers.

The intensity of opposition between the public and the government was alleviated, and unconsciously, the revolution lost its base. Of course, it only happened in Vienna at first; other regions still needed time to ferment.

These were things to be taken into consideration in the future. Just then, the Austrian government had received a piece of good news that the Berlin revolution had broken out on March 18, and Prussia too had fallen to the tides of revolution.

If you were the only unlucky one, you could not be in a good mood; however, when you knew there was another person suffering the same misfortune, then you could enjoy some peace of mind.

Of course, Franz was always worrying about the Prussian kingdom taking advantage of the rebellions in Austria. But now that the Berlin revolution had broken out, Prussia would be too busy to do anything else.

The good mood didn’t last long before the riots in the Czech lands. Needless to say, Franz knew that the big capitalists in the Czech region were all Austrians, and some of them were definitely the power behind the curtain.

Not only did they want to establish a unified Czech Parliament, but also to establish an independent national self-defense army, and to give the Czech language an equal status to German.

Undoubtedly, these kinds of requests to split the country were not negotiable; the Vienna government could not possibly agree to split Austria.

For now, intelligence personnel were listing nobles and capitalists involved in the event, and Franz was ready to crack down on the Czechs.

In that era, the biggest problem for ordinary people was simply to survive, so the riots there had to have been manipulated by someone.

In some history books, they compared the middle and small capitalists to the working class, which Franz had always sniffed at because the needs of the exploiting class and the exploited class could not possibly be the same.

When the Austrian government was promoting the Labor Protection Law, there was no reason for workers to oppose the government fighting for their rights.

According to the information sent back from Prague, the main crowd of demonstrators was students and the middle and small capitalists, while the workers only got involved in the demonstration as a paying gig.

“Prime Minister, with regard to the demonstrations in Prague, what is the cabinet going to do?”

Franz decisively ignored the conditions they put forward. They were impossible to agree to, so there was no need to discuss them.

“We have ordered the Prague government to arrest the mastermind of this conspiracy, and we’ve ordered Prince Wentishgreitz to prepare to suppress the rebellion!” Felix said aggressively.

At the time, it was impossible for the Vienna government to make concessions. He even didn’t bother to fake a good attitude. The Czech lands were different from other regions because there was no revolutionary base there.

In his view, this was simply a counterattack made by some nobles and capitalists who were dissatisfied with the reform of the Vienna government. After all, if a Czech Kingdom was established, the new laws would not apply there.

Chapter 46

By 1848, the Czech region had become one of the industrial centers of Austria, and with the development of its industry, the wealth of its capitalists also grew greatly.

The reason that the demonstration broke out was that the wealth and political status of the capitalists did not match, and they refused to stay voiceless in politics.

The Austrian government had continuously introduced new bills, which to some extent sacrificed the interests of capitalists and catalyzed the Prague demonstration.

In Franz’s view, these people were probably used to the happy days in Metternich’s era, and they had forgotten that those who make the rules of the game could change those rules at any time.

Now, it was the time for the Austrian government to change the rules: those who complied would thrive; those who resisted would perish. Anyone who had complaints about the rules would be destroyed.

On the other hand, as a civilized government, the Austrian government couldn’t overdo it and necessarily had to temper justice with mercy.

“In view of the current domestic situation, I propose that we abolish local tariffs to defuse the discontent of capitalists!” said the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Carl.

At that time, the local tariffs in Austria only existed between itself and Hungary, for other local tariffs had already been abolished.

In fact, it was not fair to blame the Vienna government for the tariff between Hungary and Austria. Austria had been prepared to abolish tariffs in various parts of the country as early as the last century, but they were opposed by Hungarian nobles and capitalists.

Since Austria’s economic development was not balanced, in areas with developed industries, capitalists strongly advocated the abolition of local tariffs; however, in Hungary, where industries were less advanced, capitalists still relied on local protection.

Still, there were some in Hungary who advocated the abolition of local tariffs, such as capitalists in the grain industry.

The Hungarian taxes had nothing to do with the Vienna government: they collected tax for their own use.

Certainly, the Hungarian nobles could take a share of the local tariffs; thus, they were the biggest obstacle to abolition.

The purpose of Carl’s proposal was layered: in addition to buying the hearts of some capitalists, it would also serve as a warning to Hungarian nobles.

At that time, the Vienna government still believed that the nobles dominated the Hungarian Kingdom, and the capitalists on the surface were all just puppets.

Franz didn’t intend to change the situation. The number of Hungarian nobles was too great, accounting for 4% of the total population, and most Hungarian capitalists had another important identity: nobility.

If they weren’t suppressed, all this could cause the nobles in Hungary to become a big headache for Franz.

This concern had been proved right in history: from the era of Austria to that of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, all the governments had struggled with the Hungary issue. If the Hungarian people did not support the Hapsburg family, they would probably have been independent.

“Yes, Austria is a unified country, and the existence of local tariffs is against the trend!”

Clearly, Franz did not mind that the Hungarian rebellion would likely escalate.

The appeals to attend to the interests of Hungarian workers and farmers had actually only come about thanks to the reforms carried out by the Austrian government.

Using one faction to fight another faction, uniting the majority to attack a small group–this was always a good strategy in politics.

Next, he would issue decree after decree to clear obstacles to the capitalists’ economic development and shake their determination to rebel.

The abolition of local tariffs only harmed the interests of the big nobles, because the small nobles weren’t qualified to profit from it. In this way, the Austrian nobles might even suffer a loss from it, but without tariffs, at least the price of grain from Hungary would be more competitive.

As a result, it would be unlikely that all Hungarians would participate in the rebellion together, and not even all of the nobles would be involved.

“Your Highness, I am afraid that this will not work. The abolition of Hungarian tariffs will have an impact on the Austrian food industry and affect the income of Austrian farmers!” Archduke Louis objected.

Franz suddenly realized that the biggest impact of abolishing the tariff with Hungary was not on the peasants but on the nobles who owned large swaths of land. If a competitor appeared, the price of food would definitely fall.

Franz hesitated a little, not knowing if it was a good time to irritate the domestic nobles. Just after serfdom had been abolished, he was allowing food from Hungary in, which would surely impact food prices. Would it affect their bottom line?

At that moment, Prime Minister Felix helped make the decision.

“Since 1846, the grain price in Austria has been rising continuously, and for the stability of the country, it is necessary for us to limit it to a reasonable range.

In the long run, it is also a good thing for Hungarian food to enter Austria, because the decline in food prices can help us stabilize public morale as soon as possible.

Moreover, after the abolition of tariffs, Austria’s industrial and commercial products will be more competitive in Hungary, which will help us heal from the trauma of the economic crisis!”

Franz was at ease after hearing this: the Prime Minister, a major local capitalist, did not mind the decline in food prices, so the bottom line of the others might be much lower.

In history, it seemed that Austria had also abolished the tariff system during this period, but Franz was not sure which year it was exactly.

“The Prime Minister is right. The abolition of tariffs now will allow the Austrian economy to recover as soon as possible, which is very important to us.

Because of the war, our revenue may be greatly reduced this year. If it weren’t for the confiscation of rebel property, I’d be afraid that the government would go bankrupt.

The next counter-revolutionary war will require significant cash flow. I am afraid that the money we have now is just a drop in the bucket, so we have to find ways to increase revenue and reduce expenditure.

Now we have so many factories under our control, we must get them to work as soon as possible, and the Hungarian market is essential for us to capture!” Foreign Secretary Metternich said.

Austria was really short of money. Before the March revolution, the Vienna government already had 748 million guldens in national debt, which, now, was equivalent to about 600 million to 650 million. (1 gulden was about 11.6928 grams of silver.)

Rest assured, Franz did not pay back any money; the creditors were gone.

Because of the rebellion, many debts were destroyed, and many creditors became wanted criminals. The rebel army also seized a large number of bonds, which were directly burned by Franz.

There were two kinds of national debt issued by the Austrian government: registered and bearer. The former would not be possibly cashed in by the wanted criminals, while the latter could still be transferred.

It was idealistic to expect that the Hungarian market would restore the Austrian economy.

Franz believed that Hungarian capitalists would not mind doing business with Austria, even during a revolution.

The issue was how to ensure the safety of transportation during the war. And who would buy their goods? No one would buy from them, except for weapons.

Chapter 47

On March 27, 1848, the Vienna government announced the abolition of local tariffs and prohibited the local government from collecting tariffs in any name. For this, the Hungarian representative in Vienna slammed the door in their faces on the spot.

There was nothing strange about that. Although the Hungarians had also proposed to abolish local tariffs in their conditions, their request was actually that Austria unilaterally abolish its own tariffs, not that Hungary should also abandon collecting tariffs from the Austrians.

Otherwise, there was no need for them to argue about this issue at all. As early as the period of the Maria Reform in 1795, the abolition of local tariffs had been proposed, and by 1848 all the local governments had finished that abolition, except Hungary.

Hungary continued the tariffs due to the obstruction of interest groups. The truth of the matter and the public narrative were quite different, which happened a lot in the history of China.

If it weren’t for that, it wouldn’t have been necessary for the Vienna government to abolish the tariffs with Hungary until after the Hungarian Revolution was suppressed.

…

One piece of bad news after another!

Before the problem with the Czechs was resolved, another bit of bad news spread to Vienna: the Kingdom of Sardinia had declared war on Austria!

On the evening of March 23, Charles Albert, the King of Italy, delivered a speech on the palace square declaring war on Austria. Because of the war in Austria, the news didn’t reach Vienna until the 27th.

“Have the reinforcements we sent to Marshal Radsky arrived?” Franz asked.

After the suppression of the Vienna rebellion, the Austrian government transferred fifty thousand troops to reinforce Marshal Radsky.

This was originally prepared by Franz for the war with the Kingdom of Sardinia; otherwise, the suppression of the Austrian Italian rebellion would not have required reinforcements.

If there were no reinforcements, the same thing would happen as in history: Marshal Radsky faced the Italians with a small number of troops and defeated them after the arrival of domestic reinforcements.

But the situation this time was different: the Vienna rebellion was suppressed in advance, and the rebellion in other places had not yet broken out, so Austria still had power to invest in the Italian battlefield.

“The day before yesterday, they arrived in the Venice area, and now they should have begun to suppress the rebellion!” Felix said angrily.

A small country like the Sardinian kingdom must be very sure of themselves if they dared to come and challenge Austria at that time.

Franz shook his head. The anti-Austrian storm started by Italians was not just limited to the Sardinian Kingdom: the Pope, the Duchy of Tuscany, and the Kingdom of Naples were all forced to participate in the war by the will of the people.

The embassies of Austria in various Italian regions had already sent the news that they should heighten military alert.

“Send the order to Marshal Radsky: let him figure it out himself, and do what he can do. If he needs reinforcements, let him wait another month!” Franz thought for a while and said.

He did not intend to discuss military issues with the Cabinet. These people were laymen, and their military literacy was surely inferior to his.

The risk of laymen leading the expert was too high. Besides, after the outbreak of the revolution, the telegraph lines in Vienna and Italy were damaged.

Franz did not know the details of the Italian battlefield, so the only thing he could do then was to delegate power and do a good job of logistics to support Marshal Radsky.

Historically, he suppressed the Italian rebellion and defeated the troops of the Italian countries. This time, Austria had a greater advantage, so there was no reason for him to lose.

Since the suppression of the Vienna rebellion, the Austrian government had been expanding its troops to prepare for war. In addition to suppressing the revolution, they were also worried that foreign forces would take advantage of the instability in Austria.

Sometimes, Franz really wanted to send an army to finish all those nobles and capitalists who might rebel and then carry out land reform. In that way, all problems would be solved.

Unfortunately, this was impossible. Even the nobles who participated in the rebellion had to be handed over to the noble Parliament, let alone those who had not yet rebelled.

Until then, there were only 12 rebel nobles executed by the noble Parliament, and the charge turned out to be that they killed other nobles by despicable means in an attempt to muddle through and seize their titles!

Franz was speechless hearing that. It was even the result that Archduke Louis had strived for in the noble Parliament because of the pain of losing his son.

Of course, Franz also did something: all the property of the 28 nobles wiped out was temporarily nationalized, and all the inheritors who had not proven that they had nothing to do with the rebellion were not allowed to inherit their titles.

Unfortunately, this was an unsolvable question: as long as the application for the inheritance of the title could be submitted, there was a motive for committing crimes.

Even if the applicant hadn’t taken part in the rebellion, had his relatives and friends? Even if his neighbor or perhaps someone he knew had participated, the applicant could not clear his suspicion.

Franz didn’t have any better answer, so he gave the right to decide a person’s guilt to the noble Parliament. As long as at least eighty percent of the nobles were sure that a person was not guilty and was the legal first heir, he could inherit the title.

The relationship between the nobles was extremely chaotic. There were a lot of greedy relatives with inheritance claims, and the internal problems were always difficult to settle.

As long as it was proven that there was a problem with the first heir, then the title and fief would go the second heir.

Because of noble marriage practices, the first heir and the second heir were often not from the same family, and might even be hostile, which made the situation yet more difficult to settle.

Everyone had plenty of relatives and friends, so it was not difficult for them to hinder others from inheriting the title if they themselves wanted it.

…

“Your Highness, if all Italy’s major states are participating in the war, Marshal Radsky may not have enough troops for it. Do you want us to transfer more reinforcements from other places?” Felix suggested.

“The Italians are not single-mindedly determined. They are catering to public opinion, and they are still bargaining.

As for the Sardinian kingdom, I don’t think they’ll launch an attack until the revolutionary party agrees to merge with them.

In Italy, we have already deployed forty thousand troops, plus the fifty thousand reinforcements already sent; even if this is not enough to defeat the enemy, it is not a problem to play around with the enemy for a while.

Now, the domestic situation is also unstable. If we continue to transfer troops, in case of rebellion in other areas, we will be overwhelmed.

You can tell Marshal Radsky: don’t worry about the gains and losses for one city or one place; as long as he can win in the end, there is no harm now in losing a few places .”

Franz held himself back from the temptation to defeat the Italians quickly and chose to fight steadily.

In history, even though the Vienna government had ordered him to give up Italy, Marshal Radsky, without preparation, was able to persist in fighting off the enemy. There had been no reason to lose, even without reinforcements.

Franz had no idea of the power of the Austrian army, but when he thought about the Italian army’s record, he was relieved.

In history, Austria and Italy fought many times, and, except for the one effort commanded by the original Franz personally with the French-Italian coalition forces, Austria had always beaten Italy soundly, even during the extremely decadent Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Chapter 48

In the Lombardy region, the situation was very unfavorable to Austria: the Italian-Austrian War was definitely not as simple as that recorded in the history books. There were capitalist and noble rebellions within, and enemy forces without.

The reinforcements sent by the Vienna government were suppressing the rebellion in Venice at that time, so there was only one division arriving at the front line. The total number of soldiers available to Marshal Radsky was less than thirty thousand.

The number was twice what it had been in history. Otherwise, the result would have been the same as in history: the Austrian army would be forced to retreat from the Milan area with their tails between their legs.

Taking a closer look at the map on the table and considering the international situation, Marshal Radsky made a surprising decision at the military conference.

“Order the troops to be ready; we will give up Milan on April 1!”

“What? Marshal, are you sure?” Major General Victor asked incredulously.

“Major General Victor, I am very sure of what I am doing!” Marshal Radsky said calmly.

“But Marshal, we have not reached the point where we must retreat. Once the rebellion in Venice is suppressed, our reinforcements will arrive, and it will be no problem for us to block the Kingdom of Sardinia!” Major General Victor said in confusion.

Victor was not alone in his doubt, as many officers present also found this plan difficult to accept: why should they retreat if they could win?

“The answer is quite simple: we can block the attack of the Kingdom of Sardinia, in the case of internal or external troubles, but we have no way to defeat them.

The rebels in the Lombardy region have colluded with the Kingdom of Sardinia, so if we fight them for a long time, the rebellion will continue.

There are also the political and economic aspects. In short, the Vienna government has authorized me to handle the Italian issue unilaterally, so what you need is just to execute my order!” Marshal Radsky explained coldly.

Giving up Lombardy would surely put him under a lot of pressure and even cause a series of ripple effects. Under normal circumstances, no official would be willing to bear this kind of responsibility.

Marshal Radsky dared to do so because of the order from the Vienna government: as long as they achieved the final victory, he need not care about the gains and losses of one city or one place.

In his view, the high-level authority of the Vienna government was also concerned about the dangerous situation in the Italian war zone. If it wasn’t solved as soon as possible, then the Papal state, the Principality of Tuscany, and the Kingdom of Naples would all get involved.

Marshal Radsky still had enough troops to deal with the Kingdom of Sardinia and the rebels alone; if all these countries joined the war, however, he would be in danger.

Thus, it was better to give up Lombardy in the first place; the Sardinian kingdom would then occupy these territories, and the other three states in Italy would not enter the war.

And they had only been forced to declare war to appease the public. The main forces of several states had not been dispatched yet; for now, only the volunteers from civil voluntary organizations were at the front.

If the Kingdom of Sardinia were to occupy these areas, the public of the other states would be satisfied. Even if they felt envy, jealousy, or hatred, they would not possibly send troops to help the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Infighting would break out without foreign aggression. The internal contradictions of the Italian countries were also significant; the people only transferred their hatred to Austria out of political needs.

However, this kind of situation would not last long. Anything could be deceived but the belly: people always had to eat.

The economic crisis was still going on, so there were a lot of unemployed people in Italy. If this problem was not solved, the conflicts would continue to erupt.

In addition to the Italians, the attitudes of Britain and France were also a problem.

The French hoped that Lombardy and Venice could be independent states; they did not want Italy to be unified by driving out Austria.

The British wanted a unified Italy that could fight off France and Austria at the same time, but they did not want to see Austria collapse.

Though they wanted to weaken Austria, they wanted to preserve enough of its strength to block the expansion of the Russians.

In this context, once the Sardinian Kingdom took over Lombardy, the two states would definitely merge, and the attitude of the French would change from support to hostility.

British support for the Kingdom of Sardinia would only be verbal. They would be happy for the Kingdom of Sardinia to stop the war as soon as possible, but unfortunately, the Kingdom of Sardinia was bound to public opinion and could only continue to fight.

After shortening the front line, Marshal Radsky had more troops, while the front line of the Kingdom of Sardinia was lengthened.

The newly occupied Lombardy could not provide them with supplies. Instead, the Kingdom of Sardinia mainly relied on domestic products, which was putting significant pressure on their forces and their homeland.

While fighting Austria, they also had to feed the people of Lombardy; otherwise, they would rebel because of their hunger.

Without the substantial support of Britain and France, there were three fewer states participating in the war. The outcome of this war was already clear. The Sardinians’ national strength was limited and had no way to compare with Austria.

Marshal Radsky was confident that he would defeat the army of the Kingdom of Sardinia and then recover the Lombardy region by his military strength. He was even confident that he could succeed fighting Sardinia on its home turf.

Strategically, it was not really a retreat, but an effort to lure the enemy in deep.

More than that, Franz’s private letter to him asked him to eliminate as many of rebel parties in Italy as possible, which was another reason he’d made this choice.

The words “rebel parties” were not so simple. Marshal Radsky was sure that it referred to the capitalists and nobles in Italy; without their exploitation, where had the rebellion come from?

When Lombardy was merged into the Kingdom of Sardinia, it was estimated that most of the nobles and capitalists would support the Kingdom of Sardinia. However, after the war was over, when the purge started, these people might be identified as members of the rebel parties.

Maybe they would use their family property to buy the approval of the people, and Austrian Italy would soon stabilize. After all, the people of Lombardy were Germans who had entered Italy, so without the obstacles of the upper class, it was much easier to carry out ethnic integration.

There were both advantages and disadvantages, but Marshal Radsky did not need to consider them all. He had already seen the greatest advantage: he could solve the Italian problem once and for all.

In order to win the final victory, both Lombardy and Venice could be given up temporarily. As long as they would be eventually be taken back, he would still be a hero of Austria.

In the quiet conference room, one voice broke the silence. A middle-aged general stood up and said, “Marshal, maybe we can do something more than let the Kingdom of Sardinia occupy Lombardy so easily!”

“Edmund, what is your plan?” Marshal Radsky asked with concern.

“Marshal, since the people of Lombardy are so welcoming the Italians, we might as well help them advertise to make their impression of the Kingdom of Sardinia even better!” Lieutenant General Edmund Leopold Friedrich said with a sneer.

Chapter 49

In Austria in 1848, revolution seemed to have become the trend of the country, and there was no peace anywhere.

On March 28, a rebellion broke out in the Dalmatian region. Fortunately, the local people suppressed the revolution themselves before the Austrian government had to send troops.

Looking at the intelligence in his hand, Franz felt like cursing somebody. The self-defense army formed by the local government had launched the rebellion, and it was the local capitalists and serfs who had helped the government suppress the revolution.

In other words, it was the nobles and nationalists who launched the rebellion, and the capitalists and serfs suppressed them.

The main reason for this rebellion was that the local nobles were dissatisfied with the government’s damage to their interests in the reform. With the coaxing of nationalists, they stupidly announced a revolution.

This kind of foolishness was not uncommon at all times and in all countries. Franz had become inured to that.

Every year, there were always some nobles in Austria who declared their independence only because they’d drunk too much wine. After they sobered up, they would immediately cancel their independence and run to the Emperor to plead guilty.

These idiots were lucky to have been born on the European continent. If their efforts had not caused serious consequences, the Emperor usually did not do anything to them.

It was normal for serfs to help suppress the noble rebellions. The Vienna government already announced the abolition of serfdom and gave them personal freedom, but the nobles wanted to continue to enslave them.

Needless to say, the nobility had to be suppressed. It was for freedom.

It happened that these nobles actually armed the serfs under their control to make a revolutionary force, which was also the reason that Franz thought they were fools.

Only to Franz’s surprise, the local capitalists stood together with the Vienna government and contributed to the suppression of the rebellion. It happened so fast that it seemed to be premeditated.

Even so, Franz doubted that the nobles and the capitalists would have really agreed to join the revolution together. As a result, when the capitalists saw it was impossible to succeed, they gave away the nobles.

Dalmatia had a low sense of belonging in Austria, as a seemingly dispensable border province. It was economically underdeveloped and did not have strategic value, so it was easy to ignore.

Looking at Franz, who looked confused, Prime Minister Felix spoke up.

“Your Highness, this Dalmatian rebellion was carried out by the noble officials of the local government. In the name of loyalty to the royal family, they were trying to get more benefits.

After their interests were damaged, these bastards actually wanted to unite Trieste to rebel and prepare to build a country alongside the rebellion in Italy.

However, they forgot that the self-defense army in their hands was loyal to the Empire, and this rebellion was doomed to failure from the beginning.

Moreover, their geographical position makes them heavily dependent on the Empire economically, and if they become independent, the local area would decline immediately.

It was inevitable that the capitalists would go their own way to protect their own interests.”

Franz nodded thoughtfully. It seemed that the most likely possibility was that the capitalists felt that the rebellion was hopeless and they could not obtain greater benefits, so they simply sold out their partner.

Franz could only think of a few reasons the nobles of Dalmatia would be so stupid: general lack of knowledge, too many ignorant people among them, and loss of reason due to greed.

“Then send people to confiscate the rebels’ property, and at the same time reward the heroes who participated in the suppression of the rebellion. Also, immediately implement the abolition of serfdom.

Exempt the meritorious capitalists from this year’s tax, take a part of their land, and give it to the serfs who participated in the suppression of the rebellion. Give a pension to the families of the dead and wounded.”

(The Act to Abolish Serfdom had taken time to implement, so not all serfs had been liberated yet.)

Franz was setting an example: no matter what their purpose or motive was, anyone who helped the Empire suppress rebellion would be rewarded.

In particular, the awards for serfs needed to be publicized. It would be best to make sure everyone in Austria knew.

At that time, Franz had already decided to distribute the land and encourage workers and peasants to fight against the reactionary nobles and capitalists; that way, no one would follow their rebellious lead.

“Your Highness, this is too much. It is fine to reward the capitalists. But we have already given the serfs freedom, so there is no need to give them land, too!”

Prime Minister Felix, because of his class position, did not want this kind of thing to happen.

If the emperor started using this weapon to bring down the noble class, the monarch’s power would be further expanded, and the nobles’ political voice would be restricted.

“Prime Minister, this is just a matter of expediency. The rebellion in the Italian region has not yet been annihilated, and some people want to loot the burning house.

A rebellion may break out at any time in Prague, and the Polish in the Galicia region are also ready to make trouble. Meanwhile, the ambitious Hungarians are preparing to further split the country.

Now we need to unite all the forces that can be united and wipe all these rebellion parties out cleanly. It is natural to reward heroes. Why is it too much to contribute a little land for this purpose?”

There was no doubt that Franz was just pretending to be confused. Anyway, as long as the present situation could be used as a shield, the nobles had no reason to oppose the plan.

If no nobles took part in the rebellion, there was nothing Franz could do about them. However, some nobles had rebelled, so as the Prince, he had reason to doubt their loyalty.

In this context, it was reasonable that he supported the serfs who were about to obtain the status of a free citizen.

These people were illiterate, and their concept of judgment was very simple: right or wrong.

Given land of their own, for the next few decades, these people would be Franz’s most loyal subjects, and even their descendants would be supporters of the Hapsburg family.

All rulers needed support as a foundation of their authority. At that time, the foundation of the Austrian Empire was the nobility, which wasn’t going to change anytime soon. Franz had just added farmers behind the nobles.

These problems were just for politicians to consider. The vast majority of nobles would not think in such a long term way. Even if they were told his reasoning, no one would believe it.

After a moment of hesitation, Prime Minister Felix chose to retreat.

Unlike in history, this prime minister was appointed by Franz, and his advice was not so influential. If anyone thought they could check the monarch’s power with officials’ power like in history, they had to be daydreaming.

Seeing the Prime Minister’s acquiescence, there was no need for Franz to be aggressive. It was enough to achieve the goal. It was not easy for the Prime Minister to take the blame for Franz every day, so Franz showed him respect.

Then the policy of “dividing up the capitalists’ land” began, perhaps better called “dividing up the rebels’ land.” Only the land of rebels would be divided up; others had no need to worry.

Chapter 50

On March 1, 1848, a conference of various states was held in Heidelberg on the initiative of the liberals in Baden and Württemberg.

A total of 51 people attended the meeting, most of whom were representatives of the South German states, including four Prussians and only one Austrian.

The meeting voted on the “Declaration of the German People” and decided to set up a seven-member committee to prepare for the German Preparatory Parliament (the predecessor to the Frankfurt Conference).

There was no doubt that this conference did not get the permission of Austria before it happened.

No matter what others thought, Franz would not admit the legitimacy of this meeting. He had been busy dealing with domestic problems and could not take these problems into consideration. However, once the internal crisis was under control, it was time for him to intervene in the affairs of the German region.

The situation was different than it had been in history: the Austrian capitalists had been hit hard, and the rest of the people were trembling, fearing that they would be killed by the government. Under these conditions, who dared stand out and take responsibility for dealing with anything at all?

The Frankfurt Conference was coming, but no representatives of Austria had been selected. Instead, a group of wanted criminals were going to attend the meeting.

Franz didn’t even know what the capitalists were thinking. From the beginning, this plan was doomed to failure. Without recognition of all neighboring governments, where would their legitimacy come from?

“Prime Minister, what do you think of this conference, or should I say, the mess stirred up by capitalists?” Franz asked.

“Your Highness, I think we can just ignore them since this meeting is technically illegal. We can just deny it!” Prime Minister Felix said calmly.

At that time, Austria still had powerful capital, and among the many German states, Austria had the greatest national strength.

Franz frowned. Obviously, he was not satisfied with that answer. The Austrian government had done the same thing in history, and the consequences had been quite serious. The Parliament passed the proposal of “Little Germany,” without considering Austria’s opinion.

To Franz, it seemed that the Kingdom of Prussia was surely behind the scenes of this conference; otherwise, Austria would not have been excluded from the beginning.

“Prime Minister, do you really think so? If we don’t intervene, I expect that the result of the conference will be the establishment of a small German Empire without any consideration of Austria.

Regardless of whether the meeting is legal or not, its influence on the people is beyond doubt, though perhaps there is no obvious reaction in Austria.

However, in other regions, its influence has begun to spread. Once the public accepts this theory, it will lay a foundation for Prussia to unify those regions in the future,” Foreign Secretary Metternich said with a frown.

Metternich was not called the “European Coachman” for nothing. Although he didn’t think that the German region could be unified, Metternich, who pursued a balanced Europe, would still oppose anyone who tried to unify Germany.

At that time, the Kingdom of Prussia was already very strong. If Austria continued to create opportunities for them, they would have no problem annexing the northern German region.

This was a very big threat to Austria. In history, Metternich had left the political circle during this period, lost his voice, and become unable to prevent all this from happening.

This time, since he was still the foreign minister of Austria, he had to do something. Disrupting the Frankfurt Conference was the first step.

This was also the purpose for which Franz had put him in the cabinet. Few people in the whole world could compare with his diplomacy, although the “Vienna System” he’d created had collapsed.

“Mr. Metternich, please don’t be alarmist here. What are these capitalists? Do you think they can represent public opinion?

No government will admit their legitimacy. This so-called German Parliament does not even have any power outside Frankfurt!” Felix said in response.

“Don’t you forget the influence of the capitalists on the public! They can control public opinion in a region through the newspapers in their hands. As far as I know, the Prussian government had a secret contact with them.

Once the conditions of both sides are met, the capitalists will support the Kingdom of Prussia to unify the German region, and then we will surely have a war to fight with the Kingdom of Prussia!” said Metternich, almost growling.

…

Looking at the red faces of the two men, who were practically about to fight, Franz quickly scolded, “Shut up, both of you. Today I am here to hear your discussion, not to listen to your quarrel!”

On the surface, Franz was very angry, but in fact he was happy inside. No monarch wanted his men to be monolithic, not to mention that Franz was not the emperor yet.

As the regent, once the cabinet was united, then Franz would perform practically no function. To maintain the balance of power, he could not let the cabinet members come together in agreement.

One was the former Prime Minister who had been in charge of Austria for more than twenty years, and the other was the powerful present Prime Minister.

When two powerful people had different political views, they would inevitably have conflicts.

“Well, to be on the safe side, whether it is a Prussian plot or not, we must destroy this meeting, at least to minimize its influence.

If any of you have any ideas, please share them. Our time is very precious, and any minute we waste here is a crime!”

Franz actually favored Metternich’s opinion: the status of the Frankfurt Conference was artificially magnified when the small German Empire was established in later generations.

As for how great the influence of this conference was, probably only those who had experienced it personally would know. Franz didn’t want to get involved, so he just destroyed it.

Because of the Customs Union, Austria had limited influence among the capitalists in the German region, far less than the Kingdom of Prussia. It was undoubtedly impossible to reach an agreement in favor of his own side at such a meeting.

“Perhaps we can send people to propose the formation of a North and South German Empire. If we promise the South German states that we won’t interfere in their internal affairs, the chance of success is very high!” Finance Minister Carl said tentatively.

“That definitely won’t work. We may have a slight chance to persuade the South German states, but we’d never get it through the meeting of capitalist representatives!

Besides, we’d have to pay too high a price to convince them, and in the end, it would still only be a nominal unity,” Metternich said, shaking his head.

Franz was tempted a little bit by that thought. If the Federal Empire of South Germany was established, there would be no issue with the Prussians there. Because of religious beliefs, there was actually an obvious gap between the north and the south of Germany.

Even if there was a nominal unity, in fact, each side would still act in their own ways and use economic means to infiltrate and slowly influence the politics of the other.

Unfortunately, it was not the right time yet. At the very least, Franz had to wait for Austria to resolve its internal conflicts; otherwise, he’d have no confidence in his ability to handle this affair.

Chapter 51

“Why don’t we also convene an assembly with the German Confederation? We can invite the state governments to attend and discuss the issue of unification.

I’m sure that for an assembly on the governmental level, its influence will definitely be beyond anything a bunch of capitalists could hope to compare to!” proposed Archduke Louis.

“But an assembly of that scale will never produce anything conclusive. The various countries all have their own differing interests. Reaching an agreement is virtually impossible!” said Prime Minister Felix, frowning.

The alternative solution, one that everyone had failed to mention, was to exert diplomatic pressure and force the dissolution of the capitalist Parliament.

The chances of success were very low, however, as revolutions were breaking out across many countries in the German Confederation. The Frankfurt region was practically already in the hands of the capitalists–unless troops were sent in.

Of course, this wouldn’t do for Franz. Had he the strength, he would have long ago suppressed the civil unrest within the country and restored national power.

After deliberating for a moment, Metterlich suggested, “Why don’t we contact the other countries in the German Confederation? We can declare the Frankfurt Parliament illegal and refuse to ratify any of their agreements!”

Historically, Austria did, in fact, do this, but only in response to a constitution stipulated by the Frankfurt Parliament in 1849, which the monarchies desperately avoided until a group of countries including Austria, Prussia, Bavaria jointly denied its legitimacy.

But there were still twenty-nine other German states, and, forced by domestic public opinion, they had no choice but to accept the constitution. This was the legal basis that would allow Prussia to unify Germany later on.

This was no conspiracy, however. Although there were Prussians behind this Parliament, it did not necessarily reflect the sentiments of the royal family. Prussia was not monolithic, and various opposing forces were at play within its borders.

“Why don’t we do this then: send some capitalists in to cause trouble and bring up a bunch of complicated issues. Buy us as much time as possible before they can reach an agreement. Once we settle our internal affairs, then we can deal with them!”

In the end, Franz came up with this devious idea. From the start, the Frankfurt Parliament had a slew of internal conflicts and were constantly quarreling amongst themselves.

Sending in representatives to deliberately buy time would make reaching an agreement much more difficult. Historically, the constitution was only finally drafted in March 1849.

A little more delay should give them enough time to deal with Austria’s internal affairs. At present, the Austrian government possessed much more power than its historical counterpart.

“Your Highness, we can also spark a war of public opinion against them. It was the bourgeoisie who convened the Parliament, but they are unable to represent the German people,” added Metternich.

“Now they are merely using their resources to rally support, but even the so-called representatives were mostly not democratically elected by the people.

We can expose this atrocity and publicly declare it as a conspiracy by the capitalists to enslave the people.”

Franz lightly smiled and thought, “No wonder he is a strongman who dominated European politics for over 30 years. Having him serve as the Minister of Foreign Affairs was indeed a wise choice!”

Was it not obvious what the capitalists’ true colors were? If one had too much ugly history, it would be only too easy to dig it up.

Exposing the Parliament delegates’ dirty laundry would certainly destroy their reputations.

Then, they could attack any decisions made at the Frankfurt Parliament, expose the evil intentions of the capitalists, and bring about a very different outcome.

If anyone dared to exclude Austria from Germany, he would be seen as a traitor attempting to divide a unified Germany. No matter what others might think, advocates of Greater Germany would certainly agree.

When ideologies clashed between supporters of Greater and Lesser Germany, there would also be infighting amongst the capitalists. Even if they were unwilling to fight, it would not be beyond the Austrian representatives to stir up trouble.

If there were no scandals to be found, one could always be created, such as proposing a capitalist-favoring bill. It would certainly not pass, but it would make a joke out of the Frankfurt Parliament.

In the first place, the Parliament itself was held against a background of some state governments’ powerlessness to suppress their domestic revolutionary movements. These governments had allowed the Parliament to convene simply to divert attention.

As these revolutions were raging, instead of staying in their countries to continue the movement, capitalists abruptly appearing in large numbers at the Frankfurt Parliament would only cause people to associate the two.

While the capitalist representatives were nominally democratically elected, in reality, it was all nonsense.

Running a nation-wide election at this time would be a hugely complicated undertaking. Any sensible government would do what they could to prevent it, so most election activities would not have even been possible.

Therefore, right from the beginning, the Parliament had nothing to do with the general public. They only represented the interests of the capitalists.

…

Just as everyone was discussing ways to disrupt the Frankfurt Parliament, a flustered-looking, middle-aged officer hurried over and announced from outside the room, “Your Highness, urgent military intelligence!”

Franz frowned. “Bring in the report!”

Cabinet meetings were not to be interrupted, save for urgent military matters. But they first had to be granted permission by Franz.

Receiving the report, Franz grimly read the news. Milan was lost, and nearly all of Lombardy had fallen into enemy hands. Now, the war had spread into Venice.

After reading, Franz handed the report to the Prime Minister, for circulation amongst the Cabinet members.

The contents of the report were very vague, and many things were not explained clearly.

Apart from descriptions of the Italian pincer attack, losses of cities and territory by the Austrian army, and heavy damages, the specific number of losses and the reasons for failure were not detailed.

Franz was aware that this was not Field Marshal Radetzky’s usual style. Even if he had lost the front line, he was not one to fail at something as simple as writing a battle report clearly.

Under normal circumstances, one would call for reinforcements upon losing a battle. Although Radetzky had indeed requested reinforcements in the report, he did not ask for them to be sent immediately, which meant that he wanted the government to deal with the matter as they saw fit.

This could only mean one thing: he was planning something. For the sake of secrecy, many key details had been omitted.

“Your Highness, this is not the time for us to be suffering defeats!” scowled Foreign Minister Metternich.

Indeed, it was untimely. Were they not just preparing to disrupt the Frankfurt Parliament? A defeat in battle was not good for Austria’s reputation.

In future diplomatic talks with other countries, Austria would be at a disadvantage.

Glancing at the map and gathering his historical knowledge, Franz more or less understood Radetzky’s plan.

As all politicians in Europe were aware, given the current situation both at home and abroad, Austria could not afford to lose this war with Italy.

Under these circumstances, Radetzsky was doing the opposite, using his defeat to lure the enemy. Strategically speaking, his plan was actually quite feasible..

Chapter 52

Which was more important, politics or the military?

There was no right answer to this question.

Militarily, Marshal Radsky’s decision was completely correct; politically, it was a big mistake.

In the eyes of the outside world, his retreat meant that Austria had lost on the battlefield, or that the Austrian Empire had decayed.

This would give confidence to the domestic rebels and make the domestic situation more complicated; at the same time, Austria’s international status in the world would be shaken.

“What’s done is done, so there’s no more to be said!”

“First, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should go communicate with Britain and France, in case they are furnishing substantial support to the Kingdom of Sardinia, and between them, your focus should be on the French. If necessary, we can let the French enter northern Italy,” Franz said decisively.

Deep in his heart, Franz actually supported Marshal Radsky’s approach: as long as he could win the war, it was totally acceptable to pay a small price.

As for the political fallout of that approach, it was not a big deal, for the Cabinet would be the one to take the blame for it. He was a new regent and a good young man, so the public would not scold him.

Prime Minister Felix’s face was gloomy and terrible. It was a pity that Marshal Radsky was far away in Venice. Even if he was angry, there was no way for him to vent it.

He surely could not order Marshal Radsky to retake Lombardy immediately. War was not child’s play, and orders could not just be given according to his whims.

Was it necessary to replace him? This idea flashed in his brain repeatedly: it was taboo for officers to change military leaders. Saying nothing of Franz, who would surely not agree, even he himself did not dare to take this risk.

Franz had already expressed his attitude: the priority was to solve the problems of the aftermath first. If the war ended up a victory, Marshal Radsky would be a hero of Austria; otherwise, the consequences would be very serious.

“Your Highness, there is no need to worry about the French. Since the end of the war against France, the strength of the French army has been restricted, and they only got rid of the restriction after the February Revolution in Paris.

At present, the internal struggle in France is serious, and the Conservatives, unwilling to accept their failure, are fighting back. The French are too busy to take care of themselves, let alone Sardinia, so at most, they could only furnish some goods and materials.

The British, meanwhile, are very troublesome. They are less affected by the revolutions than the French, so they have the strength to intervene on the Italian front. Since we have a good relationship with the British, I think we should ask for their support now!”

On the surface, that was indeed the case. Since the era of Metternich, diplomatic relations between Austria and Britain had always been good, and everyone wanted to maintain the balance of the European continent.

Since their political purposes were the same, the relationship between the two sides was surely in a good situation. When it came to maintaining the balance of the European continent, Austria had always been an ally of the British.

Metternich shook his head and said, “Prime Minister, from the position of the British, establishing a united Italian Kingdom and balancing Austria and France at the same time is more in line with their interests.

On this issue, it is almost impossible for us to get their support. The best we can hope is that the British will stay neutral.”

Metternich’s understanding of Britain was quite thorough: there was no perpetual friend, nor perpetual enemy, only perpetual interest.

They were allied in maintaining the balance of Europe, but the British did not need a strong Austria; they only needed an Austria that could block the expansion of the Russians.

They did not take France seriously, but all countries remained vigilant towards France since the Vienna system had collapsed already. The news of the February revolution in Paris had spread to St. Petersburg, and Tsar Nicholas I had wanted to carry out an armed intervention. In the end, though, he had to give up this plan due to financial constraints.

However, the Tsarist government did still announce that it had cut off diplomatic relations with France. Before the Russian ambassador to France, Kiselev, withdrew from Paris, he had warned the Paris government and asked the French to abide by the agreement on territorial boundaries determined by the Vienna conference and the Paris peace treaty.

The British had also expressed concern about this issue. They were still watching the foreign policy of the Paris government and had not yet recognized their legitimacy.

Against this background, if the French government dared to send troops to Italy, it was likely to set off a new round of war against France, which, obviously, the Paris government did not have the courage to handle.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Carl, suddenly said, “Your Highness, our war with the Kingdom of Sardinia has just begun. Even if the British want to support the Kingdom of Sardinia, their reaction won’t be quick.

For now, our biggest problem is actually at home: the defeat on the Italian battlefield will stimulate the rebels’ ambitions.”

It was not possible for the Kingdom of Sardinia to finish Austria with verbal support alone.

Either the British had to send troops directly, or they had to send large amounts of money, food, and materials. It was highly doubtful that the British would send troops directly unless they wanted Austria to turn to Russia; still, the money and food needed for support would not be a small amount, costing millions of pounds at the least.

This decision was not easy to make. If the money and food were given, and Sardinia still lost, their investment would be wasted.

Austria was also a big power and not easy to mess with. Maybe if France and Austria compromised and divided Italy evenly, the British would only stand by anxiously.

Carl’s last words brought everyone’s attention back to the domestic front again. Compared to Italy, in fact, the domestic rebellion was the real problem.

Leaving the other places aside, the Hungarian Kingdom would definitely have a rebellion, and it was only a matter of time.

“Well, the defeat in Italy will surely cause a chain reaction, but we are not unprepared.

Order the troops to raise their alert and immediately suppress it if there is a rebellion,” Franz said aggressively.

After suppressing the rebellion in Vienna, Franz immediately began to prepare for the war. Many reserve forces were drafted into the army, and the total military forces of Austria had increased to 578,000 troops.

If it weren’t for the recruits who still needed time for training, Franz would not argue with the Hungarians: he would simply solve the Hungarian problem by force.

But Franz was not prepared to fight a protracted war, and the rebellion had to be suppressed swiftly and ruthlessly. A war that dragged on for a year or two like in history would kill him.

Fighting a war took money. In history, the domestic rebellion was delayed and could not be suppressed, which not only caused huge economic losses but also led the Austrian government to suffer immense foreign debts.

As a result, in its later development, Austria slowed down a step, which caused it to fall into the abyss.

“Your Highness, do you want to send more reinforcements to Marshal Radsky?” the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Carl, asked with some worry.

“No need! After giving up the Lombardy area, Marshal Radsky has enough troops that he will have no problem for him defending Venice!” Franz thought for a moment and said.

The goal was to lure the enemy inside, and if there were too many troops there, the Italians might not dare to come.

The strength of the Kingdom of Sardinia was limited: they would, at most, send eighty or a hundred thousand troops to the front. So the forces of both sides were equal. Franz did not believe that the Austrian army could possibly be beaten by the Italians!

Chapter 53

On April 1, 1848, after the Austrian army had given up Lombardy, the Army of the Kingdom of Sardinia could not wait another minute and quickly took over.

The soldiers of the Kingdom of Sardinia entered the Lombardy region to the cheers of the people and without shedding a drop of blood, as if the good days they expected were already coming.

Marshal Radsky had given them a hand with propaganda before he left. As a result, in everyone’s mind, it seemed that the Kingdom of Sardinia could meet the interests of all people, including the Republicans.

The three-color flag was flying in the wind, and the people in the streets were congratulating each other.

“Long live the Republic!”

The noise spread throughout Lombardy, and during that time, an interim government headed by Kazzati was established.

The Austrian army seemed to leave in such a hurry that they did not even have time to bring their political prisoners with them–so they then became members of the interim government.

If someone thought to check, they would find that the granary in Milan was empty. After the declaration of war between the Kingdom of Sardinia and Austria, Marshal Radsky had collected the food from the Lombardy region on the grounds that he would ensure fair distribution of food.

Though the policy was not implemented in rural areas, food in Milan was indeed concentrated.

The Austrian army secretly transported a portion of the supplies out of the city, and the rest was, as planned, doused with oil and set on fire.

Even though all the food was gone, the public was not panicked at all, as the Army of the Kingdom of Sardinia had already entered the city.

Before the withdrawal of the Austrian army, there had been rumors that King Charles wanted everyone to burn all the food in the city and force the Austrians to withdraw, so as not to destroy Milan in the war.

Therefore, Marshal Radsky sent people to burn most of the food two days in advance, and Austrian soldiers also called on the citizens to put out the fire.

The Milanese, who were eager for independence, surely would not give in. They chose to refuse very bravely. Even if they were beaten, they still would not give in.

In the end, they won the battle, successfully burned the granary, forced back the Austrian army, and saved the city of Milan.

President Kazzati, who was extremely proud of his success, had just had an unfriendly talk with General Bardolio of the Kingdom of Sardinia, which quickly wiped out his good mood.

The timid army of the Kingdom of Sardinia did not dare to pursue the Austrian army, which simply ruined the reputation of the great Italian nation.

This time, it was different from history. The Austrian army was evacuated by itself and not driven out. The rebels in the city had long been wiped out.

The army, subject to the interim government of Kazzati, was still being formed, and even he himself had just come out of prison.

Those with so much weight on their shoulders had to bow.

The interim government did not have the chips to negotiate with the Kingdom of Sardinia. If they did not go after the enemy, Kazzati had no way to force them. Anyway, the interim government could not send even one soldier to chase the enemy.

Zilaya, the new Minister of the Interior, ran over in a hurry and said, “Mr. President, there is no food in the city, so we have no ability to provide rations for ally troops!”

This was an embarrassing problem. They should have discovered these problems long ago, but they were all in prison when the food was set on fire.

In addition, without any ruling experience, everyone was celebrating the hard-won victory. Who had the time to care about food?

Kazzati asked uncertainly, “What should I do, then? I have just made a promise to them that I will provide food and fodder to the army of the Kingdom of Sardinia. Can we collect a batch of food from the people for this emergency?”

Zilaya explained, “Mr. President, that is impossible. In order to hold the city of Milan, the Austrian army collected all the food in the whole city. Everyone was given food according to the ration system, and only two days of food were distributed each time.

In order to defeat the Austrians, the Kingdom of Sardinia sent spies to burn the food in the city of Milan, and our people cooperated with them.

In fact, the Austrian army still had the power to fight us. It was because we burned the granary that they fled in a hurry!”

Feeling tricked, Kazzati’s anger could no longer be suppressed, and he shouted, “Damn it! The Sardinians did it on purpose. And they didn’t mention anything about burning food at all, so I promised to provide food and fodder to the Army entering the city!

They are toying with us! No, things are not that simple. In the conversation just now, the Sardinians’ intent to annex Lombardy was clear. This is their conspiracy!”

Hearing the news, Zilaya was scared stiff. The interim government had no negotiating power. If Sardinia threatened to withhold food, they would not be able to refuse their conditions.

He hurriedly said, “Mr. President, we must take action. When we set fire to the food, they promised to provide us with food; otherwise, our people wouldn’t have cooperated with them!”

Kazzati came over. He knew that swearing would not solve the problem. Even if they had to be merged into the Kingdom of Sardinia, they would have to sell at a good price; anyway, it was impossible for him to make it simple to the Kingdom of Sardinia.

“You are right. Spread the news and warn our people to be careful and vigilant. I am worried that the Sardinians will be angry and turn against us!”

…

At that time, Charles Albert, the King of Sardinia, was still feeling the joy of winning Lombardy without a fight.

The top officials of the Kingdom of Sardinia were also celebrating, and some were thinking about how to annex Lombardy. In short, everyone was feeling very optimistic.

No one noticed that they were falling into a trap. Everyone was a politician, and their way of looking at a problem was naturally different.

Deliberately giving up Lombardy was not something a politician could imagine. The fact was that the situation in Austria was not very good. The normal way of managing it was to concentrate on suppressing the rebellion to scare off the ambitious schemers.

In the Sardinian military camp in Milan, it was time to eat, but the food promised by President Kazzati had still not arrived.

The senior officers didn’t care. They had been invited to dinner by celebrities in the city. No matter how short they were of food in Milan, these wealthy men wouldn’t starve.

The European nobles were all related, and everybody accepted that. The nobles in Milan and the nobles in Sardinia had a strong relationship that could not be broken by anything.

However, the remaining officer, Colonel Manstu, had a headache: when it came time for supper, the soldiers all looked to him. If they hadn’t all been suffering together, these soldiers might have gone mad.

Even so, Colonel Manstu had a hard time. First, he comforted the army to calm them down, and then he sent someone to urge the interim government to send food quickly.

The Austrian army had withdrawn too fast, so they’d entered the city early without much preparation. All the goods and materials were left in the camp twenty miles away. At the time, it was natural to reach out to the interim government.

Chapter 54

President Kazzati, who thought that he had been cheated, surely would not pay any attention to the rudeness of the Sardinians. Even if he was willing to share, he did not have any food to give them.

Ordinary people had only a little food left, and it would not be long before they reached out to the interim government. At the time, it was only nobles and capitalists who had food in stock, and even they could not possibly have very much.

If they were not in the food business, who would hoard a pile of food at home?

If there were any food, the Austrian army would have come to collect it. Austria was not popular here, so they had no need to worry about the adverse effects.

Essentially, President Kazzati had no way to get the requested supplies. To put it bluntly, the interim government was like a troupe of actors with no script or props, though whether it was admitted or not was another thing entirely.

They had not seen those senior generals socialize with local nobles and capitalists after the Sardinian army entered the city, which meant that the officers didn’t take this interim government seriously.

It was no secret at all to top officials that the Kingdom of Sardinia wanted to annex Lombardy. Once they reached an agreement with the local power, the interim government could be dismissed.

The food still had not been delivered, and Manstu had no choice but to send someone to the officers who were attending the banquet to make a decision and pacify the troops.

The joy of entering the city had disappeared. If it weren’t for their patriotic enthusiasm, the Sardinian army would have taught the citizens the meaning of the anger of soldiers.

So, hunger it was. Anyway, they wouldn’t die from one missed meal. Soldiers in that era could bear plenty of hardship. Two meals a day were the norm in many places, so it was not unusual to be hungry at night.

The first night passed just like that. Early in the morning of the next day, the officers who came back from the banquet interrogated the interim government.

Originally, they just wanted to find an excuse to dismiss the interim government, in order to achieve the strategic purpose of annexing Lombardy, but then a good excuse was delivered to their doorstep.

Here was a turning point in history. Marshal Radsky had already prepared for it, and Kazzati and the others were arrested and put into prison right away, with no time to reach an agreement with the Kingdom of Sardinia.

When they were released from prison, the Army of the Kingdom of Sardinia had arrived just outside the city of Milan, and the negotiations between the two sides had begun.

Then, something happened that meant the Kingdom of Sardinia would surely not give up and could hold a gun to Kazzati’s head when they negotiated.

People with so much weight on their shoulders had to bow.

There was no doubt that at the time that Kazzati did not have the courage to refuse and would surely accept all the conditions of the Kingdom of Sardinia.

If it weren’t for their cooperation before, and the Kingdom of Sardinia’s need for the cooperation of local leaders to stabilize the Lombardy region, it was estimated that there would be no negotiations.

After the conditions were settled, General Bardolio took over the armed forces of the interim government right away, which really only entailed the local militia.

Everything went very smoothly, and the local nobles and capitalists also contributed a part of their food to resolve the urgent need.

But Badolio was not happy at all: there was no food in Milan, and moreover, the whole Lombardy area was short of food.

The local people still said eloquently that they burned down the granary to drive away the Austrian army. At the time, they were waiting for the Kingdom of Sardinia to provide food.

Bardolio swore to God that he had never sent anyone to burn the granaries, but unfortunately, he could not make himself believe it.

When two armies fought, burning the enemy’s food was usually a good strategy to break them. If he could take the city of Milan without shedding blood, he could not be blamed for any mistakes.

After he made up his mind, for his political future, Bardolio took credit for the achievement. After all, the Austrian people said that it was he who sent people to set the fire, and the people of Milan also swore it, so there was no chance that anybody would find out the truth.

If it had been the case that the Austrian army gave up the Lombardy area, and he had led the troops to take over, then there would be no military merit to speak of.

So he changed the claim: it was he who sent a spy to burn the Austrian granary and defeated Marshal Radsky without shedding blood. This would definitely make him a famous general!

Bardolio, together with several generals in the Army, had a discussion. Everyone divided the credit for military exploits, which meant the matter was made real and another famous general appeared on the European continent.

After the benefits were divided, the aftermath was troublesome. If it weren’t for the bad reputation of the Austrian government in the local area, and the local people’s mistrust of them, when the Austrian army had collected food, people would have run out of food right away. Instead, most of them tried to hide some.

Although the capitalists had promised that they would buy food from the outside as soon as possible, water from far away could not quench their urgent thirst!

Upset as he was, in fact, Bardolio was not too worried. He had already reported the situation to the authorities. As long as the situation was stable, the food issue would be other people’s problem.

…

Bad things came out of nowhere!

That was how King Charles Albert felt. The Kingdom of Sardinia was not ready, and if it was not for the pressure of domestic public opinion, he would not attack Austria.

Since he understood his own country’s affairs very well, he was definitely clear about the capacity of his own country. Only when Austria was busy with something else did he dare to send troops to test them.

He didn’t expect that General Bardolio would be so fierce that the Austrian army was driven away by only one trick. It was good that they had occupied Milan, but the problem of feeding 100,000 people in the city was thorny.

The Kingdom of Sardinia was also not wealthy, and it was not a grain-producing area. Instead, the Milan plain was the main grain-producing area in Italy.

Since it had to be done, it must be done thoroughly. The Austrian army forcibly took over the grain stores and warehouses of the local capitalists, and even the grain processing plants were not spared. All if it was destroyed in the fire.

Milan had already been occupied, and there was no way to return it to the way it was before. They could not give up Milan, either, because unifying Italy was the highest goal of the Kingdom of Sardinia.

“Castanto, immediately gather a batch of grain to be shipped to Milan. The more, the faster, the better!”

Charles Albert was still capable and made the right choice in the first place. No matter what happened, he must feed the local people first.

“Yes, Your Majesty!”

“Your Majesty, what do you think of the commendation of the front-line generals?”

Castanto’s words improved King Charlie’s mood in an instant: it was not just anyone, it was the famous Austrian Marshal Radsky who he’d defeated.

Whether there had been a fight or not, winning was winning, and this win was perfect, which earned him a great honor.

The press of the Kingdom of Sardinia had already praised Bardolio fiercely, as if he was the world’s No. 1 General, and King Charles surely could not mistreat the meritorious statesman.

“All the meritorious generals will be promoted one rank, and general Bardolio will be appointed the Marshal of the Kingdom of Sardinia. When the war is over, I will personally award him the title!”

…

(Note: Marshal Radsky became famous in the war against France, was promoted for stepping on Napoleon’s shoulder in the battle of Aspen-Aslin, and later planned the Battle of Leipzig. However, his role was not the commander-in-chief, but the chief of staff, and his reputation in history books was not outstanding.)

Chapter 55

Bardolio surely underestimated the impact of defeating Austria, and for political reasons, King Charles personally awarded him the military rank of marshal.

For the Italians, defeating Austria in that era was really exciting. If they continued to win, it was certain that all the other Italian states would also award him the rank of marshal.

Thanks to the campaign of the Kingdom of Sardinia, Bardolio soon became a hero of Italy, which was not easy, and he had to be careful with his new status.

For example, since people in Milan could not obtain food, they would find him to solve the problem, as he had planned the burning of food supplies.

As a hero of Italy, he must stick to his word. He had to fulfill his promise of food.

General Bardolio’s political skill was adequate. No, it should be Marshal Bardolio now. Although it had not yet been officially awarded, it would be soon enough.

The Lombardy region was so large that it was impossible for the Austrian army to collect all the food in the short time allotted. The food in the hands of the grain dealers was gone, but still, there must be something left to eat in the noble manors.

First, he emphasized the domestic transportation of grain; then, he also coerced the nobles in the Lombardy area into sharing some grain from their manors.

It was a pity that, since the light industry in Lombardy had developed well in this era, most of the nobles sold their grain to the processing factories. At the time, the spring plowing period was just beginning, and no one had much grain on their hands.

After searching around helplessly, Bardolio found that what he could rustle up was only a drop in the bucket. Anywhere that had been searched before by the Austrian army didn’t have much left.

“Marshal, domestic food transports have not been delivered yet. The food we collected in the city is very limited. In the current situation, all the food plus our military’s supply will last only three days.

The grain-collecting team sent out may find something yet. But since it has already been searched by the Austrians, I am afraid that there will not be much to find in the areas surrounding Milan!” Major General Manstu said unhappily. (He had already been promoted to general.)

At the time, the grain of the Kingdom of Sardinia was actually on its way to Milan, but the transportation in Italy in that era was not very good, and its capacity was limited.

It was not so easy to meet the needs of the 100,000 people in the city. This was only the beginning. It wouldn’t be long before there was a food shortage in the countryside, too.

It could be said that in the short term, the Kingdom of Sardinia’s occupation of the Lombardy region was not an enhancement to its strength, but a heavy economic burden.

Bardolio had already felt the pressure: democrats in Milan had already asked him for independence, which he’d put aside for the time being.

Besides, at the time, they had to rely on the Kingdom of Sardinia to stabilize the area. Once the crisis was over, there might be another option.

“I will explain the situation to the public. At present, many residents in the city still have a little food in their homes, and from tomorrow on, everyone will only receive seventy percent of the food they need.

In addition, the grain collected from the surrounding areas of Milan should be able to support the city for five or six days, and then the domestic grain will arrive,” Marshal Bardolio analyzed.

There was no doubt that reducing rations would arouse people’s dissatisfaction with them, but he could not produce food from nothing, no matter how he racked his brain.

The Kingdom of Sardinia had no foundation in Lombardy. To maintain the stability of Milan, they had to rely on the nobles and capitalists in the city.

These local leaders were also responsible for distributing rations to the people. These people were not nice ones. They could live well under Austrian rule, which was not possible for honest people.

Under the condition that Marshal Bardolio knew nothing about it, the underground black market had already opened. If someone checked, they would find that the food sold here was the relief food from the city.

Corruption was a tradition left over from the Austrian era. The local nobles were also tools for the Austrian government to rule the local area, so naturally, they had inherited this “fine” tradition.

Not to mention the capitalists: their state of moral integrity was that they had no moral integrity, and none could refuse to profit from the present situation, even some of the officers in the Sardinian army.

When distributing food, they could make a big profit by deducting a little food every time. How could they resist such an opportunity?

They had to make up for the losses caused by the war. It was a perfect opportunity for them to become rich.

Marshal Bardolio might have really not known, or he might have just been pretending to be confused.

Ultimately, the seventy percent of rations everyone should have received became less than fifty percent by the time they got it. And in that last fifty percent, the bread was mixed with a mess of other things.

For the lucky ones, it was just bran and some wheat straw powder; for the unlucky ones with “black bread,” wood chips, leaves, pebbles, and other materials could be found in the loaves.

To us, that seems impossible. Fortunately, the people at the bottom had long been used to these things. It was the same as the black bread they usually ate. When fighting, they could even use it like a brick! It was multipurpose.

People with means became customers of the black market one after another. It could not be said to be a real black market; they did their business openly.

However, the price was a little higher, especially the price of grain, which quickly soared to more than ten times what it was before the war. Even some capitalists could not bear it.

Of course, for the poor, there was only one option: to endure it. Anyway, Marshal Bardolio assured them, they only needed to wait another few days.

Everyone was a patriot. For the sake of the country and the nation, they could surely endure hunger for a few days.

…

Paris, France.

At the time, the capitalist interim government was busy with an internal struggle.

On March 17, 150,000 people were organized by the Blanquist Party, and they took to the streets to demonstrate. The conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie was ignited in Paris.

When the Kingdom of Sardinia decided to send troops to attack Austria, the interim government still supported it. Of course, this kind of support was limited to words, as they were unable to give practical support.

Franz obviously underestimated the situation in France, which was not good. The interim government, which represented the interests of the capitalists, had issued a series of policies that favored the capitalists, which naturally damaged the interests of ordinary people.

For example, on March 9, the interim government issued a decree stipulating that cash payments from savings banks should be reduced. Anyone who withdrew more than 100 francs would be paid in devalued national securities.

Another example: on March 16, the interim government issued a decree stipulating that the farmers should pay four kinds of taxes on land, movable property, doors and windows, and business, on which 45 centimes were added per franc for surtax.

(1 franc = 100 centimes, about 0.29 grams of gold, though the value of the franc changed during the Great Revolution.)

Chapter 56

The news that the Kingdom of Sardinia was occupying Lombardy spread to France, causing a shock in the interim government.

The French had supported the war between the Kingdom of Sardinia and Austria, but only to expel Austria from Italy and make Lombardy and Venice independent. They did not intend to unify the Kingdom of Sardinia into Italy.

Since he’d received the news that the Kingdom of Sardinia took over Lombardy without shedding blood, the head of the interim government, Alfons De La Martin, had been in a bad mood.

Austria was one of the four major powers of the European continent. How could they be so frightened that they gave up Lombardy?

In his opinion, the correct way to see the situation was this: fighting caused destruction to both sides, so Austria had been unable to suppress the domestic rebellion and was forced to give up the Italian region. Meanwhile, the Kingdom of Sardinia also suffered heavy losses in the war and was unable to annex the Lombardy region. They had been expecting the situation to go this way like a script they all compiled, but it had been changed at the beginning.

However, screenwriters like him had no right to change the plot back, because the investors sent them away early.

“Your Excellency, the Austrian ambassador, Mr. Mentneid, is here.”

The servant officer’s voice sounded in his ear. Alfons came back to himself and said, “Please show him in.”

After a period of routine diplomatic greetings, Mantneid got straight to the point.

“Mr. President, what do you think of the Italian issue?”

Alfons smiled slightly. This was a good opportunity to increase the influence of France since Austria had sent representatives to negotiate with them.

“Mr. Mentneid, every nation has the right to pursue national independence. I think it is a good choice to make Lombardy an independent country!”

Mentneid was already cursing him in his heart: since it was not French territory, of course the French president did not feel distressed. Lombardy and Venice were important fiscal and taxation regions, and Austria could not possibly give them up easily!

“Mr. President, I think this issue should be considered in context. Lombardy is an integral part of the Austrian Empire. We will not make any concessions on this issue.

Why don’t we discuss other parts of the Italy issue, such as the division of power over the Kingdom of Sardinia? I believe we should have common opinions on this issue!”

The French had to be interested in carving up Italy. Even if the interim government was busy with domestic struggle, it also knew that it could not be silent on this issue.

A unified Italy was not in the interest of Austria, and it was also not in the interest of the French. The Mediterranean was too small to accommodate so many big countries.

If Austria was not willing to give up the Lombardy region, then the war with the Kingdom of Sardinia would certainly continue.

Since the Austrian ambassador had come to him, obviously, the purpose of carving up Italy was to exchange interests with France and get the French government to give up its support for the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Alfons didn’t have many choices. He had already made it clear that there was no fighting at all between the two sides, which meant that the Austrian army had not suffered any losses.

Without foreign support, he did not think that the Kingdom of Sardinia could beat Austria. The difference in strength between the two sides was too great, and it could not be made up by personal ability alone.

It was impossible for the interim government to provide too much support to the Kingdom of Sardinia then; moreover, what benefits could they get from supporting the Kingdom of Sardinia?

It was true that France wanted to take Italy for itself, but Alfons himself did not have that kind of ambition.

Although the Vienna system had collapsed, he had not forgotten the warning of the Russians, and the British were also watching him closely. If this step was taken, he would have to fight alone against the European continent.

“Mr. Mentneid, how do you think the division could be more reasonable?” Alfons asked with concern.

If the Austrians wanted to buy them over, he would look at their bid first; as long as the price was high enough, he would consider stabbing the Kingdom of Sardinia in the back.

Anyway, at that time, France and the Kingdom of Sardinia had not yet formed an alliance. The two sides had only a verbal agreement, and there was no shame in betraying that.

“Austria will have the Genoa and Turin regions, and the remaining regions will be owned by France. The two countries will ally to fight international pressure!”

Having said that, Mentneid took up a pen and drew a line on the map, dividing the Kingdom of Sardinia into two parts. The two parts were equal in size.

Alfons’s expression changed, for he hadn’t expected the Austrians to have such a big appetite that they wanted to take over the whole Kingdom of Sardinia.

On the surface, France had taken a big advantage this time: Austria had taken the responsibility of fighting the Kingdom of Sardinia, while the French only waited for the war to end and sent troops to occupy it.

In fact, it was not like that. The core areas of the Kingdom of Sardinia were in Turin and Genoa, which held more than eighty percent of the industries in the country.

If these two places fell into Austria’s hands, it would be difficult for France to take them back again. In that era, France’s military strength did not match Austria’s.

Alfons said, “Mr. Mentneid, I’m afraid this will not work. The essence of the Kingdom of Sardinia …”

…

Actually, it was just a strategy of negotiation.

The order received by Mentneid was to hold the French back and not allow them to provide support to the Kingdom of Sardinia. As for the division of the Kingdom of Sardinia, it was just a pretense.

Austria had a lot of internal problems, and Franz would not expand outside until all of those were dealt with completely.

Moreover, if the history had not changed, when the proletarian uprising broke out in Paris in June, the French would be too busy to support the Kingdom of Sardinia.

After the suppression of the uprising, the French government would be replaced again, and a new round of political struggle would begin, which would continue until the restoration of Napoleon III.

The so-called division of Sardinia was just an empty promise.

Alfons was not too stupid to see that there might be problems in the division of the Kingdom of Sardinia as proposed by Austria, but, for the time being, the interim government urgently needed to achieve something to ease the domestic conflict.

It could be said that the two sides became good partners after brief contact. Even if it was an empty promise, as long as the French had the strength, the promise could also be fulfilled.

At that time, any treaty that was beneficial to France was an achievement for the interim government and could be a good way to divert domestic attention.

The two of them then started a protracted war: in addition to carving up the Italian region, Alfons also needed Austria to admit the legitimacy of the interim government and abolish the shackles imposed on France by the Vienna system.

All these issues were used to negotiate. In that era, the French were very isolated in diplomacy, and the interim government was in urgent need of the world’s recognition.

The widely-criticized July Dynasty was actually not bad in terms of diplomacy. Since the war against France, the French government had been forced to act as a public enemy in Europe, even though they did not want to.

Of course, the interim government could not be too tough. Just look at the attitude of the Russians: if there was money to be had, the soldiers of Russia would have been killing in Paris.

Chapter 57

While handling the Paris government, the Austrian Foreign Ministry could not possibly forget the London government. The British Empire was still very powerful in that era.

As the only industrial country in the world then, it was the right time for them to be bullish. Fortunately, the small size of Britain restricted its population growth; otherwise, there would be no such thing as industrial latecomers.

The British also couldn’t avoid the great revolution in 1848, but compared with the ones in France, Austria, and other countries, theirs were just too small.

The ambitious and untalented revolutionaries were arrested by the police before they started. Ultimately, there were just a few strikes, which ended hastily.

Franz knew clearly in his heart that the war between Austria and the Kingdom of Sardinia was actually planned by the British. Even before the dispatch of troops from the Kingdom of Sardinia, British Foreign Secretary Palmerston had begun to lobby King Charles Albert.

In this context, Austria’s diplomatic activities in London naturally couldn’t achieve any real results.

Moreover, the reputation of the British was not very reassuring, because as long as it served their interests, they were known to change positions at any time.

Fortunately, Franz didn’t expect to get the support of the British. The mission for Hummelauer, the ambassador to Britain, was very simple: to visit the counselors of the pro-Austrian countries and prevent the London government from providing substantial support to the Kingdom of Sardinia.

…

Downing Street.

Prime Minister John Russell was thinking about the world situation. First of all, the issue of France: the newly established interim government had already expressed friendship to the British Empire diplomatically, but whether to accept it was still under consideration.

Since the Vienna system had collapsed, how should the future European political situation be established?

The British were surely good at diplomatic tactics. Before the collapse of the Vienna system, John Russell hadn’t thought anything of it; however, since the system had collapsed, he was struggling.

Under the Vienna system, European countries had maintained a close balance, and the British could rest assured and boldly expand their territory overseas.

“Prime Minister, in the current situation, we can continue the previous strategic plan to establish a unified Italian dynasty, weaken the strength of Austria, and block the French expansion into Italy!” Foreign Secretary Palmerston suggested.

John Russell frowned and said, “Mr. Palmerston, this is the most ideal state for now. In fact, for the balance of strength among European countries, we will need Austria.

Now Austria’s internal conflicts are serious, and it may disintegrate. If there is no restriction, the Hapsburg family will return to the German region.

Now the idea of the unification of the German region is very popular. With the reputation of the Hapsburg family, their return is likely to unify the German region.”

In Europe, where bloodlines mattered, John Russell was not alarmist. Once Austria disintegrated, it was almost inevitable that the rest of Austria would return to Germany.

In this case, the Hapsburg family was really liable to unify Germany. It was no joke to conquer the world from the waist down (meaning, by bloodline).

Even if the Hapsburg family did not unify Germany, the Prussians would. The emergence of a unified Great German Empire was definitely not a good thing for the British.

Franz had also considered whether to give up Hungary and Italy and to re-form the German Empire. However, after careful analysis, he decided to resist the temptation.

It might be easy to unify the German region, but what about internal conflicts? And he had no way to subdue the Prussians. The Catholicism of South Germany and the Protestantism of North Germany were clearly different.

In history, the Germans were not able to solve this problem, and the Second Empire had been full of contradictions since its establishment.

And that was just in a small Germany. If a great Germany was established, these conflicts would be even more horrible, as North and South Germany were evenly matched, and the internal friction alone could cause the nation to collapse.

Looking at the map again, the strategic position of the German region was truly unfortunate, for there were no natural barriers at all to defend the area.

Even if Franz had much more confidence, he didn’t think he could punch France, kick Russia, and beat England to death at the same time against a background of constant internal conflict.

Franz thought that it was a daydream to think of giving up the Austrian Empire to unify the German region. Specifically, we could refer to the case of Napoleon’s one-on-one fights against major European powers.

Otherwise, he would not have waited. After the war against France was over would be the best time for Austria to unify Germany.

There was no doubt that Franz was not the only smart leader involved. Metternich had refrained from a similar temptation and established the Vienna system, instead of unifying Germany, which was political suicide.

A bird in the hand is worth a thousand in the bush.

After integrating the Austrian Empire, in fact, the overall national strength would not be less than that of a unified German region. Then he would slowly strive to develop over time. Waiting for the opportunity was the right way to go.

If he moved forward, he could fight his way across the European continent and rebuild the Holy Roman Empire; if he retreated, he could dominate southern Europe and become a major power there.

“The situation in Austria may not be as serious as we thought. The Vienna revolution has been suppressed. Although other places are unstable, there is no outbreak of major rebellions.

In order for the European revolution not to affect Russia, the Tsar’s government has to support Austria, and with our support, even if the Hungarian rebellion breaks out, it will soon be suppressed!

Besides, we don’t need the Kingdom of Sardinia to completely defeat Austria. If necessary, we can mediate. As long as the French are not allowed to send troops to support the kingdom of Sardinia, the situation is under our control,” Palmerston said after a moment’s thought.

John Russell replied, “It should not be difficult to mediate the Austrian war. However, how are you going to reply to Austria? If there is no support from here, they will turn to the Russians for help.

The Russians will not give up this opportunity. Once Russia and Austria reach an agreement, no one in the region can check them.”

The greatest conflict in the world at that time was the conflict between Britain and Russia. With its immense strength, the Russian Empire had become one of the greatest enemies of the British.

Austria was the biggest power to balance the Russian expansion in the Near East. If Austria turned to the Russians then, it was inevitable that they would give up some of their interests in the Balkan region.

The British definitely did not want the Russians to enter the Mediterranean. In history, the Crimean War broke out for this reason, and the British and French joined their forces together to beat the Russians back.

“No problem. We don’t need to reply directly to the Austrian people, just give them some ambiguous hints so that they will think we support them.

The Kingdom of Sardinia wants to unify Italy, and they have to work hard on that alone. We must only provide limited support. If they succeed, it is for the best; if they fail, it will not be our business.

It is also a good choice to let France and Austria contain each other. The diplomacy of the British empire cannot take sides!” Palmerston said superciliously.

Chapter 58

On March 19, 1848, Frederick William IV was forced to announce the end of publication censorship and to send diplomatic notes to the German states, requesting the convening of the Confederate conference.

On March 23, Frederick William IV announced the merger of Prussia into Germany.

Metternich’s hope of establishing a three-nation alliance between Prussia, Austria, and Russia was shattered, and the diplomatic relations between Prussia, Austria, and Russia deteriorated sharply.

If Germany wanted to be unified, then Austria was an obstacle, and the core question was who would be the boss.

In terms of strength, Austria seemed to be a little stronger than Prussia, but because of its domestic problems, it did not have an absolute advantage over Prussia; in terms of influence, Austria was far greater than Prussia.

In history, Bismarck, the iron-and-blood Prime Minister, discovered this problem early. He first used diplomatic means to isolate Austria, then took advantage of the opportunity of the Austrian-French war to defeat Austria, and finally kicked Austria out of Germany.

Frederick William IV’s practices clearly exposed Prussia’s ambition to unify Germany, which Austria could not tolerate.

Also, it was also unacceptable to the Russians. The Tsar’s government did not want to see the reunification of Middle Europe, as it would shake their European hegemony.

Against this background, the relationship between Russia and Austria began to heat up. Franz waited and got the good news: Tsar Nicholas I had made a public statement that he was willing to help Austria suppress the Italian revolution.

Although this support was only verbal, as Russia would not send troops to help Austria fight the Kingdom of Sardinia, it was enough for Franz.

Since the war against France, there had remained a pattern of two major powers in Europe: Britain and Russia. At this point, with Russia supporting Austria, the British could not support the Kingdom of Sardinia without risking full-scale war.

“Prime Minister, we can close the net,” Franz said calmly.

“Yes, your Highness!” Felix replied.

…

Prague.

“Mr. Ryan, hurry up, there’s bad news!”

“Coulson, slow down. What happened?” the man named Ryan asked with concern.

“The Austrian government decided to execute Vera and the rest of them, a total of more than one hundred political prisoners, all of whom will be executed in three days!” Coulson said with trepidation.

This was definitely the worst-case scenario. It was rare to execute political prisoners on a large scale in Europe, especially when capitalists and nobles, more than one hundred of them, were among the prisoners.

Ryan was silent. He was not a simple-headed teenager. The Austrian government had suddenly played tough, which was obviously not normal.

However, he could not abandon his people; otherwise, the cohesion of his team would evaporate, and he would not be able to lead them.

The enthusiasm of the people in the Czech region for the revolution was originally low, so they had relied on capitalists and nobles to launch the revolution. If he could not take effective measures, it would not be long before people began to change sides in the war.

In history, the outbreak of the Prague uprising was quickly suppressed because the local nobles and capitalists found that it was hopeless to work with the revolutionary party and sold them out.

How could he mobilize the people to revolution?

He couldn’t even think about it. The Revolutionary Party in the Czech region was formed mainly of the children of the capitalists and the branches of the noble families, and at the lowest, the middle class.

They wanted revolution only to protect their own rights and interests. They would never sacrifice their own interests to attract the people at the bottom.

In history, after the suppression of the Prague uprising, Austria could still organize troops to suppress the Hungarian rebellion in the Czech region, which showed where the popular opinion was leaning.

“How many troops left in the city?” Ryan asked with concern.

“I heard that the situation in the Italian battlefield is pretty serious, so yesterday, two thousand troops were transferred from here. The number of soldiers in the city will not exceed eighteen hundred,” the man with glasses whispered.

“Is this news reliable?” Ryan asked skeptically.

“This is what I heard when I chatted with friends in the City Defense Army this morning. It should be reliable. The Army transfer is obvious!” the man with glasses explained.

“Mr. Ryan, the news should be accurate. Yesterday, I saw an army march out of town, and it has not come back!” Coulson added.

“Well, we will make preparations immediately and take action tomorrow night to overthrow this decadent Austrian Empire and establish an independent Czech Republic!” Ryan said with passion.

“Mr. Ryan, how will we solve the problem of weapons? We can’t overthrow the Austrian government with only these few guns in our hands, can we?” an old man asked.

As a conservative in the revolutionary party, he opposed the most extreme military revolution. If it were not for the Austrian government’s plans to kill his comrades, he would not agree to launch an uprising.

“I can find a way to raise 20 guns from relatives and friends!” the man with glasses said.

“I can also collect a dozen guns from my home!” Colson thought for a moment and said.

In this way, everyone reported their contributions. After a while, the weapons to equip an infantry battalion were settled.

Obviously, the recent policy of the Vienna government had made the local nobles very dissatisfied; otherwise, the revolutionary party could not obtain weapons and equipment so easily.

…

A premeditated rebellion was launched just like this. All the members of the revolutionary party were there voluntarily, and there was not any mandatory binding force between them. They relied solely on the charisma of their leader.

It was impossible to keep it a secret. The Czech revolutionary party was originally a temporarily established team, so anyone from anywhere could be admitted in.

The people who attended the meeting were all of high status and considered reliable. In fact, after the meeting was over, the notes from the meeting were sorted out and sent to Prince Wentishgreitz that same night.

If the Vienna government wanted to put down the rebellion, the police in Prague could do it.

Obviously, this was not what the Vienna government wanted. Since the rebellion had not broken out yet, they would only catch some nobodies if they tried.

In this way, the Vienna government would miss the big boss behind the scenes, which would bring serious hidden threats to the future stability of the Czech region.

It seemed that Prince Wentishgreitz didn’t know anything. Before the revolution broke out, he organized a field training, in which most of the policemen and armies in Prague took part.

On April 12, 1848, taking the opportunity of Prince Wentishgreitz’s absence, the Prague uprising broke out. With the cooperation of local nobles and capitalists, the city of Prague was taken over in one stroke.

“Mr. Ryan, bad news: the arsenal is empty. It is said that the government’s corrupt officials sold all the ammunition inside; what should I do now ?” Colson said with fear.

This statement had to be false. Even if the Austrian government was corrupt, it was impossible for them to sell off all their weapons and ammunition.

“You must be being fooled by someone!”

This was his first reaction. Originally, the uprising was so smooth that it seemed unreasonable. He encountered almost no resistance before taking Prague. If he couldn’t see it then, Ryan would have to be a real fool.

Chapter 59

The rebellion was not a joke, and the revolution was not a dinner party; in both regards, it was not easy to get off the boat once you were on it. Even if he knew he had been trapped, Ryan had no choice but to follow the plan to the end.

He had no choice, though that did not mean that others had no choice either. Well-informed nobles already knew the danger.

There was no doubt that this was a trap designed just for them, but they jumped in anyway. The rebel army lacked weapons and ammunition, as well as the support of the public. There was no possibility for them to succeed.

Relying on the strength they currently had, there weren’t even any bargaining chips to negotiate with the Vienna government.

Most of the nobles in the Czech region came from the German region, and they were inextricably linked with the Viennese nobles, but this kind of connection was not enough to keep them safe in the rebellion.

In a luxurious house in Prague’s noble district, seven well-dressed men gathered together. If someone knew them, they would immediately see that all of them were Czech big shots.

But for now, these big shots looked flustered, without the elegant demeanor of the past. It would shock the whole of Prague if caught by the public.

What could possibly make so many important men so scared?

“Count Carochi, what should we do now? I’m afraid there are traitors among us. What we have done is exposed to the eyes of the Vienna government!”

“Count Scott, don’t worry. We didn’t participate personally in this rebellion. At most, we only had some collateral members involved, which gave us room to maneuver.

Now, as long as we help Prince Wentishgreitz to suppress the rebellion, we can clear our suspicion in this rebellion. The Vienna government cannot kill us because of this!” Count Carochi strived to maintain an appearance of calm.

They did not have any concern about selling out their partners. It was nothing more than abandoning a few offspring. What they were worried about was whether the Vienna government would rake things up against them afterward.

Under normal circumstances, the Europeans did not kill nobles, but if an accident occurred on the battlefield, no one would say anything.

At this point, only God knew the plan of Prince Wentishgreitz. After such a great game, he must expect to catch some big fish.

Count Carochi’s statement obviously could not reassure everyone. If it was any other crime, maybe they would be alright, because everyone was related and there must be some powerful people who would help them.

But not this time. Although they didn’t really want to be independent–they just wanted to use this opportunity to fight for greater rights–it was still a rebellion in the eyes of the Vienna government.

Since ancient times, rebellion had been the most hateful thing for the ruling class. Even if it was not immediately investigated to find out who was responsible, it was still necessary for them to clear out all the rebels.

“Count Carochi, I am not worried about personal safety. As long as we do not participate in rebellion directly, the Vienna government will not cut off our heads. Still, what price will we pay for this?

Everyone sitting here has a big family. Many industries in Prague seemingly belong to capitalists, but in fact, everyone here holds shares.

These things cannot go public. Even if the Vienna government directly confiscates all of our property, we cannot raise objections. It is even possible that the government would involve them in the rebellion.

Don’t tell me that no one here has any contact with the rebels. Even keeping it secret isn’t enough at this point.

As long as Prince Wentishgreitz thinks that we have joined the rebellion, then everyone will have a tough time of it. You all know what kind of end it was for the nobles involved in the rebellion in Vienna.

Quite a few families, because the younger generation or the family officials participated in the rebellion, were tangled up in it, and ultimately they were deprived of their titles and property!”

Count Scott’s voice trembled. Obviously, he was worried that what happened in Vienna would repeat itself here.

The European nobles were a family, but the interests of the nobles were not all the same. Here, they wanted the Czech region to gain greater autonomy so they could gain benefits.

However, the nobles in Austria hoped to centralize their power and let it penetrate all parts of the country through the influence of the central government. The interests of the two sides had already clashed.

This was what Scott was most worried about. Would the Austrian nobles who dominated the Vienna government just let go of the opportunity to suppress them?

Just at that moment, the old Butler’s voice sounded. “Count Carochi, there is someone outside who claims to be a secret envoy of Prince Wentishgreitz!”

The faces of the people in the room changed greatly. They were already exposed, so it was not surprising that Prince Wentishgreitz had sent someone to the door.

“Invite him in! And Linda will guide everyone to the next room!” Count Carochi thought for a moment and said.

No one had an objection. The maid took everyone quickly to the room next door, where the conversation in the reception room could be heard. Everyone wanted to find out what Prince Wentishgreitz was up to.

Seeing the man who entered, Carochi asked in surprise, “Candley, how can it be you?”

“Why can’t it be me? My dear brother, don’t forget that I have been serving in the Austrian army all this time. For now, I happened to have transferred to the army of Prince Wentishgreitz, so I took the initiative to come see you!” Candley laughed.

Sometimes it seemed like no one could figure out the complicated relationships among the European nobles. Candley and Carochi were cousins, but the Carochi branch had inherited the family’s titles; as part of a collateral branch, Candley had to fend for himself.

Since they were one family, it was easy to talk. Carochi had already felt the goodwill sent by Prince Wentishgreitz.

“Candley, I’m relieved to see you at a time like this!” Carochi said, relaxing a bit.

“No, my brother, you’ve spoken too soon. I have brought the conditions from Prince Wentishgreitz, or should I say, from the Vienna government.

If you agree, then, for now, nothing will happen; if not, I don’t need to say what will happen. If you don’t want the family to decline, you’d better think about it carefully!” Candley said seriously.

Carochi smiled slightly. There was always a price to pay if one did something wrong. If the Vienna government had not put forward the conditions, he would be even more worried.

“Go ahead. As long as I can save the family, I can accept any conditions!”

Candley looked at the footprints on the floor and said, “Since everyone is there somewhere, please come out together. Anyway, you can’t hide all your lives.

Sooner or later, everyone will have to face their problems. The conditions I bring are set by the Cabinet. There is no room for discussion; either accept them or refuse them!”

Count Carochi looked a little abashed, but he soon recovered and said calmly, “Well, you’ve already been found, so come out, all of you!”

In the crowd that emerged, everyone was an acquaintance and greeted each other. Candley said, “The conditions of the Vienna government are…”

Chapter 60

People are realistic, especially nobles who have passed on their own ways of surviving for hundreds of years. The functions of their survival strategies became clear now.

On April 13, 1848, after receiving the news of the Prague rebellion, Prince Wentishgreitz immediately led troops back to the city to suppress the uprising. With the cooperation of the local nobles, he recovered the whole city in less than three days.

In order to deter the local powers, Prince Wentishgreitz ordered the execution of all the leaders who took part in the rebellion. Basically, the small leaders and anyone above them were all executed.

More than two thousand heads hung on the streets of Prague, terrifying the remaining nobles.

The point was that it was not only the ordinary people who were killed this time, and at Franz’s request, the priority was to execute the big shots.

Ordinary people could still be used as laborers, while nobles and capitalists who’d participated in the rebellion weren’t useful for anything, so people with higher social status died faster.

At the time of the execution, the municipal government also picked out a group of notorious people and conducted a public trial to expose the crimes they’d committed in the past.

With these executions, the Vienna government also strengthened the loyalty of the local people. Looking at the cheering citizens of Prague, the government knew that these people had been hated.

There was no need for them to pay back the usury owed. A series of laws formulated by the Vienna government to protect the public’s interests would all be launched here, and capitalists, local ruffians, and oppressive hooligans were all guillotined.

The Czechs were Slavic, and they were similar to the Polish in terms of race, but their culture, national traditions, ways of thinking, reactions to reality, and even eating habits were very close to the Austrians, so much so that they were even known as “Slavic-speaking Austrians.”

Because they shared a cultural tradition, the Czech people considered themselves part of Austria.

In Franz’s view, the Austrian government could integrate the Czechs into the Austrian family with just a little more effort.

“Mr. Candley, I recommended you to the Vienna government as the Chief of Education in Bohemia. What do you think?” Prince Wentishgreitz asked.

(The Bohemia region is now the Czech region.)

Chief of Education? What kind of nonsense was that? He, an Austrian army colonel, was to be civilian staff?

The boundary between civil and military forces in Austria was not strict, and it was common for generals to become prime minister, but this change was just too much.

Under normal circumstances, changing from a military officer to a civil officer required a transition period, and only after the person had adapted to it would the transfer happen. It was rare to take such a big leap all at once.

However, in terms of administrative level, it was a promotion. Candley knew that he didn’t have much choice. Prince Wentishgreitz didn’t like to be refused.

“No, Prince!” Candley replied.

“Well, that’s it. You know that the Vienna government wants to unify the language and culture of the whole country, for which purpose we even spared some of the nobles who took part in the rebellion.

For now, your task is to urge them to fulfill their promised conditions. If someone dares to go back on their word, you should report it right away.

Of course, it is not enough to rely on them alone. A number of state-owned enterprises have been added to the Czech region, and you have to organize teachers to teach ordinary workers German, as it is spoken in the factories.

In other places, you can do it your own way. In short, you should popularize German as soon as possible. In textbooks, you should emphasize Austria and downplay other local names!” Prince Wentishgreitz said forcefully.

The benefits of unifying language were self-evident, but it was not so simple to do, and for now, the Vienna government could only promote it quietly.

Considering the resistance of the people, Franz dared not even publish the documents abolishing other languages and replacing them with German.

Still, not being able to say it doesn’t mean you can’t do it. Franz was a pragmatist, and the subtle promotion of German could also achieve the goal.

Before long, many people would see the advantage of being able to speak German. For example, being able to speak German could get them higher wages in factories.

Most of the time, the carrot was more effective than the stick, and it didn’t cause as much resistance.

The act in the Czech region was just the beginning. After approaching the local powers, some nobles were recruited to promote German.

After all, these nobles were all from Germany. German was their mother tongue, and they could speak Slavic, too, so they were left to close the gap between language teachers and locals.

With the cooperation of these local powers, the people who dared to make trouble were almost cleared out. Ordinary people would not care so much and would learn anything for a higher salary.

“Don’t worry, Prince, I will do this job well!” Candley promised.

Since the Prague rebellion, Candley had found that the Vienna government attached great importance to popularizing German, which meant he was doing a promising job.

The Vienna government had not yet introduced specific incentives, but well-informed people already knew that the Crown Prince put great importance on this matter.

At that time, it was only because of the war that the energy of the government was restricted; once the domestic rebellion was suppressed, language unification would probably become Austria’s national policy.

There were many smart people remaining. There was never any harm in following the national policy. Many politicians had already started approaching educational leaders from all over the country.

Candley was able to serve as the Chief of Education in the Bohemian Region; there was no doubt that not only had he made a major contribution, but also Prince Wentishgreitz had something to do with it, too.

…

This plan of Franz’s was obviously not just for Bohemia.

On April 13, a rebellion broke out in Galicia. The rebels occupied most of Austrian Poland and established a Polish interim government.

However, the rebellion came and went quickly. On April 16, the Austrian army began to suppress the rebellion. With the support of the local people, the massive rebellion was suppressed in less than a week.

Then, the government of Vienna cleaned up the local powers, and Franz showed his fangs by taking away the local nobles and capitalists, and even the middle class, who’d supported the rebellion.

This time, it was truly up to the local people to divide the nobles’ land. Anyone who helped the government suppress the rebellion could get a piece of land for free, and as for others, they would have to redeem it slowly according to the rules.

Only preferential treatment could show the superiority of being loyal to the emperor. If everyone were treated the same, who would be willing to die for the Emperor?

In the short time of half a month, more than 20 thousand people in Austrian Poland were beheaded. This could be said to be the most thorough suppression since the outbreak of the European revolutions.

After that battle, the newborn Polish nationalism quickly died off in Austria. All who remained were either the people at the bottom or the loyal ministers of the Hapsburg family, while all the rebels were sent to God.

Chapter 61

The Vienna Government successively suppressed the Prague and Galicia rebellions. When word reached Hungary, the opposition led by Kossuth couldn’t sit still.

From the current situation, it’s clear that the Vienna Government had no intention of compromising with the Revolutionaries; it was repression after repression, especially the bloody suppression in Galicia, which had many people shivering in fear.

Ludwig von Benedek, who was responsible for suppressing the Galician rebellion, directly allowed the locals to retaliate against the Nobility and capitalists, and most of the over 20,000 people who died were killed by the public.

The Vienna Government couldn’t possibly execute over 20,000 people at once; Franz wanted to save face. For the long-term stability of Austro-Poland, using others to eliminate these reactionary elements became the only choice.

Militias were gathered from the locality, and, capitalising on their conflict with the exploitation groups, cleansed these overbearing reactionaries.

Nationwide, except for the ongoing war in the Italian Area, nearly all the rebellions had been suppressed by force. Hungary was about to fight alone.

If we were to turn back the clock by a month, the Hungarian Cabinet Government had not yet been established, and there was still potential for compromise. Even before the April 14th Declaration of Independence was issued, there was still an opportunity for them to turn back.

Now the Vienna Government had yet to recognize the legitimacy of the Hungarian Cabinet, and repeatedly ordered them to dissolve the illegal government.

Kossuth had always advocated for secession from Austria to establish an independent Hungarian Republic, but unfortunately, such a concept had a limited market in Hungary.

The majority of the Nobility were concerned about security issues after independence; after all, Hungary’s incorporation into Austria, aside from the Habsburg Family’s intermarriages, also revolved around their need for Austrian protection.

Compared to Mao Xiong and the Ottomans, they still preferred to stick with Austria. However, in recent years, the Central Government in Vienna had weakened and gradually lost its authority. Through a series of probes, they found that crying children get the most milk.

To rid themselves of Austrian restrictions and gain greater benefits, capitalists had embraced nationalism transmitted from France, and the opposition in Austria, led by Kossuth, began to grow.

However, this didn’t mean Hungary was now powerful enough to break away from Austria and be independent. Many people were still skeptical towards the armed revolution.

A young man rushed in, saying, “Mr. Kossuth, something terrible has happened. The Vienna Government has sent legal envoys into Hungary, I fear they are coming for us!”

Upon hearing this news, Kossuth’s face changed dramatically. What was Austria’s purpose in sending legal envoys? Could it really be just to promote Austrian law to the Hungarians?

If Franz were here, he would say—yes, the purpose of sending the legal envoys was indeed just to promote law.

Of course, declaring the Hungarian cabinet’s establishment illegal was also unavoidable, but that was just incidental; the main purpose was to divide the Kingdom of Hungary.

Different class interests also had different demands. Essentially, the series of laws introduced by the Vienna Government aimed to bribe the general public.

There was no other way. It wasn’t that Franz didn’t want to bribe the elite class, but bribing a minority was always easier than bribing a majority. The problem was that their asking price was too high; they were beyond his means to buy.

In March, the Hungarian delegation, represented by Kossuth, presented demands to the Vienna Government for the establishment of an independent Hungarian government and the abolition of the feudal system.

After a round of tough negotiations, Franz was still quite enlightened and didn’t reject the idea of reform; in fact, he advocated even more thorough reforms.

However, when faced with a group of idealists and spokespersons for the bourgeoisie’s interests, it was clear that the two sides couldn’t agree.

If the Vienna Government dared accept their conditions, it would be the Austrians’ turn to start a revolution.

Equality does not equate to privilege, and while Franz could grant equal status to all nationalities, he absolutely could not allow the Hungarian nationality to rise above all the others.

This touched upon the national conditions of the Kingdom of Hungary, with a total population of more than thirteen million, including over five hundred thousand nobility, which could be described as nobility filling the skies.

Hungarian capitalists also had a dual identity—nobility, thus the relationship between Hungarian capitalists and the nobility was very complex. This less than two percent of the population held over ninety-five percent of the society’s wealth.

The Hungarian nationality during this period essentially referred to these five hundred thousand nobles and capitalists who had many privileges and were the true exploitative class of the country.

To some extent, Austria was not a truly autocratic empire but rather an alliance of great nobles, with the Central Government’s control over the localities dependent on the will of the nobility.

The current Hungarian nationalism movement was in essence led by the middle and small nobility and capitalists, who combined the concept of the nation with their own interests, donning a halo of nationalism when vying for benefits.

This was also the reason why the Hungarian Government, led by Kossuth, was shouting for reform on one hand, yet on the other hand, refusing to implement the reform laws of the Vienna Government.

Even the consensus on the abolition of serfdom, once it reached Hungary, was not executed. The nobility concealed the emancipation laws of the Vienna Government.

Well, this responsibility couldn’t be blamed on Kossuth, after all, he was a leader produced from compromise, not one who had risen to power through strength.

This could be seen from the elections held in Hungary on April 12, 1848. Despite the proclaimed intention to open up universal suffrage, in reality, the presidential election in Hungary was still confined to Budapest.

In Budapest, only 16,200 people had voting rights. According to the understanding of “Hungarian nationality” at that time, it was almost like achieving universal suffrage for the entire city.

The final result was a total of 5,176 votes received, with Kossuth elected by a high vote count of 1,639. Of course, the results announced to the public were certainly not this number.

From these figures, it can be seen that Franz’s butterfly effect had taken effect, with more people choosing to be dispassionate observers than in history.

“Nagy, send someone to expel them immediately, we Hungarians do not welcome them!” Kossuth said with a grim face.

As a president formed out of compromise, too many people in the Kingdom of

Hungary didn’t defer to his authority—in many people’s eyes, the Hungarian Republic was a joke, which was evident from the indifference towards the election.

Kossuth’s anger was not unfounded; the Hungarian Republic had been established, but Ferdinand I still concurrently held the title of King of Hungary.

Without a king there were no nobles, and for their own interests, the

Hungarian nobility insisted on opposing the abolition of the monarchy. Forced by circumstances, Kossuth had to make compromises, and now, above him as president, there was still a king exerting pressure, greatly diminishing his authority..

Chapter 62

Kossuth could dispatch people to block the official representatives of Austria, but they were powerless against those secretly siding with Austria.

The Hungarian Revolution was not achieved through bloodshed, meaning a large number of people inclined towards the Vienna Government remained within the country. Kossuth had thought of purging these elements, but it was simply not feasible. (The losses of a few individuals were negligible)

The internal relations within the Kingdom of Hungary were intricate and interconnected; the nascent Hungarian authority was fragile and could not withstand turmoil.

Vienna

Upon receiving the news that Hungary had expelled the Austrian representatives, everyone knew that war was on the countdown. The Austrian Government could not possibly let Hungary become independent.

“Prime Minister, how is the preparation of materials going?”

After entering the Age of Hot Weapons, war depended on materials, and now Austria had to take care of the Italian battlefield as well. Franz’s greatest concern was logistical support.

“Your Highness, the campaign to quell the Hungarian rebellion has not yet started; at present we are prioritizing the Italian battlefield. If the number of troops we deploy exceeds two hundred thousand, we will not be able to guarantee the supply of logistics,” Felix said after some thought.

This was not a case of Austria not having the strategic materials—as one of the great powers, Vienna was not short of such supplies. The key issue was the inability to ensure that materials could be delivered on time to the troops that needed them.

The first major problem was transportation. To sustain the combat efforts of several hundred thousand troops and to consider post-war refugee relief demanded the massive transportation of materials.

From its establishment, the new Cabinet had been working hard for this. After suppressing the rebellion in Vienna, Austria had entered a wartime economic system, with all government departments striving for the war effort.

“We can’t wait any longer. The Hungarians have rejected our goodwill, and now all eyes are on us.

Military action can be delayed, but a political offensive cannot be postponed. Do you have any suggestions?” Franz said seriously.

Everyone was a politician and naturally understood the concept of a chain reaction. If the Vienna Government ignored Hungary’s declaration of independence, wouldn’t other careerists eagerly follow suit?

No, it seemed that by this time, the careerists in other regions had already been doomed. If not for Franz’s deliberate tolerance, the Hungarians would not have succeeded in achieving their independence so smoothly.

In history, Hungarian independence was built on the complete occupation of the Austrian Italian Region, the Revolutionary Party’s capture of Vienna, and an internal civil war in Austria that left the government too preoccupied to manage its own affairs.

At that time, everyone thought Austria was doomed, so they toughened their resolves and went ahead with the revolution.

Even in rebellion, they did not forget to report back to the Emperor, providing an explanation for the rebellion and leaving themselves a way out.

The battle in Italy continues, the insurgencies in Austrian regions have been suppressed, and the Vienna Government still possesses strong power.

Capitalists and nobility are not desperadoes; they all have homes and businesses. Under normal circumstances, they would not jump out to seek death, yet the Hungarian Revolution still succeeded.

On the surface, it seemed that the surge of Hungarian nationalism under the persistent efforts of Kossuth and others was the key to success.

In reality, the astute knew that this was highly abnormal. The Vienna Government’s response was too slow. If they had sent troops to suppress the rebellion sooner, the Hungarian Republic would not have had time to establish itself.

Austria had a standing army of 350,000, the Vienna Government had mobilized 200,000 reservists and expanded the City Defense Army by 30,000, while the Italian battlefield had consumed only 100,000 men.

In the Galicia Region, Austria deployed 40,000 troops; in the Bohemian region, 50,000; and in the Slovenia Region, 20,000.

Within the Kingdom of Hungary, there were still 120,000 Austrian troops stationed in regions like Croatia, Hungary, Slovakia, and Transylvania.

Even if some of the troops had been influenced by Hungarian nationalism, the vast majority remained loyal to the Emperor. If they had suppressed the unrest in the first instance, the situation would now be quite different.

“Your Highness, I think we need to immediately declare the Hungarian Government illegal and convert Croatia, Transylvania, and Slovakia into directly governed provinces of the empire,” Foreign Minister Metternich said with a murderous air.

Even a wall plasterer can kill. Dividing the Kingdom of Hungary was something he had always wanted to do but dared not; now the opportunity had presented itself.

The Hungarians dared to rebel; there was nothing more to say, they must be split apart! Missing this rare opportunity meant it would be harder to come by another chance later.

The Austrian Empire was a multi-ethnic country, and the Kingdom of Hungary was also multi-ethnic; the desire of the Hungarians for independence did not mean the Croatians, Romanians, or Slovak people wanted to become independent with them.

“Mr. Metternich is correct, but at the same time as we divide the Kingdom of Hungary, we can now make an early public announcement of the ‘Ethnic Equality Bill’ that we are drafting.

Are the Hungarians not advocating nationalism? We, too, can utilize this, by classifying all serfs and commoners in the Hungarian Region as part of the

Austrian Ethnicity, directly undermining their foundation,” suggested Finance Minister Karl.

Franz’s eyes lit up at the suggestion of the Finance Minister, which was tantamount to artificially creating a nationality, effectively dividing the Hungarian nobility from the commoners.

If history books were opened, it would be clear that nationalities are artificially divided based on culture, language, history, geography, economy, and such factors.

If one were to discuss bloodlines, it would be a false proposition. Throughout the changes in human history, virtually all nationalities are of mixed blood, and these cannot be clearly separated.

Of course, the nobility would never admit that their bloodline was the same as the commoners, just as the “Hungarian nationality” currently refused to acknowledge serfs as their members.

Due to educational standards, most serfs in Southern Europe at that time had no nationality, or rather, no one had told them to which nationality they belonged.

In Franz’s view, this was an opportunity, a chance to integrate Austria.

“Mr. Carl, I don’t think this has any positive significance. There are already many nationalities in Austria, and adding another will only make our rule more complicated!” Archduke Louis said with a frown.

He had perceived Carl’s insinuation. The creation of an Austrian Ethnic group was a pretense; the real purpose was to assimilate all the ethnic groups of Austria together.

However, this was not what Archduke Louis wished for. Once all the ethnic groups in Austria were merged, the Germans would no longer be an exception. This would symbolize a division between Austria and Germany, a disaster for proponents of Greater Germany..

Chapter 63

Franz did not rush to make a statement. Integrating all the nationalities of the Austrian Empire was no simple feat. It was predicted that, apart from the lower-class civilians who knew nothing of nationality, the vast majority would find it difficult to accept.

If the Empire could not gain genuine acceptance from its people, and instead formed a nominal Austrian Ethnicity, the end result could be quite embarrassing.

Nationalism originated in the 18th century in Europe as a bourgeois movement to break the chains of theocracy and feudalism.

From 1789 to 1871, the success of the bourgeois revolution and the establishment of the national state system were driven by nationalism.

The Southeast Europe region was relatively conservative, where nationalism usually emerged under the intellectual influence of the great powers.

For instance, Hungarian nationalism was an export from the French; it was just beginning, and it would be some time before the Hungarian nationality truly took shape after the common folk had been assimilated.

In the mid-19th century, spurred by ambitions for war, the Tsarist Government stirred up “Pan-Slavism” nationalism that spread to the Balkan region, and this became the fuse for the World War.

“Mr. Carl, if we establish an Austrian Ethnicity, what happens to the existing nationalities?

Are we to withdraw from the Germany Region and establish a separate Austrian Empire?” Prime Minister Felix asked with furrowed brows.

The delicate topic was broached, and the atmosphere indoors became instantly oppressive.

“Back in 1806, when the Holy Roman Empire was dissolved, Austria became independent from the Germany Region. Do you think we could reestablish the Holy Roman Empire now?” Carl retorted.

“It’s impossible to unify the Germany Region. Austria can be independent of it, but we cannot give up on Germany, it’s a matter of principle.

It is clearly not advisable to try to replace all of the nationalities currently within Austria with one nationality, even we would not recognize it. However, we can diminish the concept of nationality and emphasize Austria, ” Metternich said solemnly.

Franz frowned; it appeared everyone was in opposition. In this era, the crisis of a multinational state was not yet recognized, and governments continued to use ethnic conflicts to overshadow class struggles for a long time.

At this point, Franz had to take a stand. With Finance Minister Carl struggling to support the cause alone, if he did not back the idea, the Austrian Ethnicity would vanish like a bubble.

“We can look at this issue separately. All nationalities of the Austrian Empire together form it, and the Austrian Ethnicity can also represent all Austrians.

Building a nationality that everyone identifies with will gradually replace the dozens of nationalities currently within Austria, significantly reducing our internal national conflicts.

Not to mention, at the very least, the current Hungarian rebellion could be avoided.”

“Your Highness, even without nationalism, careerists can easily rally under other banners. If they wish, they will never lack for excuses.

In doing so, we would lose our leadership in the Germany Region. Is it worth it?” Archduke Louis asked uneasily.

His words were polite; otherwise, he might have been labeled a fool, a coward, or a traitor.

The core of Austria’s foundation is the German people, at least until national integration is complete. This situation won’t change. To give up on Germany now would be to abandon its foundation for rule.

“No, Grand Duke Louis! Who says we are giving up our leadership in the Germany Region?” Franz countered.

Without waiting for an answer, Franz continued, “Although the Germany Region is fragmented, it lies at the heart of Europe, and whoever controls it dominates the European Continent.

Regrettably, we lack the strength to unify the Germany Region, and the countries of Europe would not tolerate its unification.

In this context, the leader of this German Confederation, Austria, is essentially just a nominal figurehead. Domestically, we face challenges from the

Prussians, and abroad, we must withstand pressures from other nations.

Our gains are merely nominal while Austria has not benefitted from the Germany Region. Considering our investments, we have been operating at a net loss in the Germany Region over the years, allowing the Prussians to reap substantial benefits.

Given this, why not temporarily cease investment in the Germany Region and turn towards regions with higher investment returns?

As for the Germany Region, we simply need to maintain Austrian influence, keeping the balance of power is not just our responsibility. Sharing some of this with our allies prevents them from idleness.”

Indeed, Franz sought to shift the strategic focus of Austria. If he continued the struggle in the Germany Region, hemmed in by Prussia internally and eyed covetously by France externally, what good would it do?

Do not be misled by Austria’s numerous followers in the Germany Region; one call to arms and they would rally. However, if Franz dared reveal ambitions to unify Germany, the plot would instantly take a 180 degree turn, leaving him opposed by the entire world.

This can be seen in the case of his forebear, Maximilian the Great, who hinted at ambitions to unify the Germany Region and then met a tragic end at the hands of French and domestic princes.

At that time, the Habsburg Family was The Empire on Which the Sun Never Sets, far more formidable than contemporary Austria, having annexed Spain in its zenith and occupied much of Italy while also ruling on Belgium and Netherlands.

As for being kicked out of the Germany Region because of advocating for an Austrian Ethnicity, Franz held no fear.

The German princes were not fools; their lives were better with Austria and Prussia in mutual check. If one power rose unopposed, it would spell their doom.

After years of mergers and reorganizations, all had learned the game of balance; North German State gravitated towards Prussia, and the South German princes leaned on Austria.

Franz’s insinuation was clear to everyone: he was ready to abandon the long-held continental policy, especially since the “Metternich System” had already collapsed. To rebuild it, Austria would pay too great a price.

“Your Highness, are you planning to shift Austria’s strategic focus to the Italian Area?” Metternich asked with concern.

“No, Austria’s strategic focus will be on the domestic front for the time being. As for the Italian Area, we will just punish the Kingdom of Sardinia as a lesson,” Franz stated, shaking his head.

Hearing Franz’s answer, everyone sighed in relief. The Italian Area was not so easily tampered with; it involved England and France.

But targeting the Kingdom of Sardinia was not an issue; they had brought it upon themselves, and Austria could not just stand by without retaliating..

Chapter 64

Milan City

Marshal Bardolli had been extremely vexed lately. Ever since April 7th, when the Kingdom of Sardinia announced the annexation of Lombardy, hordes of democrats had emerged to protest.

Without a doubt, he, as a Marshal, had no say in matters of state, let alone these commoners; naturally, he had sent troops to disperse them.

Fortunately, the Austrian Army had already suppressed a round of stubborn resistance, killing off most of the hard bones. Those from the provisional government had been either bribed or placed under house arrest, and the rest were merely armchair strategists.

“Your Excellency, another group of petitioners has arrived outside, requesting your deployment of troops to recapture Venice!” whispered the adjutant.

This was not the first time a petitioning group had surfaced, including those seeking independence, autonomy, or additional food allotments.

In any case, regardless of whether Bardolli had any authority, the people of the Lombardy Region seemed to have decided he was their go-to person for matters, constantly petitioning the Marshal for various issues.

Being a hero was not an easy task; in order to maintain his illustrious image, Bardolli had to exhibit a semblance of being receptive to advice.

Apart from those demanding independence, whom he had driven off with troops, he met with representatives of other petitioning groups to convey his own difficulties.

For instance, “soldiers do not interfere in politics” was the reason he used most frequently.

After repeating it many times, Bardolli himself had almost begun to believe it was true, and recently he rarely meddled with the administrative affairs of the Lombardy Region unless the local government officials proactively sought him out.

“Let their representatives come in!” said Bardolli, frowning.

There was no avoiding it this time. Dispatching troops to the Venice Area was not just a political issue, but more a military one. As the command of the frontline troops of the Kingdom of Sardinia was under his control, this time they had approached the right person.

Soon two young men with the appearance of students were brought in, causing Bardolli’s frown to tighten even more—adolescents full of juvenile fantasies were the most troublesome.

“Respected Marshal, my name is Lim, and this is Townsend. We are honored to meet you!”

Observing the two excited youths, Bardolli politely responded, “I am also pleased to meet you. May I first see the petition?”

“Oh, of course!” answered Lim promptly.

Having received the petition, Bardolli quickly scanned through it. It was a blood-letter, full of fiery contents, with dense signatures at the end—he was almost moved by it.

“I will keep this petition and convey it to the King as soon as possible. However, when we will launch an attack on Venice is a military secret that I cannot disclose.

We are currently preparing for the military assault. Everyone knows what happened recently. Due to insufficient preparation, we all ended up hungry.

This time we have learned our lesson, so we are taking more time to prepare for the war. We cannot afford to halt military action again due to food issues.

The Austrians’ total military strength amounts to five or six hundred thousand.

Once the war for Venice breaks out, they will certainly send reinforcements. Currently, my forces are insufficient.

Reinforcements from within our country are still on their way, and the new recruits recently conscripted in Lombardy are still in training. All this requires time.

“But rest assured, the final victory will surely belong to us!”

After hearing Marshal Badoglio’s explanation, the two young men kept nodding. They were both military novices and, in an age without the internet, they were unclear about the domestic situation in Austria.

According to normal thinking, Austria was very powerful. If Marshal Badoglio, who could defeat Austria, was the greatest general of the time, then everything he said must be right.

“Victory will surely be ours, Your Excellency Marshal, we all believe in you. You definitely are not the coward rumored on the outside; those are just people jealous of your talent!” Townsend blurted out without thinking.

A herd of alpacas suddenly seemed to run through Badoglio’s heart. Could you not be so blunt? That’s how you end up without friends.

Attack Venice? Wasn’t that nonsense? Did they really think Austria was made of paper?

Now he had nominally 150,000 troops at hand, nearly a third more than the opposing Austrians, but this 150,000-strong army was waterlogged, with nearly 70,000 of them being local recruits.

The Italians were never trusted by the Vienna Government, so the Austrian army didn’t have reserves in the area. Now, the soldiers Badoglio had recruited were basically just farmers who had just put down their hoes or workers from the cities.

Even junior officers were in short supply. The Italian Area was not the Germany Region, especially the commercially advanced Lombardy; the military literacy of the local nobility had plummeted.

One could say that this makeshift army was just to make up the numbers. Now they didn’t even have enough rifles to arm each man. They were passable for logistics and maintaining local order.

If sent to the battlefield, it would be like handing over heads to the enemy. The real forces in this war were still the Sardinian Army.

80,000 Sardinian Army troops versus 100,000 Austrian Army troops. No matter how you looked at it, it didn’t add up. That was the real reason they had stopped advancing.

But the public didn’t know this; they were simply calculating the total military strength. The Austrians had a total of only 100,000 troops in the Italian Area and had lost several thousand due to suppressing the revolution.

150 ,ooo Sardinian troops with the cooperation of the Venetian people — couldn’t they defeat the modest Austrian army of just over 90,000?

Marshal Badoglio’s pressure still wasn’t huge. The power base from the native Lombardy had just switched allegiance to the Kingdom of Sardinia and dared not cause trouble; for now, it was student representatives coming in, and he could still cheat them over the short term.

King Charles was different, however. Inside Sardinia, various groups abounded.

He had merely used the war to divert internal strife, only to overplay his hand. Now, radical nationalists were urging him to deploy troops to Venice daily.

This was his own mess. To ease the political pressure within the country, King

Charles had extensively propagated the Sardinian Army’s victory over the Austrians in Lombardy, leading many to mistakenly believe that Austria was no big deal.

Public opinion is the easiest to fall into madness. Charles Albert had forgotten the rule: too much is as bad as too little. Or perhaps, even if he knew, it made no difference; he no longer had control over the narrative.

Now, with nationalism soaring in the Italian Area and Sardinia being the hotbed of such intense nationalism, stimulated by the defeat of the Austrian army, nationalism had flared up once more.

At this time, nationalism mixed with patriotism had reached the brink of losing control, and there were those constantly reminding them that the Venice Area was still under Austrian rule.

Since the Kingdom of Sardinia’s annexation of Lombardy, all citizens had been rejoicing at the prospect of a step further towards the unification of Italy, and now the Venice Area controlled by Austria seemed all the more an eyesore.

The Kingdom of Sardinia was already in too deep to back out!

Chapter 65

Late at Night

In a small alley within Turin City, inside a grocery store, three middle-aged men were gathered together, conversing in hushed tones.

The older man asked, “Amor, how are things going?”

“The plan is proceeding very smoothly. The people’s patriotic fervor is high. Even without our guidance, I’m afraid they would spontaneously go protest!” Amor replied with a smile.

“We cannot be careless. The more critical the moment, the more cautious we must be.”

“You haven’t attracted any unwarranted attention, have you?” the older man asked with concern.

“Rest assured, Camelo! My current identity is that of a patriotic small merchant from Venice. Now, my actions are completely in line with my identity.

On the surface, as long as the Kingdom of Sardinia occupies Venice, I stand to make a handsome profit.

In such a situation, it is expected of me to be antagonistic towards Austria, so it won’t draw attention.” explained Amor.

There are more than a few capitalists who, for the sake of profit, advocate for the attack on Venice. Amor is merely exhibiting a bit more enthusiasm, which is hardly an issue.

“Well, that’s good to hear. In our line of work, the most important thing is to be careful and complete the tasks at hand without getting greedy.

Sicilio, how far has your mission progressed?” the man known by the code name Camelo continued to inquire.

“Not very smoothly. I’m just an obscure nobody, and the large newspapers don’t lack for submissions. For now, my articles can only appear in small street zines,” Sicilio responded, sounding rather helpless.

He was merely a literary youth; his writing was decent but not earth-shattering. In the culturally developed Italian Area, he didn’t hold much advantage.

Fortunately, the articles he was currently penning fitted very well with the times, alternating between denouncing the Austrians and lauding the bravery of the Sardinian Army.

Recently, there had been many such articles, but Sicilio’s were more blatant and radical, which perfectly suited the tastes of adolescents going through their rebellious phase.

“Don’t worry, just take it slow. Sardinian nationalism is somewhat beyond our expectations. Even without our influence, public sentiment would still pressure the government to send troops to Venice. Now we’re just accelerating the timetable.

Since we have already generated the hype, it doesn’t matter whether we did the prompting or not.

Now, everyone needs to shift their propaganda tactics a bit, start broadcasting about the brutal rule of Austria. You all can fabricate the content at will, just make sure to paint Austria in the most negative light possible.”

If you can’t think of anything, dredge up the dark history of the Sardinian nobility and capitalists, give it a spin, and pin all of it on Austria,” Camelo advised, nodding.

At this point, Camelo felt like laughing. He had set a record; as a spy, he was actively smearing his own homeland. If word got out, he estimated no one would believe it.

Even the two underlings he had developed locally were unaware that they were serving the Vienna Government; Camelo had always told them it was a secret intelligence organization from the United Kingdom.

Now encouraging the Kingdom of Sardinia to attack Venice is to coordinate with the strategic plan of the Great Britain Empire to establish a unified Italy.

Influenced by financial benefits and uplifting rhetoric, both individuals didn’t feel there was anything wrong with their behavior. They even believed that their actions were efforts towards the unification of Italy.

There was no choice, as these were the internal orders given. To hasten the Sardinian Army to advance towards Venice, it was now necessary to stir up their nationalistic sentiments and apply political pressure on the Sardinian Government.

There were many who carried out this mission, most disguising themselves as members of the intelligence organizations of England and France, and some even boldly infiltrated extremist groups.

In this era, without identity registration books and communication being so troublesome, concocting an identity from the Italian Area was impossible to verify.

Moreover, with the rise of nationalism in the Kingdom of Sardinia, anyone who donned the guise of a patriot and acted politically correctly was untouchable, even if their identity was discovered, the Sardinian Government dared not arrest them lightly.

With someone setting the tone, the combativeness of Sardinian nationalists was naturally even stronger. Faced with the pressure of public opinion, King Charles Albert eventually couldn’t hold out any longer.

It should be noted that after the February Revolution broke out in France, the revolutionary fervor also surged within the Kingdom of Sardinia. Had it not been for his quick decision to declare war on Austria to deflect the tension, it was questionable whether he would still retain his throne now.

In fact, Charles Albert had no intention of defeating Austria; originally, he had just planned to fight a war where gaining a little advantage would suffice to appease the domestic front.

Having already occupied Lombardy, he had exceeded the mission’s expectations. Continuing the attack on the Venice Area was too risky, and the chances of military success were not high.

“Azelio, where are our allied forces now?” King Charles Albert asked with concern.

Prime Minister Azzolini’s expression darkened. With the Kingdom of Sardinia reaping all the benefits, how could one expect other Sub-States to contribute?

Besides, the Italian States were heavily influenced by Austria. Now, under the force of public opinion, they had unwillingly joined the war; without the incentive of benefits, shirking their duties was inevitable.

“The 5,000 volunteers from Tuscany are already on their way and are expected to arrive in the Lombardy Region by the end of the month. The 7,000 troops from the Papal State have reached the Adige River. The 40,000 reinforcements from Naples are expected to arrive in part by May,” Azzolini answered with difficulty.

“Urge them to hasten, and continue to request an increase in the number of reinforcements from all countries. We must launch an attack on the Venice Area by May!” King Charles thought for a moment and said.

This was his final line to hold; the tide of public opinion was truly unstoppable.

At this moment, King Charles already regretted declaring the annexation of Lombardy so prematurely; otherwise, he could have used the partition of Lombardy to keep Tuscany on the hook.

That thought was fleeting. In an age where public opinion demanded unification, territorial partition was politically fatal.

“Your Majesty, now is not the time for a final battle with the Austrians. We must at least wait for the internal strife in Austria to escalate and for the arrival of the 40,000 troops from Naples. That will be the best time to launch an attack,” Minister of Army Li Qi advised.

Austria had not yet begun to suppress the Hungarian rebellion. If troops were sent to Venice now, agitating the Vienna Government, it could well bring the main Austrian forces down into the Italian Area.

Charles Albert explained helplessly, “From a military standpoint, that is indeed the case. However, politically we can no longer afford to wait. Furthermore, there are financial issues; the expenses of occupying the Lombardy Region have far exceeded our expectations.”

(Do not criticize the name. The translation of the Sardinian Army Minister is indeed Li Qi, it is not a Chinese name I have concocted..)

Chapter 66

Having no money is an awkward issue, and the Kingdom of Sardinia, located in the northwestern part of Italy, is considered to be the best developed among the Italian sub-states.

Regrettably, this doesn’t change the fact that the Kingdom of Sardinia is poor by nature, with just over 70,000 square kilometers of territory and a population of merely five or six million, lacking significant resources, and only just beginning industrial development.

But their aspirations are not diminished by their poverty, as they have always struggled for the unification of Italy. Because of their ambitious spirit, the Kingdom of Sardinia has become even poorer.

To unify Italy, it naturally relied on military force, hence the Kingdom of Sardinia’s military spending was just a tad excessive, causing their finances to be in a constant state of deficit.

Until 1852, when the legendary Prime Minister Cavour took office, reformed the taxation system, increased national revenue; and implemented a series of measures such as expanding railway and port constructions and promoting industry and commerce to finally escape the financial crisis.

Prime Minister Azelio echoed with a frown, “Your Majesty is right; we indeed have run out of money. The war came too suddenly, and our preparations were not sufficient.

The occupation of the Lombardy Region has consumed a considerable amount of financial and material resources, greatly exceeding our budget. To date, over 28 million lire has been spent.

(1 lira = 4-5 grams of silver)

Owing to the war, we cannot count on tax revenue from the Lombardy Region this year and will continue to be in a net expenditure state for the second half of the year.

The French suddenly terminated the prior-promised weapon support, and now we have to squeeze out funds from our limited war budget to purchase arms and equipment—this alone will cost us at least more than 17 million lire.

The combination of these two items has already consumed nearly forty-five percent of our war budget. We are also maintaining an army of nearly 200,000, with a daily expenditure of at least 1 million lire; if this drags on, we will be bankrupt in at most two months.”

After hearing the Prime Minister’s explanation, Minister of Army Li Qi’s first reaction was disbelief, and he immediately questioned, “Prime Minister, how could we spend so much money? According to our plan, the 100 million lire should have been enough to support us in the war for half a year!”

“Minister Li Qi, are you suggesting that I embezzled funds?” Prime Minister Azelio angrily retorted.

Embezzlement? In this era, how many officials are not corrupt? But this widely known secret is better left unmentioned, as it wouldn’t look good for anyone involved.

Li Qi quickly clarified, “No, Prime Minister, I meant no insinuation. I’m just curious about these expenses!”

After hearing Li Qi’s response, Azelio’s expression softened somewhat. He explained calmly, “Let me give you a rough idea so that you can see where the money has gone.

In the Lombardy Region, we spent 8.65 million lire on bribing members of the Liberal Party, 10.5365 million lire on solving food problems, 3.657 million lire on aiding war refugees, and 3.8623 million lire on establishing administrative institutions…

Due to the never-ending revolutions in Europe, the prices of arms and equipment on the international market have risen by thirty-seven percent. Your Army Department was also involved in this matter, so there’s no need to ask me, right?

According to our preliminary plans, we did not expect to recruit an additional 70 ,ooo troops in the Lombardy Region. The increase in numbers naturally led to higher expenses!”

After the Prime Minister’s explanation, Li Qi had no response. What could he do? The army felt insecure about engaging in battle with the Austrians. To increase their chances of success, they adopted the simplest method— expansion of forces.

Before the Industrial Revolution, the mobilization capacity of agricultural societies was low, making it impossible for the whole population to participate in the war.

Sardinia had mobilized hundreds of thousands of people internally, practically reaching the limit of their mobilization capacity. At such a time, the eagerness of the Lombardy people to enlist was high, and it made no sense to turn away good recruits.

At this point, Li Qi had no other concerns. As the Minister of Army, he had to take a stand for the army, to minimize the risk of failure as much as possible.

“Prime Minister, the British support this war; can’t we ask the British for another loan?” he asked.

Prime Minister Azelio frowned, smiling wryly as he replied, “British loans are not easy to come by. We have already paid a sizeable price for this loan of 3 million pounds.

Now that the war has broken out, if we ask them for another loan, I’m afraid the terms will not be so simple anymore!”

(1 pound 25 lire)

There was no way around it; this was almost a tried and true tactic of the British: lure someone aboard with an initial loan. But once on board, it’s hard to disembark, and by mid-river, you’d have to accept whatever terms they dictate.

“What about the French then? Don’t they want us to drive the Austrians out of Italy? Don’t they have any inclination to signal their support at this critical time?” asked Li Qi, unwilling to give up hope.

Charles Albert scoffed and said, “Hmph! The French are a bunch of untrustworthy bastards. They’ve even backed out on the weapon equipment support they promised us before. Do you think they can be relied upon?” No one continued the topic. The French support was initially there, but it fell through once they learned that the Kingdom of Sardinia had annexed Lombardy.

According to the French, the Lombardy Region had to establish its independence, which was undoubtedly unacceptable to them.

Independence is manageable, but re-unification afterward would be difficult. If they missed the current opportunity, would the Kingdom of Sardinia ever get another chance to annex Lombardy?

Li Qi, after weighing the situation, said, “Your Majesty, based on the current circumstances, guarding the Venice Area is the cunning old fox Radetzky of the Austrian army. He won’t be fooled a second time after one loss.

If the Austrian army only defends and refuses to battle decisively, it would be impossible for us to end the war within two months.

If the Austrians are unwilling to end the war, even if we capture Venice, the war would still continue, hence we will need to find a solution for the war funds.

He was laying his cards on the table; ending the war was not solely up to them, unless the Sardinian army could march all the way to Vienna, forcing the Austrian Government to surrender.

This was clearly impossible. Everyone present was a rational politician, and even with utmost confidence in the Sardinian army, no one believed they could pull off such a feat.

Given the situation, if they wanted to win the war, the government had to find a way to raise military funds; otherwise, losing the war due to lack of funds would no longer be the Army Department’s responsibility.

Azelio, the Prime Minister, said with a wry smile, “Alright, Minister Li Qi, we will find a solution to the problem of military funds, but you must also ensure victory. We cannot afford to lose this war!”

“Prime Minister, rest assured. Marshal Badoglio is commanding this war, and he has already beaten the Austrians once. Dealing with a group of defeated foes is not a problem!” Li Qi quickly assured.

Charles Albert, who had been quiet for a while, suddenly asked, “Prime Minister, how do you plan to solve the shortfall in funds?”

Chapter 67

Prime Minister Azelio’s heart chilled, and he realized that he had stated his position too hastily without first consulting the King’s opinion, provoking dissatisfaction from Charles Albert.

Politics are such a delicate matter. The Kingdom of Sardinia is a constitutional monarchy. In such a system, if the Prime Minister makes decisions without going through the King, it wouldn’t take long for Charles Albert to be overshadowed if he showed no reaction.

Clearly, Charles Albert was not a political novice like Louis WI. His political astuteness was at least a ninety, and he started to admonish him immediately.

After understanding all of this, Prime Minister Azelio said with trepidation, “Your Majesty, at present we only have two methods to resolve the financial issue, either to levy a war tax or to borrow from international consortia.” Charles Albert glared at him fiercely, cursing inwardly, “Old slickster.”

The words of Prime Minister Azelio were only half said, “Levying war tax” but on whom should it be levied, and within what scope?

The old territories of the Kingdom of Sardinia had already been taxed. Now, should the tax target only Lombardy, or should it be levied across the whole country?

This was the kind of odious task that would alienate people. Ordinary citizens were as poor as church mice, and squeezing them would be a drop in the bucket, leaving no choice but to reach out to capitalists and the nobility.

Don’t be deceived by how patriotic the nobility and capitalists of the Kingdom of Sardinia seemed, eagerly donating money. When it truly comes to paying up, you’ll find the situation is quite different.

Fake donation scandals are still a thing in the 21st century with highly advanced internet, to say nothing of this era.

Who can’t put on a show? They can do even more, donating ten thousand Lira and then earning back twenty or thirty thousand Lira is not uncommon.

Borrowing from international consortia? Who is willing to lend money to the Kingdom of Sardinia now? Other than the British, which country is lending them money?

International loans are high risk and high return; without government involvement, who can guarantee repayment? In case the Kingdom of Sardinia is defeated, who will they approach for money?

Borrowing from the British, that can’t avoid being taken advantage of. One can only imagine how many treasonous treaties need to be signed, a deal that leaves an eternal stench, something no one wants to engage in.

“Oh, since the Prime Minister has already made up his mind, then implement it as soon as possible!”

Charles Albert decisively confirmed the outcome without hesitation.

In a constitutional monarchy, isn’t it about the King delegating power? Now he has delegated it. After all, this matter has nothing to do with the King; it’s entirely the Cabinet’s responsibility.

Taking the fall for the boss, Prime Minister Azelio still has the awareness. But of course, he can’t be the only one to take the fall—he’s not foolish. Naturally, he has to drag someone else into the water.

“Yes, Your Majesty! I will convene a government meeting to discuss this matter and implement it as promptly as possible!”

Charles Albert nodded in satisfaction. The Prime Minister had taken over the responsibility; it ultimately didn’t matter whether he or another official bore the brunt. As long as his role as King was not compromised, that was a sign of a good subject.

“Hmm, the issue of military funding is the Cabinet’s responsibility, but the military operations against Venice must not be delayed. The Army Department must make preparations for war as soon as possible!” Charles Albert added “Yes, Your Majesty!” Minister of Army Li Qi quickly responded.

The King’s intent was clear to him, no matter the difficulties, the campaign against Venice must commence first, as that was the politically correct move.

As for how to fight, that remained uncertain. Launching a full-scale attack was one option, sending small troops for reconnaissance was another—what mattered was showing the outside world the Kingdom of Sardinia’s resolve.

Li Qi was satisfied; he had managed to gain some more time for the troops at the front. An initial probing attack could easily be drawn out for ten to fifteen days, right?

With all this preparation time added up, they could almost postpone the decisive battle to June, by which point the training of the new recruits would also be largely complete.

The Kingdom of Sardinia was making preparations, and Austria was not idle, either. After Marshal Radetzky withdrew to the Venice Area, his first order of business was to suppress the local rebellion.

After a group of ringleaders was executed, the Vienna Government gained over seventy thousand laborers for free, who were promptly taken away by the Austrian Government to address the issues in the Venice Area.

Because of the war, the Vienna Government didn’t have enough time to carefully evaluate these people, so they were all added to the Road Repair Army, striving to ensure the logistical supply for the Austrian Army.

With these measures, the Venice Area settled down, but the price was that the economy almost came to a standstill.

However, given that this place was about to become a battlefield, it hardly mattered anymore. Who would expect economic development during a war? “Sir Marshal, Sir Rots requests an audience!” the Adjutant said in a low voice.

Marshal Radetzky smiled slightly, “Let him in!”

Rost gave Marshal Radetzky a noble salute and respectfully said, “Honorable

Marshal, it is a great honor for Rost-Hold to meet with you!”

Conventionally, this was the time to address the noble title, but Radetzky preferred being called ‘Marshal’, so Rots was naturally obliging him.

“The pleasure is mine, Mr. Robert. What brings you to me today?” asked Marshal Radetzky with a smile.

Rots replied, “Your Excellency, I am here today on behalf of the Venice Business Association. You know that this rebellion has involved…”

Before he could finish, Marshal Radetzky cut him off, “Mr. Rots, the rebels will not be forgiven. If you’re here to plea on their behalf, then save your breath.

Almost all captured ringleaders have been executed; those who weren’t captured but surrender themselves might be dealt with more leniently!”

Feeling Radetzky’s intimidating presence, cold sweat broke out on Rots’ forehead, an unnatural reaction in Venice’s April weather.

He was relieved that he had always opposed violent revolutions and hadn’t gotten involved in this rebellion; otherwise, another head would be hanging from Venice’s pillars.

The Vienna Government had been ruthless with the insurgents this time. No strings attached could save them; once caught, they were quickly killed without a moment to spare.

Rots spoke hesitantly, “No, Your Excellency. How could I plead for those rebels?”

Marshal Radetzky laughed heartily, “Oh, don’t be nervous, take your time. As long as it’s not about the rebels, we can talk. Your father, old Rots, is a friend of mine. Is there anything you need my help with?”

After the initial scare, Rots somewhat regretted getting involved in this messy affair. As a noble and part-time capitalist, his primary identity was still that of nobility..

Chapter 68

By now, retreat was not an option for him. Rost gritted his teeth and said, “Your Excellency Marshal, there were many innocent civilians caught up in this rebellion, coerced by the Rebels and have now been arrested.

They all have families to feed. When do you think they can be released?”

Marshal Radetzky chuckled and replied, “That certainly is a problem, but you can rest assured. We are in the process of sorting things out, but it will take some time.

As for the problem of their families, that has been easily solved. The Venice City Government has already started distributing food, so every person can receive their share of rations and won’t go hungry!”

Distinguishing the real rebels from the civilians who were dragged into this is not something that can be accomplished overnight.

The enemy is about to strike, and during such a time, stability overrides everything else. Marshal Radetzky does not want to take risks, and Franz is even less likely to. That’s why the Vienna Government took people away as soon as possible.

After all, most of these people are workers, and it does not matter if there is a mistake. The government can simply issue back pay later and relocate them to state-owned factories to quell any resentment in their hearts.

With a little guidance, their animosity can be shifted onto the Rebels. After all, if these people hadn’t dragged them down, none of this would have happened.

Of course, the government is just in its actions. If a mistake is made, isn’t a
salary still issued? And with the additional arrangement of employment, the state-owned factories, no matter what, are far better than how the capitalists treat them.

Without comparison, there is no sense of grievance. People are pragmatic, especially those ordinary folks who worry every day about basic needs. They naturally align with whoever makes life easier for them.

This has been proven, as the serfs in the Venice Area who initially participated in the revolution have now turned into staunch supporters of the Habsburg Family, haven’t they?

Wasn’t Marshal Radetzky able to easily deal with the Venice Rebel army because of the defection of the serfs? As long as they helped the government forces suppress the rebellion, they could receive land. Who could refuse that?

The Revolutionaries’ extravagant promises, when it came down to concrete actions, never really took into account the interest of the lower-class citizens. Independence or republic, it mattered little if it didn’t fill their stomachs.

Upon Franz’s insistence, the Austrian Army strictly enforced the policies of suppressing the Rebels and distributing land. Besides dividing the land, the government also thoughtfully distributed the Rebel Aristocrats’ farm tools and food.

The countryside of the Venice Area has stabilized now. The portion of Nobility who escaped disaster also had to be extremely cautious, fearing any relation to the Rebels.

Now that the serfs have been forcibly liberated, these freshly freed peasants are watching the Nobility closely, hoping they join the rebellion so their land can be divided.

This is also why the Nobility, grieving over the slaughter by the Austrian

Government, didn’t revolt in response – they were simply too frightened.

There’s no other way; the Austrian Italian Region has always been somewhat unstable and naturally looked down upon within the Austrian Empire, politically oppressed, with little say in matters.

Marshal Radetzky has been slaughtering in Venice, almost turning it into a river of blood, and the Vienna Government hasn’t shown any response. It’s as if they’ve taught them a harsh lesson with their bayonets, making them understand who’s in charge.

In just over a month, nearly seven-tenths of the Nobility in the Venice Area have been stripped of their titles, and nearly eight-tenths of the capitalists have been plundered. Those who haven’t fled have been executed.

For the remaining capitalists, this is a golden opportunity. With so many competitors down, anyone who doesn’t seize the market now is a fool.

No matter who rules over Venice, capitalists will need to pay taxes. As long as they don’t run off to rebel, no one will touch them.

The Austrian Government has been particularly harsh this time, but isn’t it because some people played too wildly? Did they think once their wings were strong, even if they provided the Revolutionaries with funds and weapons, it wouldn’t be a big deal?

Well, actually, these are not impossible activities as long as one is careful and doesn’t get caught by the Austrian Government, but the problem is that these people were too arrogant.

Why follow the French and get involved with banquets and movements, as if they were desperate to connect with the Revolutionary Party? Now that the Austrian Government is settling accounts, there is a plethora of witness testimony.

Those who survived are the smart ones, seeing that the Roth family and the Marshal Radetsky Family had some relations, the capitalists, in order to resume production and seize the market as soon as possible, have now publically nominated him to represent them in negotiations.

After listening to Marshal Radetsky, Rost knew there were troubles, but he still attempted to bargain with determination.

“Your Excellency, since the rebellion broke out in the Venice Area, the local economy has been devastated. If production can’t resume quickly, I’m afraid this year’s taxes will become a problem!” he said.

Marshal Radetsky looked at him, smiled, and replied in an unhurried manner, “Isn’t that obvious, Rots?

Due to the war, the local economy has suffered catastrophic damage. I have already reported this to the Vienna Government and requested exemption from this year’s taxes.

Do you mean to say that if I release these people, you can guarantee that this year’s tax revenues from the Venice Area won’t decrease?”

Rost stuttered in response, “No!”

He truly couldn’t make that promise. If this year’s tax revenues from the Venice Area could reach one-fifth of those of previous years, it would already be a miracle.

What to do about the shortfall? They couldn’t possibly be expected to cover the difference out of their own pockets, could they? They weren’t like the Thirteen Factories, carrying out a tax-farming contract!

Marshal Radetsky insidiously suggested, “I understand your objective now. We are about to go to war with the Kingdom of Sardinia, and in order to ensure stability in the Venice Area, these individuals definitely cannot return before the review is completed.

I understand your desire to seize the opportunity to expand production and claim the market. Don’t worry; once we have defeated the Kingdom of Sardinia, your gains will be even greater.

Since the capitalists from the Lombardy Region have sided with the Kingdom of Sardinia, as losers, they naturally have no right to continue existing. I think you can fill the void they leave behind!”

It was a naked hint that as long as they supported Austria to win the war, the main commercial sphere of the Northern Italy Region would become Venice.

Rost managed to control his emotions and said, “Your Excellency, what would be the price for us to pay?

“It’s simple. You just need to create a movement in the Kingdom of Sardinia, forcing them to deploy their troops to Venice ahead of time!” Marshal Radetsky calmly answered.

Rost’s eyes sparkled with excitement; this was an investment of low input, high return, and zero risk. He really couldn’t find a reason to refuse.

If it failed, at worst, they would pay a bit of propaganda expenses. If successful, everyone’s industries could double or even multiply several times over..

Chapter 69

The main industries of the Italian Area in this era were all concentrated in the northern regions. Due to political and geographical factors, it divided into the “Turin—Genoa” industrial zone and the “Milan—Venice” industrial zone.

Without a doubt, the Industrial Revolution in the Italian Area had just begun, and it was still dominated by traditional handicrafts, only that more mechanical tools had been added.

The capitalists of the Venice Area and those of the Kingdom of Sardinia both cooperated and competed. Many capitalists had industries in both places, and their relationships weren’t so easy to clarify.

When the conditions proposed by Marshal Radetsky spread throughout the Venice Area, the capitalists responded one after another. As for whom they truly supported in their hearts, that was hard to say.

This was all irrelevant; after all, it was an open strategy. Even the capitalists most hostile to Austria also needed the Kingdom of Sardinia to dispatch troops to Venice as soon as possible.

For every day the war continued, it brought incalculable losses to them, including the local capitalists of the Kingdom of Sardinia. National mobilization also hindered their ability to make money.

Turin became even more lively. The capitalists from the Venice Area joined the public opinion offensive, seemingly becoming the last straw that broke the camel’s back. Watching the dark mass of demonstrators, Charles Albert had no choice but to order the army to launch an early attack.

For this, he also dispatched the last 40,000 troops that could be mobilized domestically. The Sardinian Army alone amounted to 190,000 troops, and if allied forces were included, their total theoretical strength had already approached 250,000.

The reason it was only theoretical was that, apart from the Sardinian Army, the other Sub-State armies were still dawdling

Especially the Neapolitan troops, who were the farthest away, had stopped in the Papal State due to many soldiers suffering from heatstroke. Only God knew why they were experiencing heatstroke in spring.

In any case, the promised 40,000-strong Neapolitan force would not make it to the war in time. However, for the sake of Italian unity at the earliest, they still sent several hundred brave souls to fight despite illness.

No matter how ridiculous the reason, one thing was certain: the Neapolitan army would not arrive.

Franz did not credit the Foreign Ministry for this. One could tell just by looking at the background of the current King of Naples, Ferdinand Il.

This man was the son of Francis I of the Two Sicilies and Clementine, daughter of the Holy Roman Emperor Leopold Il. (The Kingdom of Sicily and Naples joined to create the Two Sicilian Kingdom, with Naples playing a leading role).

Simply put, this man was a puppet installed in the Italian Area by the Habsburg Family, and although Austria’s international reputation had declined, this was not enough for them to revolt.

Looking at a map, one could tell that even if Austria was ousted from Italy, Naples, being separated by the Papal State, would not receive any substantial benefits.

Every Italian Sub-State had ambitions to unify the Italian Area, and siding with the enemy at this moment was not a wise choice. Even if Austria occupied

Venice and Lombardy, it would be more in their interest than if the Kingdom of Sardinia did so.

History had changed, as Austria now had stronger military power in the Venice Area. The Kingdom of Sardinia had already started to perform the Demonic Disintegration Method; it was a battle for national destiny.

By May, the Austrian reserves mobilized had, after more than a month of coordination, started to show combat capability. Franz discreetly reinforced Hungary, and war was on the brink of breaking out.

Vienna

Franz once again sighed at how good a comrade Nicholas I was, as the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that 300,000 Russian troops were fully prepared and ready to deploy at any moment to help Austria and Prussia suppress the revolution.

The strong support of the Tsarist Government created a highly significant impact in Europe, dealing a heavy blow to the revolutionary parties in both Austria and Prussia.

The newly independent Hungarian government became precarious, and Head of State Kossuth of the Hungarian Republic was losing sleep, fearing the Russians might stab them in the back at any time.

Metternich said confidently, “Your Highness, the French have been swayed. They have ceased all aid to the Kingdom of Sardinia, and now we are discussing the division of Sardinia’s territory.”

Franz felt a surge of joy in his heart, thinking to himself, “Indeed, Metternich is still suited for diplomacy. Being Prime Minister is completely outside his area of expertise!”

Being able to cheat the French meant there would be no surprises on the Italian battlefield. Without French assistance, the Sardinian Army was like a lame duck.

In just over a month, the Sardinian Army had swollen rapidly from twenty to nearly two hundred thousand men. Anyone with even a little military know-how knew such an army was unreliable.

Of course, if the Sardinian soldiers were fearless or obediently followed orders like the German soldiers, then there wouldn’t be much of a problem.

It seemed the Kingdom of Sardinia was deluded by the radical public opinion within its own country, believing that these soldiers would perform on the battlefield just as impressively as when they chanted slogans.

Franz made a decision, “Hmm, sign a treaty with the French government as soon as possible. They change governments almost as quickly as a woman changes clothes; we don’t need any more complications!”

“Your Highness, if we sign a treaty right now, we would be at too great a disadvantage. The French appetite is larger than we anticipated,” Metternich warned.

“It doesn’t matter. Whether the treaties we sign with the French can be carried out depends on whether they can withstand the pressure from the British. Looking at the current situation, the French government is continually courting favor with the British. As long as the London Government takes a tough stance, the French will most likely compromise.

If they choose to give up on their own, then they have no one to blame but themselves. In fact, at that time, we can even condemn them for their betrayal,” Franz said indifferently.

It wasn’t just this provisional government that was ingratiating itself with the British; several subsequent French governments also followed suit. Expecting them to stand firm against the British within the next five years was unrealistic.

“Your Highness, if the French back down, then we may also find ourselves unable to manage alone. Given the current circumstances, it is not advisable for us to annex the Kingdom of Sardinia!” Archduke Louis warned.

“What a pity to miss such an excellent opportunity. It is not so easy to have the Kingdom of Sardinia deliver itself to our doorstep!” Prime Minister Felix sighed.

Dominating Italy was not just the dream of the French but also that of Austria. However, this was just a dream, as the European powers would not allow them to succeed.

“There is nothing we can do when our bite is not as strong as it should be. If we really take a bite out of the Kingdom of Sardinia, we must prepare to choke to death!” Franz said helplessly.

Chapter 70

The Austrian Empire is like an ailing old man, given to gluttonous binging that could lead to his demise at any moment. Franz made concessions to the French based on this consideration.

With the principle of “hitting the rabbit while gathering grass,” should the French government turn uncompromising, Austria could still tear off a chunk of flesh from the Kingdom of Sardinia.

How much is not important, what matters is the political demonstration to the outer world that the Austrian Empire remains a great power, possessing immense strength to deter the restless Prussians.

As for whether the French would grow too powerful as a result, Franz was incredibly laid-back. What’s it to him?

The French expanding their influence is a concern for the British and the Russians. Wouldn’t it be foolish for the French to attack Austria?

Don’t be ridiculous. After Napoleon’s reign, Europe’s vigilance against France is at level S.

Without breaking free from diplomatic isolation, any military action by the French could invite joint suppression from the other nations.

Metternich calmly said, “If the French back down, then we have no need to annihilate the Kingdom of Sardinia. Keeping them as a buffer between Austria and France is also a good choice.

The most troublesome are the British, despite the London Government’s promise to mediate the war between Austria and Sardinia.

However, our embassy in London has reported that a UK consortium is holding secret loan negotiations with the Kingdom of Sardinia.

With the Kingdom of Sardinia having already borrowed 3 million pounds from the British not long ago, we have reason to believe that in this war the British are on the enemy’s side.”

Metternich has never been overly interested in territorial expansion. This conservative politician believed Austria was already big enough, and the internal ethnic conflicts were troublesome enough; hence, he opposed further expansion.

Based on this policy, Austria has almost never pursued territorial expansion in the past few decades.

Franz did not think much of Metternich’s political stance, but he had a different opinion of his diplomatic manoeuvres.

The greatest diplomat of the 19th century, indisputably the “European Prime

Minister” and “Metternich Era” were the highest praises bestowed upon him by outsiders.

The collapse of the Vienna System was not a diplomatic defeat, but rather a result of Austria’s inadequate strength to withstand revolutionary shocks.

Historically at this time, Metternich had already left office, and had it not been for the British releasing smoke bombs to successfully bamboozle the Vienna Government, Lombardy and Venice might have been lost in 1848, if not for Marshal Radetzky’s insistence.

Felix said with confidence, “There’s no need to worry too much. Even if the British support Sardinia, without the backing of the Great European Nations, they are unlikely to enter the fray themselves.”

This was not arrogance but a judgment made based on the international situation and the strength of all parties.

Historically, the reason the Vienna Government let the Kingdom of Sardinia go, aside from the intervention of England and France, was mainly because they feared the French would grow too powerful if they annexed Sardinian territory.

“Well, these matters can be prepared in advance. What’s most important is the outcome of the war. If we can defeat the enemy with ease, then naturally we are the ones who will dictate the outcome!”

Franz threw a bucket of cold water on the overconfident Prime Minister. Being so proud before the war has ended is not a good thing.

It’s not surprising for Felix; after all, the Austrian Empire is a major power in Europe, whereas the Kingdom of Sardinia is just a small entity. The disparity in strength between them is enormous, so looking down on them is normal.

After a short pause, Metternich proposed again, “Your Highness, the Russians have already promised to help us suppress the rebellion. Shall we let them send troops to quell the Hungarian uprising quickly?”

Seeing the moved expressions of the others, Franz shook his head.

“No! This is an internal matter of Austria. If we let the Russians help us suppress the rebellion, in the future we would have to rely on them diplomatically.

The most difficult debt to repay in the world is the debt of gratitude. The situation in Hungary is still within our capacity to handle; there is no need to involve the Russians.

However, creating a false impression that the Russians are sending troops to

Hungary to shake the resolve of the rebels is acceptable.”

Putting on a show and actually deploying troops are two different concepts. If the Russians really sent troops to help Austria suppress the Hungarian uprising, how would future history books record it?

“Inviting foreign troops to suppress a revolution”? Wouldn’t that become synonymous with being reactionary? Would Franz’s glorious image still be intact?

Just putting on a show to scare the Hungarians and force them to divide their forces for defense is harmless.

As the victor, Franz can write history however he pleases. If a future conflict arose with Russia, he could even twist the truth and say: under the great

Emperor Franz’s leadership, the conspiracy of the Russians to interfere in the Hungarian Region was crushed.

On the surface, there would be no fault to find. Europe also has regional biases, and Russia was only integrated into European society after the anti-Napoleonic wars.

Digging up Russia’s dark history and accusing them of harboring ill intentions towards Hungary—who wouldn’t believe that if they didn’t know the truth? Even Franz almost believed it himself.

“Your Highness, news has arrived from the Venice front. The Kingdom of Sardinia is being very cautious, not rashly sending troops to attack. Our strategy of drawing the enemy deep might fail.

Marshal Radetzky urges us to suppress the Hungarian rebellion quickly, preferably gaining a swift advantage on the battlefield to force Sardinia to take the risk and send troops for a decisive battle,” the Army Minister suddenly said.

Franz helplessly massaged his forehead. History is misleading—while it’s true that the combat effectiveness of the Italian Army is lacking, that doesn’t mean they are easy to deal with. At least the current Kingdom of Sardinia is not so simple to handle.

Bardorio, that incompetent Marshal, knew to stick to a steady strategy, preferring to sustain greater losses and fight a sluggish war rather than rashly advance into the Venice Area for a decisive battle with the Austrian army.

Marshal Radetzky’s painstakingly arranged trap formation— the enemy’s main force simply wouldn’t enter. If we attack now, it might be possible to beat the enemy, but inflicting a severe blow or annihilating them is utterly impossible.

Franz had originally planned to suppress the Hungarian rebellion after defeating the Kingdom of Sardinia. Now, it’s clearly impossible. He must go after the Hungarians first to compel Sardinia to fight a decisive battle.

Many understand the concept of a chain reaction—”the lips are gone, the teeth will be cold.” If Austria suppresses the internal rebellion, then the Kingdom of Sardinia won’t have any chance of winning.

“Accelerate the war preparations. Once ready, immediately send troops to suppress the Hungarian rebellion. How much longer does the Prime Minister need?” Franz asked, puzzled.

“Your Highness, strategic materials are almost fully prepared, and the deployment of the army is also basically completed, except for several newly established central provinces that need some time to integrate.

We can launch the offensive as soon as next Saturday, May 5th,” Felix pondered and answered.

Chapter 71

Croatia

After Kossuth issued the Declaration of Independence of Hungary, many Croatian nobles hesitated over the issue of joining the Hungarian Republic or staying within the Austrian Empire.

However, reality soon forced them to make a decision, as the Hungarian provisional government excluded Croatians from the scope of power, sparking discontent among the local nobility.

In the Croatian region, the vast majority of the land was controlled by the great Hungarian nobility, who looked down upon the Croatian “country bumpkins.” Local middle and minor nobility were cut off from the Hungarian nobility.

This provided the Vienna Government with an opportunity, and Franz took the initiative to show goodwill to the local middle and minor nobility, promising them a share in the future Austrian government.

Specifically, this meant the establishment of an Austrian National Union to act on behalf of the parliament, in which 2 to 5 seats would be allocated to Croatian representatives.

The specific number would depend on their performance; in any case, this transitional institution before national integration would be one of the supreme authorities of the Austrian Empire for the time being.

To gain political speaking rights, participation was essential. Theoretically, one representative seat was allocated per percentage point of the total population.

Croatians accounted for less than three percent of the total population of Austria; if they could secure 5 representative seats, their political influence would greatly increase.

After courting the upper echelons of Croatian society, Franz did not abandon his efforts to woo the lower classes—those who were truly to stake their lives for him were the common people of the lower strata of society.

Following Hungary’s independence, the Vienna Government authorized Governor J6zsef Jellacic to confiscate the land of Hungarian nobility and emancipate the serfs.

Supporters of the Vienna Government quickly gained the upper hand. By May, Governor J6zsef Jellacic already had eighty thousand Croatian military volunteers at his disposal.

On May 1, Franz issued a land grant decree for military service; since the general populace had helped the government suppress the rebellion, they could acquire land, and loyal soldiers were naturally no exception.

The Vienna Government had ample confiscated lands at its disposal, and there were vast lands within the Kingdom of Hungary waiting to be seized, as well as many lands within the Austrian Empire still available for development.

Allocating a portion of these lands to the soldiers was not a big issue.

Of course, to prevent the consolidation of landholdings, there were restrictions on this land grant decree, with a maximum of fifty hectares per recipient.

For the average person, fifty hectares was already a substantial number. Especially for serfs who had just gained their freedom and lacked land, it was enough to make them pledge their lives to the Emperor.

After the land grant decree for military service was issued, enlistment surged; to the vast majority of people, the cost of redeeming land was too high, and it was more accessible to take a chance on the battlefield.

As day just began to break, the Mörck recruitment point had already gathered many people.

“Madic, you’re signing up too?”

“Yes, Gregory. After giving it some thought, I’ve decided that a man should take to the battlefield!” Madic replied earnestly.

“But Madic, didn’t you say last time that you wanted to become a great blacksmith?” Gregory asked curiously.

The breeze of the Industrial Revolution had not yet reached Croatia, and common farming tools were still forged by hand—a blacksmith was a job with a decent income for the average person.

“No, I’ve changed my mind now. I can always become a blacksmith at any time, but now I want to go to war. I want to become a great knight!” Madic answered with conviction.

No one does not want to become Nobility, and a Knight is the lowest rank among them; for ordinary people, this step is the highest pursuit in life.

Before the great revolution of 1848, the entire European world had a system where the son of a noble was a noble, the son of a merchant was a merchant, the son of a doctor was a doctor, and the son of a serf remained a serf.

In an ancient realm like Austria, there were already many nobles, who occupied the upper echelons of society, leaving no further channels for the lower classes.

To many ambitious people, the Hungarian rebellion was perceived as an opportunity, a chance to cross class restrictions.

Like most young people, Madic also had ambitions. He was not content to be a blacksmith for his entire life, just like his father. Previously, there had been no opportunity; he had no choice but to face reality.

The influx of troops in Croatia was merely a minor episode, the troops there merely local forces, not part of the Austrian military establishment.

In other words, these troops did not need funding from the Central Government. Their primary job was not to fight, but to manage logistics and transportation.

Governor J6zsef Jellacic apparently had not made this clear or perhaps had deliberately failed to explain, having so much land in the hands of the Central Government was not conducive to the development of a bourgeois economy.

To cultivate a domestic market, naturally, the majority needed to have money in their hands, and land was their main source of income.

Austria had not conducted a thorough land revolution, and the nobles still held large tracts of land. As a result, Franz could not possibly distribute the land for free.

Under such circumstances, the only option was to distribute the land to those loyal to the Emperor. The criteria for judgment were quite simple: those willing to fight for the Emperor were naturally loyal subjects.

As long as they went through the battlefield, even if they had no achievements, they would have shown effort, and in due time, the Emperor’s generous favor would allow them to obtain the land they had paid to redeem as a direct reward.

The specific criteria were still being established, but those who received land would soon be able to escape their indigent status. With money in hand, they would naturally spend, and with consumption came a market.

After market prosperity rebounded, it would certainly lead to a boost in industry. With the growth of industry, the government could gain more tax revenue, and the costs invested initially would slowly be recouped. This was a virtuous economic cycle.

The war to suppress the rebellion had now become Franz’s tool for reforming Austrian society. With the war serving as a cover, without anyone noticing, the societal system of Austria was being reshaped.

Croatia was just a microcosm of the societal changes in Austria; in regions like Slovenia, Transylvania, and Bohemia, the same scene was unfolding.

It could be said that as soon as the Hungarian rebellion burst forth, the worst losses were suffered by the Hungarian Nobility. Franz sold them out without a second thought.

An innocent person is not guilty, but possessing a treasure makes him guilty.

Regardless of whether they participated in the rebellion, possessing vast tracts of land was their original sin. The most critical issue was their vacillation between Vienna and the Hungarian Republic, holding out for the highest price.

Greed led people into the abyss. They sought greater benefits, and now Franz simply played dirty by first redistributing their land.

Even if it was later proven that they had no connection with the rebellion, they could not retrieve their land. At most, the government would compensate them with a sum for the redemption of the lands..

Chapter 72

Military action had not yet commenced when the fledgling Hungarian Republic found itself in dire straits due to political and economic oppression.

The Republican Government watched helplessly as regions such as Croatia, Transylvania, and Slovakia were co-opted by the Vienna Government.

Without having begun its suppression, the Austrian Government had already seen the Hungarian Republic’s territory shrink by more than half, with the reduction continuing unabated, leaving Head of State Kossuth seething with rage but powerless to intervene.

It is a proven fact that revolutions without bloodshed are never complete. The nascent Hungarian Republic was already fraught with internal conflicts, unable to take a hard stance against local governments.

Budapest

In a fervent speech, Head of State Kossuth exclaimed, “Gentlemen, does anyone still harbor illusions about the Austrians? Wake up, all of you, the Austrian Government will never let us gain independence so easily!

In just this brief half-month, our grand Hungary has lost nearly six-sevenths of its territory. If this continues, I fear it won’t be long before Budapest changes hands once again.

Everyone has felt the Austrian Government’s attitude towards the Revolutionaries. From Vienna to Italy, from Prague to Galicia, the enemy has raised its butchering knife and slaughtered indiscriminately.

Do you think Hungary will be an exception? Once the revolution fails, all of us here will either become fugitives scattered across the seas or headless wraiths under the enemy’s hand!

My God, this is too terrible!! I dare not even imagine the immense damage this would inflict on Hungary.

There were varied expressions on the faces of those present: some were impassioned, some panicked, and others dismissive.

Suddenly, a representative from the nobility interjected, “Mr. Kossuth, everyone understands these grand principles, but let’s talk about something concrete! Sure, we’ve genuinely felt the threat from Austria, but what’s the use?

Do you think by making grand statements here, we can solve the problem?”

Without a doubt, execution is the Achilles’ heel of the Hungarian Republic, as all republican states share one characteristic: constant bickering.

No, that’s incorrect, future Finland might be an exception. When the president’s term ended, the public was too indifferent to vote; if not for the constitutional limitations, the presidency could have become a lifetime appointment.

Clearly, the Hungarian Republic had not yet reached such a level of awareness, and their government had been fraught with contradictions from the outset.

Even now, many were against breaking away from Austria, still unwilling to renounce the crown of the Habsburg Family even as conflict loomed.

The Revolutionary Party led by Kossuth, with no governance experience, faced issues cropping up one after another upon taking office. The chaotic political agenda was also a major factor exacerbating the crisis.

From the Hungarian nationality’s perspective, he was a great defender of national interests. Yet, from the viewpoint of other Hungarian minorities, he was an oppressor of nationalities.

Under the influence of extreme nationalism, the Hungarian Revolution from its inception stood in opposition to the country’s ethnic minorities, with the Austrian Government presenting itself as the guardian of these minorities.

To add to the tragedy, Hungarian nationality in that era was too narrowly defined, excluding the numerous serfs, workers, and the poor beyond the tens of thousands of nobility, capitalists, and the middle class.

No matter how much it was beautified, the Hungarian Republican Government never took into account the interests of the lower classes, and the much-concerned issue of serfdom was never truly resolved.

The decrees of the Republic were treated as toilet paper by the Nobility and capitalists, while the weak Republican Government was powerless to do anything about it.

Speechmaking and inspiring the masses was Kossuth’s strong suit, but when it came to specific issues, there were major problems. He had transitioned abruptly from a critic to a policy maker and hadn’t yet adapted to his new role.

Frowning, Kossuth braced himself and said, “Duke Leopold, right now our most important task is to organize the military and suppress those rebels; we can’t let this situation continue to worsen.”

For the Hungarian Republic, these local governments siding with Austria were indeed committing betrayal.

Unfortunately, they didn’t see it that way; the vast majority thought that it was the Hungarian Republic that was the traitor, and that the Austrian Emperor to whom they pledged loyalty was the legitimate authority.

Duke Leopold scoffed, “If that’s the case, why doesn’t the government send troops out earlier? If we had deployed our forces promptly, the situation would never have deteriorated to this extent!”

As a member of the high Nobility, their losses were severe; the Vienna Government confiscated a substantial amount of their land as soon as they made their move.

In secret, they had also communicated with the Vienna Government, but under Franz’s leadership, the Cabinet was very dissatisfied with their actions during this Hungarian uprising and outright refused to guarantee the security of their assets.

Without their land, did the great Nobility and the lesser Nobility make any difference? Their influence on the nation was actually built on this ownership of land.

A great noble family, possessing tens of thousands or even millions of hectares of land, also had a vast number of serfs at their beck and call, capable of assembling an army of several thousand or even tens of thousands at a moment’s notice. That’s the confidence they had when they spoke.

At this point, Leopold naturally harbored dissatisfaction towards Kossuth’s government. If it weren’t for this revolution, they would still be the exalted

Nobility, not like now, possibly tumbling into the dust at any moment.

Kossuth also had his own loyal followers; at that moment, the Minister of Army Listte spoke up, “Your Grace, you should be aware that military preparations take time, and we also have to consider the influence of the Austrian Government.

If we take military action unprepared, we are likely to provoke a military strike from Austria, and in such a sudden predicament, we would have difficulty securing a victory!”

His explanation was scoffed at by many; the so-called military preparations were still nothing but plans on paper, and the Revolutionaries did not trust the great Nobility.

After the establishment of the Hungarian Republic, Kossuth put a large number of ‘commoner generals’ into use.

Not all commoner generals were diamonds in the rough; the majority genuinely lacked the competence, and their military qualifications were far worse than those of Nobility Officers.

This situation had no short-term solution; leading troops in battle also required nurturing from a young age.

In Europe, only the great Nobility had a complete system for training military talent, which is why nearly all famous European generals before the 20th century were from the great Nobility.

Under the Vienna System, the European Continent had been peaceful for decades; without actual combat experience, even the most gifted of commoner generals had no opportunity to grow.

In history, the Hungarian Republic, due to the lack of generals, eventually turned to veteran Polish commanders, which also led to a rift between the Hungarian Nobility and the Republican Government.

The situation now was no different; the Hungarian Republic had not taken military action, partly for fear of enraging the Austrian Government, and partly because the Revolutionaries distrusted the great Nobility..

Chapter 73

Leopold sneered and asked, “So that’s it. Then for what reason have we been summoned here today? Could it be merely to listen to a speech?

I admit that Mr. Kossuth’s speech just now was brilliant, but we have all grown tired of such speeches. Why not try a different approach?”

Kossuth’s expression was gloomily terrifying. He couldn’t exactly say, ‘Before, we worried that you were unreliable and could turn traitor at any moment. Now that the Austrian Government has seized your lands, we are all in the same boat.’

Such matters are best understood tacitly. If the truth were fully acknowledged, how could we continue to coexist?

Nobility might seem to have suffered a great loss and be greatly weakened, but do not assume they are like tigers fallen to the plains that can be bullied by dogs; their actual power remains undiminished.”

“Your Grace, enough!”

“The Austrian Empire has already raised the butcher’s knife, and what we need now is unity. If you wish to trace responsibilities, I can resign.

My lords, if any of you deems yourself capable of leading the Hungarian Republic out of this predicament, I am willing to relinquish the presidency to someone more able to take on the role!”

In a fit of anger, Kossuth bluffed his resignation. Everyone present changed color; being the president of the Hungarian Republic was not an enviable task at this time, and at least Duke Leopold was not interested.

Everyone knew that the presidency of the Hungarian Republic was a tough job.

Historically, after the Austrian Government decided to suppress by force, the Hungarian Government was dissolved, and then the Revolutionary Party, led by Kossuth, took power.

Under the butterfly effect of Franz, the situation faced by the current Hungarian Republic was even worse, and no one wanted to be the sacrificial lamb, which is why Kossuth became the leader.

Due to low support, Kossuth’s prestige within the government was not high, and many nobles did not take him seriously.

What appeared to be a childish fit of pique, was it not also a form of Kossuth’s resistance?

No matter how many faults Kossuth had, or how na’IVe his political views may be, he was the founder of the Hungarian nationality.

Sensing the tide turning against him, another noble representative, Marquis Roki, stood up and shifted the topic.

“Alright, let’s not dwell on the past. The pressing issue now is to think about how to deal with the current situation. Let everyone decide whether we go to war or seek peace!”

The struggle between war and peace was undeniable; Kossuth and his Revolutionaries were the War Party, mainly made up of idealists and young university students, while the feeble nobility and capitalists were the Peace Party.

Kossuth, with a face ashen with rage, said, “Is there even a need to consider? The Vienna Government is currently moving to dismember Hungary. Even if we come to an agreement with Austria, Hungary would be left with less than thirty-five percent of its territory and less than forty percent of its population.

Such a Hungary, if subsumed under Austria, could not even maintain its current status. Are we supposed to just watch idly as the Austrians exploit us every day?”

Kossuth also knew he had been too näive before. Due to the opposition of the nobility, the land issue was not resolved, and due to the opposition of the emerging capitalists, the national issue was not addressed.

Indeed, the terrible national policy of the Hungarian Republic came about because the nascent bourgeoisie feared competition.

Even though at present, whether Croatians, Romanians, or Slovaks, none have the ability to compete.

However, once they have obtained equal political rights, competition would soon arise. The Hungarian Republic was too small to accommodate so much competition; they had to suppress their rivals beforehand.

This point had already been proven in the Austrian Empire, because of the political advantages, almost the entire industry was controlled by Germans, and Hungarian capitalists had also survived by relying on tariffs and local protectionism.

Now it was their turn to take charge, and naturally they would follow suit. After all, no capitalist could resist such temptation, and they even took more extreme measures.

Under the influence of interests, extreme nationalism became the mainstream ideology in Hungary, causing great dissatisfaction among other minorities within the country. After the Vienna Government extended an olive branch, everyone decisively switched sides.

Kossuth’s words awakened the emerging bourgeoisie; for their own interests and safety, they had no choice but to support going to war with the Austrians. Only by winning could they obtain everything they desired.

Even though the possibility of victory was slim, they had already boarded the ship. The Vienna Government might turn a blind eye to the nobility, but there was no reason to show mercy to the capitalists.

Through ancient and modern times, at home and abroad, the belief that “no merchant is not crafty” had deeply rooted itself in people’s hearts. Killing corrupt merchants was definitely politically correct.

Regrettably, as the earliest capitalists, they were as dark as could be; they were real-life examples of unscrupulous capitalists from the history books, eliminating them would not only yield a fortune but also win over public sentiment.

“Mr. Kossuth, now Hungary is surrounded by enemies on all sides. How shall we fight this war?” Marquis Roki asked with concern

There was no doubt that Marquis Roki had asked this question deliberately. As a great noble of Hungary, Marquis Roki was not afraid of a reckoning by the Vienna Government.

As long as the Habsburg Family still controlled the power in Austria, it was impossible for them to lay hands on the great nobility; having many relatives was advantageous.

Not under pressure for survival, the great nobility had different considerations compared to the capitalists; their main objective was damage control.

Having said that, Marquis Roki opened a map that had already been prepared.

On the map, Hungary was sandwiched between the major nations of Russia,
the Ottoman Empire, and the Austrian Empire, with its location clearly marked.

Without a doubt, Hungary was surrounded by enemies. Russia-Austria were allies, and the Tsarist Government had openly declared its support for Austria and Prussia in suppressing the revolution; they were enemies if not outright adversaries.

They couldn’t possibly turn to their good neighbors, the Ottoman Empire, for help, could they? If they were to fight side by side with the Ottomans, it was likely they’d start fighting amongst themselves before the Austrians would have to come.

“We are currently the underdogs, but our enemies also have weaknesses. The Austrian Government is still at war with the Italian countries, and this presents us with an opportunity,” Kossuth put forward a plan he considered reasonable

Indeed, theoretically, this was an opportunity, a simple military strategy to defeat in detail.

However, Duke Leopold shook his head and sighed, “Mr. Kossuth, this lacks the feasibility for success in the military aspect. The enemy is not foolish; they won’t permit us so much time to defeat them one by one.”

Kossuth smiled, “Your Grace, as long as we have enough troops to hold off the enemies from other directions, that will suffice.

Austria is very powerful but also very fragile. Just one victory for us could trigger a chain reaction, and the climax of the revolution would erupt once again!”

Everyone understood, Kossuth had gone through such great lengths to circle back to the same point—he was still after money!

Chapter 74

Was there another choice besides expanding the army to ensure sufficient troop numbers? Naturally, to expand the army, money was needed.

Since its establishment, the finances of the Hungarian Republic had been teetering on the brink of bankruptcy.

The nascent government was utterly clueless about financial management. The taxes they managed to collect were squandered before even getting warm in their hands.

In this matter, Kossuth bore direct responsibility. It could be said that the newly formed Hungarian Republican Government had surpassed Austria in corruption and embezzlement.

This issue could be referred to the government after the Xinhai Revolution, where in the absence of the old order and before the establishment of a new order, officials became more reckless without any constraints.

“Mr. Kossuth, the government has already levied war taxes twice this year!” Marquis Roki reminded.

Tax collection in Hungary had always been independent of Austria. During the times when the decayed Nobility controlled the government, taxes were chaotic and the lives of the people bitter.

Everyone had thought that after independence, life would improve. The reality, however, was the exact opposite; without the “exploitation by Austrians,” their lives became even harder.

The new Republican Government granted more power to local authorities, seemingly under the impression that an elected government equaled saintly incorruptibility.

Reality always differed from ideals. Hungary, now following the United States model, not only allowed the Central Government to levy taxes but also granted the same right to local governments.

Simply put, the number of tax-collecting bodies increased without any restraints, providing officials with an opportunity to embezzle funds, to the point where even certain community governments set up a vast array of absurd taxes.

Of course, such chaotic taxes did not need to be paid by the Nobility or capitalists; the common people were the ones who truly footed the bill.

However, war tax was an exception; even the Nobility and capitalists had to pay. That would be acceptable, but the frequency of the collection was what made it intolerable.

How long had the Hungarian Republic been established? Even if the initial preparation period was included, it wasn’t more than three months, was it? In such a short time, war taxes had been levied twice, and now they were demanding a third levy. The enemy hadn’t even attacked yet, and people were being taxed to the point of ruin.

Unlike capitalists who could find ways to evade taxes, the Nobility’s main assets were lands that were plainly visible and therefore not easy to hide for tax evasion.

“Yes, Your Grace.”

“But the situation is beyond our control. Based on the intelligence we’ve gathered, Austria can deploy up to 400,000 troops against us, while our National Homeland Defense Troops number less than 300 ,ooo.

Furthermore, their troops are well-trained regular forces, whereas our own are just workers who’ve put down their hammers or farmers who’ve abandoned their hoes, relying solely on their fervent passion.

The disparity between us is too great. Without an equal number of troops, we stand no chance of winning this war!” Kossuth argued earnestly.

Well, the state of the Hungarian National Self-Defense Force was actually worse than he described, as the ordinary soldiers lacked any fervent passion.

Even their numbers were less than 300,000. The National Homeland Defense Troops were but a ragtag group with lax discipline and rampant embezzlement at every level. The little money that trickled down was insufficient to maintain so many.

But no matter, there was always a workaround to policy, and capitalists were most experienced in this area. Influenced by the practices of the bourgeoisie, the officers soon came up with a creative solution.

Aside from recruiting a few to keep up appearances, the rest could just exist on paper. If inspections occurred, they would temporarily round up people to make up numbers. Since everyone from top to bottom had their share of benefits, no one dared to break the silence.

Of all the Hungarian armies, the only ones with real combat power were actually the student troops. They were the true revolutionaries, fighting for the nation’s independence. The rest, including Kossuth, were no longer pure revolutionaries.

“Mr. Kossuth, I believe it is necessary for the government to disclose its financial expenditures. The Republican Government has just been established, and you’ve already spent what the Hungarian government would normally spend in a year!

If expenditures continue at this rate, perhaps there will be no need for the Austrians to act; you will have collapsed the new government yourselves!” Duke Leopold warned seriously.

That was an embarrassing issue. Kossuth’s face turned ominously dark. Everyone knew the new government’s expenditures were enormous, and he had always used the war as an excuse.

But even before war had broken out, the expenses were already staggering. What would they do if war truly erupted?

International loans? Dream on. No financial consortium dared lend to them, as this meant lending without hope of repayment. Austria was among the great powers and would not recognize treaties signed by these Rebels.

Besides that, there was only the possibility of raising taxes—hardly a good solution. Without addressing internal problems, no amount of money could fill this bottomless pit.

“Certainly, the government can disclose its finances for everyone to monitor. However, we are currently facing financial difficulties and need some funds to overcome this crisis.

This time, the government will not take the money for free. We plan to issue bonds for public subscription, with an annual interest rate of seven percent, aiming to issue 200 million shield (including 11.69 grams of silver).

If the bonds don’t sell, then we will have to levy war taxes just one more time.”

Kossuth chose to compromise, for now he still needed their support. Without the cooperation of Nobility, tax collection would be entirely nonsensical. Therefore, making a reasonable concession was viable.

Seeing the adamant attitude of the Nobility representatives, even the war tax was changed to war bonds, choosing to bear high interest rates rather than to stir the sensitive nerves of the assembly.

From the outset, the Hungarian Republic represented the interests of the emerging bourgeoisie, issuing a series of decrees post-independence to aid the economic development of the bourgeoisie. This included abolishing a variety of harsh taxes that impeded economic growth.

These reform measures earned the support of capitalists but also significantly increased the government’s financial strain, as the economy of the bourgeoisie could not be developed overnight.

Lacking governance experience, the Kosuth Government was advised to issue Hungary’s own currency. Once tasting the sweetness of currency issuance, the cash-strapped Republican Government started printing notes in an attempt to escape the fiscal crisis.

Reality taught Kossuth a harsh lesson—without sufficient reserves, relying solely on governmental credibility to issue currency merely turned it into ornate waste paper.

After the failure of currency issuance, the financial crisis of the Hungarian Republic erupted, and from then on, the path of increasing taxes was set..

Chapter 75

Mr. Kossuth was not an economist, and neither were the high-ranking officials of the Republican Government; they had no economic sense whatsoever, they simply never considered what 200 million shields meant for Hungary!

Just because they didn’t know, didn’t mean everyone seated was unaware.

Howell, the representative of the banking consortium, questioned:

“Mr. Kossuth, do you know what 200 million shields mean?”

This question left Kossuth flabbergasted. He had thought of these nobles and capitalists haggling over prices but never expected them to ask such a question.

From a currency value perspective, 1 shield was roughly equivalent to 11.69 grams of silver, so 200 million shields would be 46.76 million taels of silver. In that era, silver had not yet decreased in value, and when converted to British pounds, it amounted to over 20 million. (The gold-to-silver ratio was about 1:10).

In 1847, Austria’s fiscal revenue was only 155 million shields (excluding Hungary), and the United Kingdom’s was just over 50 million pounds.

Before the revolution, Hungary’s fiscal income was decent if it had 100 million shields. After establishing the Republican Government, they had already spent 100 million shields of wealth.

This money was essentially from the mass sell-off of national assets, combined with government taxation. (The Emperor’s property and public wealth)

This issue had never been raised before because everyone benefited from it, acquiring industries at low prices; no one would refuse free money coming their way.

Not knowing wasn’t a problem, as the first element of a politician is thick-skinned. If one still cares about face, then one shouldn’t be a politician, especially in a republican country.

“Of course, 200 million shields is indeed a large figure, but for those seated here, it is not impossible to come up with!” Kossuth replied calmly.

Indeed, for the people present, it wasn’t just about 200 million shields; even if that number were to increase by three or five times, they could afford it.

Being able to afford and being willing to pay are completely different concepts—no one is eager to part with their money, no matter how high the interest is, because of the risk of no repayment.

With the current government’s spending speed, no amount of money could fill this bottomless pit, which is why many revolutionary governments around the world have failed.

Idealistic governments often want to do too much, and as a result, they manage nothing significant and deplete the country’s resources first.

“Mr. Kossuth, it seems you must have failed economics at school. Please, look up how much currency there is in circulation in the Hungarian market, and then answer the question!” Howell mocked.

The amount of wealth is not equivalent to the amount of currency in circulation. In fact, there is a limit to the amount of circulating money—having too much currency in circulation can devalue it, while too little can cause a currency crunch.

From an economic standpoint, withdrawing 200 million shields from circulation in Hungary at once would lead to a currency panic, followed by a bank run—then bank failures—then a financial crisis—and finally the arrival of a great depression.

This era was unlike the later ones, where people played with credit money, and transactions were done via bank transfers. Even purchasing bonds required cash. This was no longer a matter of whether they were willing to spend money, but rather that it was literally impossible for them to come up with the amount.

(Reference: In 1848, the total national savings of Austria amounted to 48 million shields, and the United Kingdom had 28.2 million pounds, with 1 pound = 9.6 shields)

Without a doubt, Kossuth had embarrassed himself this time, or rather, his team was quite naive to make such an obvious mistake.

Of course, there have been many others who have made similar blunders; it’s a common trait among those who gab: when considering problems, they tend to be quite myopic.

And Kossuth hadn’t had the chance to resolve the financial issues when the war had already begun.

On May 8, 1848, the Austrian Army from the Croatian Province was the first to launch an attack against the Hungarian Republic.

On May 9, the Austrian armies from Bohemia and Transylvania also launched their attacks against the Hungarian Republic.

On May 10, Albrecht led the Rebellion Suppression Army to the front lines, and the Austro-Hungarian War broke out in full scale.

“Fueling tactics” did not exist, and this time Kossuth’s prediction came true. Four armies launched their attacks simultaneously, and if logistic transport troops were included, the total military strength indeed exceeded four hundred thousand.

Of course, the actual number of troops committed to the offensive was at most half that number. Even so, the Hungarian Republic could not withstand it.

Vienna

On the Hungarian battlefield, victory reports were consistently delivered. Under absolute power, no amount of slogan chanting could reverse the unfavorable situation.

To ensure victory, Franz, citing the overall need, recalled Prince

Windischgrätz, the commander-in-chief of the Bohemian Corps, to serve as Army Minister and replaced him with Julius as the Commander.

Prince Windischgrätz picked up the baton and, pointing spiritedly at a map on the wall, said:

“Your Highness, the Croatian Corps led by Governor J6zsef Jellacic has now reached Lake Balaton and captured Balaton Keszthely;

General Albrecht, leading the Austrian Corps, is attacking Kop Castle;

General Julius, leading the Bohemian Corps, has just defeated the Hungarian

Popular Army and is now less than one hundred kilometers from Budapest;

General Wengigle, leading the Transylvanian Corps, is still in Debrecen due to transportation reasons.

Overall, so far, this rebellion suppression war is progressing very smoothly. The Bohemian Corps has one hundred thousand strong, and if things go well, they could launch the siege of Budapest the day after tomorrow at the latest.”

He had reason to be proud; this war was conducted under his leadership. Of course, due to communication issues of the era, the Army Department was really only able to formulate a strategy.

How exactly to fight the battle was still ultimately up to the generals in the field, subject to the constraints of military orders.

As for Prince Windischgrätz’s military capabilities, Franz wasn’t in a hurry to come to a conclusion, even though historically, Windischgrätz had lost in the suppression of the Hungarian uprising. However, the battle plan he devised now was still viable.

“Postpone the plan to attack Budapest. Let General Julius hold back the enemy, and wait for the Austrian Corps to join him, then launch the attack!”

Don’t think the Hungarian rioters are easy to bully. History shows that it was the Austrian army that met catastrophe at the last moment, eventually asking for the Russians’ help to clean up the mess.

At least the strongest fighting force of the Hungarian Republic, the student army, has not yet appeared on the battlefield.

Franz was also unclear about the current state of public sentiment in the Hungarian Republic; if the people fully supported the government, then Budapest would be a place of chaos.

“Your Highness, the rebels are nothing but a mob. In at most one week, we should be able to capture Budapest and suppress this rebellion!”

Prince Windischgrätz said excitedly, as if accusing Franz of unnecessarily meddling in military affairs and squandering an opportunity.

Franz calmly explained, “Your Excellency, the Prince, the military is to serve politics. War is merely a means, not an end..”

Chapter 76

“War must serve politics,” Franz thought up the best excuse. He couldn’t just say he was worried about history repeating itself, with the Hungarians suddenly erupting and pushing back the Bohemian Corps?

No one would believe that. The Bohemian Corps had a hundred thousand troops, even if cut in half, that would still be fifty thousand regular soldiers. How many Hungarian troops does Budapest have now?

The Hungarian Republic nominally had a sizeable army, but Kossuth could only actually mobilize a very limited number of troops. Local governments at all levels had National Homeland Defense Troops, many of which were only on paper.

The Kossuth Government had gathered some of the defectors from the front line, and nominally, Budapest’s total military strength reached eighty thousand. On average, two or three people shared one rifle, and with troops utterly devoid of morale, how much combat power could they have?

Prince Windischgrätz, while a military man, was also a politician, and naturally, he would not refute this argument.

“Your Highness, does the government have some kind of plan?”

Franz smiled and said, “Your Highness Prince, have you forgotten the Italian battlefield?”

Prince Windischgrätz nodded. Although he did not consider the Kingdom of Sardinia a trouble, he would not reject the prospect of winning the war more easily.

The Austrian Army mobilized in full strength, and the Hungarian Republic was in imminent danger. If the Kingdom of Sardinia didn’t attack Venice, then in the future they would not be facing a hundred thousand Austrian troops, but possibly two or three hundred thousand.

They couldn’t afford any more; suppressing the Hungarian rebellion was a domestic operation. The Habsburg family had not nurtured such widespread public resentment; with public support, they could sustain a war of this scale.

“Order the troops at the front to be steady and deliberate, to advance step by step without giving the enemy any chances!” Franz added

The territory of the Kingdom of Hungary was actually not small, covering more than three hundred thousand square kilometers, more than three times that of the later Hungarian Republic.

At this time, two-thirds of the region had tilted towards the Austrian Government. Politically, the previous political offensive by the Vienna Government had been very successful.

The Bohemian Corps nearest to Budapest was only tens of kilometers away, and even the Transylvanian Corps, which was the farthest, was no more than three hundred kilometers from Budapest.

Since the outbreak of the war, the Hungarian government had been panicking, and many people were regretting their decisions.

Austria’s response was much greater than they had anticipated. The normal procedure wasn’t to first send police to arrest people, then deploy a few thousand troops to suppress if that failed, and keep reinforcing if necessary…?

In short, the Hungarian Republic kept beating the Austrian side missions, continuously gaining victories, then pressuring the Austrian Government to recognize their independence. This was the independence war envisioned by the Kossuth Government, inspired by the American War of Independence.

There could be setbacks, they might face failures, but in the end, the victory would surely belong to the Hungarian Republic.

The highest realm of deception is to deceive oneself along with everyone else.

Well, maybe they weren’t con artists, but they had certainly concocted such a beautiful dream. Without this dream, they wouldn’t have been able to come this far.

Sadly, from the beginning, they had picked up the wrong script. What was supposed to be an experience-granting novice mission suddenly turned into a hellish one, now they had to fight the big BOSS when they were just level o?

Budapest

Pressured by the situation, Kossuth had no choice but to seek help from his greatest political rival, Count Istvån.

Istvån Széchenyi, one of the great Hungarian nobles and Hungary’s greatest reformer, held high prestige domestically.

Unlike Kossuth, who rose to power through speeches, he was a man of action, having made outstanding contributions in education, transportation, culture, politics, and economics, and was honored as the greatest Hungarian.

It proved that in terms of influence, a doer couldn’t outmatch a talker, which led to the Hungarian Republic because Istvån remained loyal to the Emperor and opposed any violent revolutions.

Politically, Istvån believed that any economic, political, and social reforms must be implemented slowly and cautiously to avoid unpredictable outcomes.

While Kossuth advocated for rapid industrialization, Istvån advocated for preserving strong traditional agriculture, continuing down the agricultural country’s path.

The most significant conflict between the two was on the national question, where Istvån considered Hungary a multi-ethnic country, with people divided by language, culture, and religion. He believed that promoting nationalism was very dangerous.

He thought Hungary initially needed a gradual progression in economic, social, and cultural development, and he opposed excessive radicalism and nationalism.

The fact had already proven that Kossuth’s nationalism was unworkable, as the Vienna Government easily caused internal divisions within Hungary. Left with no choice, Kossuth had to seek help from his former political opponent.

“Count, for the future of thirteen million people of the Hungarian Republic, I’m here to ask you to step up!”

Istvån shook his head, and after a long pause, he spoke, “Your Hungarian Republic doesn’t have thirteen million people; you might not even have half a million, and the rest are subjects of His Majesty Ferdinand!”

Invisible boasting is the most face-slapping. Istvån directly pointed out the real reason for the Hungarian Republic’s predicament.

Because the government pursued radical nationalist policies, the minority ethnic groups in the Hungarian Republic chose to remain loyal to the Emperor.

The Republican Government had not resolved land issues, so the peasants decided to be loyal to the Emperor; the government didn’t consider the interests of the working class, and then the workers decided to be loyal to the Emperor.

What remained were the capitalists and the nobility, and without a doubt, a considerable number of them were still loyal to the Emperor; the genuine supporters of the Hungarian Republic were not many.

“Count, the Hungarian Republic is now established, and the Austrian army is about to come over. Can you bear to just watch Hungary perish?” Kossuth asked angrily.

Istvån said calmly, “Mr. Kossuth, don’t talk nonsense. I started serving in the military at 17, participated in the anti-Napoleonic wars, and stayed in the forces for 18 years before retiring.

I am clearer about military matters than you. Militarily speaking, I see no chance of victory. Tell me, what can I do now?

Of course, if you’re going to abandon independence and prepare to negotiate with the Vienna Government, then it’s a different matter!”

Kossuth’s expression turned terrifyingly grim. Although deep down, he acknowledged Istvån’s words, he could not admit it out loud.

As the head of the Hungarian Republic, other than fighting to the end, he actually had no other choice; peace talks would mean the end of his political life..

Chapter 77

The Hungarian patriot poet and one of the leaders of this Hungarian Revolution, Petofi Sandor, couldn’t hold back any longer.

“Count, are you just going to watch Hungary fall? Even if the odds of success are low, isn’t doing nothing unacceptable?

For the love of God, at this time you must do something for this country!”

Istvån smiled bitterly and shook his head, saying, “I only regret not stopping you. If I had been more adamant initially, perhaps this situation would never have arisen.

Indeed, I need to do something now, but not by entering the government. Don’t hurry to refuse. Let me finish speaking.

In terms of military command, I am mediocre at best. Duke Leopold and Marquis Roki are far stronger than I am, and I suggest you seek military advice from them.

As for propaganda, Kossuth, you are much stronger than me and do not need my help.

The only advantage I have is self-awareness, and I will not meddle in governmental affairs.

I will simply take charge of coordinating ethnic relations. At this juncture,

Kossuth, it’s time for you to put away your damned nationalist theories!”

Kossuth was furiously angry. If not for needing Istvån’s support at this time, he feared he might have rushed forward to pummel him.

This guy was truly obnoxious, coming up with bad ideas and constantly picking at scars.

If there had been any choice, Kossuth would not have wanted to resort to nationalism, but his supporters wouldn’t allow otherwise!

Capitalists need cheap labor, and the majority, who are excluded from power, are the cheap labor force left for the capitalists.

Yes, Kossuth’s nationalism did not exclude the minority ethnicities, but rather all of the lower classes. In addition to the five to six hundred thousand capitalists, nobility, and middle class, everyone else was oppressed.

Of course, outwardly this boundary was only against minority ethnicities, while Hungarians were also excluded on the basis of property, rank, and educational level.

In theory, these people might have the potential to obtain the right to participate in politics, provided you first become wealthy. Once you become wealthy, you will have political rights.

Beyond that, you should not even dream about it. Nobility is innate; from the moment of birth, it is set in stone; cultural knowledge is not for the poor to touch, as without money, what books could you read? Hungary does not have compulsory education.

The upper echelons of the Revolutionary Party do not have anyone who is truly poor, including Petofi, who comes from the humblest background, but are actually not from the very bottom, as they had enough economic strength to be educated.

Although his mother was a serf, she had also served as a maid for the nobility, belonging to the knowledgeable household servants; his father was a butcher, but also a small capitalist with business acumen.

In Romance of the Three Kingdoms, He Jin is also a butcher; why does no one mention that his family monopolized most of Nanyang County’s meat supply?

A posterior determines the stance; they may sympathize with the plight of the lower class, but class position ensures they won’t sacrifice their interests for them.

Istvån, coming from the nobility, naturally approaches military problems seeking assistance from others of noble birth like Duke Leopold and Marquis Roki at this time.

But in Kossuth’s eyes, this was tantamount to seeking death. With the situation so dire, who could guarantee that these nobles wouldn’t switch sides?

Even if the Vienna Government had moved against their estates, in reality, a compromise was still possible; it was just a matter of price. The nobility naturally leans towards monarchist states, and this class position can’t be changed.

Having achieved his purpose, Kossuth naturally wouldn’t stay and be subject to more insult. Not even having had a drink of water, he did not expect Istvån to provide a meal.

“Mr. Kossuth, what should we do now?” Petofi asked expectantly.

With no way out, Kossuth was unreliable, and Petofi was even less so. His talent lay in poetry, with representative works like “National Song” and “Against the King.”

“Life is precious, love is more costly; if it’s for freedom’s sake, both can be forsaken!”

He was the original creator of this phrase, which enjoyed a market among intellectuals. However, he also had all the traits of a young artist, typically lacking in practical experience.

Helpless, Petofi, born in 1823, was only 25 years old. To expect him to worry about the fate of a country was truly too much to ask of a person.

“I have already sent someone to contact the Kingdom of Sardinia, hoping they defeat the Austrian army in Venice quickly and force the Austrians to divide their forces and provide reinforcement.”

Kossuth did not mention seeking help from the Ottomans; this matter could not be revealed, especially in front of Petofi, who would surely object if he heard.

Bohemian Corps

Upon receiving the orders from Vienna, Julius was plunged into confusion. Budapest was within reach, yet he was not allowed to attack, which was utterly unreasonable.

A young staff officer asked discontentedly, “Commander, what is the meaning of this domestically? Not allowing us to attack Budapest, could it be that at this time, they are considering resolving issues through negotiation?”

“That question, you can only ask the Vienna Government, or perhaps the Army Department might know. We just need to carry out the orders!” Julius thought for a moment and replied.

This was his greatest strength, being able to fully complete the tasks assigned by his superiors. No matter how great his inner doubts were, they would not be brought into his assignments.

“Commander, doesn’t that mean we have nothing to do now?” another young officer complained.

Without a battle, there would be no military achievements. Out of all major Austrian forces, the Bohemian Corps was geographically positioned the best. With Budapest so close, capturing it would bring them the highest honor.

Chief of Staff Yerachich spoke leisurely, “What, do you find it boring without a battle to fight?

Then go and paint some propaganda slogans, place the surrounding area under military control, and free the serfs. This is also part of our mission!”

Indeed, the task of liberating the serfs had been entrusted to the military by Franz. In this day and age, nobles were not easy to provoke, especially the Hungarian nobility, accustomed to autocratic rule. Without using force, mere words were insufficient.

“All of you, keep your men under strict control. We’ve come here to liberate Hungary and to bring happiness to the Hungarian people. Anyone who dares to breach military discipline will be executed without exception!” Julius said sternly.

Loyal dogs naturally remain loyal to the Emperor. This time, they came as “liberators,” to win over the hearts of the Hungarians for the Emperor, and good military discipline is a good start..

Chapter 78

Kingdom of Sardinia

In order to defeat Austria, Charles Albert had allied with the republics he loathed the most. The Austro-Hungarian War had just erupted, and before they had time to celebrate, an urgent plea for help arrived.

Upon receiving the plea from the Hungarians, Charles Albert was devastated and roared,

“Damn, are these Hungarians all useless? The war has barely started, and they’re already buckling under the pressure.

With 300,000 National Homeland Defense Troops, even if they were 300,000 pigs, in such a short time, the Austrians couldn’t kill them all!

Could it be that the Hungarians simply lack the courage to fight for freedom?”

“Your Majesty, Hungary is a multi-ethnic country. While the Hungarians fight for national independence, they also oppress other minority groups.

The Austrians have bought over these minorities. From the very beginning, the Hungarian Republic was losing,” Prime Minister Azzolini explained helplessly.

Hungary appeared mighty and independently robust, causing Austria’s national strength to diminish by a quarter. Moreover, in alliance with the Kingdom of Sardinia, both parties seemed evenly matched.

Unexpectedly, the seemingly strong Hungary turned out to be hollow and flimsy; no sooner had they turned against Austria than two-thirds of their territory changed colors.

“Worthless!”

Charles Albert cursed, and no one knew if he was denouncing Hungary or the Prime Minister.

“Army Minister, based on the current situation, how much longer can the Hungarians hold out?”

The named Li Qi immediately answered, “Your Majesty, no one can answer that question. The Austrians are advancing strongly, mainly because there are too many in Hungary whose hearts lie with Austria.

Rather than saying the Hungarian National Self-Defense Force was defeated by the Austrian army, it’s more like the Hungarians themselves willingly surrendered. ”

Charles Albert’s expression changed. If the Hungarian Republic fell, and without them to tie down the Austrian main forces, the Venice battlefield would face great trouble.

When the lips are gone, the teeth will be cold. Even though he thought it inadvisable to make a rash decision to battle the Austrians in Venice, the

Kingdom of Sardinia had no choice. They couldn’t be without the Hungarian Republic at this time; they had to jump into this pit.

Public opinion within the Kingdom of Sardinia was pushing the government every day to have a decisive battle with Austria, and Charles Albert was influenced. Now, he finally made up his mind.

“Order Marshal Badoglio to accelerate the pace. At any cost, we must occupy

Venice before the end of the Hungarian Republic!”

Frankfurt

This commercial capital of the Germany Region became even more lively with the arrival of representatives from various locales, with discussions of the great event everywhere in the streets.

Even though the legality of the Frankfurt conference was still under consideration, everyone’s enthusiasm was unabated.

The dispute between Greater Germany and Lesser Germany was a particular topic of debate, with neither side convincing the other, yet all remained zealous.

Up to now, besides Prussia openly supporting the conference, only a few Free Cities and Sub-States had lent their support.

Whether they supported it or not, representatives from all the Sub-States had arrived in Frankfurt, some elected, but many more appointed.

The saying that capital knows no borders is not just a joke. Those capitalists longing for the unification of the Germany Region, to create a larger market, had already compromised their integrity.

At the Austrian Delegation’s accommodation, Rault asked in confusion, “Anderson, the people we met today, are they all elected representatives?” “Maybe, possibly!” Anderson replied uncertainly.

“But why do I feel like all these worker representatives seem more like enforcers?” Rault said furrowing his brow.

“Perhaps they are factory foremen, who cares so much about it, as long as the numbers are right. Aren’t we also appointed?” Anderson pondered and then said.

Enforcers can count as foremen, and foremen, of course, are workers too. The two looked at each other and had given up any illusions about the conference.

This is the social reality, whether it’s workers or peasants, even if they elect representatives, they still don’t have the qualifications to attend the conference, they might not even be able to afford the travel expenses.

How could the capitalists, who orchestrated the conference with their own hands, give up control? If it were an actual democracy, with their reputation, only fools would support them.

Whitewashing their image? Not a chance, this is the 19th century, capitalists with a clean background are as rare as phoenix feathers and unicorn horns, the overarching social context is dark, and if you were clean, you’d be stained black as well.

They even feel that if they don’t attend the conference, others will represent them and for capitalists, pulling off such a thing is no sweat off their back.

“This is bad, Mr. Anderson, the organizers have informed us that regions like Bohemia and Hungary do not belong to the Germany Region, and these representatives cannot attend the conference.”

Anderson’s face changed, first with anger, then with delight. How could he not use such a pretext delivered to his door?

“Quick, get this news published in the newspapers, and make the situation sound even more serious. Emphasize the arrogance of the organizers,” Anderson instructed hastily.

“Wait, I think we can stir the pot even more, spread a rumor that the Prussians are controlling the conference with the goal of passing decrees to allow Prussia to annex all the other sub-states!” Rault added.

“If that’s the case, then we might as well pile it on, invent a rumor that the Prussians plan to establish Protestantism as the national religion of Germany and use the constitution to ban Catholicism!” Anderson continued.

Since they were there to cause trouble anyway, they felt no pressure in making up news; in this era, limited by communication, getting at the truth was too hard.

In Vienna, Franz even set up a team of experts, dedicated to collecting information sent from the front, then creating topics and steering them in the direction Austria needed.

By the time the Frankfurt conference began, rumors had already started to circulate in the Germany Region that the Prussians were plotting to use this conference to annex other countries.

“Capitalist thugs are actually representatives of the working class!”

“A peasant representative who owns a hundred thousand hectares of land!”

“Who actually elected these representatives?”

“Who gave the capitalists the right to dominate this country?”

With photographs lending an air of authenticity and after some artistic embellishment, the sensational headlines shamelessly took over the front pages ot mainstream European media.

The truth, mixed with rumors, was hard to distinguish. Many people only believe what they see, and, obviously, reality is brutal. The media’s exposure of the capitalist’s dark history did not differ from what they saw.

The Frankfurt conference undermined the authority of various monarchs and under Franz’s leadership, everyone jointly launched this battle of public opinion..

Chapter 79

The Frankfurt Preparatory Committee, with all five members wearing very sour expressions, faced a vehement protest from the Austrian Delegation, founded on the premise that the Austrian Empire was an indivisible entity.

The representatives for the Frankfurt meeting were allotted based on population, theoretically electing one delegate from every fifty thousand people. If areas outside the German Region weren’t excluded, the meeting would be dominated by Austria.

During this period, Schleswig and Holstein, both sub-states, were still under

Danish control, and Austria still had control over portions of the Italian Area. In terms of population, Austria exceeded the total of the Lesser German

Region.

The protest was one thing since regions like Hungary truly didn’t belong to the German Region, and they were not afraid of a drawn-out dispute.

However, unexpectedly, the Austrian representatives shamelessly took the matter to the journalists and brazenly exposed the conference’s dark secrets.

Due to the Customs Union, Prussia, which had the most developed industry among the German Confederation, wielded the greatest influence among the capitalists, and indeed, this conference had a clear bias.

By now, everyone understood the Austrian Delegation was here to sabotage the event. Exclude Austrians from the meeting?

Could such an assembly even be considered a preparatory Parliament of Germany? The Austrians would likely leave with great pleasure, and the already questionably legitimate Parliament, once lacking Austria, would turn into a laughingstock.

“Gentlemen, we must take action. The recent public opinion is extremely unfavorable towards us. If this continues, our enemies’ schemes will succeed!” Merlin said sternly.

The media’s exposure of their sordid past didn’t alarm them; after all, are not all capitalists birds of a feather? Who doesn’t have a dark history?

What they were actually most worried about now was the trouble caused by the Austrian Delegation. As the foremost sub-state in the German Region, Austria often played the role of the leader.

Whether they liked it or not, Austria’s influence within the German Confederation was immense, and a Parliament lacking Austria’s participation would never be recognized by the public.

“Why don’t we just change the name, call it the Lesser German Parliament, and tell the Austrians to bugger off?!” a Prussian delegate proposed.

“Impossible! Winstor, you are dividing the great German Empire. If it’s just the Lesser German Parliament, then we will also withdraw!” a representative from Bavaria countered.

The main aim of this Parliament was to expand the political influence of the bourgeoisie. Unifying the German Region was actually secondary; the Frankfurt meeting wasn’t as significant as described in history books.

Otherwise, even the Kingdom of Prussia wouldn’t have recognized this meeting—it was too idealistic and unduly magnified the privileges of the capitalists, lacking any practical feasibility.

Capitalists’ interests aren’t the same either. Capitalists from different regions and industries often have divergent interests.

Establishing the Lesser German Empire aligned with the interests of the capitalists from the Northern Germany, as it allowed them to avoid competition from the Austrian capitalists.

But this was not the case for many capitalists in the South German Region, especially in the Kingdom of Bavaria, where the local economy was closely tied to Austria. A split would be catastrophic for them.

Because of the protest by the Austrian Delegation, the conference hadn’t even started, so there was no question of resolving issues through voting. If they also lost the support of representatives from the South Germanic areas, there was no point in holding the meeting at all.

The bourgeoisie naturally possess a tendency to compromise. After a week of disputes, they reached an agreement, allowing representatives from Bohemia and the Hungarian Region to attend, but with a limitation on their numbers.

An upper limit was directly set on the number of delegates from any sub-state, capping it at two hundred, and only representatives of Austria and Prussia had such numbers.

Without a doubt, what followed was another bout of wrangling over the status of Austria and Prussia. As the top sub-state of Germany, Austria was insistent on having an equal status.

Headed by Anderson, the Austrian Delegation, inherently intent on causing trouble, was certainly not about to give up.

They adamantly maintained that Austria must have the highest number of seats. Besides, in an era devoid of professional statistics, who could accurately count how many German people were actually in the Austrian Region?

The Prussians, who aimed for an equal status with Austria, naturally wouldn’t agree because this meeting was orchestrated by Prussian interest groups to sideline Austria.

The Prussia-Austria delegations engaged in a tug of war which quickly escalated, unfolding into regional conflicts between North and South Germany, dragging all delegates into the fray.

The dispute lasted until June, with the Austrian Delegation increasingly on the back foot. However, it was no matter—the now scandal-ridden Frankfurt meeting had already become a joke.

The Vienna Daily depicted the conference as a “bourgeois feast” and accompanied the article with an image of corpulent capitalists, carving up a cow with knives and forks.

The Neue Rheinische Zeitung also published an article by Engels, launching a fierce attack on the Frankfurt meeting, labeling it a “grand assembly for the distribution of capitalist interests.”

The Munich Post went even further with a series of reports on the Frankfurt meeting, meticulously detailing every attending delegate. Unsurprisingly, it focused largely on their scandals.

It described the meeting as “the dirtiest Parliament in history,” a stigmatization that left no room for whitewashing — the participants were tainted through and through.

This included the scholars, civil servants, and members of society who were present—voter fraud was their most significant scandal.

For instance, one delegate was elected with thirty thousand votes in an area where less than a hundred people voted. Or another district’s election featured only one candidate, who, by default, won unanimously…

In summary, the election was a sham. From start to finish, the election spanned less than a week; in many places, there wasn’t even enough time to spread the word, how could the results be accepted?

Experts and scholars uniformly condemned the election from a technical standpoint. For example, a newspaper would announce an election in one place, and the voting would start the next day, leaving no time for proper preparation.

Countless surveys showed that ninety percent of Germans were unaware of the election, and ninety-nine percent had not participated.

By this stage, there was no need for Franz to intervene further, as delegates were besmirched from head to toe. Many could not withstand the public pressure and withdrew from the meeting of their own accord.

The assembly persisted until July. However, with the political landscape shifting amid internal and external crises, this spontaneously organized bourgeois conference crumbled to pieces..

Chapter 80

After the victory of the bourgeois revolution, the situation in Europe did not improve, but worsened.

The capitalists, who had just turned the tables to become masters, revealed their greedy nature before they could secure their rule.

The newly established bourgeois government not only failed to fulfill its previous promises but also intensified the exploitation of the lower classes.

Where there was oppression, there was resistance, and labor and peasant movements began to thrive.

Before Marshal Radetzky withdrew from Lombardy, he had levied a large amount of grain. After the Kingdom of Sardinia occupied the area, Milan City faced a shortage of grain. To gather emergency supplies, they borrowed some grain from the local people.

Easy to borrow, easy to return.

Regrettably, the Kingdom of Sardinia seemed to have forgotten about borrowing grain from the people, sparking local discontent.

That might have been the end of it, as the borrowed grain only affected a minority. Next, to raise war funds, the Kingdom of Sardinia began to levy war taxes.

After bureaucrats added layer upon layer, the amount of the war tax far exceeded the lower classes’ ability to pay.

On April 21, 1848, the farmers of Brianza, unable to bear the high taxes, rebelled, and the uprising quickly spread to areas like Salerno and Calabria.

The rebel army occupied the estates of nobility, seized the granaries, distributed the grain to the populace, burned promissory notes and documents, and in some places, even divided up the land.

The actions of the peasant rebel army terrified the capitalists and the nobility. The Lombardy Government immediately sent troops to suppress the uprising by force, quelling the spontaneously organized peasant revolt in less than a week.

The peasant uprising was just the beginning; after the Kingdom of Sardinia occupied Milan City, the price of goods began to skyrocket. Taking bread as an example, from March to early May, the price soared by seventy-four percent.

Capitalists took advantage of this situation to profit from the national disaster, leaving the lower classes cold and starving, unable to continue. This hurt many who had supported the Kingdom of Sardinia.

On April 25, organized by the Workers’ Mutual Aid Society, over five thousand workers in Milan took to the streets, petitioning the temporary government appointed by the Kingdom of Sardinia, demanding the government stabilize prices and protect worker rights.

In this era, there were no comprehensive Labor Protection Laws, the best being those issued by Vienna Government, including the “Labor Protection Law” and its subsidiary legislation.

Literacy was rare among the workers of Milan, let alone political considerations; worker representatives simply copied parts of Austria’s “Labor Protection Law,” added some clauses they thought were reasonable, and submitted the petition.

Seeking to win over local capitalists and the nobility, the temporary government of the Kingdom of Sardinia naturally could not do without the bourgeoisie. They immediately exploited this loophole, arresting worker representatives on charges of being Austrian spies, and sent troops to suppress the marching columns.

On April 28, a strike movement erupted in Milan City, with tens of thousands of workers taking to the streets to fight for their rights. The temporary government ordered the National Homeland Defense Troops to fire at “those disturbing the social order,” killing more than three hundred people on the spot and arresting over five hundred.

White terror pervaded Milan City, plunging the workers’ movement into a trough under the repression of the liberal bourgeois government.

The suppression of worker and peasant movements was not limited to the Kingdom of Sardinia; bourgeois liberal governments in southern Italy also suppressed such movements.

In Naples, National Homeland Defense Troops shot striking printers; in Rome, National Homeland Defense Troops in front of a bakery slaughtered citizens demanding bread; in Palermo, National Homeland Defense Troops turned their blades on their comrades from the January Revolution…

The reactionary policies of the bourgeois governments provided the strongest support for the restoration of feudal forces.

No matter how much they boasted of capitalism’s progress over feudalism, the lower classes found that the capitalist regime was even more despicable than the feudal nobility.

The monarch and nobility also seized this opportunity to launch a counterattack, with the most representative being the Austrian anti-revolutionary group led by Franz, which had already suppressed most of the revolutions within Austria.

In the Italian Area, Pius IX of Rome, fearing that Italian unification would cost him his throne and that war with Austria would lose the support of Catholics.

With the efforts of Austria’s Foreign Ministry, on April 29, 1848, Pius IX issued a “Declaration,” sounding the horn for a counterattack.

On May 15, Ferdinand Il, King of Naples, demanded that the MPs swear an oath of allegiance to the constitution, which was met with opposition from the bourgeoisie MPs.

That night, Ferdinand Il sent troops into the city and raised the slaughter against the bourgeois parliament.

In the Kingdom of Prussia, the Junker aristocracy, unwilling to accept defeat, were plotting a counterattack, and King Frederick-William Ill was still toying with the bourgeois government.

France

As the source of the European revolution, it was naturally the liveliest place.

On April 23, France held constitutional elections, where the Bourgeois Republican Party achieved an overwhelming victory, and the working class was excluded from the core of power.

The rise of the French Right spurred dissatisfaction among the working class.

On April 26, French workers launched a failed armed uprising in cities such as Lyon and Limoges, with the worker leader Blanqui issuing a declaration condemning the government for betraying the revolution and declaring that the revolution would be carried through to the end.

Class conflict had escalated to become the primary contradiction in France, as the working class and the bourgeoisie parted ways.

At the same time, the royalist faction also kept busy, subtly extending their influence into the military.

If not for the royalist faction in France being split into three, holding each other back, the bourgeoisie would have already been out of the picture.

Vienna

Looking at the intelligence gathered in his hands, Franz breathed a sigh of relief; history hadn’t taken a major turn, and his butterfly effect hadn’t completely changed the world.

The outbreak of an uprising in the Lombardy Region meant that the Kingdom of Sardinia’s popularity among the local people had been pulled to the same level as Austria’s, eliminating the worry of being dragged into a people’s war.

Venice

“Marshal, the enemy has come out!” General Victor whispered in Marshal Radetzky’s ear.

“Hm, since the enemy has arrived, there’s no need for stealth. Order the 6th Division to teach the Tuscan Army, poking their heads out, a lesson, and command the 9th Division to knock out the Papal Army attempting to cross the river!” Marshal Radetzky ordered coldly.

Having lured the Sardinian army into Venice was already quite an accomplishment, and Radetzky did not expect to defeat the enemy with stratagems alone.

“Your Excellency, it is said that King Charles Albert wants to be personally at the front. If he takes over command, our opportunity will come!” Edmund suggested.

“No need, we can just lay out our formation and engage the enemy in a decisive battle in the Mantuya Region; they have no choice.

Fighting in the Venice Area, the Kingdom of Sardinia’s transport costs are double ours. You can calculate how much material they need to transport daily to ensure the supply of the front line, ” Marshal Radetzky said calmly..

Chapter 81

War is a matter of money and provisions. It’s impossible for the Kingdom of

Sardinia to fight indefinitely, and loans from John Bull aren’t easy to come by. Given the current state of the Kingdom of Sardinia, getting another loan is almost impossible.

Now the Hungarian Republic is in dire straits. If the Austrian civil war ends but the Venice conflict has not, one can imagine the consequences.

On the Venice frontline, the headquarters of the Sardinian Kingdom army,

Bardorio was spiritedly directing operations—no, commanding the troops.

Putting aside the relative combat strength of the forces, at least in terms of troop numbers, the Kingdom of Sardinia had an absolute advantage.

The Austrian Empire could commit no more than one hundred thousand troops to the Venice battlefield, whereas Bardorio had two hundred thousand soldiers at his command. Even with some forces tied up due to the Lombardy uprising, he still had one hundred sixty thousand.

“Marshal, we have news from home. The Vienna Government has dispatched fifty thousand reinforcements to the Venice Area, ordering us to conquer Venice before the enemy reinforcements arrive!”

The intelligence staff’s words scared Bardorio out of his wits, and he hastily asked, “When will the enemy’s reinforcements arrive in Venice?”

“The Vienna Government has drawn fifty thousand troops from the Austrian corps, who are now marching from Kop Castle. They will arrive in no later than a fortnight and at the earliest in ten days.”

Hearing this news, Bardorio cast his gaze upon the map and began to examine it carefully.

Launching the offensive on Venice was initially intended to force the Austrian army to send help back, thereby alleviating the pressure on the Hungarian Republic.

However, this was predicated on the conquest of Venice by the Kingdom of Sardinia. With both sides still locked in fierce combat, the addition of fifty thousand Austrian troops at this juncture would make a fight futile.

If they could save the Hungarian Republic, then achieving nothing on the Venice battlefield would still be strategically viable.

Bardorio was not optimistic about the Hungarian Republic’s chances; even if Austria was down fifty thousand troops, it would still not change the outcome of the war.

Without hesitation, Bardorio decisively ordered, “We don’t have much time.

Order the troops to prepare. We launch the attack tomorrow morning at 9:30! General Messe, you take the Second and Eighth Divisions and must conquer Trento within three days. Then cut through to the enemy’s rear and sever their supply line.

General Fake Yu…”

At the Austrian Army headquarters, Marshal Radetzky had also received news of the reinforcements, even earlier than the Italians.

The progress on the Hungarian battlefield had been too smooth. The Bohemian Corps had already crossed the Danube River and besieged Budapest, with the Croatian Corps less than one hundred kilometers from Budapest.

At this moment, the importance of the Austrian corps had diminished. There was no need for so much manpower, so naturally, Franz chose to reinforce the Venice battlefield.

Marshal Radetzky’s hanging heart had settled. Without reinforcements, relying solely on his own troops to battle the enemy would mean even if victorious, he would be unable to expand the victory further.

“Marshal, should we change our military deployment and wait for the reinforcements to arrive before engaging the enemy in a decisive battle?” General Victor suggested.

Marshal Radetzky shook his head and said, “No need. By now, the front-line troops are probably already engaged. It’s too late to change the military deployment.

I’ve already ordered the reinforcements to discard their baggage to hasten their march. Under normal circumstances, they should still be able to make it in time for this war.’

Without a doubt, the Kingdom of Sardinia had misjudged the situation; they did not anticipate that the Austrian reinforcements would advance lightly equipped.

This was the advantage of fighting on home turf; when necessary, they could march with just light weaponry, relying on local governments along the way to supply food, and replenishing ammunition in Venice.

The turning point in the Austro-Sardinian War had now materialized, focusing on the element of time.

If Bardorio could defeat the Austrian army before the reinforcements arrived, the Kingdom of Sardinia would temporarily gain a military advantage, and there might still be a chance for a dignified conclusion to the war.

On the other hand, if the Austrian army under Marshal Radetzky emerged victorious, then the Kingdom of Sardinia would have to prepare for a defense of their homeland.

On May 9, 1848, the Battle of Venice erupted, and it was the Tuscany forces— who had run the fastest—that suffered first.

Well, Grand Duke Leopold Il of Tuscany was also propped up by Austria, and he had no real desire to wage war against Austria; it was only due to public pressure that he deployed his troops.

Leopold Il’s capabilities in strategic cunning were certainly adequate; at the
very least, he excelled at using others to do his dirty work, such as when he
skillfully duped the nationalists into joining the expeditionary force.

Not everyone possesses self-awareness; for instance, Mr. Mahler, the nationalist leader from Tuscany, considered himself a military genius. He assumed the position of commander, ready to capitalize politically on the war.

“General, the fish have entered the net so quickly; could there be a problem?” Chief of Staff Feslav asked uncertainly.

“A problem? According to intelligence, this enemy force is operating alone, with the nearest enemy troops situated thirty kilometers away.

By the time their reinforcements arrive, the battle will already be over. Do you think this mere force of five thousand can hold back our Sixth Division for an entire day?” analyzed Division General Mörck.

“But the enemy’s behavior seems absurdly stupid, doesn’t it? To venture so deeply alone with so few men; do they think they are Napoleon?” Chief of Staff Feslav furrowed his brow.

“Why worry so much? Our task is to eliminate this protruding enemy force. Regardless of their plans, we’ll eat the bait first and ask questions later.

This enemy is comprised of forces from four sub-states with plenty of internal strife—maybe this Tuscan army has already been sold out!” speculated Mörck.

After pondering, Feslav found no issues and thus responded, “Alright, let’s strike first, then talk. But let’s send out more scouts, just in case the enemy has reinforcements! ”

As the minutes and seconds passed, with Mörck’s command, the sounds of gunfire started to rattle, and the Battle of Venice formally commenced.

Caught off guard by the sudden enemy attack, the marching Tuscan forces were thrown into disarray.

Mahler was an excellent orator, and perhaps could have been a fine writer, but he was certainly not a military man.

Mahler had little respect for the decaying Tuscan nobility officers; the officers in this expeditionary force were personally appointed by him, consisting mostly of patriotic youths.

Full of vigor, they disapproved of their comrades’ sluggish marching pace, and so they hastened their step, inadvertently moving to the very front.

Their perceptions, shaped by propaganda, convinced them that the Austrian Empire was decrepit and its army could be easily defeated; Sardinia’s bloodless conquest of Lombardy only strengthened this belief.

Thus, when encountering the enemy, their initial reaction was not panic but joy, and they immediately ordered a counterattack without hesitation. The young officers led by example, charging to the forefront..

Chapter 82

If you don’t court death, you won’t die. Mahler had clearly overlooked the fact that the Tuscan Army was lacking in combat ability, and they were suppressed by the Austrian Army as soon as the battle began.

“Attack for me!”

“Damn it, get up and attack for me!”

Mahler cursed angrily. The young officers displayed great valor, but the soldiers were very Italian in their performance.

They shouted slogans loudly, but before even seeing the shadow of an enemy, they were all lying on the ground playing dead, which was infuriating.

Without a doubt, the lower-rank soldiers did not want to fight the Austrians.

Before the Anti-French War broke out, Tuscany was still a part of the Holy Roman Empire, and their ancestors had once been loyal to the Habsburg family.

Even now, Austria still had a strong influence in Tuscany; an influence that could not be eliminated in a short time. The soldiers’ feelings towards Austria were complex.

This was a tragic issue. The anti-Austrian movement in the Italian area was initiated by the bourgeoisie for their own interests.

Even if the public was deceived, they didn’t suffer personally. It was one thing to shout slogans regularly, but quite another to lay down their lives.

The ones who truly wanted to defeat Austria and unite the Italian area were the capitalists, intellectuals, and nationalists.

To speak bluntly, after being fragmented for a thousand years, everyone had grown accustomed to this kind of life.

Otherwise, in the history of 1848, Austria would not have been able to defeat the Italian countries’ Allied Forces so easily and rule over Venice and the Lombardy Region again.

“General, we have been attacked by the main force of the Austrian Army. We should ask our allies for help!” a young officer suggested.

Not everyone was out of their mind. Even if they had a temporary lapse of reason earlier, the recent fight had brought everyone back to their senses.

The Tuscan expeditionary force, from top to bottom, was incompetent. The high-ranking commanders could only strategize on paper, and the junior officers were all too immature. They might do as members of a Death Squad, but leading the troops was out of the question!

“Very well, send someone to Marshal Badoglio immediately for reinforcements and prepare the troops for a strategic retreat!” Mahler made his decision swiftly.

A great man can bend and stretch. If we can’t provoke them, can’t we at least avoid them? This has also become a tradition in Italy: if you can’t beat them, run; if you can’t run, surrender.

No one knows whether it started hundreds or even a thousand years ago, but the combat ability of the Italians has become unreliable.

On the European Continent where mercenaries were prevalent, the Italian mercenaries were acknowledged as the least combat-capable, in stark contrast to their neighbors, the Swiss.

As the Tuscan Army was taking losses, General Messe, who was responsible for the attack on Trento, also encountered trouble on the other front.

Of course, they were the aggressors, with forces several times that of the defenders, so there wasn’t a risk of annihilation. However, the possibility of capturing Trento was gone.

“General, the enemy’s firepower is too fierce. The Second Division has suffered heavy casualties, and Major General Will is requesting support!” the adjutant said solemnly.

With a “bang,” the water cup in Major General Messe’s hand went flying.

“Useless, the battle has just begun, and they have suffered heavy losses. Have they encountered the main force of the Austrians?”

No one answered his question, but it was certain that the forces opposite could not be the main forces of the Austrian army, otherwise the situation between attack and defense would have been reversed.

“General Messe, why not hold off the attack for now and launch an offensive once the artillery arrives?” Major General Manstu suggested.

In the end, unwilling to deplete his precious troops, General Messe reluctantly said, “All right, slow down the offensive, and after the artillery arrives tomorrow, we’ll launch a full-scale attack!”

Major General Will breathed a sigh of relief as he had not received reinforcements but had gotten the order to postpone the attack. Losing nearly a regiment’s worth of soldiers in one morning was a loss the second division could not sustain.

Watching his soldiers fall one after another on the charge path, Major General Will’s heart ached immensely, and he gave the order in frustration, “Command the troops to retreat!”

As the retreat horn sounded, a bizarre scene unfolded on the battlefield: one by one, the Sardinian soldiers who had fallen on the charge path feigned death.

Originally grief-stricken, Major General Will became so furious he was nearly smoking with anger. If he didn’t know what was happening by now, he didn’t deserve to be the leader of a division.

“Damn it, this bunch of bloody bastards, I’ll take them to military court!” Major General Will roared.

Major General Will couldn’t help but be angry. Thinking about the report of heavy losses that had just been submitted to the headquarters, and then watching the soldiers faking death with vigor, it was too much of a slap in the face.

After counting the casualties, Major General Will’s heart bled—not because the losses were too great, but because they were too slight.

Having attacked all morning, twenty-something dead and over seventy injured —could that really be called heavy losses? This was a division’s force, not a battalion!

The soldiers’ casualties weren’t many, but the loss of weapons and equipment wasn’t small at all.

When they ran back, the Austrian army certainly didn’t forget to shoot from behind; for safety, a lot of soldiers returned empty-handed.

A preliminary count showed that over the course of the morning, the second division had lost more than thirteen hundred rifles. If it wasn’t for the fact that there’s safety in numbers, Major General Will felt like shooting those damned idiots himself.

Victories? Well, perhaps they had depleted the enemy’s ammunition and weapons. They hadn’t even come within a hundred meters of the enemy’s position—what kind of victory was that?

“General, most of these soldiers are recruited from the Lombardy region; they are a bunch of cowards. In the afternoon, if we put in our old soldiers, it certainly won’t be like this!” one officer reminded him.

Major General Will nodded in resignation. He could only hope that other soldiers would be braver. If everyone emulated the cowards from the morning, there was no point in fighting this battle.

Not only were they frustrated, but the Austrian defenders were even more upset.

Colonel Grig, who was responsible for defending the first line of defense, was very pleased watching the enemy falling one after another. He thought his soldiers had all become sharpshooters.

Little did he expect, by noon, a change occurred—the supposedly dead enemy soldiers faked death again, leaving him with an iron blue face.

He was so close. The documents for claiming victory and reporting good news had been prepared, and fortunately, he had not submitted them yet. Otherwise, he would have been punished for falsifying reports of his achievements.

Colonel Grig could not understand what the enemy was doing and could only guess privately, “Could the enemy want to deplete our ammunition? But this commander is too funny, as if Trento is short on weapons and ammunition!”

“Commander, does the enemy have some kind of conspiracy? Could it be they are trying to lure us out and then take the opportunity to strike back and seize our positions?” a young officer speculated with wild imagination..

Chapter 83

“There’s no damn conspiracy, the enemy across from us is clearly just a bunch of greenhorns, rushing in to attack and scattering in retreat—a bunch of rare specimens indeed!”

Grig made a swift judgment, if it was not for the insufficient number of troops in his hand, he really would have ordered a sortie right now, such good opportunities were rare.

“Commander, I noticed the enemy left behind quite a few weapons, why don’t we send someone to pick them up? We could even make a profit!” the young officer pondered before saying.

Grig glared at him fiercely, speaking in a tone that was frustrated with his lack of understanding: “Ambrosius, sometimes I really want to split open your head to see what’s inside, why you have so many muddled thoughts!

All you think about is making money, do you think the enemy is stupid? Why don’t you try going up and see if the enemy will take your life?

Our mission is to hold the line, what use is picking up a few broken guns?”

In this era, the treatment of military personnel in various countries wasn’t all that great, seeking fortunes primarily depended on looting and battlefield seizures.

This war was being fought on Austrian soil, looting was out of the question; no matter how crazy they were, they couldn’t just mess around on their own turf, so seizures became their main source of income.

Of course, the promise of land rewards by Franz also played an important role in motivating them to fight calmly.

In the past, obtaining land rewards mainly meant becoming nobility and receiving a fief, an exceedingly difficult achievement; apart from a few lucky ones, most people had no chance.

This time Franz made changes, the traditional enfeoffed nobility required even a Knight to have thousands of acres of land, but now regular soldiers could also obtain land for their military merits.

(1 hectare 2.5 acres = 15 mu)

However, this land wasn’t part of noble fiefs and carried no noble privileges; it was akin to the government paying military salaries and rewarding military achievements with land.

Since it wasn’t part of nobility, the threshold was naturally much lower, and it was much easier for regular soldiers to obtain land. Basically, just by fighting a battle, they could get several acres, and with good luck, even several hectares.

Ambrosius wanted to make money, mainly because he worried he wouldn’t have enough military merits and could use the money to redeem land later, after all, his aim was to become a farmer.

This was a preferential treatment for soldiers, and to restrict land monopoly, Austrian land redemption laws stipulated that the average redemption area per person couldn’t exceed 2 hectares, and rewards obtained on the battlefield were not included in this limit.

“Uncle Grig, you know I have many brothers and sisters, being a younger son I have no right to inherit the title and property, so I’m just trying to grab whatever I can!” Ambrosius said unconcernedly.

Grig said irritably, “Damn it, why don’t you try to earn a title for yourself?

I bet you that even if you were to attain the lowest, non-hereditary rank of

Baron, old John would be happier than if you made 100,000 Rheinshields!”

In this era, the main officers in European armies were basically the offspring of nobility, especially the younger sons without the right to inherit titles; they would join the army upon reaching adulthood to strive for success.

These individuals received a good education and quickly stood out in the military. The colonial movements of various European countries were spurred on by these nobles’ offspring eager to obtain titles.

Ambrosius thought for a moment and said, “I too desire a title, but with my rank, it’s just too difficult to earn the military honors required for ennoblement now.

Uncle Grig, how about we lead a raid on the enemy camp tonight? If we succeed, maybe I’ll achieve my goal!”

Grig rubbed his forehead and gave up on the idea of continuing to mentor Ambrosius, his distant nephew. Even if one were to consider a night raid, shouldn’t practical circumstances be taken into account?

He acknowledged that the enemy was dreadful; in all his years of military service, he had never seen an army fight like this, but how could one disregard their overwhelming numbers?

The enemy force opposite them comprised two divisions; he only had one regiment at his disposal, not even one-fifth the strength of his opponent—was this not tantamount to marching to their doom?

In the Sardinian Army camp, Major General Wil severely reprimanded the soldiers who had fallen on the battlefield that day and also selected a few unlucky targets to establish his authority by carrying out military justice.

The battle resumed, and perhaps it was due to the assertive display of authority, or maybe because the old soldiers of the Kingdom of Sardinia were braver, the fighting in the afternoon became much more ferocious.

Picking up his binoculars and observing the carnage, at one point there were soldiers charging the enemy’s position; Major General Wil nodded in satisfaction. This was war. If everyone acted like the fools from the morning, where would that lead?

In the camp, undercurrents were already stirring.

A soldier, covered in dirt and excitement, said, “Tom, the knowledge in the ‘Survival Guide on the Battlefield’ is really useful. See those idiots? Always strutting around arrogantly, and now they’re foolishly charging to their deaths, so satisfying to watch!”

“Of course, this was something Mr. Guerazzi spent a lot of money on, buying from an old mercenary. It’s meant to reduce our casualties on the battlefield.

Raul, be careful not to let the People of Sardinian catch on. We still need them to lay down their lives in this war! If everyone becomes smart, who will fight the Austrians?” said Tom, a middle-aged man, with caution.

“Right, let the People of Sardinian and Austrians bite each other, and once they’re both weakened from fighting, our Lombardy Republic can achieve independence!” Raul said excitedly.

Obviously, a book as sophisticated as ‘Survival Guide on the Battlefield’ wasn’t written by an old mercenary; it was something Franz had prepared specifically for the Kingdom of Sardinia.

It was based on his studies of the history of warfare in Italy, so he had marketed it to the Sardinian Army in advance. After all, it was an Italian innovation, so there was no concern about it being unsuited to the local conditions.

He even included a sixteen-word policy: If you can win, fight; if not, run; if you can’t run, surrender!

It contained most of the life-saving skills for the battlefield. For example: initiating a charge and then looking for advantageous terrain to play dead halfway through.

Choosing the right spot was crucial—you couldn’t charge too far, nor stay too close to the main camp.

The best position would offer cover to shield from random enemy fire and also consider comfort since lying down for too long could cause numb limbs.

Another example: during defense, avoid sticking your head out; just firing bullets haphazardly was fine since the chances of hitting the enemy were slim anyway. If there wasn’t a mortal grudge, there was no need to risk your life.

Franz wittily compiled thirty-six strategies, colloquially known as the

“Life-saving 36 Strategies,” all of which were lifesaving masterstrokes on the battlefield. They came with explanations, all in the most straightforward and simple language, without a hint of literary flair..

Chapter 84

In the dead of night, mournful howls filled the Sardinian camp.

Falsifying military reports was a court-martial offense, and since they had claimed heavy losses, they now had to show them.

“No poison, no husband; kindness does not rule the troops.” Having climbed to his position, Major General Will was naturally not the kind to be soft-hearted.

To provide an explanation to his superiors, Major General Will had no choice but to intensify the attack in the afternoon.

The veterans of the Kingdom of Sardinia were indeed brave, their sense of national belonging far stronger than that of the People of Lombardy. The battle that afternoon was much more tragic.

After tallying the casualties, Major General Will waved his hand broadly, attributing all the battle damage to the morning’s fight—over three hundred dead and more than eight hundred injured, just about qualifying as heavy losses.

The high-ranking officers of the Second Division, headed by Major General Will, could now account for their actions, but this had brought morale to an all-time low.

Without a comparison, there can be no hurt. Italians are good at learning, especially the old hands in the military, who quickly picked up on the advanced experiences of their peers.

With many knowing, secrecy was out of the question. The “Survival Guide on the Battlefield” spread rapidly throughout the Kingdom of Sardinia’s military.

Perhaps it was the strong commercial atmosphere that had these soldiers gladly accepting this lifesaving manual for the battlefield.

Along with the bizarre theories Franz had concocted, they too gained wide acceptance. At some point, a saying emerged in the Sardinian military—do not die for the capitalists.

Italy had been divided for so long that ordinary people had forgotten they were Italians, replaced by identifiers like People of Sardinian, Genoese, People of Lombardy…

What good was unification for them? It seemed that the capitalists gained the most, with a unified Italy providing a larger market for exploitation. But these soldiers, who bled and sacrificed for unification, gained nothing!

Nationalism had awakened in the Kingdom of Sardinia, as had assorted chaotic thoughts. Italians, being given to contemplation, started to consider their own interests more when thinking led to overthinking.

Unbeknownst to them, the Sardinian military was undergoing a dramatic transformation; bravery and fighting prowess were becoming things of their past.

It was a tradition in Italy, colloquially referred to as “three-minute enthusiasm.” Once the cost in blood and sacrifice became apparent, their passion cooled. The “Survival Guide on the Battlefield” just gave them an excuse to convince themselves.

At the Venice Sardinian Army Headquarters, Marshal Badoglio was still unaware that his forces were undergoing a glamorous metamorphosis; right now, he was troubled by a plea for help from the Tuscans.

He did appreciate the proactive efforts of the Tuscan Army; such zealots were needed as cannon fodder in the war against Austria.

“Frontline dispatch: The Tuscan Army is under attack by the main forces of Austria. They are requesting our aid. What do you think we should do?”

A middle-aged officer, frowning, said, “Your Excellency Marshal, the Tuscans are about thirty kilometers away from us. Taking into account the time it took to deliver the message, the battle would have started half a day ago.

Even if we march now, at the earliest we’ll reach the battlefield in a day’s time. Whether we can make it or not is one thing, but it will disrupt our military deployment, making future battles more difficult!” Clearly, he was not in favor of rescuing the Tuscans.

Allies, aren’t they there to be betrayed?

Besides, since when has the Kingdom of Sardinia ever been true allies with Tuscany?

If the Kingdom of Sardinia wanted to unify the Italian Area, they would sooner or later come into conflict with the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. Isn’t seeking their help the same as aiding the enemy?

“Jackson, this isn’t good! If we don’t send troops to aid the Tuscans, it will cause very serious diplomatic troubles. The Papal State and the Kingdom of Naples will also feel distressed, and we would have to fight this war all alone!” another middle-aged military officer objected.

“Cansandos, this war was always on our home ground; these allies are unreliable.

The Kingdom of Naples did indeed send forty thousand troops, but where is this large army? Have they sent even a regiment as the vanguard?

The Tuscans are indeed very active, but we all understand that their commander is a self-righteous fool without the slightest military sense.

What can we expect from such a pig-headed ally if not to add to the chaos?” Jackson’s middle-aged officer countered.

Marshal Badoglio nodded. Reliance on allies was no longer a military option; Austria’s influence among the Italian countries was too significant, and even if they were pressurised by public opinion to send troops, it would still be half-hearted.

Now that there has been a change in the Italian Area, a Conservative restoration is underway in the Papal State and the Kingdom of Naples, and who knows when these allies might withdraw.

“You all make valid points. Let us send a message to the Tuscans to hold their ground and wait for assistance; we will send relief forces as soon as possible!”

Without doubt, Marshal Badoglio was betraying his allies. Sending aid as soon as possible? When exactly would that be?

If he really wanted to assist the Tuscans, he should have sent his forces marching day and night by now, not delaying any further.

On the frontline, General Mahler, the Commander-in-chief of Tuscany, no longer had his past confidence and swagger and was covered in dust along with his soldiers during the “strategic withdrawal.”

This battle was unwinnable. The combat strength of the Tuscan Army was already unimpressive, and they were up against the enemy who were twice their number. After holding on for a few hours, they were routed.

General Mahler, leading a portion of the broken and defeated, didn’t look back as he fled. Losing a war was one thing, and losing to the Austrians was not a disgrace, but he had no desire to be taken prisoner.

As a thorn in the King’s side, should he fall into Austrian hands, it’s not unlikely they could execute a shady transaction and have him killed. Mahler did not dare test the King’s integrity.

“General Mahler, Marshal Badoglio has ordered us to hold our position and wait for reinforcements; they will send troops as quickly as possible!” a young officer said excitedly.

“Has the Sardinian Army mobilized immediately upon receiving our call for aid?” Mahler asked with concern.

“No, they held a military meeting for an hour, and then said they would send troops as quickly as possible. Maybe they have already set out by now?” the young officer stated uncertainly.

Mahler’s expression darkened, then he quickly realized what was happening and commanded, “Order the troops to speed up; our allies are about to arrive, and we’ll meet up with them up ahead!”

Allies? There weren’t any damn allies. Such a perfunctory response could fool these naive youths, but not an old fox like Mahler.

In the military, time is of the essence, like rescuing from a fire; where was there time for prolonged discussions?

Since no allies were coming, of course, it was necessary to run faster. Boosting the morale of the troops was essential, too..

Chapter 85

Budapest, ever since the Austrian Army’s siege, had been gripped by panic, and if it weren’t for the new government’s illusions about their ally, the Kingdom of Sardinia, many would have already fled.

Of course, those who hadn’t fled were preparing to escape. Budapest City, covering a significant area, had its fortifications arranged by the Bohemian Corps strictly in a ‘surround-three-leave-one-be’ pattern to prevent the enemy from making a desperate move.

It was quite easy for just a few individuals to flee; as long as it wasn’t a large troop movement, the Austrian Army would hardly notice.

The Minister of the Army Department of the Hungarian Republican

Government, General Gold, said distressedly, “Mr. Kossuth, we’ve just received intelligence that the traitorous Croatians are going to join forces with the Austrians outside the city tomorrow.

By then, the number of enemy troops besieging the city will rise to 150,000, and Budapest will be unable to hold any longer!”

“General Gold is right,” said Chernir, Minister of Interior, “Budapest simply cannot withstand the enemy’s forces, and this revolution has already failed. To salvage what we can and save Hungary, I propose we negotiate peace with the Vienna Government!”

With the military defeat, reactionary forces in Hungary began to rear their heads.

The bourgeoisie nobility led by Chernir and the conciliatory faction of the military led by General Gold attempted to negotiate with the Austrian Government to protect their interests.

For Kossuth, this was undoubtedly terrible news. Long before the Bohemian Corps had besieged the city, he advocated taking the initiative to strike while the enemy was still unstable, but unfortunately, he was opposed by the military.

Now, with the enemy outside the city, busy distributing land seized from the wealthy, the Austrian Army had already won the support of local people, relying on freeing serfs and distributing land.

On the contrary, the Hungarian Republic was viewed with hostility by the local people; in the eyes of the ordinary citizens, the Emperor in distant Vienna was their protector, while the Hungarian Government in Budapest was just a tool for the nobility and capitalists to exploit them.

Minister of Education Petofi urgently objected, “No, if we negotiate with Austria now, Hungary will be partitioned. The Vienna Government is secretly plotting to divide Hungary, and all we will be left with is just one province!

Even with that one province, we won’t have any autonomy. The Vienna Government is in a position of strength, how could they possibly compromise?”

Compromise, in fact, the Revolutionaries also didn’t mind compromising with the Vienna Government, but the gap between the conditions of the two parties was just too large.

Under Franz, the Austrian Government prepared to divide Hungary into five provinces: Croatia, Slavonia, Vojvodina, Transylvania, and Hungary.

That was no secret anymore, Croatia and Transylvania had already established their independent provincial governments, and the governments of Slavonia and Vojvodina were also in preparation.

Once this plan succeeded, the Kingdom of Hungary would become history. Due to national relations, if they wanted independence again, they would only have the remaining Hungarian province, and this difficulty increased by several times.

Chernir retorted, “Mr. Petofi, but the reality is that we simply cannot win the war!

If we don’t negotiate with the Austrian Government, then the end result will probably be even worse, and they will turn Hungary into history.

Throughout the long river of history, countless nations have disappeared.

Surely you don’t want to see the Hungarian nationality disappear, do you?” Kossuth said fervently, “The great Hungarian nationality will not vanish, history will prove that the enemy’s plots and tricks are in vain. As long as we persevere, we will surely win the victory!”

“To win this war, I have already invited the renowned Polish General Henrik-Dembinski. I believe we can certainly win this war!”

Chernir’s expression darkened but he said nothing. Despite his disdain for

Kossuth’s tendency to launch into speeches at the drop of a hat, the Revolutionary Party was in control and he wasn’t inclined to openly clash with them.

At this stage, could the outcome of the war really be changed by the strength of an individual?

The daring establishment of the Hungarian Republic was due to Hungary being a cohesive entity while the Austrian Empire was on the brink of collapse, and the Vienna Government’s reform measures had infringed upon their interests.

Who would have thought that in no time at all, Austria would stabilize internally while Hungary, undermined by the Vienna Government’s political onslaught, became fractured. The balance of power between the two had shifted dramatically.

No one is a fool. Apart from the barefooted members of the Revolutionary Party, everyone else was thinking about their way out. The Vienna Government was showing no mercy in dealing with the rebels; who amongst those with family and property was willing to risk their lives?

What the big shots think doesn’t concern the commoners of Budapest. They are worried about their daily meals, especially since the siege by the Austrian Army cut off Budapest’s supply channels with the outside world.

Hungary is one of Europe’s main grain-producing regions, surrounded by farmland near Budapest. There is no shortage of grain within the city.

Unfortunately, prices have been skyrocketing! Don’t talk to capitalists about the greater good; there are plenty who would put money before life. In this crisis, instead of helping each other, they take advantage of the situation.

Take the cheapest black bread as an example. Its price has risen by fifty-eight percent since before the revolution, and the price of coal for cooking has doubled.

To save fuel, many families have resorted to cooking together. Even so, the soaring prices are still making life difficult.

Worse still, the Hungarian Republican Government also had issued Republic currency and Restoration rolls, plundering the wealth of the people.

Since the establishment of the Hungarian Republic, people in Budapest City have not had many comfortable days. Nationality, nation, freedom—how can they stand against the need for daily bread?

On April 18, 1848, a workers’ movement erupted in Budapest. Starving workers and impoverished citizens took to the streets demanding the government stabilize prices, punish profiteers, implement the “Labor Protection Law,” and address unemployment.

As the spokesperson for the bourgeoisie, the Hungarian Republican Government naturally ignored their demands, with the Kosuth Government brutally suppressing them immediately.

On April 23, 1848, news of the Austrian abolition of serfdom reached Hungary. The exploited and oppressed Little serfs rebelled, seizing estates, killing overseers, and dividing the land.

The revolt swiftly spread along the Danube Riverbank, terrifying the

Hungarian Nobility, who turned to Vienna and Budapest for help.

Without a doubt, the Austrian Government, eager to suppress the Hungarian Nobility but unable to reach them, declined to help on those grounds. To gain the support of the Nobility, the Kosuth Government once again positioned itself against the people.

After suppressing the workers’ and peasants’ movement, the Hungarian

Republican Government gained the support of capitalists and the Nobility. The cohesion of the Hungarian nationality increased, but it also completed the rift with the lower classes..

Chapter 86

“Conquering the heart is of utmost importance, conquering cities is of lesser significance.”

Many understand this principle, yet only a few can truly execute it. Julius’ recent actions were commendable; likely, no one would associate him with the Butcher General any longer.

Emancipating serfs and distributing land were potent tools to win over the hearts of the people. Even though the farmers still needed to pay for the redemption of the land, Julius still gained a wave of popular support.

Once the local populace learned that they could acquire land for free by cooperating with the government forces to suppress the rebellion, farmers near Budapest spontaneously became volunteers.

The Kosuth Government’s capacity to carry out its duties was limited, and with their inability to control all fronts, they couldn’t manage to block the spread of news.

After the news of land distribution spread within the city, many began to change their minds. Nobility gnashed their teeth in hatred, capitalists trembled in fear, while the lower-class workers saw new hope.

Since the Austrian Government’s decree concerning the farmers had been honored, there naturally was also a possibility that the protective laws for the working class would be fulfilled.

Under such circumstances, Franz’s intelligence organization also sprang into action. Seeing the Hungarian Republic’s ship about to sink, there were many who were unwilling to go down with them.

The great nobles might be enraged by the Austrian Government’s actions, but now they had to hold their noses and accept it, as they had too much at stake to risk losing it all.

With the cooperation of these influential local figures, the intelligence organization’s work progressed very smoothly. The Kosuth Government, with no experience in governance, was utterly in the dark about these matters.

Perhaps due to the trauma caused by the secret police, as soon as the revolutionaries came into power, they disbanded these organizations. Now, the domestic self-defense forces, which had become the enforcers for capitalists and nobility, were maintaining order in Budapest.

If things continued this way, perhaps in another three to five months, the Austrian Government might be able to take Budapest without even shedding blood.

Vienna

“Your Highness, the Croatian Corps has successfully met with the Bohemian Corps in Budapest. The war in Hungary should end; dragging this on any longer would be extremely disadvantageous for us!” Prince Windischgrätz stated seriously.

He didn’t exaggerate. The reason the rebel army was just a disorderly mob was that they had been hastily assembled and lacked formal training.

Such an enemy could be easily handled by a regular army. If given more time, once this disorderly mob completed their training, they would become much more challenging to deal with.

Historically, the Hungarian revolution drained so much of Austria’s energy and even required Russian assistance to suppress, all because they had been given too much time to prepare.

“Hmm, if that’s the case then let us launch the attack. Order the troops to exercise restraint; I don’t want to clean up after them!” Franz said gravely.

“Yes, Your Highness!” replied Prince Windischgrätz.

“Prime Minister, how is the post-conflict preparation? Once we’ve suppressed the Hungarian revolution, what are the government’s plans for managing the Hungarian Region?” Franz asked with concern.

Prime Minister Felix confidently replied, “Your Highness, considering

Hungary’s special situation, our cabinet plans to further divide the Hungarian Province into three provinces using the Tisza River and the Danube River as the dividing lines.”

They are: the Transleithanian Province west of the Danube River, with the provincial capital in Pécs; the Central Hungarian Province to the east of the Danube River and the west of the Tisza River, with the provincial capital established in Miskolc; and the Eastern Hungarian Province to the east of the Tisza River, with the provincial capital set in Debrecen.

In addition to the already segregated Croatian Province, Transylvanian Province, Slavonian Province, and Vojvodina Province, the Kingdom of Hungary would be divided into seven parts.

After the war, the areas where the Hungarians were concentrated were also divided into three parts, and the government would invest a large amount of funds in local education, helping the people there assimilate into the great Austrian family as soon as possible.”

Franz nodded in satisfaction. With the division of administrative regions and the assimilation of language and culture, this combination would mean that in a few decades Hungary would become just a regional term.

“How will the educational funding be resolved?” Franz asked with concern.

Austria is now operating under a wartime economic system, that is, the so-called planned economy, and has also confiscated a large number of properties from the reactionaries, so naturally, there is no shortage of money.

This economic model, only suitable for the short term emergency, or for a bold economic surge, would become a constraint on economic development due to institutional rigidity over time, and eventually, a return to a normal economic model is inevitable.

If the Central Government were to allocate funds, the financial pressure on the government would be too great after the economy returned to normal. After all, if Hungary requires assimilation, other areas of Austria would need assimilation as well.

“Your Highness, we are planning to abolish the Church tithe and replace it with a compulsory education tax levied by the government, to resolve the funding shortfall!” Felix said hesitantly.

Franz’s eyes lit up. He had long wanted to abolish the Church tithe, but as a “devout Catholic,” he could not rashly abolish it without a suitable reason, as it would cause conflict with the Church.

Now that the Prime Minister had brought it up, Franz wholeheartedly agreed. If the Church had any objections, they could take it up with the Cabinet. The idea was theirs after all, Franz thought wickedly.

After all, this was no longer the Middle Ages. The Pope had been driven into exile in Naples by the Revolutionaries, and the Church simply could not overpower the government. Of course, ruining someone’s reputation was still within their capabilities.

“Is the funding sufficient? In the coming years, we will need to invest a significant sum in educational funding nationwide. Is the tithe enough?” Franz asked worriedly.

Felix spoke firmly, “Your Majesty, there is severe corruption among the religious personnel in the country, and as devout believers in God, we must rectify the Church’s malpractices.

The Cabinet is preparing a thorough investigation of Church personnel, to severely punish those who violate their vows, and to confiscate the Church’s illegal properties.

This money will all be put towards education. Combined with the compulsory education tax, the funding for Austria’s compulsory education should surely be sufficient.

Having already offended the Church once, he decided to go for broke and continue targeting the Church, this fat sheep.

How wealthy was the Austrian Church in the mid-19th century? It’s hard to
give an exact figure, but after so many years of accumulation, the Church was much wealthier than the Austrian Government.

The guilt of possessing a jade is not in the man but in the jade.

Having too much money isn’t necessarily a good thing, and now it had caught the attention of the Austrian Government. Franz, the “devout Catholic, naturally had to clean house on behalf of God.

“The Prime Minister makes a reasonable point. The moral cultivation of religious personnel must be strengthened.. As believers in God, we have an obligation to help those servants of God who have gone astray and guide them back onto the right path!!”

Chapter 87

The church in Austria is by no means a pushover, and even though it has now declined, the church still colludes with the local nobility. The upper echelons of the church are essentially made up of relatives of the nobility.

That’s why Franz wasn’t rushing to take action against the church; it’s a situation where pulling on one thing affects the whole. You have to eat your meal one bite at a time, eliminate your enemies one by one, and if you can turn an enemy into a friend, that’s all the better.

Without a doubt, Austria’s church members are not worth wooing. They are rich and obstruct the development of Austrian society, making them genuine reactionaries through and through.

Prime Minister Felix began, “Your Highness, it would be best to postpone matters concerning the church. Recently, a change of events occurred in the Papal State, and Pope Pius IX has sought refuge in Naples and called for our help.

The Cabinet has decided to speed up the pacification of the rebels, defeat the Kingdom of Sardinia, and then send troops to the Papal State to assist Pius IX in regaining his power! ”

Clearly, the Cabinet Government is no fool, aware that the church should not be rashly provoked. Since the Middle Ages, ecclesiastical power had challenged monarchical power, and although secular authority now has the upper hand, religious authority should not be underestimated.

Moving directly against them would certainly not be a wise choice. However, these clergy do have their Achilles’ heel—the Catholic Church in Austria is still under the dominion of the Roman Curia.

With the Papal State in turmoil, Austria is needed to lend a helping hand. After assistance is provided, it would be unthinkable for Pius IX not to repay the favor with interest.

Franz nodded in satisfaction, thinking to himself, “These old political foxes on the scene are all clever operators. Their timing is impeccable.”

The Pope of Rome, preoccupied with his own predicaments and willing to sell out the Austrian church for his benefit, did not hesitate. With the Pope taking the heat, the pressure they had to bear would be greatly reduced.

With a command from the Vienna Government, the Siege of Budapest began.

Now General Julius need not worry. According to the Vienna Government’s plan, in the future administrative division, Budapest could be dispensed with, so there’s no concern that the war ruins the city.

Budapest is actually formed by the unification of two cities, Buda and Pesci. In medieval times, Pesci City had already become the capital of Hungary, with Buda simply being a city separated from Pesci by a river.

When referring to the two cities together, people usually join their names, calling the combined city Budapest or Pesci-Buda.

After the establishment of the Hungarian Republic, the two cities were merged. Naturally, they would be split after the war and placed under the jurisdiction of two different provinces.

“Your Excellency Governor, the Army Department has issued the command to take the city, demanding that we capture Budapest as soon as possible. Do you have any thoughts?” inquired General Julius with concern.

The Bohemian Corps and the Croatian Corps are under mutual command, and this assault on Budapest was merely assembled as a temporary joint headquarters. Julius had to consider the opinion of Governor J6zsef Jellacic.

“Your Excellency Commander, the Hungarian rioters are turtles caught in a jar. Taking Budapest is not an issue; the key is whether we can catch all the Rebels in one fell swoop!

At this moment, the Transylvanian Corps has already reached the banks of the Tisza River, and the Austrian Army is also advancing along the Danube River. Outside our encirclement, a larger encirclement is taking shape.

The only escape route left for these Rebels is to flee to the Ottoman Empire. The Sultan Government began major reforms back in 1839 and has been an adversary of the Empire for a long time. It’s highly likely they will harbor these Rebels.

“If we let them join forces, it will be extremely unfavorable for the Empire’s future rule in Hungary. Therefore, whether we can annihilate the enemy completely is the key to this war!”

Governor J6zsef Jellacic, a military politician, tended to address issues more from a political standpoint. In the long run, completely eliminating the

Hungarian Revolutionary Party is more meaningful than capturing Budapest.

General Julius said with a wry smile, “That is difficult to achieve. The revolutionaries are not as brave as they claim to be. Once the momentum turns against them, they run even faster than rabbits.

“By now they must have prepared their escape routes. If we launch the siege of Budapest, they will take off, unless we can trap them inside the city, it’s impossible to completely wipe them out.”

As a loyal servant of the Habsburg Family, Julius harbored deep hostility towards the revolutionaries. If possible, he wouldn’t mind hanging them all.

Franz appointed him as the Commander primarily to have him slaughter on a grand scale, eliminating all those who participated in or were suspected of involvement in the rebellion.

Whether or not the rebel army could be completely eradicated, on May 24, 1848, the Austrian army still launched the siege of Budapest, aiming to annihilate the leaders of the Revolutionary Party. Julius even chose the militarily disadvantageous strategy of besieging the city on all sides.

The Hungarian Republic’s external connections were completely severed. Budapest had become an isolated city, and perhaps because of this lack of concern, the Austrian army unleashed its artillery on the city without restraint.

Budapest

Since the sound of the siege cannons began, this ancient city had become noisy. The War Party and the Peace Party would not stop arguing, and some well-connected individuals began searching for a way out, increasing the pressure on the Kossuth Government.

“Count Shemir, the revolutionaries are still unwilling to compromise. What should we do now?” General Gold asked with a headache.

“General Gold, how many in the National Homeland Defense Troops would follow our command?” Shemir asked concernedly.

“Kossuth has started to suspect us. Half a month ago, he let Bem take over the military power I held. Now he has brought in the famous Polish General Henrik-Dembinski to oversee the city’s defense.

If we make a move now, I can command a force of thirteen thousand, but these troops are scattered among various units and cannot be concentrated!” General Gold replied somewhat embarrassingly.

“Useless!”

That was Shemir’s first reaction. As the Army Minister of the provisional government, he unexpectedly didn’t have a reliable army at his disposal.

Thirteen thousand people? That was clearly a bluff. If they still had so many direct troops, they would have turned against the revolutionaries long ago.

You should know, General Gold was directly involved in organizing the Hungarian National Self-Defense Force. As a member of the bourgeois nobility, they had stuffed many of their people into it.

Now that they had been sidelined by the revolutionaries, Shemir could think of no better word than “useless” to describe them.

“General Gold, I didn’t ask how many are inclined towards us. I meant, without attracting external attention, how many can you mobilize immediately, not how many troops can be concentrated!” Shemir explained helplessly.

“Without attracting external attention, at most, a little over five hundred.” General Gold answered, frowning..

Chapter 88

Selling out comrades isn’t as simple as it may seem; the Revolutionaries aren’t fools—how could they not be vigilant against these nobles?

From the onset, Kossuth had refused to allow the great nobility to meddle in the affairs of the temporary government. Chernir and Gol were bourgeois nobility, having already transitioned from nobles to capitalists.

From an interest-based standpoint, an independent Hungarian Republic was more in line with their benefits, which is why both sides came together for cooperation and jointly established the temporary government.

The nobility of Hungary had degenerated, including those who had shifted to capitalism. If they could make money lying down, why bother striving?

On the contrary, those leading the Revolutionary Party, mostly descendants of fallen nobility, had become entrepreneurs out of destitution. Their capabilities hadn’t diminished significantly.

In the power struggle within the temporary government, these do-nothing nobles naturally lost to the daring and hardworking entrepreneurs.

Chernir was a smart man, but being too clever, he wouldn’t dare make a move against the temporary government without certainty.

If it were the Revolutionaries, the result would probably be the exact opposite. With just a few hundred men, they could launch a coup. As long as they control the temporary government’s leadership, victory would be assured.

“Let’s wait and see, let’s try to sway more people to our side. When the time is ripe, we’ll make our move!” Chernir said after thinking it over.

Gol naturally wouldn’t object. Despite his casual tone, he was genuinely uncertain.

The human heart is unpredictable—who knew if among their ranks there were those inclined towards the Revolutionary Party? If word got out, wouldn’t the Revolutionaries strike first?

“No problem, Mr. Chernir, but how do we explain ourselves to the Austrians?” Gol asked with concern.

Clearly, by this time, they had already become entangled with the Austrian Government, making the same historical move—betraying their allies.

“No worries, the Austrians just demand we eliminate the Revolutionary Party’s leaders in one fell swoop. Everything else is negotiable,” Chernir confidently declared.

In Hungary, there was both the left-wing and right-wing forces. The left-wing, led by Kossuth, advocated for the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of an independent Hungarian Republic.

The right-wing, led by Chernir and Istvån, called for moderate reform of the social system, hoping to collaborate closely with the Habsburg dynasty.

Undoubtedly, the relationship between Hungary’s right-wing forces and the Austrian Government was still good. Even if the Vienna Government had abolished serfdom and touched their land, was there not land redemption money?

It all came down to money. As long as the price was right, there would be no problems.

Whether others’ interests could be safeguarded was unknown to Chernir, but at least he was certain that those standing with the Vienna Government, like them, would have their interests protected.

Of course, to gain more benefits, they must demonstrate their value to the Vienna Government.

If they do nothing beyond politically leaning toward the Vienna Government, once the Austrian army breaks through, they could find themselves without a seat at the spoils-sharing table.

Meanwhile, Head of State Kossuth was busy discussing the defense of the city with the veteran Polish General Henrik-Dembinski, unaware that the surrenderist faction within the government was preparing to trade their heads for honors.

Henrik-Dembinski marked out all the key positions on the defense map and distributed the forces according to the situation.

After all these preparations were done, Henrik-Dembinski addressed Kossuth, “Mr. Kossuth, this is as far as Budapest’s defenses can go. It’s unrealistic to expect to keep the enemy outside the city. The next major task in combat is urban warfare.

In urban warfare, the effectiveness of regular troops will be greatly reduced. Utilizing the buildings as cover and fortifications, the National Homeland Defense Troops, familiar with the terrain, will be at an advantage.

If everybody remains united, we can hold off the enemy for at least two to three months. The enemy might even retreat from Budapest due to heavy losses!”

Kossuth asked expectantly, “General Henrik, you are a famed general in Europe. Do we have any means to inflict a decisive blow on, or even annihilate, the enemy forces?”

The Hungarian Republic had to defeat the Austrian Empire to survive. Merely delaying for two or three months was still futile in the grand scheme of things.

Henrik-Dembinski shook his head and said, “Unfortunately, Mr. Kossuth, such a thing would be impossible even if Emperor Napoleon were resurrected!

We must acknowledge that the Hungarian National Self-Defense Force is significantly outmatched in combat strength against the Austrian army, even more so considering the vast gap in weapons and equipment, not to mention that we are also outnumbered.

Besides still controlling Budapest, which allows us to defend from within, we have no other advantages. It would be very unwise to rashly engage the enemy in battle under these circumstances.”

Kossuth nodded in disappointment. This conclusion had also been reached by the military leaders in the temporary government, and their view was even more pessimistic than that of Henrik-Dembinski.

The biggest problem was that the Hungarians did not regard the Austrian army as foreign invaders. Between the Emperor and the temporary government, there were more inclined towards the Emperor.

If it came down to a popular vote as the Revolutionary Party advocated, they would likely be disgracefully ousted from power.

Destruction is always easier than construction. After the establishment of the Hungarian Republic, all it had brought to the people was a pie in the sky. Aside from some capitalists who profited from the national disaster, ordinary citizens did not benefit substantially.

Without the support of a people’s war, the Republican Government could not win hearts in a short period, nor did they have enough money to do so.

“General Henrik-Dembinski, if we persist defensively, we will surely fall. Budapest’s connection with the outside has already been severed. If we can’t break the current impasse, I fear we won’t last long.

There’s a large stockpile of food within the city of Budapest; theoretically, we should be able to endure for a year without problems. But we all know very well that once the enemy is determined to bear down hard, they have plenty of ways to conquer the city!” General Bem, a military leader of the Revolutionary Party, contested.

“Do you mean flooding? No, that’s impossible! Unless the enemy wants to turn the Hungarian plains into a marshland, they would not go to such lengths.

Based on the current situation, the enemy has no plans of constructing a dam upstream. As long as the Vienna Government is concerned about public opinion, they will not take such an action!” Henrik-Dembinski affirmed confidently.

Kossuth’s face turned pale. What soldiers deemed impossible, politicians might view differently. If Budapest could not be taken swiftly, from the Vienna Government’s perspective, resorting to such a draconian measure could be a viable option, couldn’t it?

Chapter 89

Flooding in Budapest, if in later times, wouldn’t be considered a big deal. At least Franz had seen the news of floods submerging Budapest several times.

However, if someone were to build a dam upstream of the Danube River and use the floodwater to attack Budapest, the consequences would be severe. Not only would Budapest be doomed, but so would the farmlands and cities downstream.

If all the local Hungarian populace were supporters of the Revolutionary Party, then the Austrian army would have already done so without hesitation.

But now the supporters of the Habsburg dynasty obviously outnumbered those of the Hungarian Republican Government. If the floods were to submerge the city, it would be like killing 800 enemies at the cost of suffering 1,000 casualties ourselves.

Franz’s thoughts were unknown to Kossuth, who, upon hearing the possible news of the city being flooded, realized that Budapest could no longer be held.

Putting himself in the shoes of the Vienna Government, he knew that despite the dire consequences and heavy cost, he would still choose to extinguish the Hungarian Republic. This is the perspective of politicians.

“No, General Henrik-Dembinski. Politicians have far less integrity than you imagine. What atrocity would the corrupt Austrian Government not commit?

Hundreds of thousands of Hungarians being displaced means hardly anything in the eyes of the Austrians!” Kossuth said solemnly.

In his mind, the lives and properties of hundreds of thousands of Hungarians were chips that could be sacrificed. If victory could be achieved in the end, even a sacrifice several times greater would be acceptable.

This was evident in the Republican Government’s suppression of the workers’ and peasants’ movements. Since the establishment of the 1848 Hungarian Republic, more people had been killed in the suppression than in the previous ten years of the Kingdom of Hungary.

This was almost a commonality of bourgeois governments of the era. They shouted for freedom and the liberation of productive forces while at the same time turning their knives on the working people.

“Mr. Kossuth, if the enemy intends to flood Budapest, all our efforts will be in vain against the overwhelming floodwater. The power of an individual is insignificant in the face of such disaster.

I suggest that you prepare an escape route immediately and try to preserve the seed of the revolution as much as possible to continue this sacred cause.” Henrik-Dembinski said, his brow furrowed.

This was also the experience of the Polish, no matter the setbacks, the spark of revolution was never extinguished. Of course, those who were tragically deceived by the Soviet Union were just unlucky to have met such a ruthless enemy.

“Let us not take the initiative to attack,” Petofi couldn’t help but propose, “and fight our way out concentering our forces to avoid involving the civilians in the city and having them suffer the ravages of war!”

As a hot-blooded youth, he couldn’t bear to make the entire city’s civilians accompany them in death, but sadly, these issues were not for him to decide.

Kossuth shook his head and stated, “An active assault would be utterly futile. Right now, the enemy is hoping for us to deliver ourselves to their doorstep.

Even if the enemy plans to flood Budapest, they would only do so after an attack fails. The Vienna Government would not resolve to make that decision immediately, which is our opportunity.

The war in Venice has reached a critical moment. The Austrians are still locked in fierce battle with the Italian countries. As long as our allies win this war, then the situation will change.

The rotten Austrian Government lacks the courage to continue fighting. When that time comes and the enemy is troubled both internally and externally, we can ask the French to mediate, and the revolutionary cause will have succeeded! ”

Clearly, long accustomed to failure, Kossuth no longer believed that Hungarians could achieve national independence alone. Instead, he pinned his hopes on international intervention.

Henrik-Dembinski warned, “Mr. Kossuth, from a military standpoint, I must remind you that the chances of the Italian countries winning this war are slim.

Out of the four Italian countries, only the Kingdom of Sardinia is dedicating efforts to the bloody battle against Austria. Even if they luckily capture Venice, they won’t have the strength to support Hungary.”

The allies in the Italian Area are unreliable, and the French are even more unreliable. They themselves are in the midst of a revolution, so how could they think about intervening in the Hungarian revolution?

“No, we still have allies. The mortal enemy of the Habsburg dynasty, the Ottoman Empire, has just completed a system reform. We can ask them to intervene in this war!” Kossuth said fiercely.

He had already made up his mind. If necessary, he was willing to cede Transylvania to the Ottoman Empire. As long as Hungary could gain independence, paying a part of the price was acceptable.

Since 1792, the Ottoman Empire had been reforming, starting with military reforms, to technological introductions, economic reforms, and finally, political reformations.

In the view of this era, the Ottoman Empire was still progressive. They had been reforming their system by emulating that of European countries, although they had not yet achieved the goal of a wealthy and powerful nation.

“No, the Ottoman Empire and Hungary have a century-old blood feud, and collaborating with them is akin to inviting wolves into the house!” Petofi quickly opposed.

Flipping through the history books of Hungary, nearly half its content was filled with battles against the Ottoman Empire. Both sides had been fighting for hundreds of years. Now, cooperating with the Ottoman Empire was entirely like seeking skin from a tiger.

Furthermore, the hatred accumulated among the people could not be controlled by the leaders alone. The religious beliefs were an insurmountable hurdle; should Hungarian soldiers be asked to fight alongside the Ottoman

Army, it’s likely that infighting would break out before the battle even began.

Kossuth insisted, “For the greater revolutionary cause, there is nothing that cannot be sacrificed. Indeed, the Ottoman Empire is our enemy, but in the matter of opposing Austria, our stance is aligned.

As long as Hungary can achieve independence, other matters can be resolved in the future. By then, the British, the French, and indeed the whole of Europe will be our allies!”

Plans cannot keep up with unexpected changes. Just as Kossuth was preparing to ally with the Ottoman Empire, the situation on the Venice battlefield changed again.

The term “three-minute enthusiasm” aptly described the Italians. The continuous days of fighting had already sapped their will to fight.

The key battle at Trento on the battlefield was even more critical. Marshal Badoglio had ordered Trento to be taken within three days, yet after three days passed, and another three days, Trento remained under Austrian control.

Even with artillery having reached the front lines, it still proved ineffective. In this period, Marshal Badoglio even sent additional forces of a division’s size, yet no progress was made.

After the officers and soldiers exchanged thoughts on how to save themselves, the casualty rate of the Sardinian army dropped dramatically, with the daily number of casualties kept to three digits.

Normally, a decrease in casualties would be a good thing, but the problem was that this reduction was based on the soldier’s “active avoidance of battle, which was much less commendable..

Chapter 90

The command center of the Papal Army had become embroiled in the power struggle within the Papal State, and the conflict had now reached the frontline troops.

“Commander, His Holiness the Pope has sent an order, commanding us to halt our advance and immediately return to Rome to suppress the rebels!” a middle-aged officer said with a distressed expression.

There was no choice; before receiving His Holiness the Pope’s order, the Cabinet Government had already issued a military decree, commanding them to cooperate with the Sardinian Army to swiftly capture Venice.

Polkin had a headache. Should he listen to the Pope or the Cabinet? It was a life-or-death multiple-choice question; one wrong step in the political struggle could lead to irreversible disaster.

Do not assume that the victory has been decided just because the democratic faction seemed to have the upper hand, with Pope Pius IX fleeing into exile in Naples. In reality, the power struggle had only just begun.

As the religious leader of Europe, the Pope was also a master of great summoning, capable of recruiting help despite being overpowered by the bourgeoisie at home; historically, France and Austria had sent troops to help him regain his power.

“Commander, what should we do now, whose orders should we follow?” an officer hesitantly asked.

Polkin shook his head helplessly; he truly did not know what to do. Deep down, he was inclined towards the Pope, but the problem was that he could not guarantee that the Pope would triumph in this political struggle.

This dilemma did not persist for long. A young officer burst in, breaking the tense atmosphere: “Commander, our forces at the front have been ambushed by the enemy’s main army. We request support!”

Without hesitation, Polkin ordered, “Command the second battalion to immediately reinforce; pass the order for the third battalion in the rear to hasten their advance.”

Since the enemy had already struck, there was no need to contemplate so much —better to fight a battle first!

Unfortunately, the military forces of the Papal State had long been corrupt. Even the Pope’s Guards were reluctant to use them, which said a lot about their quality.

The events that had unfolded within the country had already spread throughout the military camps, and the already lackluster Papal Army now completely let loose.

When morale is lost, the troops become unmanageable. If this happens on the battlefield, the consequences can be profoundly sad.

By the time the second battalion caught up, the vanguard had already been routed. In the era of musket lines, what counted was courage, exactly what the Papal Army lacked.

Seeing the routed soldiers fleeing, someone took the lead, and before long, everyone else followed suit, sprinting away. The second battalion, which had just arrived to reinforce, collapsed without a fight; the battle had not even begun before they embarrassingly lost.

After running a distance of twenty miles and as darkness gradually set in, the Papal Army finally stabilized after confirming that the Austrian army had not pursued them. General Polkin was still lost in confusion.

Why did they lose so embarrassingly just as the battle was beginning? There was no helping it; he was simply a confused general fighting a confused battle.

Polkin’s rise to prominence was due to his noble birth and shrewd political mind, not military prowess. Since when did the Papal State require testing military skills to choose generals?

Gazing at the chaotic camp, Polkin frowned and asked, “Has the casualty count for Nelson been determined yet?”

“Commander, we’ve already had three thousand three hundred soldiers return, and more are expected to come back gradually. We’re assisting them in regrouping, ” replied Nelson mechanically.

Do not assume that because he shares the name Nelson, he is a famous European commander. In fact, it’s purely a coincidence—a name shared by thousands, if not ten thousand people.

“Oh God, what a way to fight a battle! Summon all officers with the rank of lieutenant colonel and above to come for a meeting immediately,” Polkin roared.

Forgive him, then. As a noble of nth generation, commanding so many troops in his very first battle and not immediately crumbling after a major defeat speaks to a strong mental fortitude.

In this battle, the losses in the Papal Army were not significant, aside from the vanguard units that fell into an Austrian ambush, the rest of the troops hardly engaged the enemy.

By the third day, with the returning soldiers arriving in dribs and drabs, the total number reached over six thousand three hundred, which, for a force of seven thousand, meant the losses were less than ten percent.

After tasting defeat, Polkin became cautious, staying put, waiting for logistical supplies, and gathering scattered troops, while observing the situation on the battlefield.

A middle-aged officer said in a low voice, “Commander, Marshal Badoglio has ordered us to immediately attack the Austrian Army, to assist the Sardinian Army in encircling the enemy’s flank!”

Polkin sneered, “Ordered us? Who does Badoglio think he is? Since when can a marshal from the Kingdom of Sardinia command the troops of the Papal State?

Does he think I’m as foolish as Mahler, to rush headlong into becoming cannon fodder for them?

Paul, tell the Sardinians that our army is fiercely engaged with the enemy’s main force and cannot spare support for our brothers in arms. I’m sure the valiant Sardinian Army will be able to defeat the enemy and win the war! ”

In terms of waging war against Austria, the four Italian states had verbally agreed to a united front, and Marshal Badoglio was nominally the commander of the Allied Forces.

However, the actual effectiveness of this ‘commander’ of the Allied Forces, well, that was for those who use it to know.

After all, everyone was competitors. Such a verbal agreement wasn’t going to eliminate the mistrust between them.

Just as the Sardinian Army could stand by as the Tuscans faced defeat, Polkin could likewise watch the Sardinians and Austrians struggle without intervention.

“Yes, Commander!” Paul replied.

“Order the troops to pack up, we’ll withdraw the day after tomorrow, leaving the battlefield to the Sardinians,” Polkin added.

Who’s afraid of betraying allies?

Polkin never regarded the Kingdom of Sardinia as an ally; he saw it as a threat greater than Austria, with its ambitious desire to unify Italy.

Not turning on allies in the battlefield, that was enough to live up to the term

‘ally.’

On the surface, Polkin’s loss seemed an embarrassing defeat that could bring misfortune upon his return.

Yet politically speaking, this defeat turned out to be a blessing in disguise, helping Polkin navigate a political crisis.

Having fought a battle against Austria, he had a justification to present to the Cabinet Government; he had followed orders.

Losing wasn’t a surprise, as it was not a ‘crime of war’. Simply exaggerate the enemy’s strength, and that was that—no one expected the Papal Army to defeat Austria, their expectations weren’t high to start with.

Of course, the explanation for the Pope had to be different, such as the attack by the Austrian Army resulting in many wounded, which naturally slowed the retreat.

By the time they retreated sluggishly, the internal political struggles should be nearing an end too.

History is often astoundingly coincidental; by necessity, Polkin made the same decision and withdrew from the war after suffering a defeat..

Chapter 91

Trento, ever since the start of the Venetian campaign, had become a contested objective for both sides, with the Kingdom of Sardinia having already deployed three divisions of troops and still unable to shake the Austrian Army’s defense line.

A week had passed, and Colonel Grig no longer felt the initial unease; he had seen that the enemy across from them not only lacked military training but also lacked the courage for a desperate fight.

In this era, everyone was still using muzzle-loading rifles, and the firepower was not that fierce; even the most skilled soldiers could fire at most three shots per minute, while the majority could only achieve a rate of two shots per minute.

Even though the Austrian Army had decent defensive positions, Trento was no impregnable fortress. If the Sardinian Army was willing to sacrifice lives, they could still push through.

Colonel Grig was somewhat regretful. Had he known how “crappy” the Sardinian Army was, he would have listened to that youngster Ambrosius’s suggestion to send troops out to raid their camp, and by now he might have become the rising star of the Austrian Army.

Unfortunately, there was no medicine for regret. The enemy’s numbers had increased from one division initially to three divisions now, and at this point, they were truly tough to chew through.

“Could it be that young Ambrosius has the potential of a great general that has yet to be discovered? It seems necessary to pay more attention to him; perhaps I can even earn some military merit, ” Grig thought to himself.

As it turned out, he was overthinking it. Ambrosius was just a young officer, bold because of his inexperience—there were more like him in the Austrian Army.

Grig’s frustration did not last long, as after the enemy reinforced their troops, Marshal Radetzky also sent two battalions of reinforcements.

After the reinforcements arrived, his anxious heart could not hold back anymore. Europe had been at peace for a long time, and gaining military achievements was not easy. If he missed this opportunity, there would be no other.

Looking around Europe, was there any easier prey than the enemy before him? Grig believed there wasn’t, as the troops across from him, while from three divisions, were actually newly expanded units.

Take Major General Wil, for example. Before the expansion, he was just a company commander in the Sardinian Army, at most a rising figure. After the expansion, overnight he became the leader of a division.

A battalion that just barely received enough soldiers and equipment was suddenly turned into a division. How effective could such a force be?

Of course, no matter how ineffective, it was still stronger than the original battalion. In this era, the advantage of weaponry and equipment was not so clear-cut; warfare relied more on people, and the human wave attack was the most effective tactic.

The two new battalions were also old acquaintances of Grig. The Venice Area wasn’t large, and the circle of the Austrian Army was even smaller; these middle-ranking officers were almost all known to each other.

“Grig, you’re incredible to have held back the enemy’s three divisions for a week with just one of your battalions. I’m sure once the war is over, you’ll be promoted, and you might even receive a title!” Buck said enviously.

Without the advantage of formidable fortresses, holding back three divisions for a week with just one battalion could become a classic case in military history. In any country, it would be a major achievement.

Grig bragged, “It’s not that exaggerated. Actually, until yesterday, there were only two enemy divisions, and I only held them back for six days, and you all arrived before the week was up.”

Whether it was two divisions or three, and whether it was six days or seven, that a battalion could hold them off for so long without asking for reinforcements from headquarters was commendable for its defensive
prowess.

“Grig, can you teach us how we can hold off their attack when we are outnumbered by the enemy?” Hamm asked with concern.

Instead of answering directly, Grig asked, “Buck, Hamm, do you want to go for a big one?”

“Do what?”

The two men asked in unison.

Grig said seriously, “We join forces and wipe out the enemy forces opposite us!”

The two of them stared at Grig incredulously, their expressions seeming to say,

“We’re in trouble, Grig has lost his mind!”

Grig continued, “Don’t be so dramatic, okay?”

“The enemy is much weaker than you imagine. At the outbreak of the war in Osa, the Kingdom of Sardinia had only 23,000 troops, and now it has swelled to 200,000.

The three divisions opposite us, they were expanded this way. Before expanding the army, they had at most three regiments, or it’s even possible they expanded from one or two regiments.

From the end of March when the war broke out until now, the war has been going on for less than two months, and the Sardinian Army has increased its size nearly tenfold.

You’ve both trained troops before, who can train an elite force in just over a month?

Nearly four-fifths of these soldiers are from Lombardy; you both know what the quality of the soldiers from the Lombardy Region is like, right?

With these people dragging their feet, how much stronger do you think they are than us?”

After hearing Grig’s explanation, a different light shone in the eyes of the two men. As soldiers of the Austrian Empire, they were still very proud.

As one of the European powers, the combat effectiveness of the Austrian Army still ranked among the world’s best, and they believed themselves second to none, with a psychological advantage over the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Hamm thought for a moment and said, “Grig, what is your plan? You must know that you are now the commandant of Trento, and the two of us must follow your command.”

Grig glared at him fiercely. If he could really command the whole army, why would he need to share this opportunity?

“Stop talking nonsense. If you want to achieve merit, then we’ll do it together. If you are scared, it’s no problem; I can team up with Buck, and we can still bite off a piece!” Grig said with a cold laugh.

What a joke, wanting to earn merit without taking responsibility—how could that be possible? Grig wasn’t a fool; the more people involved, the more the pressure was distributed, so why would he take all the risks alone?

At dawn on Mav 20. a sauad of eight hundred men in the Austrian Camp secretly assembled.

A night attack? For the armies of this era, it was a very challenging task, with the biggest problem being that many soldiers suffered from night blindness and were unable to fight at night.

Grig didn’t know about night blindness, but he knew that many soldiers had poor vision at night. This eight hundred-strong Death Squad was handpicked by him.

“Ambrosius, are you ready, lad? If you’re scared, it’s still not too late to back out, no one will laugh at you,” Grig joked.

“No, I will not back out. Commander Sir, I am determined to become a great Noble!” Ambrosius answered earnestly.

Fortune favors the brave, and most of these soldiers, including Ambrosius, joined the operation because of Grig’s promise.

Every man was promised ten hectares of land as a price for their life, regardless of victory or defeat, life or death. If successful, the five individuals with the greatest merit would be ennobled, a decree personally sanctioned by

Marshal Radetzky..

Chapter 92

A round of azure moon was embedded in the night sky, like a black screen, and the bright moonlight spilled onto the world, coating the dark realm with a layer of silver gauze.

“Huff, huff, huff…”

“The wind is picking up!”

The assault team was lucky, having encountered such favorable weather on their very first day.

Colonel Grig was not a military novice; to plan a night raid, it was natural to consider a variety of factors, with the weather being the most important one.

The Venice Area has a typical Mediterranean climate. In the summer, it is under the control of the subtropical high-pressure belt. Because the temperature of the Mediterranean waters is lower than the land, it forms high pressure, which intensifies the influence of the subtropical high-pressure belt.

In winter, the water temperature of the Mediterranean is relatively high, leading to low pressure, attracting westerly winds, and greatly strengthening the force of the westerlies.

Of course, Colonel Grig didn’t know these technical details, but having been stationed in the Venice Area for a long time, he knew that this season in Trento was characterized by dryness, little rain, and plenty of wind.

The night was dark and the wind high; perfect for murder, and tonight all the conditions were met. The night curtain and the sound of the wind would perfectly conceal the movements of the assault team.

“Move out!” Colonel Grig decisively ordered.

At that command, the Death Squad silently left the camp, and if anyone had been paying attention, they would have noticed their footsteps were very quiet.

A closer observation would reveal that all members of the Death Squad were dressed in black, their sleeves tied up with ropes, and even their boots were wrapped in cloth.

Anyone with a bit of military knowledge would know that this was a professional night raid.

“What, worried?” Hamm asked in a low voice.

“Aren’t you the same? Tonight’s battle stakes our future. Success smooths the road to becoming a general, failure means early retirement and heading home!” Colonel Grig spoke gravely.

“You’re worrying about these young men, right? If it were just about our own futures, the two of us would be the unlucky ones. You also have the merit of defending the city; Marshal Radetzky would hate to let you go home,” Hank said, feigning relaxation.

In battle, victories and defeats are commonplace for soldiers; no one can guarantee perpetual victory. As long as the defeat isn’t due to personal failings, it’s typically forgivable.

While Colonel Grig was no famous general, and didn’t possess any extraordinary talents, the previous battles had proven that he was an excellent mid-level commander.

Marshal Radetzky, hailed as the God of War by the Austrian army, relied not only on his military command abilities but also on his fair and just behavior, his approval of promoting capable juniors, which is why he was esteemed by officers and soldiers alike.

Since this night raid had been approved by him, as long as there was no problem in the execution, there was no need to worry about being scapegoated.

This was the reason Colonel Grig and the others dared to launch the night raid, knowing they had a responsible superior who wouldn’t steal credit from his subordinates, and naturally, they had to fight hard.

“Nonsense, do you think the two of you can be free of worry? These young men have been trained by us, if they fall here, how would we explain to their families when we return?” Colonel Grig said, frowning.

Time ticked by, second by second, and the silent night was left with only the howling wind and the whirling fallen leaves. Grig suddenly found the wind endearing, as if it were a gift from God.

“It’s about time; it looks like there were no mishaps!”

As he said this, the sweat on Colonel Grig’s forehead had already started to trickle down; only he knew the immense pressure he had just faced.

The two men also checked their watches and showed relaxed smiles. As long as they had not been discovered by the enemy, the night raid was already half-successful.

“Pass the order down, command all units to get up and have their meals immediately, and launch the attack in one hour!” Colonel Grig said seriously.

“Tell everyone to keep it down a bit!” Hank added worriedly.

Despite being several miles away from the enemy camp, and ordinary movements would not alert the opposition, they still decided to be extremely cautious.

A flare shot up, the horn for the attack sounded, and the artillery roared to life. The Sardinian Army, still in its slumber, was jolted awake, and by this time the battle had already begun.

Enraged by the disruption of his sweet dream, General Messe asked, “What’s happening outside?”

“General, the enemy has launched an attack!” the guard outside replied anxiously.

Hearing this, General Messe was wide awake in an instant, hurried out of bed, and donned his military attire at breakneck speed before rushing to the headquarters.

At this time, the negative effects of the Sardinian Army’s hasty expansion became apparent, as a multitude of new recruits turned into headless flies in the darkness, scurrying everywhere.

Chaos is contagious, and it soon spread throughout the army. In the dark night, bullets flew wildly without sight of from where the enemy came, a pressure these recruits could not withstand.

An errant bullet, coming from nowhere, hit a soldier, and the soldiers nearby, out of habit, pulled their triggers, shooting towards what they mistakenly believed was the enemy’s direction.

General Messe quickly made his arrangements, and no sooner had Major General Wil left his quarters with orders than he became the first unfortunate victim—a stray bullet flew from somewhere and hit him square in the chest.

Seeing Major General Wil fall to the ground, a chill went through everyone’s hearts, and they involuntarily retreated back to headquarters, as a terrifying thought surfaced in their minds—”friendly fire!”

After a moment of hesitation, General Messe pulled out his sidearm and fired a warning shot, issuing his orders with a severe tone, “I don’t believe the enemy has broken through. They have so few troops, the attackers can’t be many.

Everyone, return to your units and command your troops. Wipe out the intruders. Anyone who dares to desert will be executed by me on the spot!”

Before the harsh reality, a group of officers nervously stepped out of headquarters. General Messe’s judgment was right, the attacking enemies were indeed not many.

However, that was only the case during the initial surprise attack. By the time he was assigning tasks, the Austrian army had already emerged in full force.

A few miles was not a long distance to travel. Before they could rejoin their units, the decisive battle had already erupted.

“Kill!”

“Kill, kill!”

“Kill, kill, kill…”

The Sardinian Camp had sunk into an ocean of slaughter with the offensive from the Austrian army and the internal fratricide.

The night concealed it all, and at this moment many thought of the Life-saving 36 Strategies. A Sardinian Soldier casually snuffed out a nearby oil lamp, and soon more soldiers followed suit.

It proved to be quite effective indeed—extinguishing the lights and lying flat on the ground usually meant, with a bit of luck, one wouldn’t get hit.

Alright, they were safe in the darkness, but the officers seeking their troops were now vexed. In the pitch black, who could tell where their men were?

Chapter 93

Dawn slowly lifted its curtain, and blood had dyed the land red, brilliantly juxtaposed against the great red lantern rising in the east; the air was still thick with the stench of blood, as if recounting the horrific brutality of the previous night.

The war had come to an end, and small groups of Austrian soldiers were cleaning up the battlefield, while occasionally, a group of prisoners was escorted past, proving who the real victor of this war was.

General Grig ordered, “Dispose of the enemy corpses as quickly as possible, we don’t have enough priests in our army to send them off!”

The summer of 1848 arrived unusually early, with temperatures rising to 32°C in May. To prevent an epidemic, there was no choice but to burn the bodies.

Giant flames began to burn, and a group of priests walked out from among the prisoners to partake in the farewell ceremony; General Grig did not stop them.

On the European Continent, faith is an inescapable topic. To offer the deceased the most basic respect is the fundamental moral integrity expected of the nobility.

While saying goodbye to the enemy, the Austrian army also bid farewell to their own comrades; General Grig’s mood sank as he watched familiar young men being buried into the earth.

For one general’s success, a thousand bones wither. The battle the night before had gone smoothly, yet the Austrian army still paid a heavy price.

Nearly a whole battalion was wiped out, especially the eight hundred or so who participated in the raiding party, less than half survived, and this included a hundred wounded.

The casualties were heavy, but the results were astonishing: over three thousand enemy soldiers killed, over seven thousand captured, and numerous supplies seized, marking the largest victory since the outbreak of the war.

With the victory in the Trento campaign, the situation on the Venice battlefield underwent a dramatic change, revealing the Sardinian Army’s true lack of combat strength.

The opposing Austrian army was greatly encouraged; many generals were rubbing their hands together, ready to seize the opportunity to make a major move.

Trento was a crucial part of the Venice war effort; Marshal Bardorio had deployed heavy troops there, leaving other places less fortunate. Even with a numerical advantage in troops, it couldn’t be several times greater.

The Trento campaign became the turning point of the Ausa war; after this battle, the tide of attack and defense reversed, and the Austrian army began their counteroffensive wave.

At the Sardinian Army headquarters, Major General Mantuya reported, “Marshal, the current situation is extremely unfavorable for us, the Papal Army is in retreat, having left the battlefield, it seems they are ready to withdraw from this war.

The Tuscans, after suffering a crushing defeat in the past few days, have become ostrich-like, now stationed fifty kilometers away from the battlefield in Brescia.

Even if we want to engage with the enemy, it would take two days of marching; we are now fighting a lonely battle.”

Marshal Bardoglio’s brow was deeply furrowed; mediocrity remains mediocrity, his military knowledge was just not sufficient to command so many troops in battle.

Not only him, but within the entire Sardinian Army, there was no general capable of managing an army of two hundred thousand in combat.

There was no other option; famous generals are made through battle. The Standing Army of the Kingdom of Sardinia was only twenty to thirty thousand strong, with the highest-ranking front-line officers being only at the level of division commanders.

Suddenly promoted to command a group army, leading twenty times the troops they used to, anyone would need a period to adjust.

At present, Marshal Bardoglio was still adapting; ever since the Venice campaign commenced, varying degrees of chaos had ensued among the Sardinian troops, leaving him exhausted from the turmoil.

Massaging his forehead, Marshal Bardorio spoke, “Let’s not worry about the Papal Army for now. There has been some upheaval within the Papal State, and they’re not concerned with this war anymore.”

“The Tuscans now have only a regiment’s worth of troops left, which has become virtually irrelevant to this war.”

“If it weren’t for political reasons, I wouldn’t mind telling them to bugger off immediately, so they wouldn’t stay and waste our food!”

Clearly, Marshal Bardorio harbored deep resentment toward these two undisciplined allied forces and had completely lost faith in them.

“Marshal, Marshal, there’s been a disaster!” the guard said, agitated.

Bardorio glared in the direction of the voice. In his heart, he had already sentenced the panicked guard to death, now calculating where to exile the fool who couldn’t grasp the severity of matters to eat dust.

“Slow down, the sky isn’t falling!”

Trying to compose himself, the guard said, “Marshal, we’ve received news from the front lines. Our troops besieging Trento were ambushed last night. Now, the losses are severe, and General Messe is retreating toward Bergamo!”

No sooner had the words left his mouth than the baton in Marshal Bardorio’s hand flew out, striking the unfortunate guard on the forehead.

Before the guard could react, Marshal Bardorio charged over and grabbed the front of his uniform, asking furiously, “How is that possible? Are you sure you’re not reporting false military intelligence?”

At this point, the guard was nearly wetting himself, finally understanding why the daunting task of reporting to the Marshal had fallen on him.

With trepidation, the guard said, “Marshal, these are reports from the front line. We’ve already sent people to verify the information; it’s absolutely accurate!”

Hearing this response only enraged Marshal Bardorio further. He shoved the guard to the ground and glared at him with murderous eyes, barking, “Why wasn’t it reported earlier?”

Lying on the ground, looking bewildered, the guard thought, Report earlier? With the truth unconfirmed, the extent of the losses unknown, what was I supposed to report?

Could I have said there might have been a major defeat on the front lines, the army might have suffered heavy losses, with casualties estimated between zero and 30,000?

Watching the furious Marshal Bardorio, everyone wisely chose to remain silent onlookers, even though they too wanted to understand what had actually happened at the front lines and why General Messe had been defeated.

After venting his anger, Marshal Bardorio gradually calmed down, suppressed his emotions, and continued, “You’re useless, dare not even stand up quickly!”

Two quick-acting young officers immediately helped the bewildered guard to his feet.

“Speak. What exactly happened at the front lines? Could it be that Messe, that idiot, with three divisions couldn’t beat an enemy regiment?” Bardorio asked.

The infantry division structure in the Sardinian Army was not large: after expansion it increased somewhat, but it essentially varied between 8,500 and 12,000 men.

Even with a small structure like that, facing an Austrian regiment of just over two thousand, there should have been an absolute advantage with no chance of an upset.

The guard said in fear, “Marshal, we were deceived. There wasn’t just one regiment in Trento. Preliminary estimates suggest at least five infantry divisions; that’s why we were defeated!”

Undoubtedly, this was a case of reporting false military intelligence. Not even at the risk of his life would General Messe dare say the enemy had only three regiments, as that would mean facing a military tribunal.

Chapter 94

“The enemy has five divisions,” Marshal Bardoglio’s first reaction was that the enemy’s reinforcements had arrived, but he quickly dismissed this judgment.

The main force of the Austrian Army was in Hungary, and the transportation in the Hungarian region at that time was not very good; it was not so simple to send five divisions from Hungary to Trento.

By train? The railroads from Hungary weren’t even connected yet, were they?

Or maybe it was cavalry? In terms of time, it was indeed possible for the cavalry to arrive within a week.

But militarily, this didn’t make sense, unless the Vienna Government had gone mad and decided to send five divisions of cavalry to Trento!

Marshal Bardoglio did not rule out the possibility that frontline officers were falsely reporting military intelligence; this was an enemy that could defeat three Sardinian divisions overnight. No matter how you looked at it, the enemy’s strength could not possibly be small!

“Has the enemy made any large troop movements?” Marshal Bardoglio asked suspiciously.

“No, except for sending two regiments to reinforce Trento on May 18th, there have been no significant troop movements,” Chief of Staff Otrales assured him.

It was totally impossible to draw forces from the Venice Area—Austria didn’t have even a hundred thousand troops there. If they had pulled five infantry divisions from their lines, the defenses would have been breached long ago. How could this have escaped their notice?

After a moment of silence, Marshal Bardoglio said with a bitter smile, “I’m afraid the enemy’s reinforcements have indeed arrived.

Perhaps the reinforcements from Hungary were just a decoy, deliberately used to trick us into a misstep. The real reinforcements must have come from Austria.

The Hungarian Republic was just a ragtag bunch, and the Austrian Government didn’t need to mobilize so many troops to suppress the rebellion.

Perhaps from the start, the enemy was bluffing, with Radetsky, that old fox, deliberately creating the illusion of an under-resourced force to lure us into the trap.

The troops Austria sent to suppress the revolution in Hungary never amounted to four hundred thousand, and a large part of those forces were directed at us from the beginning.”

Hearing the marshal’s deduction, everyone’s faces turned pale—it was the most logical explanation.

They didn’t believe that three Sardinian divisions couldn’t defeat three Austrian regiments. If the disparity in strength was that great, the war would have ended long ago.

They all had political savvy; duping an ally was the most common diplomatic tactic, and the Hungarians’ failure to inform them of this in order to expedite their march on Venice was normal.

Chief of Staff Otrales said anxiously, “Marshal, Austria may be decaying, but it is still one of the great European nations. If the Vienna Government is willing, it would be no problem to commit two to three hundred thousand troops to the Venice Area.

If we can’t ascertain the number of enemy reinforcements, we may suffer a great loss in the upcoming battles!”

This was a very real issue. How had Austria managed to send troops to Trento without anyone noticing? And how many reinforcements were there?

Weaponry, firepower—these were things they needed to clarify immediately.

Marshal Bardoglio thought for a moment and said, “Send someone to reconnoiter the enemy’s forces immediately. With so many troops, the enemy cannot possibly hide without leaving some traces.”

He paused, then pointing at the unlucky Guard who reported the military situation, he asked in annoyance, “Idiot, what are our casualties?”

The named unfortunate Guard stammered in response, “Marshal, the three divisions that took part in the Battle of Trento have all been severely hit, and casualties are still being tallied. Preliminary estimates suggest losses will not be less than ten thousand…”

Hearing the specific number of losses, everyone’s faces turned ashen. This meant that for a long time to come, these three divisions would be without fighting capability.

“Marshal, as the enemy’s reinforcements have already arrived, it’s almost impossible for us to conquer Venice. We should stop the advance and secure our current gains first!” Major General Mantuya suggested bravely.

They really didn’t want to fight anymore; the Austrian army was not the waste the politicians had described but was very strong.

Ever since the battle of Venice had begun, they hadn’t gained much of an advantage. With the enemy reinforcements arriving at this time, their superiority in numbers no longer existed, and the battle became even less winnable.

Marshal Bardorio thought for a moment and said, “Order all units to stop the attack and switch to defensive positions.

Major General Mantuya, you take the 4th, 5th, and 8th Divisions to the Ara region to set up defenses and keep an eye on the enemies at Trento.

The deployment of forces in other areas remains unchanged. Everyone will continue with their duties. As for the rest, I will report to the homeland. Everyone, wait for the orders from home!”

The People of Sardinian had been completely misled. The Austrian reinforcements had indeed arrived in the Venice Area, but instead of going to Trento, they had rushed to Vicenza.

To avoid responsibility, General Messe falsely reported military intelligence, leading the Sardinian command to make an erroneous military deployment, using a large amount of their mobile forces to defend against the non-existent main Austrian troops at Trento.

At this time, Major General Messe naturally couldn’t worry about so much; he was busy conscripting men to fill the gaps in his troops.

Helpless, after being suddenly attacked by the enemy, many of his troops were scattered. Everyone was in a rush to save their lives, and no one cared about regrouping the routed soldiers.

After running to Bergamo, his three divisions combined didn’t have enough men to form a full-strength division. These circumstances were something General Messe could never dare to report.

With no choice but to maintain appearances, Messe had to resort to drafting people to pad the numbers. After all, it was wartime. After a few more battles, he could easily cover up the losses.

The Kingdom of Sardinia wasn’t so bureaucratically clean either. General Messe was still the King Charles Albert’s direct line. As long as things looked decent publicly, everyone would turn a blind eye.

Walking the streets of Bergamo, seeing the alarmed looks of the citizens, Zier felt a chill in his bones and, steeling himself, suggested, “General, something is not right here. I fear this is no place to stay for long!”

Major General Messe, however, seemed much tougher, sneeringly saying, “What are you thinking? They’re just a bunch of wretched commoners. Are they even worth worrying about?”

Morale? That concept had long ceased to exist. Once the troops retreated to Bergamo, military discipline had completely broken down.

The frustrated Sardinian Soldiers vented here, like intimately ‘visiting’ the young women of the city and incidentally collecting a fee for services rendered upon leaving.

This, too, was a European tradition. For centuries, armies from various countries had doubled as robbers while waging war. Although the Sardinian Army had transitioned towards a modern army, these detestable practices had still been preserved.

For Zier, a young nobleman whose conscience had not yet been numbed, this was somewhat hard to accept. But for General Messe, who had fought in the wars against France, it was nothing out of the ordinary.

Zier said uncomfortably, “But General, if we do this, won’t there be trouble when Italy is unified? Those parliamentary members, if they take issue with these problems, I fear…”

Messe patted Zier’s shoulder and sighed, “Zier, you worry too much.

Let’s not even talk about whether we can unify Italy. Even if we truly unified Italy, no one will remember these things.

Don’t forget, the power of speech is always in the hands of a few. We haven’t touched a single noble or capitalist, and as long as they don’t hate us, that’s all that matters!”

Undoubtedly, this battle had deflated Messe’s spirits, completely losing faith in this war.

At this time, he wasn’t thinking about how to win the war, but rather was looking for ways to escape punishment, to avoid being purged after the war.

This was a society where morals had decayed, and money reigned supreme; nothing that money couldn’t solve, and if there were, certainly it was because the amount wasn’t enough!

General Messe wasn’t the commander-in-chief, and even if a scapegoat was needed for a military defeat, he wouldn’t be suitable. It was best now to amass a fortune and then take it back to the homeland for some maneuvering, shifting the blame for the defeat was undoubtedly the choice that aligned most with his self-interest.

The people of Bergamo unfortunately became the sacrifice, fully experiencing what it meant to receive “warmth from the Kingdom of Sardinia.”

Chapter 95

Vicenza, Marshal Radetzky had personally come to the front; during the initiation of the battle of Trento, fifty thousand Austrian reinforcements had already secretly arrived here.

“Marshal, the troops are ready and can attack the enemy at any time!” Edmund said confidently.

“Any movement on the enemy’s side?” Marshal Radetzky asked with concern.

War is never one-sided; the outcome of a battle is often the result of the combined forces of both sides.

A clever commander must always be aware of the opponent’s movements and take timely countermeasures.

“Since yesterday afternoon, the enemy has ceased their advance and has started fortifying their positions; initial judgments suggest that the enemy has changed their offensive strategy to a defensive one!” General Edmund replied.

“Proceed with the original plan!” Marshal Radetzky said with a smile.

This is the main direction of the Austrian army’s attack; the initiation of the battle of Trento is but a step in the grand scheme, designed to divert the enemy’s attention.

Marshal Radetzky hadn’t anticipated that the battle of Trento would be won so cleanly. However, this was even better; the Sardinian Army’s higher-ups had indeed been misled.

General Messe was Godsent in his attacks; his battle reports perfectly concealed the secret arrival of the Austrian reinforcements in Vicenza. The balance of power between the two sides here had been reversed.

Radetzky was still unaware that Badoglio had committed his mobile forces to Ara, guarding against the main Austrian forces coming from Trento.

Otherwise, he could have been opening champagne to celebrate now.

The Kingdom of Sardinia had deployed a total force of 170,000 to the Venice battlefield, directly losing three divisions in Trento, and now having moved another three divisions there, the battle of Vicenza was already without suspense.

Artillery filled the sky; the Sardinian Army, which had been on the offensive, suddenly faced a counterattack from the Austrian army and was quickly baffled.

With a “boom,” a shell landed thirty meters from Major Otsus’ command post, directly claiming the lives of three Sardinian soldiers and wounding two more.

“What’s happening? Why has the enemy launched an attack?” Major Otsus asked in confusion.

No one could answer his question; the Austrian army’s sudden attack had not been preceded by any signs.

As the absolute main force of the Sardinian Army, the First Division was an elite unit; even if its combat effectiveness had declined after the expansion, it was still much stronger than other units.

After being attacked, it only took a few minutes of hesitation before Otsus took action.

“Order the artillery to counterattack and report our situation to the headquarters. Send out scouts to conduct reconnaissance and figure out the enemy’s intentions as quickly as possible!”

Otsus’ measures were not wrong, but unfortunately, the difference in strength is not so easily overcome; winning with a weaker force is predicated on the opponent making mistakes.

Now the Austrian army was employing a direct frontal assault; both sides were contesting strength, and no amount of scheming or trickery would matter here.

“General, the enemy’s firepower is too fierce; our artillery has suffered heavy losses!” a young officer said in panic.

Otsus’ expression darkened; artillery is the god of war, its importance is self-evident. Here, in Austria’s home ground, it’s not surprising that Austria, with its national strength, could bring more artillery to the battlefield.

But this was a tragedy for the First Division of Sardinia; it meant that they were to be passively pounded.

“Order all troops to immediately reinforce their positions. After the artillery battle is over, the enemy will launch an attack!”

Major Otsus made the most accurate judgment. Since the outbreak of the war, they had been on the offensive, fighting all the way to Vicenza.

It wasn’t until yesterday afternoon that they received the headquarters’ order to stop the attack and build defensive structures. There simply wasn’t enough time.

At this point, Major Otsus no longer had the luxury of time for extensive planning—any rudimentary defense was better than none. Even a barrier of sandbags and dirt could stop bullets.

Despite being an era of musketry, Major Otsus was very clear that since the enemy had initiated a counterattack, they must have been fairly confident.

At this time, to rashly engage the enemy in battle would be unwise. Utilizing the defensive structures to delay their advance and waiting for reinforcements was the correct choice.

Major Otsus was a smart man, and the first division of the Kingdom of Sardinia could be considered quite elite. They adopted the best measures, but the neighboring thirteenth division of Sardinia thought differently.

Major Kobert seemed to possess a strong spirit to charge forward. After the Austrian army began their assault, they resolutely deployed their musketry tactics, engaging in a “friendly match” with the Austrian army outside Vicenza City.

“Ready, fire!”

“Ready, fire!”

Fortune favors the brave in a narrow pass, but Major Kobert overestimated the courage of his men. Engaging in a firefight from over a hundred meters away, the pressure was too much for these new recruits.

Watching one comrade after another fall at their side, the nerves of many Sardinian soldiers had already collapsed.

Suddenly, a soldier unable to bear the pressure threw down his rifle and turned to run; instantly, fear spread throughout the entire army—the thirteenth division was defeated.

A telegraph operator urgently shouted, “General, bad news! Our right flank, the thirteenth division, is broken, and the enemy is taking their positions!”

Major Otsus felt a sinking in his head, his cup dropped to the ground—the worst had happened. With the thirteenth division’s collapse, the first division’s flank was now exposed to the enemy. With their makeshift defenses, they definitely could not hold.

“Order the third battalion to cover our retreat, the entire army is to withdraw!” Major Otsus ordered, trembling.

This was defying military orders, but no one present objected—it was now or never to get out.

A general has some leeway over orders when in the field; this adage is common in many places. The thirteenth division foolishly charged into battle with the enemy; they would not make the same mistake.

With the first division in retreat, the Sardinian defensive line at Vicenza completely fell apart. Seizing the opportunity, the Austrian army pounced, dealing a crushing blow to their scattered foe.

In the chase that ensued, the battlefield situation underwent a drastic change.

On May 22nd, the Austrian army recaptured Padua, and three Sardinian infantry divisions fortifying the Ara region were encircled by the Austrian forces.

On May 24th, the Austrian army launched an attack on Bergamo. Major General Messe, stationed there with troops that had withdrawn from Trento, fled without a fight.

On May 25th, the Austrian army initiated the Brescia Campaign. Marshal Badoglio had gathered the remaining main forces of the Sardinian Army in an attempt to stop the Austrian onslaught but was forced to retreat towards Milan, unsuccessful.

On May 27th, the attempt by the Sardinian army in Ara to break out failed, and the following day, they surrendered to the Austrian army.

Thus, the Kingdom of Sardinia’s Venice campaign, which lasted less than a month, ended in complete failure.

Chapter 96

After receiving the battle report from Venice, Charles Albert seemed as if he had lost his soul; his vigor and spirit instantly faded as he muttered incessantly, “It’s over! It’s over! Everything is finished!”

Minister of Army Li Qi hurriedly comforted, “Your Majesty, things have not reached the worst point, we still have a chance to turn the tables!”

Charles Albert’s eyes darted, his face twisting into a bitter smile as he asked, “What chance? Bardorio, that incompetent, has squandered years of our accumulation in one battle!”

In the just-concluded battle of Venice, the Kingdom of Sardinia not only lost nearly a hundred thousand troops but also had their hard-earned morale shattered.

It takes courage for a small country to challenge a great one, and it was through years of propaganda depicting Austria as corrupt and easily defeated that the Kingdom of Sardinia was able to build up the military’s morale, which was now completely lost.

Could an army without morale still fight?

Charles Albert was a wise man; he knew that Sardinia wasn’t fully prepared for this challenge to Austria.

If it were not for the domestic situation forcing his hand, coupled with Austria’s seemingly declining power, he would never have taken the risk.

Li Qi offered what he believed to be a rational explanation, “Your Majesty, we still have Lombardy in our hands, we can mobilize the local populace to resist the Austrians; even if we cannot defeat the enemy, we can stall them for some time!

If the situation becomes deadlocked, we can ask the British to mediate. We still owe the British a substantial amount of loans, and the Austrians won’t acknowledge this debt. The British, for their own interests, must support us!”

To support the unification of Italy by Sardinia, John Bull had invested heavily, providing loans totaling tens of millions of British Pounds. If all of it were lost in an instant, even they couldn’t bear the loss.

Charles Albert shook his head, “It’s not that simple, Austria is no easy target, and the British are not running a charity.

Unless we can hold off the Austrian onslaught in Lombardy, it will be difficult to get through this.”

Great powers typically bully smaller nations, but this time Sardinia broke the mold by challenging Austria as a small country and suffered a disastrous defeat, leading to a tragic outcome.

In history, Austria spared Sardinia because of the Hungarian rebellion; they lacked the resources to settle scores with them.

Now that the Hungarians were clearly unreliable, even without reinforcements, Austria’s forces in the Venice Area alone could turn Sardinia into history.

“This is bad, Your Majesty. We must seal off the news immediately. If word of the defeat in Venice gets out, the nation will descend into chaos!” exclaimed Prime Minister Azelio, belatedly realizing the situation

Everyone snapped to attention; after all, they were all in the same boat, and no one could escape if things went awry.

It could be said that Sardinia’s long-term political propaganda of demonizing Austria had sown the seeds for the current predicament.

Impetuous nationalism is most susceptible to losing control; its adherents don’t consider the actual situation and cannot tolerate failure.

Charles Albert had come to his senses; as a qualified politician, he would make the choice most beneficial to himself.

“The government will immediately issue a denial, while spreading false news declaring we are in a deadlock with the Austrians in the battle.

Proceed with a total mobilization, enlisting all able-bodied men into the army, especially young students—they must all be sent to the battlefield.

The Foreign Ministry is to contact the British as soon as possible, asking them to mediate the war. As long as the British’s conditions are not too excessive, we can agree to them directly!”

Charles Albert, not wanting to be overthrown by the radical nationalists, could only send these people to die first.

“Your Majesty, shall we replace Bardorio?” Minister of Army Li Qi asked.

Charles Albert fell into deep thought. If possible, he truly hoped that at this moment a hero from the Kingdom of Sardinia could turn the tides.

“Forget it, changing generals on the battlefield is a major military taboo. Let him make amends through meritorious deeds!”

After much hesitation, Charles Albert abandoned the thought of replacing him. Changing the person in command at this point wouldn’t make much of a difference to the outcome, and it might even worsen the situation. It would be better to let Bardorio shoulder all the responsibility himself.

Budapest

As the temporary capital of Hungary and one of the few cities still under the control of the Revolutionaries, this place had become a sea of sin.

Petofi simply could not stand it any longer. He felt his ideals growing further and further apart from reality. Apart from bringing so-called freedom to Hungary, the revolution had brought nothing but disaster.

“Mr. Kossuth, we must restore military discipline. The National Homeland Defense Troops have turned into a bunch of bandits and robbers. If this continues, the revolution will be over!”

The usually energetic Kossuth was now sitting there with a look of melancholy, his sharp eyes bloodshot, yet he still exuded a strong aura.

After hearing Petofi’s words, Kossuth nodded, then said with a bitter smile, “The prolonged battle with the enemy is too suffocating. The soldiers, they’re human after all, they need to vent. At this moment, enforcing military discipline might lead to even more unpredictable consequences!”

He was well aware of the chaos in the city. But now, they had no choice. It seemed more meaningful to talk to the soldiers about their salary rather than about their lives and ideals.

The war had drained the Hungarian Republican Government by now, and without money to pay their soldiers, they had no choice but to let them loot.

“But Mr. Kossuth, if we continue like this we will lose the hearts of our people!” Petofi said unwillingly.

As an idealist, his compassion was only a small part of him. If it could lead to victory, Petofi wouldn’t mind making sacrifices.

Yet now a voice inside him said that this could not go on. He hoped Kossuth would come forward and stop the unruly soldiers from their misdeeds.

Unfazed, Kossuth replied, “Revolution always requires sacrifice, and that sacrifice can be you or me, the National Homeland Defense Troops, or the ordinary people of Hungary!

History will remember the sacrifices they made, and we will settle this debt with the Austrians sooner or later!

Budapest cannot be held any longer, everything left here will go to the enemy, it’s better to destroy it!”

“You want to destroy this city, have you gone mad!” Petofi exclaimed.

Kossuth said passionately, “It’s not I who want to destroy this city, but the Austrians who will destroy this city!

The enemy is already building a dam upstream. As long as we hold out a little longer, they will release the water and flood the city!

Think about it, once the Austrians flood the city, how much damage will it bring to the downstream areas?

By then, tens of thousands, even millions, will be homeless, and these people will become our comrades-in-arms. Together, we will bury this rotten Empire!”

Chapter 97

The Hungarian Revolutionary Party of 1848 was essentially not a pure revolutionary party. Starting as a small faction of about a hundred and eighty people, it grew rapidly to become the leader of the Hungarian Republic, filled with too many opportunists.

It’s easy to get on a boat but hard to get off. The Austrian Empire, which was on its last breath, was now fully revived, and the hearts of many were shattered.

If at this time, the Vienna Government issued a pardon, Budapest City would most likely surrender without a fight.

Clearly, this was impossible. Neither the Austrian Cabinet nor Franz, the Crown Prince, had any intention of passing up the opportunity to strike at the influential factions of Hungary.

Suppressing the rebellion was the perfect excuse to act. The wider the spread of the rebellion, the more Nobility involved, the more favorable it would be for Austria’s future rule.

In terms of concentration of wealth, Hungary could probably top the list. In name, five percent of the ruling class controlled the society. In reality, less than one-tenth of a percent of the population held 90% of the wealth, which included serfs and workers as their property.

Such an absurd social order, if not broken, was against all reason.

This revolution, in reality, was still a struggle for power within that five percent of the population. The remaining ninety-five percent were just passively involved.

This was also the reason Kossuth could disregard the military harming civilians. His supporters came from that five percent group. The rest, the ninety-five percent, were expendable.

“Are you sure the enemy will flood the city? With our current situation, even if they do nothing, it won’t be long before Budapest becomes a city of the dead!” Petofi roared.

There was no other way. The Austrian Government would not let go of the revolutionary leaders, and they did not want to die, so all they could do was to cheat the soldiers into fighting desperately.

Kossuth cheated so successfully that he even deceived himself. For the sake of the ultimate victory, he no longer cared about anything.

The Austrian Army advanced steadily and slowly, appearing to be struggling, but in fact, this was the best tactic, with no risk involved.

Including the building of a dam upstream, it was all just a feint. Any politician with ambitions to annex Hungary would prefer to besiege Budapest indefinitely rather than choose the most hated tactic of flooding.

Kossuth said incredulously, “You mean to say that the enemy intentionally puts pressure on us, forcing us to extremes, and then destroys Budapest? No, it can’t be, that’s impossible!”

After speaking, Kossuth sat there motionless, as if he had fallen into a stupor.

In Hungarian society, the vast majority of the upper echelons were concentrated in Budapest City. In this city, over half of the people were Nobility, capitalists, and their dependents.

For the Vienna Government, it was best if these people were all wiped out. Even if there were Habsburg Family supporters among them, Franz would not mind sacrificing them.

All being politicians, using the mindset of a politician, to sacrifice this city in exchange for a stable and long-lasting Kingdom of Hungary was a calculation anyone would make.

Petofi almost yelled, “Wake up, Mr. Kossuth, this is the enemy’s conspiracy!

The National Homeland Defense Troops have gone mad, and even some of the fallen Nobility, small merchants, and the middle class have not escaped their clutches.

If this continues, they will grow bolder and slowly extend their reach into high society, and by then, we will be too late to control the situation!

This is exactly what the enemy wants to see, using our hands to clear out the Hungarian national elites for them, and then pushing all the blame onto us, allowing them to annex Hungary smoothly!”

If Franz was here, he would definitely applaud their imaginative prowess, and indeed, he sought to eliminate adversaries by seizing the chance but he never intended to rely on the Revolutionary Party to do so—that was too unreliable.

In war, some people die, and all one has to do is pin the blame on the Revolutionary Party. Could the dead possibly come back to argue their innocence?

By now, the Hungarian Revolutionary Party’s reputation was thoroughly sullied, lending any nefarious deeds they committed a veneer of plausibility.

His pleasant illusion shattered, Kossuth’s face grew ominously dark. The thought that he nearly fell for the enemy’s trap, nearly destroying the Hungarian nationality himself, filled him with dread.

Don’t be fooled by Hungary’s population of over ten million; those he considered his own were a mere five to six hundred thousand, with Budapest City accounting for over one-third.

Without these people, the Hungarian nationality would cease to exist; they were the pillars of the nation.

After a long pause, Kossuth regained his composure: “Thank you, Petofi! I was so close to becoming the sinner of Hungary.

You’re right, the enemy is indeed plotting schemes. They could have taken Budapest much faster, yet they’ve been dragging their feet—it seems they’re aiming to snare us all in one fell swoop.”

By the time Kossuth wished to enforce military discipline, it was too late, the outcome of the Battle of Venice had already been received.

The Pro-Austrian Faction within the interim government continued to grow stronger, with opportunists all scheming to jump ship, increasing the pressure on Kossuth.

Small temples are prone to fierce draughts, shallow ponds to many turtles.

The Interim Government of the Hungarian Republic was a motley crew of all sorts, a byproduct of exceptional social circumstances.

Prior to the growth of the Revolutionary Party, government repression was inevitable. Many revolutionaries became the government’s wanted criminals, and in their flight, inevitably interacted with local gangs and social organizations.

Many of the Hungarian Revolutionary Party were also members of these gangs and societies. The ways of the world are applicable everywhere, and these groups that had contributed support found their place in the interim government through their connections.

If the Revolutionary Party had been strong enough, they could have kept these elements in check, but not anymore.

Everyone knew that the Revolutionary Party’s days were numbered, and the downfall of the interim government was a matter of time. Not seizing the last opportunity for profit meant missing out when the Austrian army marched in.

… (Omitting ten thousand words, just a taste)

But the gangs were not the only ones looting amid chaos.

The capitalists were not idle either. If they did not use this opportunity to eliminate their competitors, could they even call themselves ruthless capitalists?

Hiring assassins was only the most elementary tactic. A more sophisticated approach was to exploit connections within the government to frame their rivals with a charge of counter-revolution and execute them on the spot.

According to stats compiled afterward, the Interim Government of the Hungarian Republic, which lasted less than three months, executed over three thousand people under the charge of counter-revolution, most of whom were workers involved in strikes.

At its most extreme, the National Homeland Defense Troops could raid homes, murder and rob, and all they had to do was pin a label of counter-revolution on the homeowner first, kill the original owner, and take possession of their property.

Chapter 98

London

Prime Minister John Russell was troubled by the Italian issue. After the battle of Asa Venice ended, he knew trouble was brewing. If not handled properly, the interests of the Great Britain Empire in the Italian Area might be at risk.

“Mr. Palmerston, the Ausa war will be over soon. What stance do you think we should take?” John Russell asked.

Foreign Minister Palmerston responded calmly, “Your Excellency, the Prime Minister, we still have substantial interests in the Kingdom of Sardinia. To ensure the interests of the Great Britain Empire are protected, the Kingdom of Sardinia must be preserved.

However, we must also consider the attitude of the Austrians. This war was provoked by the People of Sardinian; they surely must be given an explanation!”

In this era, the theme of the world was the struggle for supremacy between England and Russia. The Great Britain Empire had not yet reached the pinnacle of power, and the Austrian Empire was also among the great powers, whose rightful interests should not be deprived.

Minister of State Henry John Temple frowned and said, “Mr. Palmerston, the problem now is that the Austrians will not let this go easily. No major power can tolerate provocations to its dignity without responding.

The People of Sardinian have already angered the Austrian Government this time, and to that end, they have compromised with the French. Intelligence from Paris indicates that a secret agreement may have already been signed between France and Austria.

If France and Austria join forces now, then the Kingdom of Sardinia will become history, even if we oppose it, it will be to no avail!”

On the Italian issue, England, France, and Austria had the most significant say due to geopolitical reasons. The Italian Area has always been a focal point of contest between France and Austria, with the British mediating in the middle to maintain balance.

In order to better contain France and Austria, after entering the 19th century, the British began spreading the idea of unification in Italy. After the outbreak of the European revolution, the London Government started supporting the Kingdom of Sardinia to unify Italy.

Without a doubt, this time they made a misstep. With just one hand extended, Austria crippled the Kingdom of Sardinia and even colluded with its competitor, France, in an attempt to divide Italy.

Palmerston slightly smiled and said, “Mr. Temple, things are not as bad as they seem. The French are fraught with internal contradictions, and they change governments faster than women change clothes.

The political stance of one government does not necessarily carry over to the next. If all else fails, we can wait for the next one.

As long as we put diplomatic pressure on them, the French government will not have the capacity to expand outward. Without French involvement, Austria doesn’t have the appetite to swallow the Kingdom of Sardinia whole.”

Upon hearing Palmerston’s analogy, everyone laughed. The British never skimp on a smile when it comes to mocking their old enemy, France.

If France and Austria were to join forces, there’d be nothing to do; no one could stop them from partitioning Italy.

But the French are currently not in their element. It’s only been a few months since the establishment of The Republican Government, and they have already had several government changes.

Initially, the British planned to support a pro-British government, but after seeing the speed at which the French changed governments, they halted their efforts.

They couldn’t keep up with the pace. Moreover, France experiences revolutions every so often and is rife with a mess of factions and groups.

Who knows who will be standing in the end?

If they backed the wrong horse, not only would it be a waste of resources, but gaining an enemy in return would mean a significant loss.

After a pause, Prime Minister Russell asked again, “Mr. Palmerston, how does the Foreign Office plan to persuade the Austrian Government? If they insist on destroying the Kingdom of Sardinia, what measures does the Foreign Office prepare to take?”

His intentions were quite clear, the involvement of the Great Britain Empire in the Italian matter was limited to diplomacy.

Direct military support for the Kingdom of Sardinia was out of the question. Whether they could win the war was a different issue, as under the policy of balance in Europe, Austria remained an essential part of the British continental strategy.

After some thought, Palmerston said, “Prime Minister, the Austrian Empire has just experienced an insurrection, and the rebellion in Hungary has yet to be quashed. Their most important issue at the moment is to address their internal conflicts.

They likely have no plans to annex the Kingdom of Sardinia, and even the Austria-France secret agreement might be a smokescreen. Metternich is a tough old fox to deal with, and the Kingdom of Sardinia will inevitably bleed heavily this time.

If the interests of the Italian Area cannot satisfy the Austrians, then we can appease them with the interests of the Balkans, letting them compete with the Ottomans for supremacy in the Near East!”

This was the Great Britain Empire’s most adept manoeuvre—shifting trouble to the east. The inherent weakness of the Ottoman Empire had not yet been exposed, and on the surface, they were still among the powers.

The Habsburg dynasty and the Ottoman Empire had been sworn enemies for centuries, fighting from the Middle Ages to the present, with hundreds of battles between them, embedding deep-seated hatred.

“The situation in the Near East is already complicated. If we encourage Austria to enter the fray, it will become even more chaotic. If the Austrian Government and the Russians join forces, are we able to control it?” Henry John Temple, Minister of State, questioned.

Austria and the Ottoman Empire are archenemies, their conflicts run deep, and with the support of the Great Britain Empire, the Austrian Government would certainly not mind suppressing this old foe.

However, the problem is that the Russians and the Ottomans are also archenemies. What’s more, Russia and Austria are allies. If they have a common enemy, it would be hard to keep them from uniting.

With palpable confidence, Palmerston explained, “It’s true that Russia and Austria are allies, but they also have conflicting interests in the Balkan region.

Austria has long set its sights on the Danube Basin, while the Russians’ appetite knows no bounds. Their conflict is inevitable, and when the time comes, the troublesome Russian-Austrian Alliance will naturally crumble!”

Interests are always the best catalyst. At present, the British considered the Russians their biggest enemy, with many of their foreign policies centered on countering Russian influence.

Defeating Russia, a formidable adversary unlike any they had faced before, with its powerful army and advantageous geographical position in the East of Europe, was no easy task.

To defeat the Russians, it was necessary to divide and isolate their allies first, and the British were very patient in this endeavor.

Vienna

After the victory in the battle of Venice, Franz had been considering the aftermath. For Austria, the Italian Area was like a piece of tasteless meat—neither nourishing nor worth discarding.

Occupying the Kingdom of Sardinia was easy, but ruling it was difficult.

“Mr. Metternich, what do the French say, when will they send troops?” Franz asked with concern.

Governing the Kingdom of Sardinia was not easy, but that did not impede using it to trap others. If he could lure the French into the fray, then the Great Britain Empire would not have the bandwidth to focus on Austria.

(The book will be released next Friday, it’s confirmed. Everyone, please support Haiyue then!!)

Chapter 99

Metternich replied helplessly, “Your Highness, the French government’s efficiency has always been low, and at this time they are still discussing in Parliament!”

He was also impressed by the French efficiency. Both sides had signed a treaty, with all conditions agreed upon in advance, yet when it came time to act, they still managed to drop the ball.

“How can the French suddenly lose interest in the Italian Area? Do they now wish to renege?” Prime Minister Felix asked doubtfully.

Metternich replied with a wry smile, “No, the French government does not intend to renege. The current debate is about how many troops to deploy, who should command them, and which unit should be sent.”

It was kind of ridiculous to think about it. Such trivial matters still required a decision from Parliament. By the time they would come to a decision, Austria might have already dealt with the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Franz rubbed his forehead and said, “Never mind, we cannot rely on our French allies anyway. We never really expected much from them. As long as they don’t cause trouble, that’s good enough.

“Keep a close eye on the British at the Foreign Office. With their way of doing things, they’ll definitely be up to something at this time. Don’t give them the opportunity.”

According to the secret treaty between France and Austria, the French should have sent troops to raid the People of Sardinian’s lair during the battle at Venice, annihilate the Kingdom of Sardinia, and then the two countries would equally divide the land of the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Now that the battle at Venice was over, the French Parliament still hadn’t come up with a result. Franz had lost hope that the French would be of much help.

“Your Highness, the French Parliament has been slow to come to a decision, and the British are behind this. Many Pro-British Faction members still oppose deployment.

“But the allure of Italy is too strong; the powers within France simply cannot resist. The French bourgeoisie and the military are driving this military operation, which silenced the opposition voices,” Metternich answered.

Franz was not surprised by British interference. If France and Austria divided the Kingdom of Sardinia, John Bull would lose tens of millions of British Pounds in loans, as well as a substantial interest in the Italian Area.

However, the internal problems in France were somewhat unexpected. He had thought that, given Austria’s major concessions and the push from the bourgeoisie and military, the division of the Kingdom of Sardinia would go smoothly, but it still stalled.

As the saying goes, the longer the night, the more dreams occur. The longer the delay, the more the British can do, and the smaller the chance for France and Austria to divide the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Still, the French would certainly not give up easily. Regardless of who is in government, they must consider the calls of interest groups.

France has been suppressed for too long, and after such a prolonged silence, the interest groups are ravenous. It won’t be easy to make them give up the feast that has fallen into their laps.

“Your Highness, if the French fail to fulfill their commitments, shouldn’t we also be allowed to tear up the agreement?

“A powerful France does not serve our interests, especially letting them expand their influence into the Italian Area!” Grand Duke Louis pondered aloud.

The temptation to monopolize Italy was too great; the overly smooth military operations had also awakened ambitions within Austria, and Grand Duke Louis merely voiced what some of them were thinking.

“Taking over the Kingdom of Sardinia alone would be too risky. We also have to consider the stance of the great powers, and we might face joint oppression from England and France,” Franz thought aloud.

He was very clear-headed, aware of Austria’s limitations. If Austria had the strength of Germany during the time of ‘Germany Second’, then monopolizing Italy might not be out of the question.

Clearly, this was not possible; Austria was unable to cope just with the alliance of England and France.

Neither Russia nor Prussia were mentioned because at that point, the two countries were at loggerheads with each other and temporarily unable to attend to matters in Italy.

After the March Revolution in Berlin, Baron von Arnim, a liberal from the Prussian diplomatic corps, took office and implemented a foreign policy favoring Britain and France and opposing Russia.

He saw through the Russians’ bluster, viewing Russia as a colossus with feet of clay. The Prussian liberals, led by him, advocated supporting the Polish Revolution to weaken Russia.

Of course, the Prussian liberals were not internationalist fighters. They supported the Franconian restoration movement and were even willing to forsake Prussian Poland, mainly aiming to contain Russia and create favorable conditions for the unification of the German Region.

Luckily, Frederick William IV intervened in time to stop this action, otherwise Prussia would have already gone to war with the Russians by that time.

Nevertheless, the liberals did not sit idle; they set their sights on the German Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. As soon as the Berlin Revolution ended, they demanded Denmark incorporate these two duchies into Germany.

Clearly, this was bound to be met with refusal. If diplomatic efforts failed, they would resort to military action. On April 10th, Prussia took military action against Denmark, which led to an official declaration of war between the two countries on April 23rd.

Without a doubt, the now-declining Kingdom of Denmark stood no chance against Prussia and was soundly defeated on all fronts by the Prussians. By May 21st, the Prussian Army had already reached the Jutland Peninsula.

Seeing that it was untenable to continue, and with a significantly more powerful enemy, the Danish government found itself cornered and resorted to the ultimate move—summoning the big brother.

Seeing its ally being bullied, Russia as the big brother naturally had to intervene; the Russians could not afford to lose face.

“Your Highness is right; the risk of annexing the Kingdom of Sardinia alone is too great. Just look at Prussia; they wanted to annex Schleswig and Holstein, and now they find themselves in a difficult position,” Prime Minister Felix concurred.

Thinking about Frederick William IV, Franz’s mood improved considerably. Both were sharpening their knives, ready to slaughter, yet the Austrian Government’s diplomacy was in a much better position.

This time, the Ausa War was initiated by the Kingdom of Sardinia, who were in the wrong, bearing all the responsibility for the war as international public opinion largely favored Austria.

In that era, Italy was just a geographical name; no one recognized it as a nation. The so-called unification of the Italian Area had no legal basis for waging a war.

In the international community’s eyes, the war was an aggressive war launched by the People of Sardinian, and Austria did not need to bear moral responsibility. This was also why the British, despite their support for the Kingdom of Sardinia, did not take any practical action.

The German Region was also just a geographic name; in the eyes of the outside world, the German Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein had no relation to Prussia.

Of course, even if there were a relation, nobody would acknowledge it; otherwise, shouldn’t Switzerland, Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg also be part of Germany?

At the very least, at the Frankfurt Assembly, these regions, along with the two duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, were considered part of Germany.

Lacking legal justification, Prussia’s military actions appeared feeble and unimpressive, putting them in a passive position diplomatically.

Chapter 100

In recent decades, Prussia has been continuously developing and growing stronger, naturally inciting envy and resentment from Austria. Now that it was Austria’s turn to be unfortunate, everyone was more than happy to see them become the butt of jokes.

“Speaking of Prussia, not long ago they sought our diplomatic support under the pretext of saving the German Confederation states and, having been rejected, they began to spread unfavorable opinions about us throughout the Germany Region.

At this time, the Kingdom of Prussia was practically hailed as the national hero of the Teutons, while great Austria had been relegated to serving as the backdrop!” Metternich said frowning.

Upon hearing this news, everyone’s expressions turned dark. Austria was the leader of the German states and, from a nationalist perspective, Austria should be the one championing the cause of the Two Principalities of Schleswig and Holstein at this time.

However, geographically separated from the Two Principalities by Prussia and with no interest to serve, Austria couldn’t justifiably take action.

Now that the Kingdom of Prussia was touting itself as the savior of Teutondom, it was yet another slap in Austria’s face.

Historically, due to internal strife, Austria had lacked the capacity to intervene, but now that internal conflicts were about to be quelled, international affairs could no longer be ignored.

Prime Minister Felix said curtly, “Humph! The Prussians are really too audacious. We must show them some color!”

Metternich shook his head, “I’m afraid that’s not easy. We can’t prevent Prussia’s actions regarding the Schleswig and Holstein issue; otherwise, the nationalist enthusiasts in the Germany Region will see us as traitors to the nation.”

With the rise of nationalism, the influence of public opinion could no longer be overlooked. As the longstanding head of the German states, Austria had to stand behind Prussia at this juncture, a clear case of public opinion hijacking.

Given that Austria had been coerced into this position, it was natural to expect little effort from Austria’s part, leaving Prussia to shoulder the diplomatic pressure alone.

Suddenly, Franz’s complexion changed. Historically, Austria had been forcibly dragged into the fray by Prussia, with Prussia and Austria joining forces only to withstand international pressure and take back the Two Principalities.

But not long after the end of the operation, Prussia and Austria fell out, leaving Austria having worked for Prussia for free and then being beaten into a semi-invalid state.

Although this was to happen over a decade later, the seeds of war had already been planted now.

In this Prussia-Denmark War, although Prussia did not occupy the Two Principalities, they did gain the support of the German people in the region, laying the popular foundation for Prussian unification of Germany.

Franz said with a furrowed brow, “The Prussians are playing the long game, they have us figured out! In that case, let’s see who’s more cunning!”

“Your Highness, it wouldn’t be good for us to stand against Prussia at this time, seeing as the public opinion in the Germany Region is in their favor!” Finance Minister Karl warned.

Franz scoffed, “No, we must not just refrain from opposing the Prussians’ actions, but we should openly support them. The Foreign Ministry will publicly back Schleswig and Holstein’s return to the German Federation.

From now on, we will deploy our influence to build momentum for this cause, ensuring that all the residents of the Germany Region know about our efforts to maintain the territory’s integrity.

We will also praise the contributions of the Kingdom of Prussia, issuing a diplomatic note to them, telling them not to be cowardly, and that once we’ve resolved our internal issues, we’ll be there to support them!”

There is also a way to kill in the world—killing with praise. The Kingdom of Prussia now prides itself as the savior of the Germany Region, so let them stand a little higher.

The stage is set, and the play must go on. If Prussia had the support of Austria and the German regional states, could they easily back down?

But if they do not concede, what can they do? The major European powers all stand on Denmark’s side, supporting Austria, which this time only plans to be a bluster king, offering them virtually zero actual help.

The Swedish Government has already mobilized troops to defend Denmark, and the Russians have amassed forces on the Prusso-Russian Border. If a misfire leads to conflict, Russo-Prussian relations would become antagonistic.

“Your Highness, if we support Prussia, we have no way to explain it to England and France and Russia in diplomatic terms, which will be unfavorable for our next actions!” Metternich said with a headache.

Franz said indifferently, “Mr. Metternich, this problem will have to be managed by your Ministry of Foreign Affairs to coordinate.

Explain our difficulties to the countries, continuous internal rebellions in Austria, we can’t ignore the feelings of the German People, assure them that our support for Prussia is limited only to verbal commitments.”

Austria is one of the great powers, and it can handle this little diplomatic pressure, as long as there is no actual action taken, it will not affect the Russian-Austrian Alliance.

Austria-France has just signed a friendly treaty; everyone is an interest community and will not fall out over the Danish issue.

As for the British, there’s even less need to say anything, because of the issue with the Kingdom of Sardinia, the two countries are having a falling out. At this time, the London Government cannot afford to further deteriorate Anglo-Austrian relations; otherwise, the Russian-Austrian Alliance will only tighten further.

The remaining small European countries can at most condemn us a bit, surely they can’t sanction Austria just for a few slogans, right? Even if they want to, they don’t have the courage, do they?

Prime Minister Felix objected, “Your Highness, if it’s just verbal support, naturally it’s not a big problem. But what if the Prussians drag the issue on, until we suppress the internal rebellion, then should we help them or not?

If we help them, the strength of the Kingdom of Prussia will further grow; if we don’t, our prestige in the Germany Region will greatly suffer!”

This is a very real issue. The Prussians may not defeat the Russians, but at this period, the Tsarist Government also does not want to declare war on Prussia. Dragging the problem out for a year and a half is something they could do.

Franz said with a sneer, “It’s okay, the Prussians can drag out the time, and we can also drag out the time. Even if the internal rebellion has been suppressed, we can still claim that the local situation is unstable and we are unable to send troops.

We could just contribute some of the military expenses. If Prussia successfully returns the Two Principalities of Schleswig and Holstein to The Federation, we will pay; if not, just default on the payment!”

If he could spend some money to completely ruin Russo-Prussian relations, Franz would not be stingy.

However, the Prussians certainly would not want to take this money, as they did not make such a big fuss just to see the Two Principalities of Schleswig and Holstein return to the German Federation.

If they couldn’t incorporate the Two Principalities of Schleswig and Holstein, wouldn’t they have fought this war in vain?

And even because the Federal Assembly would have two new members, the strength of the Sub-States would be further enhanced, and the path to German unification would become even more elusive.

Chapter 101

After the Battle of Venice, Marshal Radetzky didn’t stop; he only allowed his troops two days of rest before marching towards the Lombardy Region.

The Sardinian Government overestimated their standing in the hearts of the local people, who, having experienced deception, now detested the Sardinian Government.

At this very moment, the aura of Marshal Bardorio as a famous general was shattered. The Venice battle broke the backbone of the Sardinian Army, and after losing faith, the destructive force of the disheartened soldiers was terrifying.

In every place they went, they brought calamity; without waiting for the government to mobilize the masses, they maximized the hatred against themselves.

Without a comparison, there was no sense of harm; ordinary people suddenly found that life under the rule of the Kingdom of Sardinia was even worse than during the Austrian Government’s reign.

At least the decaying Austrian Government had established a societal order; despite the oppression from the government, nobility, and capitalists, the overall societal order was stable, and people could make do with their lives.

But after the arrival of the Kingdom of Sardinia, it was continuous warfare, with exorbitant war taxes even harsher than those of the Austrian Government, plus the ongoing oppression from the nobility and capitalists, and now also harassment from the disorderly soldiers.

On June 1st, the Bread Tragedy in Milan erupted. Workers, struggling to survive, besieged the bakeries, leading to a bloody suppression by the Sardinian Army, with hundreds beaten to death on the spot.

On June 3rd, a peasant revolt broke out in Pavia; the Rebel Army grew to over three thousand strong at one point and even publicly flew the flag welcoming the Austrian Army.

The people’s war that the Sardinian Government had envisioned to strike at Austria had overwhelmed them first.

Lombardy Region had fallen into their hands too easily; apart from a cleansing of republican supporters, the Sardinian Government hadn’t made significant moves, and now the consequences were emerging.

Having ruled here for so many years, how could Austria not have its supporters?

If the Kingdom of Sardinia had continued to be strong, the loyalty of these people might have waned significantly, but now that Austria obviously had the upper hand, they couldn’t help but emerge.

Add to that a large number of opportunists wishing to switch sides; the labor and peasant revolutionary movement in Lombardy Region began fervently, leaving Marshal Bardorio no choice but to fight the Austrians on one front and extinguish fires everywhere else.

Before the reinforcements from the Kingdom of Sardinia could arrive, the Austrian Army was already at the gates of Milan City.

In just a matter of days, Marshal Bardorio seemed to have aged twenty years, and now all he had left were regrets.

If he had known it would come to this, he wouldn’t have sought this merit in the first place. Now, he had realized that Marshal Radetzky’s abandonment of Lombardy was nothing but an invitation for the enemy to advance further into the trap.

Alas, they had all been deceived by political propaganda, wishfully thinking that the Austrian Empire was in decay and their army was utterly worthless.

“Marshal, the enemy is at the gates of Milan City, order a retreat now!” Major General Messe said anxiously.

“Retreat? Where can we possibly retreat to?” Bardorio said, scoffing.

Looking at the general before him, whose advice had led to erroneous decisions, Bardorio wished he could simply execute him on the spot.

But that was just a prior thought; now his heart was dead. As the supreme commander of this military action, he had to take responsibility for the failure of the war.

Unable to bear the agony of a tarnished name and disgrace, Bardorio preferred to die on the battlefield rather than face trial in a military tribunal.

“Of course, we’re heading back to our homeland. Milan City can no longer be defended, and most of the Lombardy Region is likely indefensible as well. The Austrians won’t just let it go; we still have a homeland defense battle to fight.”

“At this time, we must preserve our strength as much as possible. Otherwise, who will protect the Kingdom of Sardinia?” said Major General Messe as if it were a matter of course.

Marshal Badoglio shook his head and said, “It’s precisely because we need to preserve our strength as much as possible that we can’t retreat. If we don’t tie down the main Austrian forces, can the other troops even withdraw successfully?

We’re running ahead while the enemy is pursuing from behind. How many soldiers do you think will remain by the time we run back to the Kingdom of Sardinia?

Besides, the homeland defense battle requires time to prepare domestically. We must hold the enemy at Milan City to buy time for the nation!”

At this time, he had put aside his personal safety. As a soldier, he was prepared to secure a glimmer of hope for the Kingdom of Sardinia.

If the Battle of Venice was a head-to-head fight, then the defense of Lombardy was far too quickly lost. The Austrian Army was sweeping through like a brisk autumn wind through fallen leaves.

Initially, Badoglio believed that with over a hundred thousand troops and fortified positions, they could hold out for two or three months at least.

With such time, the Kingdom of Sardinia would have completed another national mobilization. Fighting on home soil, with the support of the populace, they might have had a fighting chance.

Unfortunately, the Sardinian Army had lost its fighting spirit, and such a force, no matter how numerous, was useless. Badoglio had no choice but to place his hopes on the defense of Milan.

After all, the Hungarian Republic was resisting the Austrian forces for over a month based in Budapest, and it still hadn’t fallen. There was no reason they couldn’t do the same.

Marshal Badoglio wanted to hold Milan City at all costs, but King Charles Albert did not agree. The Kingdom of Sardinia’s entire army had been committed to this war. If the entire force was lost, then the Kingdom of Sardinia would be finished.

In the end, Badoglio made the decision to leave ten thousand soldiers behind to make a last stand in Milan City, to buy time for the rest of the army to retreat.

On June 10th, after fighting bitterly for two days and nights, the Sardinian Army was unable to hold back the Austrian offensive. With the cooperation of the city’s civilians, Milan City fell into Austrian hands once again.

As Milan fell, Marshal Badoglio committed suicide in the governor’s mansion, preserving his final dignity as a soldier.

On June 12th, the Austrian Army reclaimed the Lombardy Region, and their spearheads were pointed directly at the Kingdom of Sardinia. The Ausa war had entered a new stage.

Turin

The swift defeat in the defense of Lombardy left the Sardinian Government dumbfounded, as they had not expected to lose so quickly.

After all, Marshal Radetzky had originally held back an assault of two hundred thousand Sardinian troops with less than a hundred thousand of his own, leveraging the defenses.

In their view, the Sardinian forces in the Lombardy Region still numbered around one hundred and twenty to thirty thousand, nearly matching the Austrians in terms of manpower dedicated to the offensive. Even if their combat strength was slightly inferior, as the defending side, they should have been able to compensate through the advantage of terrain.

King Charles Albert asked anxiously, “Li Qi, how many troops have we withdrawn from the front lines? Can we stop the enemy’s advance?”

Minister of Army Li Qi replied with a wry smile, “Your Majesty, we have withdrawn a total of seventy thousand troops. Domestically, we have mobilized another one hundred and fifty thousand. But the latter, having been mobilized later, haven’t undergone formal training. I’m afraid their combat effectiveness…”

Chapter 102

King Charles Albert waved his hand and said, “Just teach them how to use a gun, there’s no time to worry about anything else at this point.

Now the focus is on boosting morale and igniting their patriotism. Where training is lacking, let courage compensate.

As long as they dare to fight and struggle, even if it takes three or five of our soldiers to exchange for one enemy soldier, we can still hold back the Austrians and create favorable conditions for negotiation!”

The king had long since given up on hoping for combat effectiveness; the regular army of the Kingdom of Sardinia had been thoroughly defeated. What could this hastily assembled cannon fodder army achieve? Surely not miracles.

If quality is not sufficient, quantity must prevail. As the local combatants, they had no shortage of people.

After the government’s long-term propaganda, ordinary people had come to blame all their hardships on Austria; now there was a solid base of popular support.

Minister of Army Li Qi timidly said, “Your Majesty, we’re facing a serious shortage of weapons and equipment. Many soldiers have to share a single gun between two or three of them, and this is after we’ve encouraged them to bring their own weapons.”

After a defeat, it’s natural to speak without confidence. If it weren’t for Marshal Badoglio’s noble sacrifice at the last moment, taking all the blame uponhimself, the internal state of affairs in the Kingdom of Sardinia might have already changed.

Even so, the pressure on the government had greatly increased. It could be said that the Austrian army’s presence at the gates had, to some extent, saved the Sardinian Government.

King Charles Albert, politically astute and experienced, seized the opportunity to shift domestic conflicts. Flying the banner of defending the home and country, he arranged all the unstable elements into the army and placed them on the front lines against Austria.

If the Austrian army could wipe them out for him, King Charles Albert probably wouldn’t mind awarding them a grand medal.

Of course, that was impossible; King Charles Albert would never be grateful to the Austrians—unless, after doing away with these people, the Austrian army decided to return home, which was more likely.

Too bad it’s when the Kingdom of Sardinia is at its weakest. If Austria didn’t take a big bite out of them now, could they still consider themselves a great power?

“Launch a fundraising campaign among the citizens. I will lead by example and donate all the guns in my collection, to gather as many as possible. And for those we can’t supply with guns, we’ll equip them with cold weapons for the time being.

The Foreign Ministry is communicating with England and France, and before long, we should be able to secure enough weapons and equipment,” King Charles Albert said after some thought.

Li Qi was distraught on the inside. He really wanted to ask King Charles Albert what he was thinking. Did the king have no clue what sort of items his collection consisted of?

Any usable firearms had long been requisitioned within the country, and the royal family’s collection was mostly composed of antique firearms—the oldest was a matchlock gun from the 14th century.

These weapons were fine for decoration, but if they were to be used on the battlefield, it would be tantamount to murder.

As one of the birthplaces of the Renaissance, the nobles here pursued heritage and historical culture. Naturally, the more ancient and storied the weapons in their collection, the better.

During this mobilization, all the noble sons and youth of eligible age in the Kingdom of Sardinia had entered military service, and they had long brought out any weapons they could use.

Even that was acceptable. As long as the weapon could fire a bullet, it could kill; they could simply be used as disposable items.

The most tragic part was having to make do with cold weapons—that probably meant preparing for hand-to-hand combat with the Austrian army. Facing an unreliable leader, Li Qi ultimately chose to say—”Your Majesty is wise.”

Prime Minister Azelio couldn’t help but speak out, “Your Majesty, the French have already refused our request to purchase weapons and have even followed the People of Swiss’s lead in strictly investigating smuggling and prohibiting the influx of arms and ammunition into our country.”

The France-Austrian Secret Treaty was no longer a secret, but to the Kingdom of Sardinia, Austria alone was already deadly; with France joining in, they would lose even the courage to resist.

The Sardinian Government had chosen to feign ignorance, hoping to rely on internal contradictions in the French government to escape this crisis.

But now, the pretense could no longer continue. It was normal for the neutral country, Switzerland, to embargo weapons against them. Now that the French were doing the same, it was blatant malice.

Let’s not forget, before the war broke out, it was the French government that spurred them into action, promising a bunch of military assistance. Now, not to talk of assistance, even normal trade couldn’t proceed smoothly.

There was no way around it. No matter how much they promised benefits to the French, they couldn’t possibly do it as decisively as Franz.

Austria could cede half of the Kingdom of Sardinia to the French—that was generous with someone else’s resources. The Sardinian Government could never make such a decision.

In the face of interests, the promises of politicians were as good as farts.

The French ambition towards Italy had been longstanding. Due to the restraint of the Habsburg Family, they tried for hundreds of years to no avail.

Now that the opportunity had presented itself, politicians needed the political prestige of expanding territories, capitalists needed to secure a larger market, and Nobility Officers needed to earn military exploits.

With so many people having their own interests, it was natural that they could not be stopped by the diplomatic efforts of the Kingdom of Sardinia. Were it not for the struggle for dominance within, the French army would have already crossed over by now.

“Bang!”

King Charles Albert slammed the table furiously and said, “Damn the Frenchmen, they should all go to hell. If we had known during the war against France, we should not have let them off so easily!”

Everyone chose to ignore the king’s roar. Wasn’t it obvious what the situation of the Kingdom of Sardinia had been during the war against France?

“Your Majesty, the British have agreed to mediate this war. At this moment, British Foreign Secretary Palmerston has already left London and is en route to Vienna,” Prime Minister Azelio hastily announced the good news.

While the Kingdom of Sardinia was on the brink, the Parisians, filled with internationalist spirit, launched the June uprising and saved the Kingdom of Sardinia.

The Paris June Revolution was quite legendary. After the success of the French bourgeoisie in seizing power, they successfully allied themselves with Austria and Russia.

The Prussian liberals sent a note to the French government, inviting them to support the Polish independence movement together, which was, of course, rejected by the French government.

After the news came, in support of the Polish revolution, 150,000 Parisian workers took to the streets on the morning of June 15, 1848, marching and demonstrating. They occupied the Parliament building, demanding the French government to form an expeditionary force to support Polish independence.

Unsurprisingly, such internationalist spirit was rejected by the French government, and the contradiction between the two parties began to intensify. On June 23, a revolution erupted in Paris once again.

With the internal instability in France, and to avoid the situation from worsening, the Paris Government had to cancel the plans to send troops to the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Chapter 103

Hungary

As news of the Kingdom of Sardinia’s defeat spread, more and more Hungarians lost faith in the revolution, with cities such as Miskolc, Debrecen, Pécs, and Szeged falling one after another.

By mid-June, the Hungarian Republic was reduced to its last city, Budapest.

The revolutionaries, unwilling to accept defeat after losing key cities, scattered into the countryside, attempting to continue their stubborn resistance through guerrilla warfare.

Regrettably, the Hungarian public did not endorse this tactic. In the eyes of the ordinary people, the Habsburg dynasty was their protector, whereas the Hungarian Republican Government was seen as a predatory administration composed of nobles and capitalists.

Instead of sparking a people’s war, it was the very citizenry that quelled the attempt.

It can be said that Franz’s land redistribution campaign in Hungary was very successful, managing to pin all of Austria’s past atrocities on the Hungarian self-government.

There will always be shrewd individuals in this world. The Hungarian nobility, whose power was greatly diminished after the civil strife, quickly reevaluated their position and took action to prove their worth to the Vienna Government, readying themselves to occupy an advantageous spot in the new social order.

This is how the ancient nobles have always survived – by learning to compromise with reality. Those nouveaux riches who had not learned this lesson had already met their end during the Austrian suppression of the Hungarian rebellion.

In an ancient castle outside Al-Arab City, a young man spoke angrily, “Father, must we really do this? Once the Kingdom of Hungary ceases to exist, we will only be able to …”

The elder waved his hand and said with heartfelt sincerity, “August, do not let your eyes be clouded by self-interest!

The Kingdom of Hungary no longer exists. From the very moment the Hungarian Revolution began, it was destined to be so, and the Vienna Government’s determination to dismantle Hungary will not waver.

We can admire the courage of those who fight against insurmountable odds, but we must not emulate it; this is the lesson passed down by our ancestors.

If the dismantling of Hungary is inevitable, why not use this opportunity to reap the greatest benefits?

The Austrian Government may use this revolution to dismember the Kingdom of Hungary, but they still lack the legal basis to do so – that is our opportunity.”

August frowned and said, “But Father, the Vienna Government has divided our lands, the millions of hectares passed down from our ancestors have become history, and we will never get them back!”

The elder shook his head and said, “What do you suggest? These lands have been divided among hundreds of thousands of people, and no one can take them back now. Do you really want to make enemies out of the inhabitants of our lands over these territories?

August, you are too extreme. What has happened, happened. The most important thing is not to complain or engage in a futile quest for revenge, but to cut our losses in time!

Do not forget, these lands were taken in the name of redemption, yet we have received no compensation for them. At this point, the Vienna Government would be only too happy for you to make a misstep – that way, they wouldn’t owe us a penny.”

Families like the Kohali, prominent nobility, always pay great attention to the management of their estates. Wrath from heaven and infamy are the behaviors of the upstarts and profligates; in contrast, true ancient aristocracy values its reputation highly.

Wars among the nobility often erupt in Europe, so the nobles must rely on the support of their subjects to fight for them. Without their endorsement, how could the great nobility claim their special status?

Wealth stirs hearts, and now that the land has been distributed, the deed is done, and the serfs who have received the land certainly don’t want to give it up; if one wishes to take the land back, one must stand against these people.

There is no other choice, at this time one can only cut one’s losses. As for exacting revenge on the Austrian Government, this thought could exist, one could even sow discord covertly, but openly, one must not make any move.

Perhaps because of the ties of marriage among the nobility, the Habsburg Family cannot bring themselves to strike at them fiercely, but withholding their demolition compensation, no, the land redemption fee, is still possible.

The redemption fees for millions of hectares of land, even at a discount, would not amount to a small figure, and no one could refuse such wealth.

To get this money is likewise not so simple; the land redemption fee is collected on behalf of the Austrian Government, and they certainly won’t give it up so easily.

Even for the sake of government credibility, they can avoid direct default. As long as they make full use of the initiative of bureaucrats, it is ensured to become a ‘within one’s lifetime’ series of debts.

Thinking up to here, August suddenly felt defeated. It was clearly the Austrian Government that had harmed their interests, yet to stop further loss, they still had to help the Austrian Government stabilize the situation locally.

At least until that substantial amount of land redemption money is in hand, they must stand with the Austrian Government, and even hope for Austria to develop better, otherwise, no one would repay them.

After a moment of silence, August resignedly said, “Alright, I’ll push forward with the petition movement, legitimizing the Austrians’ division of Hungary!”

For the considerable land redemption fee belonging to the Kohali Family, no matter how reluctant they are deep inside, August had to hold his nose and accept it.

Instigating the public to petition, applying to become a direct territory of the Habsburg Family, providing the Austrian Government with an excuse to divide Hungary, is their first step towards curry favor with Vienna.

Franz is calculative; dividing Hungary is easy, but winning over the local people’s hearts is difficult. Historically, after the Kingdom of Hungary was divided, it soon came back to life, because the local people were not reconciled.

If the local people take the initiative to apply, transforming into a direct territory of the Habsburg Family, then there would be no problem. That’s public opinion; no one can find fault with that.

Public opinion is blind, and this is when the nobles must perform. With their leadership and the Habsburg Family’s prestige among the people, orchestrating such a petitioning event would be easy.

Budapest, this place has now become a besieged city. The Austrian Army seems to have lost interest in besieging the city, having not launched an attack for a week.

With the Danube River, the city is not lacking water, but other materials can no longer be replenished. Due to the lack of industrial raw materials, factories have long ceased operations.

A large number of unemployed citizens face soaring prices, and the city’s economy has already collapsed. The young and strong can still join the National Homeland Defense Troops to scrape by, but the old, weak, sick, and disabled have completely lost their source of income.

The breakdown of military discipline among the National Homeland Defense Troops is largely because the soldiers have families to feed, and the pittance that the destitute Hungarian Republican Government pays them can hardly support an entire family.

To prevent their families from starving, they must also suppress “counter-revolutionaries,” only then can they seize enough wealth from the “enemy” to provide for their families.

Chapter 104

By mid-May, a widespread food shortage hit Budapest, and the exorbitant prices of grain had already scavenged the last of the people’s wealth from their pockets.

To stabilize order, The Republican Government had to start implementing a rationing system for food.

At this time in Budapest, vegetables and fruits had become luxury goods, and meat products had disappeared from ordinary people’s tables, becoming exclusive to the Nobility.

What the government could provide was only the bare minimum of five hundred grams of dark bread per person per day, along with three hundred grams of potatoes and two hundred grams of corn.

With such limited supplies, the bureaucrats in the government still profited from them, and short weighing was just standard procedure.

The more unscrupulous ones even added leaves and sawdust as impurities to the dark bread, offered sprouted potatoes that had changed color, and corn of various hues. Those with weak digestive systems who consumed these items could drop dead at any moment.

There was nothing too low for The Republican Government officials, who could be cited as paragons of capitalist ethics.

The food shortage in Budapest only applied to the lower class. For the ruling class, they were not short on food, and despite the enemy at the gates, their banquets continued uninterrupted.

They even started to plunder the wealth of the middle and petty bourgeois through the underground black market. The price of food had skyrocketed, and a piece of additive-free dark bread required its weight in silver coins.

In an ordinary residential building in Budapest City, you could buy a property at the time for just fifty kilograms of bread; and even in a bustling shop, the price wouldn’t exceed a few hundred kilograms of bread.

In the corners of the city, streetwalkers were everywhere, merely for a piece of dark bread or a potato, one could avail of their services.

To reduce food consumption, starting from June, The Revolutionary Government began to expel the sick, elderly, weak, and disabled from the city. General Julius received these refugees with a smile and properly resettled them.

Franz was keen on propaganda. Journalists from major Austrian media were invited over, brandishing their cameras, taking photos from every angle, all of which were important evidence to expose the crimes of the revolutionaries.

Now without the government needing to lift a finger, seeing these emaciated war refugees and hearing their complaints about the excesses of the Hungarian Republican Government, the “ethically fervent” media raced to condemn the unscrupulous Revolutionary Government of Hungary.

The renowned Hungarian composer Liszt was among the journalists at this time, and the more he learned, the more he was hurt.

Not just him—many writers and scholars rushed over, including some supporters of the revolutionary party. The scenes before everyone’s eyes made them thoroughly disenchanted with the revolutionaries.

The pens of intellectuals are weapons that kill without bloodshed, and with everyone’s joint efforts, this Hungarian revolution was being redefined.

Kossuth and others trapped in Budapest were still unaware that their reputations had been thoroughly sullied. Tens of thousands of people submitted petitions to the Emperor, hoping he would administer justice for them.

Franz naturally took advantage of the situation and accepted the people’s petitions, stating clearly that there would be a public trial for all the rebels and inviting the victimized public to serve as jurors, with the jury voting to decide the final sentencing.

Any clear-sighted person knew that this was the Austrian Government’s way of utterly annihilating the revolutionaries.

These victims now loathed the revolutionaries so much they could hardly wait to devour them alive. How could they possibly show any mercy?

The inevitable outcome was a bloody scene of beheadings. And with the trial carried out in the name of the people, no matter how many were killed, no one could blame the Austrian Government.

Of course, this was only a one-time occurrence; the future Austria will undoubtedly be a rule-of-law country, and such capriciousness will no longer be possible.

Before the great revolution, Hungary and Austria were managed separately, with many differing laws between the two areas. Hungarian law was outdated, and Austrian law had never been implemented locally, which allowed Franz to exploit loopholes to delegate sentencing to the public.

Seeing that the sparks of revolution had been extinguished everywhere, and their only ally, the Kingdom of Sardinia, was being thoroughly defeated single-handedly by Austria, the revolutionaries also began to consider their retreat.

The sudden halt of the Austrian army’s advance on Budapest surprised the revolutionaries; Kossuth immediately thought of internal treachery.

Supporters of the Habsburg Family were never in short supply in Hungary, and within the city of Budapest, there were also people from the Royalist Party. Besides them, nobles and capitalists wanting to turn their coats for opportunistic reasons were certainly not few in number.

Once these people started to act, Budapest could change hands in an instant.

The revolutionary party’s foundation was too shallow, and it was also fragmented into different groups. Before 1847, the largest revolutionary groups did not exceed three digits in numbers.

After the outbreak of the great revolution, the ranks of revolutionaries swelled by a hundredfold. Most of these people simply wore the revolutionary party’s skin, and in reality, the revolutionary party had no real control over them.

The repercussions of rapidly swelling ranks had emerged. Without a strict revolutionary organization or a unified political agenda, most people joined on a whim or were recommended by an acquaintance and felt too embarrassed to refuse, becoming members of the revolutionary party.

No one wants to die, and revolutionaries are no exception. While the Austrian army did not rush to attack, the internal conflicts within the Hungarian Republican Government intensified.

A series of defeats reduced Kossuth’s prestige to a critical point, and the opposition had become intolerant of him. Even his most loyal subordinates began to doubt his capabilities.

The Hungarian National Self-Defense Force expanded too quickly, admitting riffraff without restriction, and Kossuth failed to impose restrictions, which finally ignited contention within this disorganized group.

On June 8, a company of the National Revolutionary Army, following Kossuth’s orders, stormed into Count István’s residence, accused Count István of being a counter-revolutionary, and executed him and dozens of others on the spot. After looting all valuables, they also took all the young women back to the barracks for their pleasure.

The matter blew up. Count István was not an ordinary noble; he was revered by later generations of Hungarians as “Hungary’s greatest man.” Was such a man to be killed so casually?

Keep in mind, since the establishment of the Hungarian Republic, internal conflicts were incessant, and Kossuth himself had personally asked Count István to mediate. And now, to be executed for a counter-revolutionary crime?

At the Hungarian government meeting on June 9, the opposition led by Chernir directly confronted him.

“Mr. Kossuth, I want to ask, who authorized you to convict Count István? And by what right did you execute a great nobleman? How do you explain the atrocities that occurred within the count’s residence?”

Kossuth’s heart was breaking; heaven and earth be his witness, when had he ever ordered the execution of Count István?

Yet, the deed had been done, and it was carried out under his banner by the National Self-Defense Forces; the responsible company captain had now disappeared without a trace, and the truth of the matter could no longer be restored.

“This matter has no relation to me. I have never issued such an order!” Kossuth vehemently denied.

Chapter 105

The Conservative Nobility Howell angrily questioned, “Kossuth, your explanation is not convincing. This is not the first time such an incident has occurred. Why doesn’t your Hungarian National Self-Defense Force exercise restraint?

Count István is your political enemy, and he also opposes the independence of Hungary, but we cannot deny his greatness because of this. Moreover, you should not cruelly murder him because of personal grudges.”

Bem immediately retorted, “No, that’s complete nonsense, how could Mr. Kossuth possibly be a murderer?”

Chernir sneered, “General Bem, now that Mr. Kossuth is the head of government and also the supreme commander of the National Homeland Defense Troops, he has repeatedly obstructed the Army Department in enforcing military discipline. Now that this incident has occurred, shouldn’t he give us a reasonable explanation?”

The National Homeland Defense Troops have developed to the point where they have become thoroughly corrupt, with crime and misconduct happening regularly, and their internal management is in utter chaos. Kossuth, as the supreme leader, cannot shirk his responsibility.

As for obstructing the Army Department in enforcing military discipline, that’s a struggle for power. The Revolutionary Party doesn’t want to see the Army Department extending its reach into the National Homeland Defense Troops.

But now, this has become the best excuse to attack them. Whether or not Count István’s death is related to Kossuth, he must be held responsible.

Petofi thought for a while and said, “What’s most important now is to catch the murderer. The missing company commander is a key figure in this incident. It would be irresponsible to draw conclusions about this event before he is caught.”

As he spoke, his eyes were filled with deep worry. There was no way around it, Kossuth’s integrity was indeed in doubt – who knew whether this had anything to do with him?

The Army Minister Gold said sarcastically, “However, at the first moment of the crime, the National Homeland Defense Troops prevented the police from arresting the murderer.

For this matter, Mr. Kossuth must take responsibility. He has allowed the National Homeland Defense Troops to act as they please, existing outside of the judiciary system, unbound by the law, and able to act privately. These are all major contributors to this tragedy.

Before the truth of the matter is uncovered, those involved should recuse themselves. I propose the suspension of the duties of Kossuth, Bem… and others in the National Homeland Defense Troops!”

Gold had now shown his true intentions, directly blaming the National Homeland Defense Troops for letting the murderer escape and seizing the opportunity to bring the troops under the command of the Army Department.

This hurt Kossuth’s supporters deeply, and yet, they could not find any justification to refute the claims. It wasn’t as if they could claim they were all gentlemen who would not obstruct the investigation, could they?

Kossuth, cornered, said helplessly, “Fine, I resign!”

It was a choice made out of necessity; when the opposition within the government rose up en masse, and even his own subordinates chose silence at this time, he was left completely isolated.

History witnessed an astonishing coincidence; under internal and external pressures, Kossuth was still ousted from office, this time more disgracefully than in reality.

After seizing power, the first thing Chernir and the opposition faction did was not to investigate the case but to immediately organize a breakout.

Nobody questioned their actions, because staying in Budapest was tantamount to waiting for death. Breaking out was the only chance for survival.

Outside the city, at the Austrian army’s headquarters.

“Commander, this is the message from inside the city. The enemy is preparing to break out; this is their battle plan!” the operations staff officer said softly.

General Julius, after receiving the intelligence, smiled. The Hungarian Republican Government was actually undergoing a change of power at such a time, with the Surrenderist faction brazenly taking control.

Betraying one’s allies also requires skill; directly announcing surrender certainly wouldn’t work, as the cornered Revolutionaries would never agree.

However, the National Homeland Defense Troops were nothing but a disorganized rabble. They may still have some fighting capability when defending, but launching an offensive was tantamount to gifting their heads to the enemy.

Under the guise of a breakout operation, sending them to their deaths would likewise serve the purpose.

On June 12, 1848, the Hungarian National Self-Defense Force in Budapest City launched a breakout operation but was routed by the well-prepared Austrian Army.

After the failure of the breakout, the Austrian Army followed into the city, and the Hungarian Republican Government, led by Chernir, surrendered to the Austrian forces.

The revolutionaries who refused to accept defeat, under the command of General Bem, defiantly held out in the southern part of the city. After resisting for two days, their forces were completely annihilated.

By June 15, the Hungarian revolt, which had lasted for over two months, came to an end in Budapest.

The war had ended, but the aftermath of the war was just beginning. Budapest suffered devastating destruction during the uprising, with a third of the city’s buildings reduced to ruins, and economic losses were incalculable.

After retaking Budapest, General Julius had no time to celebrate before being plagued with a headache.

Looking at the enormous number of prisoners before him distressed him, as slaughter was not an option. With family members included, there were 150,000 people—how could they possibly be killed?

Letting them go? That was even less of a consideration; for the long-term peace and security of Hungary, these potential threats had to be eliminated.

“Commander, why not use the excuse of an epidemic to…” a young officer, who loathed the revolutionaries, suggested.

General Julius shook his head and said, “No, with so many media watching us now, just taking the high-ranking revolutionaries out for the public to judge has already raised many doubts.

If we fabricate an epidemic, it would be too easy to see through. We can’t actually create an epidemic, can we? That’s uncontrollable, and if it were to spread, we wouldn’t even have time to cry!”

Governor József Jellacic suggested, “Actually, there’s no need for complete extermination. We just need to purge the stubborn elements. The rest can all be sentenced to ten or twenty years to redeem their crimes through labor.

It’s said that’s how they dealt with the Vienna uprising. We could follow that example; as long as these people aren’t released, any threat they pose is controllable.”

After some contemplation, General Julius finally ordered, “Execute all the military officers, government officials, members who have joined the Revolutionary Party, and intellectuals, under any pretext.

If no pretext can be found, then fabricate charges and have the courts sentence them to death. If all else fails, let the angry refugees beat them to death, or let them die of illness or by suicide out of fear of punishment. The rest can be sentenced to labor.”

After hearing General Julius’s command, everyone’s expression changed dramatically, which meant that, in the near future, the heads of tens of thousands of people would fall.

However, no one objected, as this was also the intention of the Vienna Government. Except for the clever ones who had promptly aligned themselves with the Austrian Government, the rest were to be purged.

The leaders of the Revolutionary Party had been “killed in stubborn resistance,” including the head of state, Mr. Kossuth, who met his Maker during the war.

In an effort to win over the public, Julius also held a funeral for Count István, and took the opportunity to set the record straight: Count István was the leader of the Hungarian royalists and was brutally murdered by Kossuth for refusing to associate with the revolutionaries and become tainted.

There’s no helping it; one man’s hero is another man’s enemy.

Count István was the leader of the Hungarian activists and, despite being a member of the Royalist Party, he was also a staunch Hungarian nationalist.

He laid the foundations for the creation of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, including promoting the Hungarian language and culture, and developing Hungarian culture. History shows that after Hungary was dismantled, it was able to reunite largely because of his efforts.

Such political philosophies, which ran counter to the Austrian Government, clearly could not be allowed to exist. Count István and many other Hungarian notables met their end alongside him.

Chapter 106

Vienna

Prime Minister Felix said worriedly, “Your Highness, the Hungarian rebellion has ended. However, there is a portion of the nobility who did not participate in the rebellion but had their lands taken away during the chaos.

If we follow the previously issued ‘Land Redemption Act,’ now the Austrian Government is obligated to pay a total of 23.7 billion shields in land redemption money.”

(1 shield = 11.69 grams of silver)

“How can it be so much?” Franz asked in surprise.

One must know that after this rebellion, nearly seven-tenths of the Hungarian nobility were finished, including those who have ‘collected their boxed lunches’ and those stripped of their titles due to their involvement in the rebellion.

Felix explained, “Your Highness, several major Hungarian families did not participate in the rebellion, and nearly half of this redemption money is to be paid to them.

Besides, there are also some enlightened members of the domestic nobility willing to give up their lands who require payment of redemption money.

In addition, there are loyal nobles in the Italian Area who also had their lands taken away during the turmoil.

All these add up to an initial estimate of 23.7 billion shields for land redemption money, and the number will increase if more people continue to give up their lands.”

Franz rubbed his forehead. To encourage nobles to give up their lands, the redemption money was assessed at market value. If converted, this is equivalent to 550 million taels of silver.

Obviously, this amount is not something the Austrian Government can provide at once, even though the government has a substantial amount of assets due to confiscation.

But these real estate assets aren’t the same as cash; they cannot be liquidated in the short term, and the Austrian Government is still poor.

According to the ‘Land Redemption Act,’ the land redemption money paid by peasants is collected by the government, which is responsible for compensating the nobles who give up their lands directly.

This massive debt has now landed on the Austrian Government. Franz could not possibly pay off this enormous debt all at once, and defaulting was even less of an option as it would affect government credibility.

Franz asked with concern, “How much land redemption money can we collect each year?”

Prime Minister Felix thought for a moment and said, “Around 180 million shields.”

This 180 million shields is not just from these lands but also includes a large amount of land confiscated by the government and lands of nobles with no heirs.

If it were just these lands, drawing redemption money at a thirty percent yield ratio would at most amount to forty to fifty million Rhine shields.

After calculating, Franz helplessly realized that farming indeed was not a profitable business; even without considering the cost of capital and time, it would take at least a decade or two to break even.

The land redemption money collected by the government is likely insufficient to cover the interest cost of the capital.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Let’s go with installment payments. Make the situation clear to the nobles, tell them about our difficulties, and ask for their understanding.

First, pay half of the redemption money to the enlightened nobles within the country who are willing to give up their lands voluntarily, and pay off the rest in installments over the next twenty years.

For the major noble families in the Hungarian Region, tell them that the government will overlook their minor actions during the rebellion, but as a penalty, the payment of their land redemption money will be extended to forty years in installments.

For those who still have a hold over us, just give a warning, extending their payment period for redemption money is no problem. For those completely uninvolved, proceed according to the voluntary land forfeiture arrangement!”

Franz finally experienced what it’s like—the debtor is king.

After a revolution, Austria’s internal interest groups had also been reshuffled. These nobles forced into land redemption naturally belong to the losers.

With money in the hands of the Austrian Government and the lands in the hands of the peasants, they truly have no choice.

Previously, the Austrian Government feared them because each major noble family possessed vast lands, serfs, and many dependent small and medium-sized nobles, capable of raising an army of thousands, even tens of thousands, at any time.

Now, this situation has changed; serfs have gained their freedom, beyond their control, and the dependent small and medium nobles have been severely hit.

A toothless tiger has only its might left. That they were not completely annihilated is because Franz, as a beneficiary, did not wish to break the rules.

“Yes, Your Highness!” replied Prime Minister Felix.

In tackling local power factions, both the Austrian Cabinet and Franz were on the same page.

The so-called installment payments didn’t include a penny of interest. Paying over forty years, in reality, isn’t even enough to cover the interest.

Even with installment payments, when exactly the money will be received remains unknown. As long as it’s paid within the promised deadline, it’s not considered a default.

The specifics would depend on whether these nobles are wise. If they agree to cooperate with the government, everything will be negotiable, and the Austrian Government will repay the money as soon as possible.

If they continue to foolishly oppose the government, it’s doubtful they’ll see that money in their lifetimes.

Not everyone was optimistic; Metternich sat with a worried frown and after a long hesitation, hesitantly said, “Your Highness, so many nobles suddenly without lands, losing their source of income, it won’t be easy for them to transition.

If we can’t provide them with a way out, they may become a social issue in the future.”

This was a practical issue; it was impossible for all the nobles to become capitalists, and businesses could fail as well. A blind transition would most likely lead to them losing a significant amount of money.

Don’t expect these people to become workers, humbly working in factories after bankruptcy.

A more likely outcome is that after bankruptcy, they would join the revolutionary forces, attempting to disrupt social order and redistribute social wealth.

Minister of Education Count Leo thought for a moment and said, “Our Ministry of Education can hire some nobles as language teachers, most of whom are qualified, but this would require higher salaries and benefits!”

The same position would pay differently between nobles and commoners; don’t find this strange—it’s a common situation on the European Continent.

“That is just a drop in the bucket. Nobles without ambition might accept the position of a teacher, but the vast majority of nobles will not give up their status to become rural educators!” Felix shook his head.

Archduke Louis suggested, “How about we establish colonies? Let them go overseas to colonize; it will keep them from causing trouble at home?”

During the Metternich Era, Austria did not establish overseas colonies—not to say that Austria lacked the ability to establish colonies.

As one of the top four nations in the world, it wouldn’t be difficult to obtain a colonial territory overseas, should the government decide to act.

Witnessing England and France seizing land overseas, and even smaller countries like the Netherlands and Portugal owning colonies, how could Austrian nobility not be envious?

Chapter 107

Franz was also very interested in opening up colonies. However, his view differed from others; it wasn’t simply about plundering wealth from overseas.

The Habsburg dynasty had existed for too long; an ancient empire signified conservatism and rigidity. Even though the rebellion had led to a reshuffling, the path to ascent remained narrow.

As a member benefiting from the status quo, Franz certainly couldn’t choose to start over. Therefore, the only solution was to enlarge the cake. With a bigger plate, naturally, more opportunities would arise.

Expanding in Europe was too difficult, and even if successful, it would not be without consequences. Overseas colonization, on the other hand, was different. With Austria’s strength, getting a piece of the pie was no issue at all.

Almost without much cost, colonies with several times the area of the homeland could be acquired. Then they could slowly be developed by immigrants from the Germany Region. It’s well known that the main force of European immigrants at the time came from the Germany Region, so there was no worry about manpower.

If the colonization plan succeeded, Austria’s internal problems would also be resolved. A group of noble scions would have a place to exert their skills, rather than staying idle and just waiting to die.

Do not think that all nobility are wealthy; in fact, such a notion is nonsense. Just look at the Church, where many missionaries and nuns come from noble backgrounds—the cruel reason is poverty.

Impoverished nobility could no longer afford the expenses of their younger sons’ marriages or the dowries for their daughters. For the sake of their pitiful noble dignity, they had no choice but to take such paths.

These people were not easy to deal with. They were well-educated, and many were not content with their fate dictated by chance. They were the main force behind the various European colonial movements.

In the 19th century, missionaries wandering overseas essentially had a dual identity—they were colonists.

Discussing this issue now was still too early; Franz decided to delay it further.

“We will discuss this matter later. British Foreign Secretary Palmerston has already entered Austria, and it won’t be long before he arrives in Vienna.

Palmerston’s purpose for this visit is mostly likely related to the war with the Kingdom of Sardinia. What do you all think about how we should deal with the Kingdom of Sardinia?”

Mentioning the Kingdom of Sardinia infuriated everyone. The great powers all had their dignity, and any challenge must be met with severe punishment.

Foreign Minister Metternich spoke up, “Your Highness, we just received news that on June 23 in Paris, a workers’ uprising broke out. It is said to be due to French workers opposing the government’s support of us and the Russians in suppressing the Polish revolution.

If the situation is true, at this moment, the French government, in order to maintain domestic stability, may have to give up on dividing the Kingdom of Sardinia with us.”

Upon hearing this news, everyone was stunned. Who could have imagined that the main factor behind the June Revolution in Paris was to support the Polish revolution?

The idea seems laughable, but Franz knew the news was indeed true; the Parisians of the era had already embraced internationalist spirit.

Of course, their support for the Polish revolution did not mean they would support the Italian revolution. The French still had designs on the Italian Area.

However, after this uprising, France would be in disarray for a while. Until their leadership stabilized, they could not be expected to deploy troops.

“This is an opportunity, as Prussia and Russia are preoccupied with the Prussia-Denmark war and cannot obstruct us; with the French preoccupied with themselves, as long as we can withstand British pressure, we could annex the Kingdom of Sardinia!” Archduke Louis said excitedly.

Austria had not expanded abroad for a long time, and everyone was eager. Now the opportunity had presented itself. The Kingdom of Sardinia was asking for death coming at such a convenient time.

Metternich shook his head and said, “I’m afraid it’s not that simple. If the French joined us, creating a fait accompli, most nations would probably accept it.

If we were to annex the Kingdom of Sardinia alone, even if the Russians do not oppose, we would miss out on their support. With Prussia busy waging war against Denmark, they probably wouldn’t have time for us.

We can indeed withstand the pressure from the British alone, but what about after annexing the Kingdom of Sardinia?

When the French resolve their internal conflicts and the Prusso-Russian conflict comes to an end, what should we do if the Alliance of England and France, or even the British, French, Prussian, and Russian nations combined intervene, demanding our withdrawal from Sardinia?”

Clearly, Metternich’s diplomatic judgment was very accurate, as he effortlessly clarified the complex relations among the great powers.

Not medding now does not mean they won’t meddle in the future. Austria’s annexation of the Kingdom of Sardinia would not be recognized by the great powers.

Once everyone was free to deal with it later, they could still hold us to account. In the past, didn’t Austria annex the Danube Basin during the Crimean War, only to spit it out afterward?

Prime Minister Felix nodded and said, “Mr. Metternich is right. It’s not difficult to swallow the Kingdom of Sardinia, but what matters is the attitude of the other countries.

If we put forth diplomatic efforts, getting Prussia and Russia to remain neutral isn’t difficult, but securing their support would come at a great cost, perhaps more than it’s worth.

Everyone understands the French’s position; they would never tolerate us swallowing the Kingdom of Sardinia alone. Once they have stabilized internally, they would intervene alongside the British.

This may take two to three years, or mere months. Are we confident that in such a short period we can fully absorb and assimilate the Kingdom of Sardinia?

If we can’t, once there are foreign enemies surrounding us and guerrilla forces wreaking havoc within, the newly acquired territories will be utterly indefensible.”

After a pause, Finance Minister Karl suggested, “If we cannot annex the Kingdom of Sardinia, how about demanding a hefty war indemnity or the cession of some territories?”

Metternich confidently asserted, “That depends on the attitude of the British. Whether it’s to demand a war indemnity or territorial cession, the Kingdom of Sardinia must pay the appropriate price.

If they cannot compensate for our losses in the war, then the war will not end. I believe the British will give us an explanation.”

This confidence stemmed from strength. Among the great powers, there was a set of unwritten rules, and usually, no one would flip the table.

The advantage of the British lay in their isolation at sea and having a navy that dominated the world, placing them in a detached position within Europe.

This was also their weakness. As an island country focused on maritime power, they naturally relinquished land power. To maintain a strategy of European balance, they needed to cooperate with the Great European Nations.

Among the many European powers, Austria was undoubtedly the most suitable ally for the British at the time. More exactly, Austria in that era had the foundation to form an alliance with any European power.

With substantial power of its own, Austria could coordinate with allies, but due to internal issues, it lacked the power to contend for world dominance.

For the United Kingdom, France, and Russia, who aspired to world hegemony, Austria was the ideal ally as long as it didn’t unify the German Region.

Chapter 108

Being allies is no easy task; major European powers are riddled with contradictions, and Austria can only form an alliance with one. Once a side is taken, the rest become enemies.

Perhaps Metternich had seen the essence of the matter long ago, after the Anti-French wars, he proactively contracted Austria’s sphere of influence and strove to balance the powers of European countries, which placed Austria in an extraordinary position.

From the perspective of this era, these diplomatic measures were considered successful. The only failure was that Austria’s internal reforms did not succeed, and its strength did not keep pace.

Lacking sufficient strength, naturally, it was impossible to maintain the Vienna System any longer, and Austria had to make a choice again.

“Let’s wait and see the bargaining chips the British provide first. If they continue to support Italian unification, then the Kingdom of Sardinia can no longer be spared.

We might as well take a loss at first and manage their share of territory for the French. After their domestic situation stabilizes, we can then sell it to them!” Franz said fiercely.

On the Italian question, the French were undeniably bribeable; they had long coveted the Italian Area, and the strategic focus of Austria was not there, which meant no conflict of core interests between the two.

In the Kingdom of Sardinia, Charles Albert had become like an ant on a hot pan. The development of the war was vastly different from his expectations.

In the age of hot weapons, sheer numbers could no longer assure victory in war.

Even with an unprecedented outburst from the Sardinian army, a combat morale boost of +200% on their home soil still could not change the nature of a disorganized rabble.

Add to that the shortage of weapons and ammunition, with many soldiers’ equipment still in the age of cold weapons; patriotic fervor could not block bullets flying everywhere.

“Your Majesty, quickly, we must go! The enemy is at the gates; Turin cannot be held!”

Prime Minister Azelio, with his loyalist attributes in full surge, informed Charles Albert to flee immediately after the defensive line was breached.

There was no choice, the area of the Kingdom of Sardinia was not large; Turin was merely over a hundred kilometers from Milan. Once the front line collapsed, it was time to prepare for the Battle of Turin.

Charles Albert said in despair, “No, I will not go anywhere. I want to share the fate with Turin!”

“Your Majesty, for the future of the Kingdom of Sardinia, you must leave here immediately,” the Minister of the Army Li Qi pleaded with a sullen face.

In the European Continent, a monarch is also a significant bargaining chip. If King Charles Albert were captured by the Austrian army, then the Kingdom of Sardinia would practically be over.

This wasn’t about using the Emperor to command the princes; controlling the monarch meant many schemes could be played, such as forcing Charles Albert to sign a series of treasonous treaties or even outright annexing the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Other major powers, even if they wanted to intervene, would have no moral high ground to stand on, which was extremely disadvantageous to the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Charles Albert roared, “Incompetents, fools, idiots… If it weren’t for you useless lot, how could we fail? Now, instead of thinking about how to repel the enemy, you want to flee…”

As time ticked away, under rounds of persuasion, Charles Albert still fled. Of course, whether this was related to the Austrian vanguard reaching the city of Turin or not, no one knew.

When British Foreign Secretary Palmerston arrived in Vienna, news of the Austrian army’s capture of Turin also came through.

After going over the intelligence in hand, even Palmerston, who is usually confident, felt a headache over the issue of the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Things had taken an unexpected turn. According to the British plan, Austria should still be contending with the Kingdom of Sardinia for the Lombardy Region, and at most, Austria would have only just reclaimed the lost territory.

However, the performance of the Kingdom of Sardinia had disappointed them. Perhaps the first national mobilization had drained them of their blood, and the troops mustered for a second time were nothing more than easy targets.

Especially those “patriots,” “Italian nationalists,” who were expected to fight to the death against the Austrian army, but the final outcome informed the world that empty talkers remained just that.

Those who shouted slogans the loudest were often the first to flee on the battlefield. As soon as the fighting began, they were nowhere to be found.

Charles Albert placed these individuals on the front lines as cannon fodder, yet he did not anticipate that they would quickly betray him, handing the positions directly over to the Austrians.

This put Palmerston in a difficult position, as negotiating with the Austrian army before its occupation of Sardinia, and negotiating after the fact, called for vastly different prices to be paid.

If it weren’t for the instability within France and Austria’s lack of allies, making the annexation of the Kingdom of Sardinia challenging, he could have just headed home.

This worry didn’t last long, as the welcoming banquet prepared for him by Austria’s Foreign Ministry had already begun.

Berlin

Having obtained diplomatic support from Austria, the bourgeois liberal government’s morale soared once again. In their view, with the entirety of the German Federation as their backup, the Russians did not seem so fearsome.

Do not look at how all European countries are voicing support for the Danish people; in reality, only the Russians are likely to take action. The goal of the Swedish people is merely to ensure that the Kingdom of Denmark is not annihilated, with no plans to help the Danes recover their lost territory.

Especially after seeing the French people launch the June Uprising in support of the Polish Revolution, the liberals’ resolve to support Polish independence was once again solidified.

Frederick William IV could no longer hold back; if he allowed the liberals to continue this way, the Prusso-Russian conflict would be ignited, as 250,000 Russian troops had already reached the Prusso-Russian border.

The Tsarist Government’s patience with the Kingdom of Prussia had reached its limit, and any actions that provoked the Russians were unwise.

Before the Crimean War, Russia held a prestigious reputation on the European Continent. They simply were not on the same level as the Kingdom of Prussia, which had not yet united Germany.

At his behest, the Junker nobility, who despised the revolution, formed the “Property Protection Alliance.” They also tightened control over the military, looking for various excuses to purge republicans from their ranks.

A counter-revolutionary coup was brewing within the Kingdom of Prussia. Seemingly oblivious, the inexperienced bourgeois government continued to implement their idealized unification plans.

The Anglo-Austrian negotiations had begun; Palmerston worried that if the dragging continued, the Sardinian Government would surrender to Austria, and their investments there would go down the drain.

After the pleasantries, Palmerston went straight to the point, “Mr. Metternich, for the sake of world peace, we need the Austrian Government to handle its conflicts with the Kingdom of Sardinia with care.”

With a laugh, Metternich replied, “Mr. Palmerston, the conflict between us and the Kingdom of Sardinia will soon be nonexistent, and the Italian Area will stabilize shortly. Your country has no need for concern.”

Chapter 109

Under what circumstances would the conflict between the Austrian Empire and the Kingdom of Sardinia disappear?

It depends on the specific situation. In any case, Palmerston wouldn’t naively believe that Austria, after rallying its forces to march into the Kingdom of Sardinia, would easily let Sardinia off the hook for the so-called world peace.

Thus, it comes down to one party falling. It takes two to tango, and the conflict naturally ceases to exist once the enemy falls.

Without a doubt, the one falling now must be the Kingdom of Sardinia. Palmerston surely doesn’t believe the People of Sardinian could turn the tables.

Even if the remaining Sardinian Soldiers were to transform into Spartans, it wouldn’t change the outcome of a lost war.

After some thought, Palmerston said, “Mr. Metternich, for the sake of world peace and stability, the British Government suggests that your country promptly end the Ausa war and revert to the status quo ante bellum.”

The relationship between the British and the Austrians is complicated. They oppose Austrian expansion in the Italian Area but also do not wish to fall out with Austria due to their European strategic needs. Hence, Palmerston’s trip to Vienna, where they hope to resolve the dispute between Austria and Sardinia through diplomatic means.

After the Napoleonic Wars, Europe had entered an era dominated by England and Russia. The Vienna System, led by the Austrian Empire, had isolated the Great Britain Empire from the European Continent, but it also checked the Russians’ expansion.

For the British, isolation is tolerable as long as the balance on the European Continent is maintained and their hegemonic status is unshaken. The Vienna System also protected their core interests.

Now that the Vienna System has crumbled, the situation on the European Continent is on the verge of a dramatic change, and containing Russia’s expansion has become the British’s top priority.

Austria, which stands in the way of Russian western expansion, is the ally the London Government needs most to court—an alliance that cannot be broken unless absolutely necessary.

This complex diplomatic strategy of the British is of course not lost on Metternich. Austria, too, needs to collaborate with the British.

Don’t think that just because the Russian-Austrian alliance exists, Austria doesn’t need to contain Russia’s further expansion. In fact, it’s the Austrian Government that least wants Russia to expand further.

Of course, this does not include Franz.

The path for Russian westward expansion is almost non-existent at this moment. Neither Prussia nor Austria is soft fruit, and the Tsarist Government is unlikely to set sights here.

Sweden in the Nordic region is also a tough nut to crack, and Russia wouldn’t want to strike against them, leaving the Balkan region as the only place in Europe that Russia could possibly expand.

People of this era believe that once Russia enters the Balkans and captures Constantinople, it would be unstoppable once it enters the Mediterranean.

Franz thought the opposite: it was the Russians in their icy realm who were truly fearsome. Once they entered the Mediterranean, the British would teach Mao Xiong a lesson.

Being formidable on land doesn’t equate to being so at sea. It’s not that Franz disregarded the Russians; their army might depend on a sea of soldiers, but when it comes to the navy, they’re truly amateurs.

If it comes to developing a navy, Austria even has an advantage over the Russians. At least Venice was once a naval power, and there are still plenty of sailors available now.

Having a sea doesn’t guarantee a powerful navy. Russia does have a large maritime territory, but little of it is suitable for naval development.

Even up to now, the Russians remain landlubbers, and their miniature navy will take decades to develop properly.

Even as the Russians are expanding into the Balkans, Austria could still get a piece of the action, perhaps not the tastiest part.

But Franz’s attitude is: better a bird in the hand than a thousand in the woods.

As long as it can enhance Austria’s strength, who wants to deal with containing Russia’s expansion can do so – after all, he lacks such internationalist spirit.

If the Russians are led astray and go on to develop their navy heavily, he wouldn’t mind fully supporting the Russians, letting them go even further down this doomed path.

Franz’s stance, to a certain extent, also influenced Austria’s foreign policy. In many international affairs, it’s no longer as active as it was during the Metternich Era.

Metternich shook his head and said, “Mr. Palmerston, doing wrong always comes at a price. The Kingdom of Sardinia dared to invade Austria; it naturally has to bear the corresponding consequences.

The dignity of the Austrian Empire is inviolable. The nefarious Kingdom of Sardinia dared to violate the Vienna System and initiate a war of aggression; it must pay the price for this.”

Palmerston sighed with relief. Since Austria hadn’t outright insisted on annexing the Kingdom of Sardinia, there was still room for easing the situation. It was simply a matter of interests.

Inciting the Kingdom of Sardinia to wage war and providing it with loans, he too had a hand in that. If the Kingdom of Sardinia truly met its demise, those loans would turn into bad debts, and British bankers would never forgive him.

Palmerston thought for a moment and said, “Of course, the Kingdom of Sardinia initiated this aggressive war and should naturally pay a price for it.

For the sake of world peace, the Great Britain Empire is prepared to mediate this war. We hope Your country will temporarily cease military action.”

With a slight smile, Metternich said, “I regret to inform you, Mr. Palmerston, that you have come too late.

The Kingdom of Sardinia is already occupied by the Austrian army, and King Charles Albert of Sardinia has gone into exile overseas, perhaps arriving in London before long.

If Your country can restrain the Sardinian guerrillas from further disturbances, we can halt the subsequent military actions.”

The Austrian army has occupied the Kingdom of Sardinia?

If it’s merely the main cities, then Austria has indeed occupied the Kingdom of Sardinia; if by the entire country, Austria has merely taken half of Sardinia’s territory.

This did not prevent Metternich from boasting; in this age, military occupations most often pertained to the main cities, with vast rural areas frequently overlooked.

By this point, Palmerston had grown tired of further bargaining. The Kingdom of Sardinia had lost all its bargaining chips, and it seemed impossible not to bleed profusely.

Palmerston quickly entered his role and asked, “Mr. Metternich, to bring this war to an end, what terms does Your Government have? We can relay them.”

Metternich did not answer but handed over a peace treaty that had been prepared in advance.

Upon scanning the content, Palmerston’s complexion changed; if Sardinia were to comply with Austria’s demands, it wouldn’t be long before the Kingdom became history.

“Mr. Metternich, aren’t the terms listed here rather harsh?” Palmerston said, frowning

Not just harsh, but exceedingly so. These terms would place Sardinia’s politics, military, finance, and territory entirely under Austrian control, barely any different from outright annexation.

For instance: appointments of government ministers and higher officials must be approved by the Austrian Government;

Another example: the Kingdom of Sardinia is not to retain an army, only a police force of no more than ten thousand, to spend fifty percent of its fiscal revenue to employ the Austrian army for protecting their territorial security;

The currency issuance rights of the Kingdom of Sardinia are to be entrusted to the Austrian Government;

The various taxes of the Kingdom of Sardinia are to have tax rates determined by the Austrian Government;

The Kingdom of Sardinia is not allowed to produce weapons and equipment; all weapons must be imported from Austria;

All diplomatic relations between the Kingdom of Sardinia and any other country or region are to be exercised by the Austria’s Foreign Ministry;

There are no demands for ceding territory or indemnity listed, but compared to the terms above, the Sardinians would probably prefer to cede territory and pay indemnities rather than become a colony of Austria.

Metternich spoke amiably, “This is merely a draft for negotiation. The invasion by the Kingdom of Sardinia has caused Austria grievous losses, nearly turning Lombardy and Venice into desolate lands.

It also resulted in hundreds of thousands of Austrians wounded or killed and millions left homeless. How do you calculate such severe losses?

If the Sardinians cannot accept our terms, that’s not impossible to resolve, as long as they can fully compensate all of our losses at one time.”

Chapter 110

Vienna International Hotel

Palmerston argued, “Mr. Metternich, your demands are too high; they have surpassed the Kingdom of Sardinia’s capacity to pay!”

Metternich replied calmly, “Mr. Palmerston, let us account for the cost of war. In this Ausa war, Austria spent 100 million shields on military expenses and suffered casualties of 12,000 officers and soldiers. Even if no one paid 1,000 shields in pensions, that would still amount to 12 million shields.

Civilian deaths totalled 586,000, with 26,000 of the nobility, including marquises, and over a million people left homeless.

Calculating at 500 shields in pensions for each civilian and 3,000 shields for each noble, the total comes to 371 million shields, and for the homeless population, a conservative estimate for resettlement costs would be at least 150 million shields, right?

Nearly half of the cities in the Lombardy and Venice Area were destroyed in the war, completely collapsing the local economy. The cost of post-war reconstruction will not be less than 300 million shields.

Additionally, the Sardinian Army rampaged and plundered a great wealth from the public, amounting to at least 180 million shields, which must also be returned.

According to Austria’s calculations, the Kingdom of Sardinia would likely be in debt until next century. Palmerston interjected before Metternich could finish, stating:

“Mr. Metternich, one cannot tally the account like this. The majority of casualties and economic losses were caused by the Revolutionaries, and only a small part of such damages was inflicted by the Sardinian Army upon your country.”

Indeed, these losses were the result of the combined actions of the Rebel army, the Austrian Army, and the Sardinian Army, but the Kingdom of Sardinia was being asked to bear them all.

Unfazed, Metternich said, “Mr. Palmerston, we have ample evidence to show that the uprisings in Lombardy and Venice were orchestrated by the Sardinian Government themselves.

The damages caused by the Rebels should naturally be borne by the Kingdom of Sardinia. We are only asking for 1.66 billion shields in damages, which is actually quite modest.”

Palmerston naturally was not going to accept such terms, and he haggled with Metternich item by item.

For example, civilian casualties: the Sardinian Army did not commit a massacre, so how could it be possible that they killed so many civilians in such a short time?

Attributing natural disasters, man-made calamities, and natural deaths to the Sardinian Government might be a stretch but was at least somewhat related.

However, to demand compensation for population outflows caused by war, as if they were deceased, is simply nonsensical, isn’t it?

And compensation for the casualties of Revolutionaries? That’s ridiculous. They’re criminals, and the Austrian Government is supposed to pay pensions to their families?

No, that must be discounted.

Another example: the looting by the Sardinian Army. Their spoils are all in the prisoner-of-war camps, aren’t they? To claim such a high amount of wealth was plundered is just not true; only some wear and tear costs would be applicable.

After half a month of incessant haggling, Palmerston finally reached an agreement with Metternich. The Kingdom of Sardinia would pay Austria 338 million shields in war reparations plus 62 million shields for prisoners of war ransoms, thus ending the war (equivalent to 93.52 million taels of silver).

That was already the limit. The Kingdom of Sardinia had not yet undergone the reforms of Cavour, and their current fiscal revenue, when converted, amounted to just over 10 million taels of silver.

Faced with this enormous indemnity, they were certainly unable to pay. The existence of the France-Austrian Secret Treaty furthermore eliminated any possibility of seeking financial aid from the French financial sector, leaving them with no choice but to borrow from the British.

With John Bull’s scavenging nature, how could he not exploit the situation?

It could be said that after incurring this colossal debt, the political and economic future of the Kingdom of Sardinia would have to be completely dependent on the British.

The opinion of the Sardinian Exile Government was no longer important; they had lost the right to speak and had to accept the arrangements of fate.

Disobedience would simply lead to a change in government. The British had paid a heavy price to save them, hoping to support an obedient pawn in the Italian Area and enhance their influence.

Of course, there was another reason: the British banking consortium was trapped in the loans they extended. The Sardinian Government still owed a large debt to the British, and if measures were not taken to save them, all these loans would go down the drain.

The immense amount of this indemnity was not so much the limit that the Kingdom of Sardinia could endure as it was the limit the British were willing to continue investing.

On July 7, 1848, the Austrian ambassador in London signed a cease-fire treaty with the Sardinian Exile Government in England, the contents of which were the exact replica of this Anglo-Austrian secret negotiation in Vienna, just worded differently.

The British banking consortium provided the Sardinian Government with a loan, paying Austria a one-time war indemnity of 200 million shields, with the remainder to be paid over twenty years at an annual interest of 5%.

The decision to prefer money over territory was made by Franz, and if France, that unreliable ally, hadn’t run into troubles, then everyone could have cooperated in partitioning the Kingdom of Sardinia, and Austria could have gained the rich areas of Genoa and Turin, which would have been worth the effort.

But now, with the French preoccupied with their own problems, Austria could only go into battle alone. Unfortunately, Austria’s appetite was not great enough to swallow the Kingdom of Sardinia whole.

If they could not annihilate the Kingdom of Sardinia, but only occupy part of its territory, then they would have to face the threat of nationalist uprisings for a long time, making it difficult to transform these areas into national strength.

Moreover, there were already enough Italian nationalists within Austria, and Franz did not wish to continue increasing their numbers, as this would not be conducive to the policy of national assimilation he was pursuing.

Austria made concessions on the issue of the Kingdom of Sardinia, and naturally, it received compensation.

For instance: The British would support Austria’s expansion in the Balkan region and tacitly agree to Austria joining the colonial expansion overseas.

Compared to the complex situation in the Italian Area, Austria, with British support for its Balkan expansion, would only need to communicate with Russia.

Overseas colonial expansion was even simpler; as long as the direction of Austria’s colonialism did not conflict with the core interests of England and France, all other issues were minor.

It must be said that Palmerston’s judgment was very accurate; Austria’s strategic focus had long since moved away from the Italian Area.

The dominant force now was the Teuton faction led by Prime Minister Felix, advocating for expansion of influence in the German Region.

Following them was the Near East faction led by Prince Windischgrätz, Minister of the Army, advocating for expansion into the Balkan region.

And then there was the colonial faction headed by Archduke Louis, which advocated for the establishment of Overseas Colonies.

The impact of the butterfly effect was enormous. At this time in history, the Austrian Government would have been busy suppressing uprisings, and certainly not so many people would have been thinking of expanding abroad.

Behind these strategies, there was one or more interest groups pushing. On the surface, everyone had plenty of reasons, but in reality, there were a series of problems when it came to implementation.

Franz did not rush to take a stand, as politics often could not only consider right and wrong, but also had to look at the interest groups involved and the potential changes that could be triggered.

Palmerston’s visit this time was not only about the Italian issue but also included mediating the Prussia-Denmark War, in which Austria also held significant sway.

“Mr. Metternich, I believe that our two countries need to have more in-depth communication regarding the Prussia-Denmark War.

The Kingdom of Prussia’s unilateral initiation of war should be condemned by the international community, and as peace-loving nations, we need to take more proactive measures,” Palmerston said.

“Of course, Mr. Palmerston. The Austrian Government had clarified its position:

Schleswig and Holstein are traditional German Confederation states, and Austria hopes they will return to the Federation.

However, they must come back as independent Sub-States, not as parts of the Kingdom of Prussia,” Metternich tentatively replied.

Palmerston said seriously, “Mr. Metternich, Schleswig and Holstein now belong to the Kingdom of Denmark; this is a historical issue.

The German Region is just a geographical name, not a state. The German Federation is merely an alliance and does not possess what you call sovereignty!”

It was without a doubt that the British were opposed to the unification of the German Region. Once a unified great empire appeared on the Central European continent, then the hegemonic position of the Great Britain Empire would be challenged again.

Palmerston explicitly stated his position to cut off any illusions Austria might have had about unifying the German Region.

Metternich was against the establishment of a Greater Germany. He believed that the unification of the German Region was impossible, and after gauging the attitude of the British, he naturally did not have any extreme reactions.

“Mr. Palmerston, this issue does not depend on what we think, but rather on the public opinion led by the Prussians, and the Austrian Government is now captive to this public opinion.

Having just experienced an internal rebellion, we must consider the feelings of our citizens. In this war, we have no choice but to support the Prussians diplomatically,” Metternich said.

Metternich heavily stressed the word “diplomatically,” and Palmerston naturally understood the implication—Austria did not want Prussia to continue growing stronger, and their support was limited to diplomacy and would not extend to concrete action.

This answer could not fully satisfy him, but it was not unacceptable; Austria was apparently preparing to be a bystander in this Prussia-Denmark War.

Having failed to seek the involvement of the Austrian Government in a unified pressure on Prussia, Palmerston did not linger any longer in Vienna and headed straight for Berlin.

Chapter 111

During the critical moments of the Anglo-Austrian negotiations, Princess Sophie, his mother, brought him news that captured all of Franz’s attention.

His uncle, Emperor Ferdinand I, was going to abdicate early and wanted him to be ready to ascend the throne prematurely.

By all that is sacred, Franz could swear in the name of God, that he had no hand in this. As the legitimate heir to Austria, he was not in such a hurry to pressure his uncle to abdicate.

The decision was not actually made by Ferdinand I himself but by the collective agreement of the Habsburg Family.

Despite Austria’s conservative reputation, over the years, the public’s tolerance for the mentally challenged Emperor had reached its limit, and the Vienna rebellion had elements of this frustration.

For the Habsburg Family, this was a disaster. The monarch’s dignity was swept away, and jokes were frequent. If this continued, it would undermine the status of the Royal family.

At this moment, Franz emerged as the Regent and quickly seized control of power, quelling the domestic rebellion, which gave many people hope.

The Austrian Empire’s national power was on the decline, and the Royal family members saw it with their own eyes and felt an urgency, yet the dukes were willing but powerless, lacking the ability to turn the tide.

Franz’s outstanding performance brightened their prospects, and it seemed that a savior was on the horizon for the Habsburg Family.

Then, after a private consensus, they felt that Ferdinand I could no longer disgrace the position of the Emperor; the Habsburg Family had monopolized the aristocracy’s jokes for the last few decades.

For the sake of long-term interests, they unanimously decided to have Ferdinand I abdicate early, allowing the capable Franz to ascend and restore the glory of the Habsburg Family.

Once the decision was made, everyone took turns persuading Ferdinand I to abdicate. No, it was more accurate to say they were persuading Queen Maria-Anna to agree to the Emperor’s abdication.

Ferdinand I was sometimes lucid and sometimes confused. He might agree to something one moment and completely forget about it the next. His most vivid memory was his command to the chef: “I am the Emperor, I want to eat dumplings.”

When he was lucid, he wasn’t much different from normal, except for being a bit slow in responding and a little less intelligent than the average person. Once he fell ill, he became utterly oblivious.

Most critically, he fell ill several times a day, and no one knew when he would be lucid or ill. Relying on him to make decisions was too unreliable, so everyone decided to take the reins instead.

To avoid making a mockery, they had to persuade Queen Maria-Anna. As long as she didn’t object, Ferdinand I’s own opinion could be ignored.

Undoubtedly, Queen Maria-Anna was never power-hungry; the Vienna Palace, because of her husband’s inability to wield power, was more like a prison to her.

The outbreak of the Vienna revolution, especially, terrified her, fearing that she might follow in the footsteps of Louis XVI.

Everyone happily agreed to have Ferdinand I abdicate as soon as possible, with Franz stepping in to clean up the mess.

Indeed, to many, the Austrian Empire seemed like a mess. The rebellion had been quelled, but domestic issues were still severe.

Many people saw that one of the main reasons for the national rebellion was the loss of monarchical prestige; Ferdinand I could no longer be recognized by the people of various ethnic groups in Austria.

Franz was not averse to ascending the throne prematurely. Without a legitimate title, speech does not follow. Many things are much easier for an Emperor to do than for a Crown Prince.

Perhaps out of sheer endurance, everyone chose to cut the Gordian knot quickly. The date of Ferdinand I’s abdication was soon set, and so was Franz’s coronation, both on September 1, 1848.

It was now the end of June; only a little over two months remained. Franz had to arrange domestic affairs to ensure there were no embarrassments at his coronation.

Franz was generally satisfied with the outcome of the Anglo-Austrian negotiations. He got a good deal from the Kingdom of Sardinia and gained the support of the British on the Austrian Balkan issue, as well as a ticket to overseas colonies.

The one headache was the British stance on the German issue; like all the great powers, they opposed Austria’s expansion into the Germany Region.

Unlike the Kingdom of Prussia, Austria had too much influence in the Germany Region, and the Habsburg dynasty’s name rang too loudly. Once the Germany Region was united, the impact would be much greater.

Not to mention, Switzerland, Netherlands, and Belgium had all once been Habsburg territories, and the idea of unification was also prevalent in these countries.

Who knew whether Austria could integrate them? Whether it was feasible or not, no one wanted to take the risk.

The Habsburg dynasty’s influence was greatly feared. If Austria prepared to unite the Germany Region, it would face a situation similar to that of Napoleon.

Even before Austria could unite the Germany Region, the intervention armies of other nations would have already set out. This conclusion was painful for everyone, especially the proponents of Greater Germany.

It couldn’t be helped; an Austria of merely eight million core people was everyone’s best ally, but an Austria with a population core of forty-five million was the nightmare of Europe.

After unifying the Germany Region, the Austrian Empire, with its population surpassing that of Russia and its industry surpassing that of France, became an absolute behemoth in Central Europe.

The British saw this very clearly, so they encouraged Austria to expand into the Balkan region. As long as the main ethnic group did not hold an absolute advantage, infighting was inevitable.

An Austria plagued with severe internal strife could not threaten the global hegemony of the Great Britain Empire; they could still be good friends.

Franz consoled, “The stance of the British was anticipated by us, and it’s not us who should be worrying now. The Kingdom of Prussia also wants to unify the Germany Region, and their options are even more limited.”

“Unable to expand into the Germany Region, we can turn to the Balkan region and pursue overseas colonies. The Austrian Empire’s steps forward won’t stop.”

This was also self-consolation; Prussia was merely an excuse. At that time, the Kingdom of Prussia lacked the power to unify the Germany Region.

The Austrian Empire itself had the power to unify the Germany Region, yet the international environment did not permit it.

The British, who were most likely to remain neutral, were strongly opposed to the unification of Germany, not to mention neighboring Russia. Who could sleep peacefully by the side of one’s bed?

Unable to annex the Germany Region, Austria had no choice but to address its internal ethnic strife first and then honestly cultivate the fields, slowly accumulating strength.

The so-called expansion was merely picking up scraps. In the Balkan region, it was necessary to make concessions to the Russians, and in establishing overseas colonies, compromises with England and France were inevitable.

Felix suggested, “Since the British oppose the unification of the Germany Region, let’s settle for the next best thing and divide the Germany Region with the Kingdom of Prussia. How does that sound?”

“If we could annex the South German States, we could afford some sacrifices. At worst, we give up the Italian Area in exchange for support from England and France and cede Austro-Poland to the Russians in return for their understanding.”

Metternich sighed and said, “It’s not that simple. Many of the sub-states in the South German Region are our allies. How can we expand?”

“If we act against our allies, do we still care about our reputation? In the future, who would dare to form an alliance with us?”

If he had known that the international situation would become what it was, he would have dispatched the House of Wittelsbach to the Italian Area and directly annexed the Kingdom of Bavaria during the construction of the Vienna System.

Unfortunately, history has no ifs. To guard against the French, Austria supported the Kingdom of Bavaria as a buffer ally, and now this ally was blocking Austria’s path to expansion.

Before the rise of nationalism, nobody realized the importance of the main ethnic group. After experiencing the great revolution, everyone understood the weaknesses of multiracial countries.

Hungarians wanted independence, Italians wanted independence, Polish wanted independence, Czechs wanted autonomy…

Fortunately, nationalism hadn’t seeped into the entire society, and only capitalists and some nobility were stirring up independence, which allowed Austria to suppress them.

The greatest wealth of the South German Region wasn’t anything else but its fifteen million people.

If the German Confederation of religiously and culturally similar South Germany were annexed, the main ethnic group of the Austrian Empire could immediately surpass half, and the risk of disintegration would be minimized.

After thinking, Franz said, “Let’s not just think about expansion. To solve the ethnic problem, we can also look for solutions internally.”

“There are over twenty million illiterate people in the entire Austrian Empire; how many of them know to which ethnicity they belong?”

“I want the Ministry of Education to compile a textbook for me, connecting the ethnicities from all regions and tracing their Germanic roots.”

“If there’s no connection at all, then justify it with ethnic integration. I don’t believe that none of their ancestors for the past eighteen generations have any relation to the Germanic people.”

“As long as they are uncertain about their ethnic affiliation, just tell them they are German People.”

“For those few minorities with cultural heritage, we should promote the Austrian System to them. Emphasize that everyone is of mixed descent, with multiple ethnic bloodlines, which naturally includes Germanic lineage. Those who doubt can go home and dig into their family history.”

“With many years of ethnic integration, I don’t believe there are still many pure-blooded ethnic groups.”

“First, we sort out the ethnic relations clearly, then promote the Austrian language across the nation, gradually replacing local dialects.”

Franz was prepared to play the rogue. If the main ethnic group wasn’t sufficient, they would simply create one.

No matter whether they were truly Germanic people, it was worth a try to cheat first. As long as they themselves believed it, that was what mattered.

Cheat one, count one. As long as the bureaucrats make an effort, it wouldn’t be long before the Germanic people rapidly expanded.

Historically, the Kingdom of Prussia also underwent Germanization, where Germanic people were not initially predominant, but they managed to assimilate others into a leading position through language and writing.

Chapter 112

Politicians often have a low bar to clear, and no one had much objection to Franz’s proposal; for the long-term stability and peace of Austria, spinning a little tale seemed trivial.

After all, the higher echelons of the Cabinet were nobility from the Germany Region, bona fide members of the Germanic people, so a Germanization movement wouldn’t hurt their national sentiments.

However, the Minister of Education was bewildered, altering historical origins seemed simple enough—centuries-old history was already hard to clarify—but what in the world was this “Austrian language”?

“Your Highness, what is the Austrian language?” Count Hohenberg, Leo Von Tuss-Huohen, asked with perplexity.

Franz explained, “Merely promoting German could easily upset other minorities. To take their feelings into account,

I plan to convene Austrian linguists and historians to create an Austrian language and script, based on German and supplemented with languages and scripts of various minorities.”

Prime Minister Felix frowned and said, “Your Highness, German is the most widely used language in Austria. Creating a new Austrian language would mean everyone has to learn it all over again—isn’t that too much of a hassle?

Moreover, a unique Austrian language could deepen our rift with the Germany Region, benefiting those Little Germany separatists!”

Franz laughed heartily and responded, “That will depend on how the Ministry of Education compiles the Austrian language. If we directly borrow from German, altering only some unfamiliar terms, it shouldn’t impact daily communication, right?

Aren’t there also variations between different types of German? As long as our Austrian language is mutually intelligible with German, there won’t be so-called communication barriers.”

The others regained their composure. If it was just a matter of changing some obscure nouns that ordinary people would never use in their lives, then there was no issue.

The power of speech now rested in the hands of the Austrian Government. How the change was made was entirely up to them. Promoting German had effectively become promoting Austrian—a mere change of terminology.

The opposition? It seemed that now was the weakest moment for Austria’s opposition. Those daring enough to cause trouble had met God during the rebellion, and the rest were at most stuck in a phase of verbal protest.

No policy can please everyone. Conservative Austria wasn’t France; the public fervor for revolution wasn’t as high.

As long as their interests weren’t harmed, the public wouldn’t cause a commotion, let alone revolt, over such a trifling matter.

Franz knew that his introduction of the Austrian language was merely political posturing, signaling that the Central Government valued each nationality and respected their linguistic and cultural heritage.

It wouldn’t satisfy everyone, but acting was better than inaction. The Austrian language indeed incorporated words from various ethnic languages, even if they were all obscure terms.

“Your Highness, language and script assimilation is a long-term investment. To complete this project, at least twenty years and continuous substantial funding will be necessary,” the Minister of Education, Count Hohenberg, Leo Von Tuss-Huohen, said after some thought.

Once the unified language and culture are included in national policy, the Ministry of Education’s influence would greatly increase. For the next several decades, the Ministry of Education would be the most important department in Austria.

Franz nodded and said, “Of course, I’ve already discussed the budget with the Prime Minister, and the government will find a solution.

This action to unify language and culture will be combined with Austria’s compulsory education.

Before implementing compulsory education, we lack a significant number of qualified teachers, and the Ministry of Education must resolve this issue as soon as possible.

If recruitment falls short, we’ll lower the standards for short-term training. As long as candidates have the right values, and can master basic primary education knowledge, they can begin teaching.”

The right values?

What are the right values?

Undoubtedly, these would be Franz’s version of a societal, value, and life outlook.

In summary, one must support the great Habsburg dynasty, be loyal to the great Emperor, abide by Austrian laws and regulations, and be free of bad habits.

If loyalty is sufficient, a lack of personal ability can be compensated for.

Training programs for teachers can be established if necessary. A slower pace is acceptable; we must not let a few bad apples spoil the next generation.

Prime Minister Felix said, “Exactly, the Cabinet has already drafted a preliminary plan to build 3,000 new public primary schools across the nation and promote universal compulsory education.

In the new public schools, Austrian language and mathematics will be the main subjects. In minority regions, courses in local minority languages will also be offered, but these languages will be electives and not counted toward examination scores for advancement.

The compulsory education in Austria is provisionally set for six years, and all children between the ages of six and twelve must enter school for compulsory education.”

Adolescents beyond this age group who wish to enter school for study must also be accepted by the schools.

After completing six years of compulsory education, students with excellent grades may enter secondary school through an entrance examination.

For those who are admitted to middle school on their own merit, the government can subsidize their education if they come from families with financial difficulties, and the same is true for university education.”

“Prime Minister, what about the funding? Even if we use the cheapest equipment, the annual cost won’t be less than 50 million shields, and with the allocation for higher education, I’m afraid the budget for education will exceed 100 million shields in the future.

Relying solely on tuition fees is just a drop in the bucket. Government financial resources are limited, and even with the Hungarian Region added, it’s at most 300 million shields. Can the government really afford to spend one-third of its funds on education?” Count Leo von Thun-Hohenberg asked with a furrowed brow.

Don’t think that as Minister of Education, he is unconcerned about other issues. Overall, the Austrian Government cannot possibly invest one-third of its finances in education.

In this survival of the fittest era, blindly investing in education could lead to the country’s premature downfall, before the dividends of education materialize.

Prime Minister Felix shook his head and said, “There’s no need to charge any fees; ordinary people simply cannot bear this expense. The government will find a way to resolve the funding.

The Ministry of Education should promptly draft a plan. We need to calculate the educational budget for the next year, as Austria will initiate compulsory education starting in 1849.”

The matter of cutting into the Church’s share is still confidential at this time. With Franz’s ascension to the throne imminent, stability in Austria is paramount, and naturally, it’s not a time to create unnecessary complications.

Franz spoke up, “Alright, we will discuss the specific funding issues in a separate Cabinet meeting later. Today’s main focus is to implement compulsory education.

Austria is not wealthy, and we can only manage poor education. With limited funding, we should cultivate as much talent as possible.”

This cultivation of talent? It clearly does not mean cultivating high-tech personnel. Franz couldn’t possibly set such a high bar; the compulsory education they offered was merely to produce industrial workers with a certain level of cultural knowledge.

Even if they were just primary school graduates, a qualified engineer or two would emerge from the large base of industrial workers. Their developmental ceiling would be much higher than that of an illiterate laborer.

“Yes, Your Highness!” Count Leo von Thun-Hohenberg, the Minister of Education, replied.

Austria’s compulsory education was influenced by the neighboring Kingdom of Prussia. At this time, the only successful example of compulsory education was in the Kingdom of Prussia; England and France had not yet started.

While emulating the framework of Prussia, the two differed when it came to specific details.

Austria’s foray into compulsory education at this time was also a form of poor education—in essence, it was about being as cheap as possible.

According to Franz’s plan, this type of affordable compulsory education was in fact not expensive at all.

For instance, schools could use local churches or seize the property of rebellious dissidents, or call upon the people to build a few wooden huts. As long as they could make do for the moment, it would be fine.

Another example was the textbooks: it was sufficient to ensure that teachers had books in their hands, and whether students could get textbooks would depend on the budget. There was no need for paper and ink; each student could simply bring a sand tray to class.

The largest expense was teacher salaries and student meal costs.

Franz, who had himself experienced hard times before his transmigration, understood that for many lower-class citizens, having three meals a day was a burdensome challenge.

Asking parents to bear the cost of their children’s meals was beyond the means of many families, or else there wouldn’t be so many child laborers.

If the economic conditions allowed, who would have the heart to let children of a few years old enter the dark factories?

Keep in mind, the mortality rate among child workers was incredibly high; someone who left in good shape in the morning might not return by evening.

If they died, it was a thankless death, with no one holding the capitalists accountable. At most, they would casually pay out a few years’ worth of wages and consider the matter settled.

To avoid lowering the birth rate, Franz decided not to increase the education burden on parents—compulsory education costs would still be borne by the government.

After all, no one at this time would be picky; no matter the school environment, it would still be better than a factory. At the very least, Franz could ensure an adequate supply of dark bread, so no one would go hungry.

Of course, as a high and mighty Crown Prince, it would be better for him not to suggest such a scheme. It would be more convincing if it came from the common people themselves.

“Release the news that Austria is preparing to launch compulsory education, seek public opinion, and find the most cost-effective and suitable education model for Austria,” Franz said.

Chapter 113

Berlin

Palmerston’s arrival did not bring good news to Frederick William IV; the British stood against them as well.

“Your Majesty, the current situation is very unfavorable for us. All European countries are against us. Austria, the only great power supporting us, is only doing so due to public opinion; they will not provide us with any substantial help,” Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich said with a frown.

Taking on Russia alone on land before the end of the Crimean War was something no country in Europe, including Prussia, had the courage to do.

Having such a neighbor was the greatest misfortune of the Kingdom of Prussia. Since they couldn’t beat them, it was better to be friends, and Prusso-Russian relations had always been the most important part of Prussian diplomacy.

“Is the bourgeoisie government still unwilling to compromise?” Frederick William IV asked with concern.

Radovich thought for a moment and said, “Yes, Your Majesty. Now the public’s morale is high. After Austria declared their support for us, German nations have been waving our flag and shouting for us; they attempt to use public opinion to force us into war with Russia.

The bourgeoisie government believes it is not the time to dampen the people’s morale. They want to wait until Austria has dealt with its internal conflicts and then join forces with us to resist Russian pressure.”

Indeed, Russia, the European Gendarme, was very formidable, not something Prussia could compare with. However, after forming an alliance with Austria, the situation would be reversed, as Russia could not handle a two-front opposition.

But the question is, why would Austria stand against Russia and help Prussia expand its territory? Where are their interests?

Frederick William IV thought for a while and then said, “Inform our people to take action, cool down the domestic public opinion, and tell my Arnim to back off for now. It’s not yet time to challenge the Russians.”

No one had expected that the leader of the liberals was actually the King’s man. It’s no wonder that after the outbreak of the great revolution, Prussia could so quickly reach an internal compromise.

However, those familiar with history know that this Prussia-Denmark War was just a conflict stirred up by Prussia to divert its internal disputes.

Through external warfare, they successfully shifted the nation’s focus away, creating favorable conditions for the counter-revolutionary groups to strike back.

How could the bourgeoisie government even consider provoking a Prusso-Russian conflict before they had secured their power without someone guiding them?

Whether it was planning the Polish independence movement or launching the Prussia-Denmark War, both challenged the Russians’ bottom line. A misfire could be disastrous for the Kingdom of Prussia.

To avoid a situation spiraling out of control, Frederick William IV intervened several times to call a halt and ease tensions. To some extent, this was also a Prussian test for the Russians.

In August 1848, under international pressure, the Kingdom of Prussia made concessions to Russia, and the Prussia-Denmark War entered into an intermission phase. The two countries signed the Malmo Truce Agreement.

Vienna

On receiving the Malmo Truce Agreement, the Austrian Government thought that the Prussia-Denmark War had effectively ended. The compromise by Prussia greatly dissatisfied the nationalistic Germans in the region, and Austria’s plan had succeeded.

Only Franz knew that things were not so simple. Through this test, the Prussians had obtained the answer they wanted: the Russians would not easily wage war against them.

The main reason was the Tsarist Government was rather poor, and the Kingdom of Denmark was also unable to bear the cost of the war. If a war broke out with the Kingdom of Prussia, many Russian plans would have to be put on hold.

“This truce agreement came too quickly. Its terms are too favorable to the Danish people, which is very odd. On the battlefield, Prussia had the upper hand; there’s no reason for them to take this loss.

Under normal circumstances, the Prussian Government would just need to hold on a little longer, and the Danish people would have made concessions – maybe even gotten a little extra out of it. How could they just accept this loss?” Franz said.

Prussia was also a European power, albeit at the bottom of the great powers, but still a member of the club of powers; how could they accept such an obvious loss?

No matter how strong foreign diplomatic pressure was, without military intervention, why should they make such a significant concession?

Metternich seemed to think of something, but was not sure, so he asked, “Your Highness, do you mean that the Prussians have a plot?”

“Yes!”

“As the two largest nations in the German region, we have always wanted to unify the region – don’t the Prussians also want to unify the German region?”

“After a series of failures, we realized that with Austria’s situation, other countries would not allow us to unify the German Region, and we reluctantly gave up.”

“However, once we have the opportunity to unify the German Region, we will not give up either.”

“Now the Prussians have stirred up nationalism and are promoting the idea of a great unification, and they have proposed the unscrupulous Lesser Germany plan. What are all these for?”

“Without a doubt, the Prussians know they lack the strength to unify the German Region, so they have taken a step back and prepared to kick us out, establishing a Lesser German Empire.”

“Not long ago, we just thwarted their conspiracy at the Frankfurt meeting. Why did Frederick William IV refuse to recognize the Frankfurt meeting that was obviously inclined towards Prussia?”

“Is it really because the crown was not legitimate enough? In my view, he dares not. Once he supports the Frankfurt meeting, he will stand against the German Confederation.”

“The Kingdom of Prussia has limited strength; they cannot afford to dilute their power. They have compromised in the war over the Danish issue, mostly because they want to stir up trouble in the German Region.”

“The Foreign Ministry must maintain contact with the governments of the states at all times, and not let the Prussians find an opportunity. If necessary, we can send troops to help them stabilize the situation.”

Franz’s well-reasoned analysis revealed his foresight.”

“Historically, at this juncture, the Prussians were continuously liaising with the Sub-States of the German Region, establishing the ‘Triangular Alliance,’ attempting to replace Austria-controlled German Federation, taking the first step towards unifying the German Region.”

“Even though later they were slapped back by Austria and the Triangular Alliance was disbanded, the Kingdom of Prussia’s status in the German Region was greatly elevated.”

“They even used this opportunity to feign weakness intentionally, continuously publicizing the shame of the Olmütz Agreement on Prussia, which weakened the vigilance of the great powers against them.”

“These are all Franz’s personal speculations. He admires the ability of the Kingdom of Prussia to unify the German Region amidst such constraints.”

“However, now his position determines his stance; he is not a loyal follower of Prussia—like Peter III, he cannot afford to be biased.”

“He can only speculate on the Prussians’ actions with the utmost malice, to avoid leaving any opportunities for the enemy.”

“With Austria prepared, it won’t be easy for the Prussians to pull in allies. In terms of influence in the German Region, Prussia simply cannot compare with Austria.”

“If in this era destiny were decided by a public vote, Franz could even get ready for the coronation as Emperor of Germany, as the Habsburg Family holds an absolute advantage.”

“Your Highness, currently, many of the Sub-States in the German Region are unstable. If the Prussians want to intervene, they are likely to attract some Sub-States to ally with them, under the pretense of helping stabilize their situations.”

“Judging by strength, the Prussians are likely to first woo the Northern German States and then penetrate the Southern German States.”

“As for unifying the German Region, this is most likely just a pretense. Unifying Northern Germany is the limit of tolerance that other states have for the Kingdom of Prussia,” Metternich analyzed from a diplomatic standpoint.”

“Indeed, this is the situation at present, but it might not be so in the future. Historically, the Kingdom of Prussia used the conflicts between the great powers to defeat their enemies one by one, unifying the German Region, excluding Austria.”

“Due to geopolitics, religion, and economy, Austria has the greatest influence in the German Region, yet the Northern German States’ bourgeoisie is generally inclined towards the Kingdom of Prussia, giving Prussia a mass base to unify Northern Germany.”

“However, now Austria cannot tolerate Prussia unifying Northern Germany so soon, as this would mean the two sides’ strengths are getting closer.”

“Franz has yet to complete domestic reforms. The rise of a strong Kingdom of Prussia would threaten Austria’s interests.”

“The Foreign Ministry will try to disrupt the Prussians’ plans and also strengthen relations with the Southern German States. The government is ready to negotiate with the Customs Union, and Austria also wants to join.”

“If the Prussians obstruct, we can draw out the Southern German States to reorganize the Customs Union. If necessary, we can split the German Federation!” Franz said seriously.”

“In the Northern Germany Region, Austria only needs to delay the unification process of the Kingdom of Prussia, and when necessary, could even do a trade-off for benefits. Whereas in the Southern Germany Region, Franz will not let go easily under any circumstances.”

“Even if it’s impossible to annex these countries, we must establish alliances and infiltrate through political, economic, and cultural means.”

“Further deepening the current alliance relationship is a good choice. If necessary, we can all collaborate to establish a loose Federal Empire.”

“For example, following the once Holy Roman Empire, as long as there is nominal unity, we can gradually achieve merging through economic and cultural influence in the future.”

Table of Contents

Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Chapter 4
Chapter 5
Chapter 6
Chapter 7
Chapter 8
Chapter 9
Chapter 10
Chapter 11
Chapter 12
Chapter 13
Chapter 14
Chapter 15
Chapter 16
Chapter 17
Chapter 18
Chapter 19
Chapter 20
Chapter 21
Chapter 22
Chapter 23
Chapter 24
Chapter 25
Chapter 26
Chapter 27
Chapter 28
Chapter 29
Chapter 30
Chapter 31
Chapter 32
Chapter 33
Chapter 34
Chapter 35
Chapter 36
Chapter 37
Chapter 38
Chapter 39
Chapter 40
Chapter 41
Chapter 42
Chapter 43
Chapter 44
Chapter 45
Chapter 46
Chapter 47
Chapter 48
Chapter 49
Chapter 50
Chapter 51
Chapter 52
Chapter 53
Chapter 54
Chapter 55
Chapter 56
Chapter 57
Chapter 58
Chapter 59
Chapter 60
Chapter 61
Chapter 62
Chapter 63
Chapter 64
Chapter 65
Chapter 66
Chapter 67
Chapter 68
Chapter 69
Chapter 70
Chapter 71
Chapter 72
Chapter 73
Chapter 74
Chapter 75
Chapter 76
Chapter 77
Chapter 78
Chapter 79
Chapter 80
Chapter 81
Chapter 82
Chapter 83
Chapter 84
Chapter 85
Chapter 86
Chapter 87
Chapter 88
Chapter 89
Chapter 90
Chapter 91
Chapter 92
Chapter 93
Chapter 94
Chapter 95
Chapter 96
Chapter 97
Chapter 98
Chapter 99
Chapter 100
Chapter 101
Chapter 102
Chapter 103
Chapter 104
Chapter 105
Chapter 106
Chapter 107
Chapter 108
Chapter 109
Chapter 110
Chapter 111
Chapter 112
Chapter 113